THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

MERAUGIS DE PORTLESGUEZ, BY RAOUL DE HOUDENC:

AN EDITION BASED ON THE TURIN MANUSCRIPT

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DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF ROMANCE LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES

BY

COLLEEN PATRICIA DONAGHER

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

DECEMBER 2011
 UMI Number: 3487605

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments v

Abstract vii

Introduction 1

Abbreviated Titles and References 1

Life and Works of the Author 4

Raoul the Trouvère 5

Raoul de Houdenc? 11

Meraugis de Portlesguéz and Its Date of Composition 17

Summary of Meraugis de Portlesguéz 20

Following the Master: Tradition and Revision in

Meraugis de Portlesguéz 30

Establishment of the Text 78

The Manuscript Tradition 78

Previous Editions 81

Relations Among the Manuscripts 83

The Base Manuscript 85

Presentation of the Text 91

The Language of the Manuscript 103

A Note on the Translation 141

Text of Meraugis de Portlesguéz 142

iii
Translation of Meraugis de Portlesguéz 332

Notes 522

Rejected Readings 607

Significant Variants 621

The Prologue to Manuscript W 669

Text 669

Translation 671

Notes 673

Glossary 675

Index of Proper Names 681

Bibliography 689

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For graciously sharing with me his vast knowledge of philology, for kindness

and support, for insight and inspiration and so much more, my deepest thanks go first

of all to Professor Peter F. Dembowski, without whom this project would never have

been possible. No words can convey what a privilege and joy it has been to complete

this work under his guidance.

To Professors Daisy Delogu and Larry Norman go my very special thanks for

serving on my committee and for all the help they have provided in the revision of my

dissertation.

I would also like to thank the other faculty members of the Department of

Romance Languages and Literatures of the University of Chicago, especially those with

whom I was privileged to study or who offered valuable help and guidance, including

Professors Morrissey, Desan, Meltzer, Lawler, Krance, Crampé, Pavel, and Desormeaux.

I am grateful as well to others outside this institution, especially Professors Emanuel

Mickel, F. R. P. Akehurst, and Samuel Rosenburg, from whom I first acquired an

interest in the language and literature of medieval France.

No dissertation can come into being without the help of administrative staff,

technical assistants, librarians, and others. Among a host of helpful people, I am

especially grateful to the patient librarians of the Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di

Torino, to Casae and Jennifer, to Colleen Mullarkey, to the outstanding technicians of

the Mac Lab, and to Aileen Mandel; Aileen, though sadly no longer with us, would

have been pleased to see the completion of this project. Special thanks also to Judy

v
Allen, who provided shelter and pleasant companionship during my recent time in

Chicago, as well as an endless supply of helpful information and highly entertaining

stories; thanks as well to housemates who helped with this project in so many ways.

Happy and heartfelt thanks go to my good friend Alice McLean, who has

contributed so very much to this project, to Alan Savage, and to all the other friends and

colleagues who have been companions along the road; I wish them joy and continued

success. My very special thanks as well to those friends who know not a word of Old

French but who through their kindness and good wishes kept reminding me that I

could do this, especially Beatrix, Gloria, Maureen, Pat, Paula, and Teresa, among many

people at home who have shown their support. To be rich in friends is to be as rich as

the king of Cavalon.

My warmest appreciation goes to all my family for their generosity and kindness

over the years, but on this occasion especially to my cousin Jack Beem, distinguished

University of Chicago alumnus and long-term source of inspiration.

Finally, my thanks go, above all, to my husband, William Miles Cox, professor of

psychology, gentle counselor, and eagle-eyed editor, whose support for me and for this

project has been unwavering and often astonishing. It is to him that this work is

dedicated.

vi
 ABSTRACT

Meraugis de Portlesguez is an Arthurian verse romance of nearly 6000 lines that

was most probably composed in the early 13th century. Its author, Raoul de Houdenc, is

thought to have been a minor nobleman and professional military man who was also

the nephew of a famous churchman, Peter the Chanter. Beginning with the conflict

between two friends who love the same woman, one for her beauty and the other (the

eponymous hero) for her courtliness, the romance follows the tentative formation of a

couple and the subsequent testing of the hero, his struggles, mistakes, and eventual

success, treating in the process such themes as the nature of love and the proper

relationship between the individual and the community. One of a number of so-called

“epigones” of the master romancer Chrétien de Troyes, and perhaps the most successful

among them, Raoul de Houdenc owes much to his famous predecessor while at the

same time producing an innovative and entertaining work of unique perspective and

substantial literary merit.

As this text is unique, so the present edition is the result of a unique set of

circumstances. Meraugis de Portlesguez has been preserved in three complete

manuscripts and two fragments. Its first critical edition appeared in 1897, the work of

the German scholar Mathias Friedwagner using the Lachmann method. From the

stemma he constructed, Friedwagner concluded that the Vatican manuscript, or V, was

the closest to the original text of the three complete manuscripts, and he therefore used

it as the basis for his edition, which also included an extensive list of variants from all

manuscripts. In a review of this edition, however, Gaston Paris expressed the opinion,

vii
backed up by numerous examples, that the Turin manuscript, or T, though a later copy

than the others, was closest to the original text, and he suggested ways of improving the

edition based on it. The Turin manuscript sustained heavy damage from the fire that

swept through the Biblioteca Nazionale in 1904, so that much of it is now illegible. As a

result, later editors, although taking Gaston Paris’s recommendations into account, have

unsurprisingly used V rather than T as the basis for their editions. Because of the work

of Mathias Friedwagner, however, it has been possible to reconstruct most of the

content of the Turin manuscript and produce a satisfactory, albeit imperfect, critical

edition with T as the base. The resulting edition—presented here with an introduction,

translation, notes, critical apparatus, glossary, and index of proper names—makes the

nuances of this important manuscript more easily accessible to scholars than has

previously been possible and thus provides a supplement to the other editions of this

major work.

viii
 INTRODUCTION

Abbreviated Titles and References

The following abbreviated titles are used when referring to frequently cited

texts in the Introduction and Notes:

• Christopher Bruce: Bruce, Christopher W. The Arthurian Name Dictionary.

New York and London: Garland, 1999

• Cligés: Chrétien de Troyes. Cligés. Edited by Philippe Walter. In Chrétien

de Troyes: Œuvres complètes. Edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion.

Bibliothèque de la Pléiade. Paris: Gallimard, 1994.

• Continuations: The Continuations of the Old French Perceval of Chrétien de

Troyes. Edited by William Roach and R. H. Ivy. 5 vols. Philadelphia:

University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949-1983.

• Dit: “Li Dis Raoul Hosdaing.” Edited by Charles H. Livingston. Romanic

Review 13 (1922): 292-304.

• Erec: Chrétien de Troyes. Erec et Énide. Edited by Peter F. Dembowski. In

Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres complètes. Edited under the direction of Daniel

Poirion. Bibliothèque de la Pléiade. Paris: Gallimard, 1994.

• Flutre: Flutre, Louis-Fernand. Table des noms propres avec toutes leurs

variantes figurant dans les romans du Moyen Âge écrits en français ou en

provençal et actuellement publiés ou analysés. Poitiers: CESCM, 1962.

1
• Foulet and Speer: Foulet, Alfred, and Mary Blakely Speer. On Editing Old

French Texts. Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1979.

• Fourrier: Fourrier, Anthime, “Raoul de Hodenc: est-ce lui?” In Mélanges

de linguistique romane et philology médiévale offerts à Maurice Delbouille, vol.

1., 165-193. Gembloux: J. Ducolot, 1964.

• Friedwagner: Raoul de Houdenc. Meraugis de Portlesguez: Altfranzösicher

Abenteuerroman. Edited by Mathias Friedwagner. Raoul von Houdenc:

Sämtliche Werke, nach allen bekannten Handscriften, vol. 1. Halle: Niemeyer,

1897.

• Friedwagner, Vengeance: Raoul de Houdenc. La Vengeance Raguidel:

Altfranzösicher Abenteuerroman. Edited by Mathias Friedwagner. Raoul von

Houdenc: Sämtliche Werke, nach allen bekannten Handscriften, vol. 2. Halle:

Niemeyer, 1909.

• Gaston Paris: Review of Meraugis de Portlesguez: Altfranzösicher

Abenteuerroman, edited by Mathias Friedwagner. Romania 27 (1898): 307-

318.

• Gossen: Gossen, Carl Theodor. Grammaire de l’ancien picard. Revised

edition. Paris: Klincksieck, 1970.

• Lancelot, ou Le Chevalier de la Charrette. Edited by Daniel Poirion. In

Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres complètes. Edited under the direction of Daniel

Poirion. Bibliothèque de la Pléiade. Paris: Gallimard, 1994.

• Mihm (also Songe d’Enfer): Raoul de Houdenc. The Songe d’Enfer of Raoul

de Houdenc: An Edition Based on All the Extant Manuscripts. Edited by

Madelyn Timmel Mihm. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984.

2
• Perceval (also Conte du Graal): Chrétien de Troyes. Perceval, ou Le Conte du

Graal. Edited by Daniel Poirion. In Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres complètes.

Edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion. Bibliothèque de la Pléiade.

Paris: Gallimard, 1994.

• Roman des Eles: Raoul de Hodenc. Le Roman des Eles. In Le Roman des Eles.

The Anonymous Ordene de Chevalerie. Edited by Keith Busby. Amsterdam

and Philadelphia: J. Benjamins, 1983.

• Roussineau: Raoul de Houdenc. La Vengeance Raguidel: Edition critique.

Edited by Gilles Roussineau. 2nd ed. Geneva: Droz, 2006.

• Schmolke-Hasselmann: Schmolke-Hasselmann, Beate. The Evolution of

Arthurian Romance: The Verse Tradition from Chrétien to Froissart. 1980.

Translated by Margaret and Roger Middleton. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1998.

• Songe d’Enfer: same as Mihm, above.

• Szkilnik: Raoul de Houdenc. Meraugis de Portlesguez: Roman arthurien du

XIIIe siècle, publié d’après le manuscrit de la Bibliothèque du Vatican. Edited by

Michelle Szkilnik. Paris: H. Champion, 2004.

• Yvain: Chrétien de Troyes. Yvain, ou Le Chevalier au Lion. Edited by Karl

D. Uitti and Philippe Walter. In Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres complètes.

Edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion. Bibliothèque de la Pléiade.

Paris: Gallimard, 1994.

3
 Life and Works of the Author

Meraugis de Portlesguéz,1 by Raoul de Houdenc,2 is an Arthurian verse romance

of nearly 6000 lines3 most probably dating from the early 13th century,4 one of many

such texts that must be read and understood in the light of the Arthurian romances of

Chrétien de Troyes.5 One of a number of works now often referred to as “epigonal

romances” imitating those of their authors’s more famous predecessor ,6 Meraugis is

generally considered one of the best works of its kind,7 and it is also acknowledged to

1
Portlesguéz is written with an acute accent mark throughout this study because of the graphic practice
of the scribes of the base manuscript (see the linguistic description below). It is written in the title of the
study without the accent in accordance with the name’s traditional appearance. For principal editions of
the work, see the section on previous editions, below.
2
The spelling of the author’s name as established in the earliest editions of Meraugis and in most
editions of Raoul’s works is followed here for purposes of continuity. An alternative spelling, Raoul de
Hodenc, was used by Keith Busby for his edition of Le Roman des Eles (Amsterdam and Philadelphia:
J. Benjamins, 1983) and also by Paul Meyer in his “Fragment de Méraugis,” Romania 19 (1890): 459-
462.
3
In the standard editions, 5938 (Friedwagner) and 5908 (Szkilnik), compared to 5870 for this edition.
(Bibliographic information for the Friedwagner and Szkilnik editions is given in the list of abbreviated
titles, above, as well as the Bibliography below.)
4
See below for the text’s probable dates limites.
5
Among numerous considerations of this issue, see especially J. Douglas Bruce, The Evolution of
Arthurian Romance from the Beginnings Down to the Year 1300, 2 vols. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
Press, 1923); Roger Sherman Loomis, ed., Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: A Collaborative
History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959); and Beate Schmolke-Hasselmann, The Evolution of Arthurian
Romance: The Verse Tradition from Chrétien to Froissart (1980), trans. Margaret and Roger Middleton
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and others. As Keith Busby (for example, in “Le
Roman des Eles as a Guide to the Sens of Meraugis de Portlesguez,” in The Spirit of the Court, ed. Glyn
S. Burgess and Robert A. Taylor [Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1985]: 79-89) and others have rightly
stressed, however, it is important as well to judge this and related texts on their own merits and not
simply by comparison with the works of Chrétien.
6
The terms “epigonal” and “epigone” are used by Schmolke-Hasselmann in her discussion of the body
of works to which Meraugis belongs and their authors (pp. 32 ff.) (see her introduction as well for a
listing and description of the works to which she applies the concept of Epigonentum), and in the
foreword by Keith Busby (see especially pp. xii-xiii).
7
The text’s artistic merits have long been recognized, even by critics who have found fault with it for
one reason or another. See, for example, Gaston Paris’s remarks in “Romans en vers du cycle de la
Table Ronde,” Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 30 (Paris, 1888), especially pp. 235-37. Although
critical of some aspects of Raoul’s style, Bruce states that “the Meraugis is, undoubtedly, one of the best
of the Arthurian romances, outside of Chrétien” (vol. 2, p. 208), and Schmolke-Hasselmann finds it to
be one of the most successful examples of thirteenth-century Arthurian texts “designed to further the

4
have had a significant influence on later Arthurian romances.8 Despite the work’s

undoubted importance, however, and despite evident early popularity, there is limited

and sometimes inconclusive evidence regarding the author’s life and other works.

Raoul the Trouvère

The following passage from the Tornoiement de l’Antéchrist,9 by Huon de Mery,

is well known in large part for what it tells us about the way a certain “Raoul” was

regarded in the Middle Ages, or at least in early 13th century France. The narrator,

Huon, tells us that the poet of the Antechrist

…n’osoit pas prendre a delivre

Le bel franchois a son talent,

Car cil qui troverent avant

En ont cuilli tote l’eslite;

Pur ço est ceste ovre mains eslite

E plus fu fort a achever.

Mult mis grant paine a eschiver

acquisition of cortoisie and through it the perfection of the person” (p. 158). See also D. E. Campbell,
“Form and Meaning in the Meraugis de Portlesguez,” Genre 2 (1969): 9-22.
8
For some of these texts, see Alexandre Micha’s remarks in Loomis, Arthurian Literature in the Middle
Ages, pp. 374-75; Cäsar Habemann’s “Die literarische Stellung des Meraugis de Portlesguez in der
altfranzösischen Artusepik” (Inaugural dissertation, Göttingen: Haensch, 1908), pp. 77-92; Mathias
Friedwagner’s introduction to his edition of Meraugis, pp. LXXXIV-XC; and Michelle Szkilnik’s
discussion “Postérité de Meraugis” in the introduction to her edition of the work, pp. 37-39, as well as
her “Méraugis, l’homme sans père,” in Lignes et lignages dans la littérature arthurienne. Actes du 3e
colloque arthurien, 13-14 October 2005, eds. Christine Ferlampin-Acher and Denis Hüe (Rennes:
Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007): 293-302.
9
Editions of the text are by Prosper Tarbé (Reims: P. Regnier, 1851), Georg Wimmer (Marburg: N. G.
Elwert, 1888), and Margaret O. Bender (University, Mississippi: Romance Monographs No. 17, 1976).
The spelling of the title and the author’s name are taken from Tarbé’s edition, with quotations taken
from Bender’s.

5
 Les dis Raoul et Crestien,

Que onques bouche de Crestien

Ne dit si bien com il disoient.

Mes quan qu’il distrent, il prenoient

Le bel françois trestout a plain

Si cum il lor venoit a main,

Si c’aprés eus n’ont rien guerpi. (3528-41)10

Not only were “Raoul et Crestien” perfect masters of “le bel françois” but, according to

this author, they left very little for later poets to cultivate! That the composer of

Meraugis de Portlesguéz should thus be spoken of in the same breath as Chrétien de

Troyes, whom the authors of all subsequent medieval French Arthurian verse romance

took as model and master,11 shows the esteem in which this poet must have been held

at that time.

Raoul de Houdenc is believed to be the author of several additional works in a

variety of styles, and his authorship of others has been extensively debated. His

authorship of the Roman des Eles,12 a didactic work of almost 700 lines13 that describes

10
Bender’s edition is quoted as it appears, without corrections to the meter.
11
Part One of Schmolke-Hasselmann’s work, entitled “The response to Chrétien: Tradition and
Innovation in Arthurian romance” (pp. 31-216), deals in depth with this issue. See also Keith Busby’s
“Chrétien de Troyes and Raoul de Houdenc: Romancing the Conte,” French Forum XVI (1991): 133-
148, in which Busby states that the relationship between master and epigone must have been a difficult
one in this case (p. 133).
12
Editions of the work are by Tarbé, included with Le Tornoiement de l’Antéchrist (pp. 149-164);
Auguste Scheler (Brussels: C. Muquardt, 1868; later re-edited in Trouvères belges, nouvelle série:
Chansons d’amour, jeux-partis, pastourelles, satires, dits et fabliaux [Louvain: Lefever, 1879]: 248-
284); Matteo Majorano (Bari: Adriatica Editrice, 1983); and Keith Busby. The work’s popularity is
evidenced by at least six extant manuscripts (see especially the descriptions by Busby, including of a
possible seventh, pp. 3-6 in his introduction).
13
660 in Busby’s edition, from which all quotations and line references here are taken.

6
the “two wings” of knightly prowess, largece and cortoisie, is universally accepted, and

that work, as will be seen later in this discussion, is useful to the understanding and

interpretation of Meraugis.14 Raoul is also accepted as the author of the Songe d’Enfer,15

an allegorical and satirical poem of just under 700 lines16 treating a dream journey to

hell, including an infernal banquet, and also of a short dit17 that has been given two

different titles, Le Borjois borjon18 and Li Dis Raoul Hosdaing,19 by its editors.

Rather less certain is the attribution to Raoul de Houdenc of the verse romance

La Vengeance Raguidel,20 an Arthurian text in which Gauvain plays the major role. Even

14
See the introductions to the editions of Majorano and Busby, and also the latter’s “Le Roman des Eles
as a Guide to the Sens of Meraugis de Portlesguez.”
15
The most important editions are by Auguste Scheler (in Trouvères belges, nouvelle série: Chansons
d’amour, jeux-partis, pastourelles, satires, dits et fabliaux [Louvain: Lefever, 1879]: 176-200), Philéas
Lebesgue (in Le Songe d’Enfer, suivi de La Voie de Paradis: Poèmes du XIIIe siècle [Paris: Sansot,
1908]), and the now-standard edition by Madelyn Timmel Mihm (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984),
which is used for all quotations and references here. Prosper Tarbé also edited part of the Songe and
published it with Le Tornoiement de l’Antéchrist (pp. 134-48). See Mihm, pp. 18-20, for a description
of the earlier editions, including one by Jubinal that appeared in 1837.
16
The Songe contains 682 lines in Mihm’s edition.
17
Mihm states that Raoul is “probably” the author of the dit (p. 1), but most critics do not question the
attribution; for example, Gilles Roussineau (see the introduction to his edition of the Vengence Raguidel,
p. 17) and Busby (in his introduction to the Roman des Eles, p. 14, and elsewhere). For the definition
and nature of the term dit, see Hans Robert Jauss, “Genèse de la poésie allégorique française au Moyen
Âge (de 1180 à 1240),” in L’Humanisme médiéval dans les littératures romanes du XIIe au XIVe siècle:
Colloque organisé par le Centre de Philologie et de Littératures Romanes de l’Université de Strasbourg
du 29 janvier au 2 février 1962, ed. Anthime Fourrier (Paris: Klincksieck, 1964), 107-146, especially
pp. 119 ff.
18
Thomas Wright first edited it as “Le Borjois Borjon” in Anecdota Literaria (London: John Russell
Smith, 1844), 55-59. Wright edited this work from a manuscript that also contains the Songe d’Enfer.
He took the title from a title written in the manuscript by a later hand and also from the final line of the
poem.
19
“Li Dis Raoul Hosdaing,” ed. Charles H. Livingston,” Romanic Review 13 (1922): 292-304.
Livingston edited the work from a different manuscript under this title, which he took from a 13th-
century marginal notation. This manuscript contains an attribution to “Raols de Hosdaing.” The work
was later edited by Lewis Thorpe, unaware of Livingston’s edition, as “Raoul de Houdenc: A Possible
New Poem,” Modern Language Review 47 (1952): 512-515.
20
Major editions of this work are by Célestin Hippeau, who attributed it to “le trouvère Raoul” and gave
it the title Messire Gauvain, ou La Vengeance de Raguidel (Paris: A. Aubry, 1862); Mattias
Friedwagner (the second volume of Raoul von Houdenc: Sämtliche Werke, nach allen bekannten
Handscriften [Halle: Niemeyer, 1909]); and Gilles Roussineau (this edition is used for all references and
quotations here and referred to as “Roussineau”). (For other editions, including partial ones, see

7
those who have edited it under this attribution have expressed doubts concerning the

identification of the author of the Vengeance with that of Meraugis. Mathias

Friedwagner, for example, hesitated on this point when he published his edition of

Meraugis as the first volume of a projected Sämtliche Werke21 of Raoul de Houdenc in

1897, although he did accept the attribution when he published the Vengeance.22 In his

recent critical edition of the Vengeance, Gilles Roussineau provides an extensive

examination of the debate and a review of the evidence,23 producing solid, if not

irrefutable, arguments for accepting the attribution.24 A number of other critics,

however, have thought differently.25

Several other works have on occasion been attributed to Raoul de Houdenc.

One of these is a work known as the Songe de Paradis or the Voie de Paradis,26 an

allegorical poem that is sometimes considered a sequel to the Songe d’Enfer and follows

Roussineau, p. 125; for the history of the title of the work, which was in the seventeenth century simply
called Gauvain, see his p. 43.)
21
The project remained unfinished, with only the two Arthurian romances being published.
22
See p. LXVI in Friedwagner’s edition of Meraugis and pp. CII-CLIII (“Die Verfasserschaft”) in his
edition of the Vengeance.
23
See pp. 11-26 of his introduction.
24
He finds that “un faisceau d’éléments concordants rend … fort probable, sinon assurée,
l’identification de Raoul avec Raoul de Houdenc” (p. 26).
25
For the history of the debate and analyses of the issues involved, see (in addition to the sections of
Friedwagner’s and Roussineau’s introductions to the Vengeance noted above) Alexandre Micha, “Raoul
de Houdenc est-il l’auteur de la Voie de Paradis et la Vengeance Raguidel?” in Romania 68 (1945):
316-360; and Verena Kundert-Forrer, Raoul de Houdenc, ein französischer Erzähler des XIII.
Jahrhunderts (Bern: Francke, 1960), especially pp. 121-36. The former does not accept the attribution,
whereas the latter does. C. Mussafia first suggested that Raoul de Houdenc and “Raoul” were one and
the same in his review of Hippeau’s edition, Germania 8 (1863): 217-22. Roussineau provides a very
good account of the critics ranged for and against (see especially pp. 11-17).
26
The Songe de Paradis was edited by August Scheler in Trouvères belges (pp. 200-248) and also by
Philéas Lebesgue in Le Songe d’Enfer, suivi de La Voie de Paradis. On the debate concerning
authorship, see especially Micha, “Raoul de Houdenc est-il l’auteur de la Voie de Paradis et la
Vengeance Raguidel?” and Kundert-Forrer, pp. 110-121. Both agree that Raoul de Houdenc is probably
not the author, as do most modern critics; see, for example, Marc-René Jung, Études sur le poème
allégorique en France au Moyen Âge, Romanica Helvetica 82 (Berne: Francke, 1971), p. 256; and
Busby’s introduction to the Roman des Eles, p. 14. Forrest S. Smith (Secular and Sacred Visionaries in
the Late Middle Ages [New York and London: Garland, 1986]) seems less certain and considers that,
regardless of the question of authorship, the two works form “a cohesive literary unity” (p. 39).

8
it in some manuscripts.27 A line from this poem, “Dame, je suis de Picardie,”28 has also

at times been used as a clue to the identity of Raoul de Houdenc,29 but the doubtful

attribution of this work to Raoul makes such conjecture untenable, as must the

recognition that the narrator of the poem cannot with any reliability be identified with

the historical poet. Another such text is the Chevalier à l’Épee,30 a work that has been

attributed both to Chrétien de Troyes31 and to Raoul.32 Le Roman de la Rose ou de

Guillaume de Dole,33 a work which precedes Meraugis in one of the manuscripts,34 has

also been attributed to Raoul, but this has long been recognized as incorrect.35

As to the order of composition and general time frame and of the various

works, current critical opinion is in agreement on some points and divided on others.

It has generally been thought that the satirical Songe d’Enfer, which differs in tone from

27
See Mihm’s description of the ten manuscripts of the Songe d’Enfer, pp. 21-44.
28
This is 630 in Scheler’s edition.
29
See, as an early example, p. 221 of Natalis de Wailly’s review of Henri-Victor Michelant’s edition of
Meraugis (Paris: Tross, 1869) in Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartres 30 (1869): 221-225.
30
The most important edition of this work is by R. C. Johnston and D. D. R. Owen, in Two Old French
Gauvain Romances: Le Chevalier à l’Épée and La Mule Sans Frein (Edinburgh and London: Scottish
Academic Press, 1972).
31
The attribution to Chrétien has not been entirely rejected. See the introduction to the work by
Johnston and Owen as well as Owen’s “Païen de Maisières—A Joke that Went Wrong,” Forum for
Modern Language Studies 2 (1966): 192-96; and his “Two More Romances by Chrétien de Troyes?”
Romania 92 (1971): 246-6. This attribution has not, however, won general acceptance; see, for
example, Harry F. Williams, “The Authorship of Two Arthurian romances,” in French Review 61, no. 2
(1987): 163-69.
32
For example, Arthur Dinaux, in Les Trouvères brabançons, hainuyers, liégeois et namurois, vol. 4,
Trouvères, jongleurs et ménestrels du nord de la France et du midi de la Belgique (Brussels: Heussner,
1863), states that this “joli fabliau” had formerly been attributed to Chrétien but had been “reconnu
depuis comme appartenant positivement à Raoul de Houdent.” (p. 607).
33
Principal editions are those of G. Servois (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1893), who does not attribute it to a
particular author; and of Rita Lejeune (Paris: E. Droz, 1936), Félix Lecoy (Paris: H. Champion, 1969),
and Regina Psaki (New York: Garland, 1995), all of whom attribute it to Jean Renart.
34
See the description of the Vatican manuscript below.
35
Dinaux (see his p. 608) was uncertain as to whether this text was by Raoul de Houdenc. On the
history of this attribution, see Servois’s edition, pp. XXX-XXXV, and Mihm’s note 5, pp. 1-2. The
work’s later editors do not discuss the former attribution to Raoul, indicating how little acceptance it has
had in more recent times.

9
the romances and the other didactic texts, is the last of Raoul’s known works.36

Although this conclusion is perhaps more open to question now than in the past,37

there is certainly more concrete evidence for the precise dating of the work than is

available for the other texts, including the romances. Based on statements found in

lines 487-509 of the text regarding the persecution by the cardinal legate Robert de

Courçon of a group of heretics known as papelards,38 as well as other events, Anthime

Fourrier was able to conclude in 1964 that the Songe was written “à la fin de 1214 ou

dans le courant de 1215.”39 Although not all critics since then have accepted Fourrier’s

evidence, most have found it convincing,40 and his is the dating that will be accepted

here.

As to the dating of the other works that are generally considered to be by Raoul

de Houdenc, not a great deal can be said with certainty. Keith Busby, in the

introduction to his edition of the Roman des Eles, states that “one can say little more

than that RE is probably one of Raoul’s earlier works” and that it probably dates from

about the same time as the Dit (p. 15). Accepting the conclusions of Kundert-Forrer,

who relates the Roman des Eles to certain artes poeticae of the twelfth and thirteenth

36
Mihm was able to state in 1984 that there was general agreement on this point (p. 9).
37
See, for example, the discussion of Szkilnik’s dating of the Meraugis, below.
38
The name literally means “bacon eaters.” See Mihm’s note to line 168, pp. 100-101, for its derivation
and application.
39
See “Raoul de Hodenc: est-ce lui?” in Mélanges de linguistique romane et de philologie médiévale
offerts à M. Maurice Delbouille, vol. 1 (Gembloux: Ducolot, 1964), p. 186. (This article is hereafter
referred to as Fourrier.)
40
Mihm (p. 5) notes the dates of the Songe suggested by several critics, and these range from 1200 to
1225. See also Marc-René Jung (Études sur le poème allégorique en France au Moyen Âge, p. 255),
Busby’s introduction to the Roman des Eles (p. 15), Majorano’s to the same work (p. 24), and
Roussineau (pp. 29-30).

10
centuries (pp. 12-17),41 he places the text at approximately 1210.42 As for the Vengeance,

which may or may not be by Raoul, it has often been considered to be at least earlier

than Meraugis43 by those who have accepted its attribution to Raoul de Houdenc.

There are, however, some fairly convincing reasons to think that it may have been

written later.44

Raoul de Houdenc?

Before considering the possible dates of composition of Meraugis de Portlesguéz,

along with its place among Raoul’s other works, it will be useful to look at some of the

major questions and problems regarding the author himself. Almost nothing is known

with absolute certainty about the identity and life of Raoul de Houdenc, which has

prompted much debate as to who he actually was and where he came from.

Nonetheless, certain suppositions have gained considerable acceptance in light of the

findings of modern scholarship.

In this regard, the most useful work is, again, that of Anthime Fourrier. In his

exploration of the possible identity of Raoul, Fourrier (pp. 165-71) discusses the

41
See Edmond Faral, Les Arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle: Recherches et documents sur la
technique littéraire du Moyen Âge (Paris: É. Champion, 1924), as well as the discussion of Raoul’s use
of rhetoric, below.
42
Busby also tentatively accepts the conclusions of both Micha (“Raoul de Houdenc,” p. 331) and
Fourrier (p. 179), who consider the Songe d’Enfer to be later than the other works on the basis of a
supposed improvement in the quality of Raoul’s writing.
43
This was, for example, the opinion of Friedwagner (see p. CLIII of his introduction to the Vengeance)
and of Richard Rohde (“La Vengeance de Raguidel, eine Untersuchung über ihre Beeinflüssung durch
Christian von Troyes und über ihren Verfasser” [Inaugural dissertation, Göttingen, Hannover:
Riemschneider, 1904], p. 62).
44
Roussineau, for example, is of this opinion, principally because of apparent references to Meraugis in
the Vengeance (see especially Roussineau’s pp. 23-24 and 30). Keith Busby, however, notes elsewhere
that, “with regard to the order of composition of the two texts, one is on even shakier grand than with the
question of authorship” (Gauvain in Old French Literature [Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1980], p. 264).

11
uncertainty that has surrounded the poet’s place of origin, dates, and social status.45

As has long been noted,46 it has proven extremely difficult to determine the specific

locale to which “Houdenc” might refer. Exploring this question, Friedwagner (pp.

LVII-LVIII, note 1) listed the following variant spellings of the name as found in the

extant manuscripts47 of Meraugis: Hodenc, Houdenc, Houdanc, Houdaing, Hosdaing,

Hodeng, Hodenge, Hodent, Hosdent, Hodan, and Houdon. Based on attested medieval

spellings of various locales in France and Belgium, Fourrier finds twelve possible

referents in Belgian Hainaut and in seven different French départements (pp. 166-67).48

Expanding the search to all the manuscripts of works believed to be by Raoul de

Houdenc, Mihm (pp. 3-4) notes that only Houdan and Houdent from the Songe d’Enfer

do not appear in Friedwagner’s list and that both of them figure among the variant

spellings given by Fourrier.49 It is evident, then, that more evidence is necessary in

order to localize Raoul’s “Houdenc,” and the main method of doing so in the past was

to consider the language of the manuscripts along with other possible clues, including

the line from the Voie de Paradis mentioned earlier, “Dame, je sui de Picardie.” Using

such evidence, a number of early critics formulated theories regarding Raoul’s country

of origin, most, as Fourrier notes, believing it to be either Houdenc-en-Bray, near

Beauvais in Picardie, or Houdan in Seine-et-Oise (Yvelines), as did Friedwagner.50

45
See also Mihm’s analysis of the conclusions of Fourrier and others (pp. 3-9).
46
See, for example, Michelant’s 1869 edition of Meraugis, pp. VI-VII, as well as p. 221 of de Wailly’s
review of that edition.
47
For descriptions of these, see the discussion of the manuscript tradition, below.
48
Mihm (p. 3) provides a concise list of these. See also Majorano (pp. 14-16).
49
Both Fourrier (p. 167) and Mihm (pp. 3-4) also conclude that nothing can be determined from the
analysis of the name in rhyme position, either in Raoul or in Huon de Méry.
50
See Friedwagner’s careful analysis (pp. LVII ff.), in which he reviews the evidence and critical
opinion and concludes that Houdan “hat … die grössere Wahrscheinlichkeit für sich” (p. LXIII).
Fourrier (pp. 167 ff.) also reviews the history of critical opinion on the question, implying that a few of
the opinions may have been influenced more by “patriotisme local” than solid evidence (p. 168).

12
With the shift of critical opinion regarding the authorship of the Voie de Paradis,

however, as well as the recognition that dialect in a manuscript does not provide

conclusive evidence as to the native dialect of an author, there having been a franco-

picard literary language in common use at the time,51 such arguments came to be

considered unreliable, leading some later critics simply to conclude that one could not

determine Raoul’s area of origin.52 Fourrier aptly summarizes the evidence: “rien à

tirer de la langue, rien à tirer de la forme du toponyme” (p. 169).

Concerning the dates of Raoul’s life and the probable range of dates for his

texts, there has been much speculation,53 but it is possible to draw certain limited

conclusions from textual evidence. Because of his mention of the “Graaus” in Meraugis

(5-7),54 it is evident that its terminus a quo must be the earliest possible date of the

51
As both Fourrier (pp. 168-69) and Mihm (p. 4) note, the work of Gertrud Wacker proved critical in
this regard. See Über das Verhältnis von Dialekt und Schriftsprache im Altfranzösischen, Beiträge zur
Geschichte der romanischen Sprachen und Literaturen 11 (Halle: Niemeyer, 1916), especially the
conclusions on p. 87.
52
See, for example, Kundert-Forrer, p. 89 (cited also by Fourrier, p. 169, and Mihm, p. 4) and Flutre’s
entry for Raoul de Houdenc (also cited by Fourrier).
53
Several early critics suggest a variety of dates for Raoul’s literary activity. In his review of a work by
Lucien Vuilhorgne entitled Un Trouvère picard des XIIe et XIIIe siècles: Raoul de Houdenc, sa vie et
ses œuvres (1170-1226) (Beauvais: D. Père, 1896), Friedwagner (Romania 27 [1898]: 318-320)
critiques Vuilhorgne’s dates of 1170-1226 as purely arbitrary (p. 319), believing it likely that Raoul died
soon after 1215 but making clear his opinion that the dates of Raoul’s birth and death are unknown; in
his introduction to Meraugis, Friedwagner states his belief that Raoul flourished between the end of the
twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries (see his analysis of the question and survey of
previous opinion, pp. LXIII-LXV). Gaston Paris, in the review of Friedwagner’s Meraugis that
immediately precedes Friedwagner’s review of Vuilhorgne (Romania 27 [1898]: 307-318), finds himself
“porté … à reculer autant que possible l’activité littéraire de Raoul” based on “traits archaïques” in the
text (p. 308). Lebesgue, in the introduction to Le Songe d’Enfer, suivi de La Voie de Paradis, p. 229,
suggests Raoul’s dates as 1170-1226. More recently, D. D. R. Owen, in The Vision of Hell: Infernal
Journeys in Medieval French Literature (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1970), p. 171, gives
similar dates of 1170-1230, although Mihm (p. 5) suggests that Owen’s dating is probably based on
Lebesgue’s.
54
These lines read as follows: Che fu li rois d’Escavalon, / Qui fu plus biaus quë Absalon, / Si com
tesmoigne li Graaus. They are an obvious reference to lines 4791-4793 of Perceval (see line note 5-6
below).

13
composition of Chrétien’s Perceval,55 which is probably about 1181.56 It is also accepted

that the references to Raoul in Huon de Méry’s Tornoiement de l’Antechrist quoted

above mean that the terminus ad quem predates that text because in it Huon speaks of

both Raoul and Chrétien de Troyes as if they were great masters of the past.57

Although there has been some minor disagreement as to the date of composition of the

Tornoiement,58 Marc-René Jung offers what seems to be convincing evidence, based on

historical references in the text, that it can be placed with some confidence between

May of 1235 and May of 1237,59 and these dates will be accepted here. Raoul can

therefore be assumed to have died before 1237.

Regarding Raoul’s social status and position, there has been much speculation

based on the content of his poems.60 Some early critics thought he was probably a

member of the clergy or a monk,61 based on the apparently harsh view of heretics

55
See Friedwagner, p. LXIV, note 2.
56
Although Friedwagner places it earlier (see the previous note), there now seems to be general
agreement for the dating of Perceval between 1181 and 1191, the date of the death of Philippe de
Flandre. See, for example, Jean Frappier, Chrétien de Troyes, l’homme et l’œuvre (Paris: Hatier, 1968),
p. 9, and Poirion’s introduction to his edition of Perceval (in Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres completes,
edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade [Paris: Gallimard, 1994]), p.
1299. Fourrier dates it between 1183 and 1184 in “Remarques sur la date du Conte del Graal de
Chrétien de Troyes,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian Society/Bulletin
Bibliographique de la Société Internationale Arthurienne 7 (1955): 89-101.
57
Huon states, for example, that “onques bouche de Crestien / Ne dit si bien com il disoient” (3536-37)
and that “aprés eus n’ont rien guerpi” (3541).
58
For example, Bender, in her introduction to the Tournoiment, p. 22, gives 1233 as the terminus a quo
and states that the work was most likely composed soon after that. Fourrier, p. 170, gives 1234 and
1240 as its very earliest and latest possible dates.
59
Études sur le poème allégorique en France au Moyen Âge, p. 272. The terminus a quo derives from a
reference in the text to the death of Philippe Hurepel, count of Boulogne, in 1234, and to a treaty signed
late that same year; the terminus ad quem, from an important event in 1237 of which Huon makes no
mention.
60
See Mihm, pp. 6-7; she provides a concise survey of the main proponents of various theories and their
arguments, and her work need not be repeated here. See also Friedwagner’s analysis of previous critical
opinion, pp. LXV-LXVIII, as well as Fourrier, pp. 170-71.
61
G. Servois, for example, discusses in the introduction to his 1893 edition of Guillaume de Dole (pp.
XXX ff.) the opinion of Fauchet and others that Raoul was probably a mendicant monk based on ten
lines that appear in the V manuscript (5898-5907 in Szkilnik’s edition of Meraugis, to which see her

14
demonstrated in the Songe de l’Enfer62 and his practice of moral and didactic literature

such as the Roman des Eles.63 Some of the arguments against such a view have included

the irreverent attitude manifested in the Songe d’Enfer toward corrupt clergy and

religious,64 as well his authorship of at least one courtly romance.65

Another view has held him to be, like Chrétien de Troyes, a poet employed by a

patron. His works, however, contain no formal dedication like those contained in, for

instance, Le Chevalier de la charette (1-29) and Le Conte del Graal (1-68), so this seems

unlikely. The privileged place of Largece in the Songe d’Enfer, the Dit, the Roman des

Eles, and even Meraugis,66 along with various indications of his having traveled

widely,67 have suggested to some that he was a wandering minstrel dependent on the

generosity of others.68

note 177, p. 445) (see also the description of V below). In response, Lucien Foulet, in his article
“Galeran et Jean Renart,” Romania 51 (1925): 76-104 (pp. 88-94 are relevant here), argues
convincingly that “Raoul n’a pas été plus moine que Jean [de Renart]” (p. 88) but that the scribe who
added these lines most probably was. Lebesgue, in his introduction to Le Songe d’Enfer (p. 14)
expresses the opinion that “Raoul de Houdenc” may have been a pseudonym for a monk, priest, or cleric
who wanted to become involved in the current campaign against heresy.
62
See, among many examples, Mihm’s note to line 490, p. 126.
63
Micha’s identification of Alain de Lille’s De sex alis Cherubim as the principal source of the Roman
des Eles lends support to this view; see “Une Source latine du Roman des ailes,” Revue du Moyen Âge
latin 1 (1945): 305-309.
64
For example, “Noirs moines a la tanoisie” (592) and “Noires nonnains au cretonné” (594) are served
at the infernal banquet along with heretics and sodomites (see Mihm’s notes to these lines, pp. 133-34).
65
As Fourrier notes with regard to the religious state, “on le croira difficilement pour un homme qui
cultive la littérature courtoise, qui peint l’enfer avec une désinvolture teintée d’humour et qui à son
entrée au palais infernal se dit ‘bien saluez de clers, d’esvesques et d’abez’” (p. 170).
66
On the importance of this and other abstract qualities in Raoul’s works, see the literary discussion,
below.
67
Mihm (p. 7) cites 413-16 of the Songe d’Enfer, in which the narrator names various places, including
England, that he has supposedly visited.
68
Both Kundert-Forrer (see pp. 89-90) and D. D. R. Owen (The Vision of Hell, p. 35), for example, are
of this opinion. For a study of minstrels in the literature of the period, see Edmond Faral, Les Jongleurs
en France au Moyen Âge (Paris: Champion, 1910). Lewis Thorpe, in a review of Kundert-Forrer’s
work, finds that “the market squares and the minor courts are crowded with these ghostly figures”
(Modern Language Review 56, no. 4 [1961], 606).

15
 Such evidence is, of course, exclusively text-based and therefore in large part

speculative. Some much more solid evidence was brought to light in 1964 by, once

again, the work of Fourrier, in this case through the study of documents that argue for

a link between Raoul and the important religious leader Petrus Cantor Parisiensis,

commonly known as Peter the Chanter,69 sometime canon and cantor of Notre-Dame

de Paris. Also known as Pierre de Hodenc, Peter the Chanter was a native of Hodenc-

en-Bray, near Beauvais. For precise details on the documents and evidence, the reader

is referred to Fourrier’s extended discussion (pp. 171 ff.).70 The most important facts to

be noted here are that a certain Radulfus, miles, is listed as one of two nephews of Peter

the Chanter, the other being his older brother Petrus, and is said to have a wife named

Basilia and children Giles and Aelina. The documents in question would make Raoul

a knight of relatively low station, benefiting from the generosity of his uncle, owing

allegiance to his older brother and living in Hodenc-en-Bray, a location to which, as

mentioned earlier, many scholars have pointed as the possible native territory of Raoul

de Houdenc. Based on evidence from the documents, Fourrier suggests 1165-1170 as

the limits for Raoul’s date of birth and 1221-1230 for the date of his death. Additional

support to Fourrier’s hypothesis is lent by a comparison of the works of Peter the

Chanter with some of the themes in Raoul’s works.71 A number of scholars and editors

have accepted the identification of the author of Meraugis with the nephew of Peter the

69
For information on Peter the Chanter, see John W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The
Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).
70
See also Mihm’s summary and analysis, pp. 8-9.
71
See Fourrier, pp. 186-93, and Mihm, pp. 10-11.

16
Chantor as likely,72 and Keith Busby was convinced enough by it to refer to the author

as “Raoul de Hodenc” in his edition of the Roman des Eles.

Meraugis de Portlesguéz and Its Date of Composition

Beyond the accepted likely dates limites for Raoul’s works, critical opinion has

remained uncertain of the date of composition of Meraugis de Portlesguéz, as with most

of the other texts attributed, or sometimes attributed, to him. As discussed above,

Meraugis has often been considered a relatively early work, particularly in comparision

with Le Songe d’Enfer, and those who have accepted Raoul’s authorship of the

Vengeance Raguidel have disagreed as to which of the two was written first, though

many have thought Meraugis to be the later text. Regardless of the order of

composition of the two Arthurian romances, acceptance of the first assumption would

place both works before 1215, and that time frame is indeed accepted by most critics.73

Yet a recent suggestion by Michelle Szkilnik74 calls into question the validity of such a

dating because of apparent correspondences between Meraugis and the Prose

Lancelot.75 Although most earlier critics who have noted similarities in the two texts

have tended to believe either that the author of the prose work knew Meraugis or that

72
For example, Szkilnik finds Fourrier’s suggestion “somme toute plutôt convaincant” (p. 33), and
Majorano thinks that the documents “forniscono un abito storico seducente” (p. 20), while Roussineau
(p. 37) seems convinced by Fourrier’s hypothesis.
73
Roussineau, for example, thinks it likely that both Arthurian romances were written in the first decade
of the thirteenth century (p. 37).
74
Szkilnik’s arguments can be found principally on pp. 17-18 and 35-36 of her edition, as well as in the
line notes cited on those pages.
75
Alexandre Micha, ed., 4 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1978-1983). The passages in question are found in Vol.
4, section LXXX, pp. 237-64.

17
the two shared an unknown source,76 Szkilnik finds that the common sequences in the

two texts suggest that it is more likely the author of Meraugis was familiar with the

Prose Lancelot. The common details are, she writes, “trop nombreuses et trop précises

pour être accidentelles” (p. 35), and the fact that three separate incidents in the Lancelot

are more closely linked in Meraugis suggests an artistic handling of material that is in

the sprawling prose text only very loosely related. She therefore suggests 1225 to 1235

as a likely dating for Meraugis,77 which would mean that Raoul de Houdenc composed

both of his Arthurian romances long after the Songe d’Enfer, and probably his other

didactic works as well. And, if Fourrier’s estimate of the possible dates of Raoul’s

death is correct, it would also mean that the work would have to have been composed

between 1225 and 1230 at the very latest.

These arguments, though impressive, are not definitive, and it must be

admitted that we still cannot be certain when Meraugis was composed or where it

stands in relation to Raoul’s other works. Nevertheless, Szkilnik’s suggestions are

certainly of interest, and reference to her main points is given at appropriate points in

the line notes below.

For purposes of the present discussion, the following assumptions will be

tentatively made based on the evidence of previous scholarship. First, Raoul de

Houdenc was in all probability a minor nobleman, a professional soldier (miles) who

was the vassal of his older brother. He had a wife and children and lived in relative

76
See especially G. Huet, “Le Lancelot en Prose et Méraugis de Portlesguez,” Romania 41 (1912): 518-
540; Bruce, 2:202-209; and Alexander Haggerty Krappe, “Über die Episode des Château des Caroles im
Méraugis de Portlesguez,” Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 57 (1933): 156-162; see
also Szkilnik’s note 46, p. 35, which cites these and additional sources.
77
In The Arthur of the French, Glyn S. Burgess and Karen Pratt, eds. (Cardiff: University of Wales
Press, 2006), however, her entry on Meraugis gives the more common dating of 1200 to 1215 (p. 421).

18
poverty. The nephew of a highly educated and influential man, Peter the Chanter, he

received a good clerical education that included the works of his uncle and of which he

seems to have made use in his own writing. He is the author of at least three didactic

works, the Dit Raoul de Houdenc, the Roman des Eles, and the Songe d’Enfer, all of which,

but especially the Songe, show evidence of his uncle’s influence and which were

probably composed in that order. It is likely that he is also the author of the Gauvain

romance known as the Vengeance Raguidel, and he is definitely the author of Meraugis,

which was probably not, but could possibly have been, the final composition of his

life.

19
 Summary of Meraugis de Portlesguéz

The work, which is set in the time of King Arthur, begins with a portrait of

Lidoine (1-109), the only child of the King of Cavalon, known for her extraordinary

beauty and her moral perfection, which make her a model of courtliness and a positive

influence on all around her. After the death of her father, Lidoine becomes queen.

Some time afterwards, she attends a tournament at Lindesoires held by the lady of

Landesmores, who invites Lidoine to sit with her. The beloved of the lady of

Landesmores, Taulas, wins the tournament by general concensus and receives the

prize of a swan and a kiss from the lady, even though he is not the best knight there,

and Lidoine wins the prize of the hawk when there is unanimous agreement that she is

the most beautiful lady in attendance. While she is accepting the prize, Meraugis de

Portlesguéz and Gorvain Cadrus, two excellent knights who are also the best of

friends, fall in love with her for different reasons, Gorvain because of her beauty and

Meraugis because of her courtliness. The two friends soon fall out and come to blows

over which of them better deserves the lady’s love, but Lidoine obliges them to stop

their quarrel and lay down their arms. For her sake and by her command the two

knights agree to meet at the court of King Arthur at Christmas to ask for a judgment

on the matter. (110-788)

As Lidoine has instructed, Gorvain and Meraugis pursue knightly adventures

before arriving at King Arthur’s court in Carlisle at the appointed time. Lidoine relates

the story of the two knights’s claims and requests a judgment as to which of the two

better deserves her love. The queen persuades Arthur to let her and her ladies decide

the matter, questions of love being her domain, and the ladies discuss the problem at

20
length. They eventually arrive at a judgment, based mainly on the arguments of the

lady Lorete, that Meraugis, the one who loves Lidoine for her courtliness, deserves her

love more than Gorvain, who loves her for her physical beauty. Gorvain refuses to

accept the judgment and demands to be allowed to do battle with Meraugis, a

challenge that Meraugis gladly accepts; but when the battle is disallowed because

judgment has already been given, Gorvain storms off. At the urging of the knights

and with the approbation of King Arthur, Lidoine publicly accepts Meraugis as her

beloved and seals their bond with a kiss; she declares, however, that she will give him

no more of love’s consolation until he has had the opportunity to prove himself for a

year, at which point either she will become his or he will have forever lost her love.

During the kiss she falls deeply in love with Meraugis, so that the two now love each

other equally, and Lidoine begins to regret the year’s delay upon which she has

insisted. (789-1223)

A sumptuous feast is served, after which a snub-nosed dwarf arrives and reviles

King Arthur and his court for making merry while the king’s nephew, Gauvain, is

missing, having gone in search of the Espee as Estranges Renges and promising to

return by this time if at liberty to do so. Arthur recognizes the justice of the reproach,

and the general joy turns to fear for Gauvain’s safety. Meraugis, alone of all the

knights, decides to accept the quest to find Gauvain, and Lidoine declares her

intention to join him, saying that this will give her an opportunity to see evidence of

his merits for herself. They prepare to go off in search of the Esplumeor Merlin, where

the dwarf says they may receive news of Gauvain. The dwarf, refusing to be baited by

the mockeries of Keu, rides on ahead. (1224-1371)

21
 Traveling along behind the dwarf, Meraugis and his lady find him walking in the

snow, his horse having been stolen by a handsome but fiery-tempered old lady. The

dwarf offers to save Meraugis from great shame if the knight will get his horse back

for him. Meraugis therefore attempts to get it from the lady, but she beats him with a

whip when he draws near. She agrees, however, to give him the horse if he will knock

down a certain shield that is hanging from a tree beside a tent. Meraugis does this,

after which he hears a dreadful sound of lamentation from within the tent. Meraugis

asks the dwarf how he may avoid shame, but the dwarf merely rides away, claiming

he has no time to talk at the present. Meraugis goes inside the tent and finds Lidoine

weeping with two ladies, and another lady sitting on a mule holding a lance. This

lady, after taunting and mocking him, rides away, and the two weeping ladies explain

that Meraugis, by knocking down the shield, has released a wicked knight who will

now come to destroy and murder, and that the lady with the lance has gone to inform

the evil knight of what has transpired. Regretting his hasty action, Meraugis spends

the night waiting for the owner of the tent. Then, when no one has arrived and the

ladies refuse to give him any further information, he continues his journey with

Lidoine. (1372-1651)

At a ford, Meraugis is challenged by a rider without bridle or spurs named

Laquis de Lanbeguéz. The two of them fight, and when Meraugis defeats Laquis he

tells of a series of boasts made by various knights at the court of King Patris, which

explain his surprising behavior. Meraugis orders Laquis to go to the tent and offer his

service to the two lamenting ladies. Learning what has happened, Laquis explains

how Meraugis’s knocking down of the shield will lead to the arrival of a cruel knight

known as the Outredouté, who will now ravage the entire country. The Outredouté

22
had been kept in check because of a vow made to his lady to harm no one unless an

injury had first been done to him; now the vow is null and void. Laquis, terrified for

his safety, at first refuses to go to the tent, but Meraugis insists, saying that if the

Outredouté arrives, Laquis is to lead the knight to him by following each path to the

right so that the two can do battle. Laquis agrees to as he has been commanded, and

Meraugis and Lidoine continue on in search of the Esplumeor Merlin. (1652-2018)

Laquis goes to the tent, and when the Outredouté arrives he accuses Laquis, a

knight whom he knows already, of having knocked down his shield. Laquis explains

that it was Meraugis, but the Outredouté insists on fighting him anyway, and when he

defeats him he refuses to show mercy and plucks out his left eye, saying that it is so

Laquis can better lead him along the paths to the right. He says that he will not kill

Laquis until he has first defeated Meraugis, and the sorrowing Laquis leads the

Outredouté along the road. (2019-2122)

Meraugis and Lidoine, still following each path to the right, encounter the dwarf,

who strikes Meraugis’s horse. When Meraugis threatens to kill him, he cowers and

tells him he must no longer ride in the direction he is heading or he will be

dishonored. In order to avoid this, Meraugis follows the dwarf to a walled city where

a tournament is being held by King Amangon. The dwarf manipulates matters in such

a way that Meraugis, though not understanding why, fights and defeats a strong

champion on behalf of the dwarf. At the king’s urging Meraugis spares the knight,

then learns that by defeating him he has won the right to give away all currently

eligible young ladies of the court in marriage, something which happens every year at

the same time. The dwarf has arranged this outcome in order to get revenge on the

champion knight, who had insulted him and refused to allow him to marry the

23
woman he wishes, also a dwarf, and also of royal blood like himself. Meraugis asks

the king to perform the marriages himself, including the dwarf’s, because he must

urgently continue his quest; he promises, however, to return next year and perform

the duties should the honor be granted him once again. (2123-2482)

The Outredouté and Laquis arrive at the crossroads where Meraugis met the

dwarf earlier. Laquis is now unable to lead him further, so the Outredouté releases

him for the moment so that Laquis may go to look for Meraugis separately, with

instructions to tell Meraugis that he is looking for him and intends to kill him. Laquis

does find Meraugis first and reproaches him, accusing him of being responsible for his

maiming. Meraugis, deeply sorrowful for the consequences his thoughtless actions

have had, vows to present Laquis with the Outredouté’s severed right hand. Laquis,

in need of healing, sorrowfully returns to his own land. (2483-2592)

Meraugis and Lidoine, still in search of the Esplumeor, arrive at the foot of a

high, round rock, on top of which a dozen ladies sit conversing. Meraugis can find no

way to get up the sides of the rock, and the ladies will not help him, so he is obliged to

shout up at them for information. The place is, he is told, the Esplumeor. Asking for

news of Gauvain, he is given little information but advised to travel along a certain

path until he finds a chapel and cross. Once they have arrived there, Lidoine notices

writing in gold letters on the cross telling of three roads among which Meraugis must

choose: the Voie Sans Merchy, the Voie Contre Raison, and the Voie Sans Non. When

Lidoine declines to give him advice, Meraugis chooses the Voie Sans Non as

containing no obvious evil, unlike the others, and the two follow it. (2593-2766)

The road takes them to the Cité Sans Non, where Meraugis is welcomed but

where strange comments and behavior from townspeople make Lidoine uneasy as to

24
their intentions. Meraugis, however, reassures her. After some reluctance, he is

persuaded to board a ship and be taken to a nearby island, where it is the custom that

he should meet an unknown knight in combat. The two fight a fierce battle without a

clear winner until the other knight seems to gain strength after the hour of noon has

passed. Meraugis asks the other knight his name and learns that he is none other than

Gauvain, whom Meraugis has been seeking all this time. Gauvain tells him that it is

the custom there that one knight must stay on the island with the lady of the city and

fight to the death any knight who comes until he himself is killed, a custom the lady

once devised in an attempt to keep her beloved knight with her. Gauvain despairs at

the situation, seeing no means of escape, but Meraugis devises a strategem to get them

both off the island. First, he pretends that Gauvain has killed him; later, with the help

of Gauvain, he overcomes the lady and her household. By disguising himself in the

lady’s clothing, he convinces the ferrymen bringing provisions that he is their lady,

and so the two are able to board and escape. Lidoine, however, remains in the city in

despair, now believing Meraugis to be dead. (2767-3361)

The knights arrive at the city of Handiton, where they and the sailors

transporting them are welcomed by Count Gladoain. Meraugis, however, despairs

when he suddenly remembers that he has left Lidoine behind and disturbs the whole

household during the night with his lamentation. When the two knights part

company the next day, Meraugis goes in search of Lidoine, while Gauvain, urging

Meraugis not to lament excessively, continues his quest for the Espee as Estranges

Renges. They vow to aid and search for each other should the need arise. (3362-3501)

Meraugis searches everywhere for the Cité Sans Non so that he may recover

Lidoine, but without success. Distracted and in the grip of his sorrow, he

25
unintentionally provkes a knight named Maret d’Escaldeïs, but while the two are

engaged in combat, the Outredouté rides by, not noticing Meraugis, whom he has

sworn to kill. Recognizing his opponent’s desire to be gone, Maret suggests a

temporary truce, and Meraugis pursues the Outredouté to a castle, where he is

astonished to find him dancing and singing with a group of young women. But as

soon as Meraugis goes inside in pursuit of the other knight, he himself becomes caught

in the enchantment and forgets everything else to sing and dance. The Outredouté, no

longer enchanted, now waits impatiently outside for Meraugis to emerge from the

castle. (3502-3699)

Meanwhile, Lidoine journeys home to Cavalon with her new friend Amice, who

lives near the Cité Sans Non. They are met by a neighbor of Lidoine’s known as

Blechis li Lois (the Squinter), who offers them hospitality. When he learns of

Meraugis’s supposed death, however, he decides to hold Lidoine captive and force her

to marry his son Espinogres, who is being raised by his uncle Meliant de Lis and is

soon to be made a knight. Lidoine is obliged to conceal her true feelings about this

turn of events and pretends to accept the situation. However, she sends Amice

secretly to find Gorvain Cadrus and tell him he may have her love and the rule of her

kingdom if he can win her release. She also asks Amice to tell her seneschal Anchisés

to welcome Gorvain and help him conduct the battle to free her, giving her a ring to

show Anchisés as proof that she is acting on Lidoine’s behalf. Anchisés places Gorvain

in charge of the army, and they attack Blechis first in the city of Rapadone and then in

a great fortress called Monhaut, where Blechis takes refuge. At Monhaut Gorvain

prepares for a long and difficult siege. (3699-4270)

26
 Meraugis is eventually freed from his enchantment and released from the castle

when another knight takes his place. He is amazed that it now appears to be

springtime, and despairs at the amount of time that seems to have lapsed since he

began the search for his lady. He and the Outredouté at first fail to find each other;

then, when they finally meet, they rush to a struggle to the death. During a ferocious

battle, the Outredouté laments that none will ever know of their combat because

neither of them will be alive to tell of it. At long last the Outredouté succombs, and

Meraugis, himself barely alive, severs the right hand that injured Laquis and holds it

tightly to his chest before losing consciousness. (4271-4582)

On their way to the siege at Monhaut, the company of Meliant de Lis, brother-in-

law of Blechis the Squinter, along with Espinogres, the son of Blechis who is to marry

Lidoine, discover the two knights, both apparently dead. They are pleased that the

cruel Outredouté is dead and delighted when Meliant’s lady, Odeliz, discovers that

the unknown knight is alive. Hoping that he will serve Blechis’s cause against the

besieging army, they minister to Meraugis and with great solicitude take him to

Monhaut, where he is placed in a quiet room so that Odeliz can attempt to nurse him

back to health. When Meraugis regains consciousness, he is astonished to learn of

Gorvain’s siege and Lidoine’s presence at Monhaut. Concealing his identity, and

pretending to be more fully recovered than he is, he asks to go to the hall, ostensibly so

that he may enjoy the company of the other knights but actually in hopes of seeing

Lidoine. There, despite the changes in his appearance caused by his recent injuries, his

lady recognizes him and, now aware for the first time that he is alive, falls fainting

again and again. To cover up her true feelings, Lidoine pretends to be afraid of him

because the temporary ugliness caused by his wounds makes him look like a fool.

27
Meraugis also conceals the truth with a ruse, saying that the fire at which he hoped to

warm himself has done him harm. (4583-4992)

Gauvain, having achieved his quest for the Espee as Estranges Renges, returns to

King Arthur’s court amid great rejoicing. But soon Amice appears and reproaches him

for not fulfilling his duty toward the supposedly dead Meraugis by failing to help his

friend’s lady, now imprisoned by Blechis. Gauvain, though aware that Meraugis is

alive, does not reveal this information for fear that, if the facts became known, an

alliance might be formed between Gorvain and Blechis against Meraugis. A strategy

for taking the heavily protected fortress of Monhaut is devised, and Gauvain

commands that all prepare to join Gorvain with as many ships and men as they can

muster in order to capture it. (4993-5228)

Meanwhile, Meraugis and Lidoine are continually frustrated in their desire to see

each other. Meraugis, now recovered, earns Blechis’s admiration and gratitude

through his valor in defense of Monhaut. Meraugis fights as the White Knight and

soon arranges to joust with Gauvain, after defeating the hapless Calogrenant.

Learning who Meraugis is, Gauvain stops fighting and defers to him out of the

gratitude he still owes him. Pretending, at Meraugis’s request, to surrender without a

fight, Gauvain is fiercely reviled by the knights of the Round Table, who declare that

he has brought disgrace on them and voice their intention to take revenge. Once back

inside the castle, Gauvain swears fealty to Meraugis, and Blechis, delighted at this turn

of events, does the same and demands that all his men do likewise. All take the oath

willingly except for Meliant de Lis, who considers this a foolish and precipitous action.

The next day, Meraugis and Gauvain fight alongside Blechis, and even more men take

an oath of fealty to Meraugis. (5229-5603)

28
 Lidoine, watching the progress of the battle with the other ladies, comments on

the prowess of the White Knight. Pretending not to believe that he could be the same

one who “frightened her” before, she contrives a way to see Meraugis. Once in each

other’s company, they embrace publicly, to the fury of Blechis, who calls on his

relatives and men to attack Meraugis. Meliant, however, reminds him that they have

all sworn an oath of fealty to Meraugis, thanks to Blechis’s insistance that they do so!

Given the impossibility of doing anything else, and faced with having to fight an

enormous army that now includes his own relatives, Blechis renounces all claim to

Lidoine and reluctantly makes peace with Meraugis. (5604-5732)

Hearing of these events, Gorvain hurries to Cavalon to take possession of it. In

the meantime, Meraugis’s identity is revealed to the men of the Round Table, who

rejoice to learn that Gauvain has not betrayed them after all. During joyful and

magnificent celebrations that night in Blechis’s castle, a messenger arrives informing

Meraugis that Gorvain has taken possession of Lidoine’s land and now challenges him

to a battle at King Arthur’s court at Pentecost. This battle will end the war between the

two of them once and for all, the messenger tells him, and so Meraugis gladly accepts.

(5733-5805)

On the appointed day, all arrive at the court at Canterbury. Meraugis presents

Laquis with the severed hand of the Outredouté, which plucked out his left eye. King

Arthur allows the battle to take place between Gorvain and Meraugis, who is the

eventual winner. Meraugis requests that Gorvain give up all claim to Lidoine and

become his friend again, which Gorvain agrees to do. Meraugis now has all that he

desires, and the story ends. (5806-5870)

29
 Following the Master:
Tradition and Revision in Meraugis de Portlesguéz

Meraugis de Portlesguéz is a text that from the beginning places itself firmly in the

Arthurian verse romance tradition78 of Chrétien de Troyes .79 Written some time later

than Chrétien’s romances,80 and presupposing a cultivated, informed listening

audience that is very familiar with those texts, it makes frequent reference to those and

other Arthurian romances in terms of storyline, characters, motifs, details of various

kinds, and even specific references and quotations.81 In addition, it demonstrates a

strong familiarity with and influence of lyric poetry, most notably the jeu parti,82 as

78
Gaston Paris describes Meraugis as a “roman biographique,” as opposed to one that is “épisodique”
(“Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 14).
79
Cf. the first line of this edition: “Seignor, au tans le roy Artu.” In addition, W’s prologue (which may
be genuine despite its absence in T and V) recalls Chrétien’s prologues without being a slavish imitation.
To choose but one among many possible examples, the author’s insistence on the importance of putting
one’s estude (4) into good material in order to bon oevre fere (6) recalls the prologue to Erec, containing
Chrétien’s famous reference to his mout bele conjointure (14) and his stress on the importance of a
writer’s use of s’escïence (17); for this term and its identification with sans, see William A. Nitze’s
“Sans et matière dans les œuvres de Chrétien de Troyes,” Romania 44 (1915-1917): 14-36. For general
studies of Chrétien’s prologues, see two works by Tony Hunt, “The Rhetorical Background to the
Arthurian Prologue: Tradition and the Old French Vernacular Prologue,” Forum for Modern Language
Studies 6 (1970): 1-23 and “Tradition and Originality in the Prologues of Chrétien de Troyes,” Forum
for Modern Language Studies 8 (1972): 320-44; as well as Marie-Louise Ollier, “The Author in the
Text: The Prologues of Chrétien de Troyes,” Yale French Studies 51, Approaches to Medieval
Romance (1974): 26-41.
80
The gap between the end of Chrétien’s career in about 1190 and the composition of Meraugis is most
likely at least ten years, possibly as many as 45, depending on which dating of Meraugis is accepted.
(See the earlier discussion on the dating of the work.)
81
Gaston Paris (“Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” 221) notes that in Meraugis “l’imitation
de Chrétien de Troies est sensible presque à chaque page.”
82
For examples of this form, including one that Szkilnik (see her pp. 11-12) suggests may have directly
influenced Meraugis, see Recueil général des jeux-partis français, eds. Artur Isak Edvard Långfors,
Alfred Jeanroy, and Louis Brandin, vol. 1 (Paris: E. Champion, 1926) (especially pp. 37-40, “Thibaut de
Champagne à Badouin”). It is likely that Raoul knew the tradition of courtly debate as codified by
Andreas Capellanus. In this regard, see especially Gianfelice Peron, “Il dibattito sull’amore dopo
Andrea Cappellano: Meraugis de Portlesguez e Galeran de Bretagne,” Cultura Neolatina 40 (1980):
103-120.

30
well as the courtly love83 tradition that began with the early troubadours. Although

the influence of such texts is paramount to the romance’s significance, Meraugis also

seems to show the influence of the religious and social ideas of the author’s celebrated

uncle, Peter the Chanter,84 and much can also be learned about the romance from a

comparison with Raoul’s other works.

Erec and Enide, the earliest of Chrétien’s romances,85 is one from which Raoul has

taken a great deal. Both texts present a similar general structure involving a couple

who come together after some minor difficulties but whose happiness is interrupted

by further, much more serious trials the resolution of which eventually lead to

personal triumph86 and the assumption of a high position in society. Unlike the case of

Erec, there is in Meraugis no rupture between the couple that must be repaired if they

are to enjoy happiness together; there is, nonetheless, a point at which the knight’s

course toward happiness with his beloved, which seems to be well on track after he is

chosen by the ladies at Arthur’s court as more worthy than his companion to win her

love, is interrupted by serious errors of judgment whose consequences must be

83
Despite the disagreement concerning the applicability of this term, it will be considered a useful term
and used here as coined by Gaston Paris in “Études sur les romans de la Table Ronde: Lancelot du
Lac,” Romania 10 (1881): 465-96, and 12 (1883): 459-534. For an overview of some of the major
issues involved in the use of the term, see Erich Köhler, “Observations historiques et sociologiques sur
la poésie des troubadours,” Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 7 (1964): 27-51; Francis X. Newman,
ed., The Meaning of Courtly Love (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1968); Jean Frappier,
Amour courtois et Table Ronde (Geneva: Droz, 1973); and Roger Boase, The Origin and Meaning of
Courtly Love: A Critical Study of European Scholarship (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
1977). For a survey of feminist approaches to the topic, see E. Jane Burns, “Courtly Love: Who Needs
It? Recent Feminist Work in the Medieval French Tradition,” Signs 27 (2001): 23-57.
84
See Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His
Circle, for background information and an analysis of the Chanter’s views.
85
Erec is usually dated at 1170; see Peter Dembowski’s introduction, p. 1053, including note 3
regarding alternative theories.
86
For this aspect of Erec, see especially Donald Maddox, Structure and Sacring: The Systematic
Kingdom in Chrétien’s Erec et Enide (Lexington, Kentucky: French Forum Monographs, 1978). See
also the earlier study by Alfred Adler “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity in Chrétien’s Erec,” PMLA
60 (1945): 917-936.

31
repaired throughout much of the rest of the romance. After Meraugis knocks down

the shield belonging to the Outredouté, releasing him to wreak havoc, he soon causes

further unthinking damage by obliging the hapless Laquis to wait for the Outredouté,

despite Laquis’s strenuous objections, leading to his being maimed. Meraugis must

then spend much of the romance avenging Laquis, and at the same time preventing

further harm to the community, by overcoming and killing the Outredouté. In

Meraugis’s eventual triumph, when various threads of the romance are brought

together and resolved, so that he and his beloved are at last free and unchallenged as a

couple, the presenting of the severed hand of the Outredouté to Laquis to some extent

removes a major stain on his honor.87 Rather than the testing of the love between the

couple, along with their ability to function as a unit, which occurs in Erec and Enide,

Meraugis shows the testing of one member of that couple, who only gradually acquires

the necessary wisdom and stature that will ultimately make him a worthy partner to

the other. It is significant that in Chrétien’s romance Erec appears before Enide,88

whom he raises from poverty and obscurity in the first part of the text, whereas

Meraugis begins almost immediately with Lidoine and an extended portrait of her

physical and moral perfection (8-109).89 Despite numerous details90 that create

87
This does not, of course, mean that the harm done to Laquis is somehow undone, or that the severed
hand repays the loss he has suffered. Meraugis’s determination to keep his promise to Laquis (as when
he holds fast to it even when near death), does, however, testify to his character. For an overview of the
complex possible meanings of the severed hand motif in this and various medieval texts, see Karin
Ueltschi, La Main coupée: Métonymie et mémoire mythique (Paris: Champion, 2010).
88
Erec is first named in line 82, with Enide first appearing in line 398 but not named until the two are
married and she therefore attains a high position in courtly society (1993).
89
Chrétien’s introductory portraits are not generally so extensive as this one. The initial portrait of
Enide, for instance (411-441, with her attire being described in preceding lines) is primarily a physical
one, though her moral qualities are implied. For an extended analysis of the style of Chrétien’s portraits,
see Alice M. Colby, The Portrait in Twelfth-Century French Literature: An Example of the Stylistic
Originality of Chrétien De Troyes (Genève: Droz, 1965).

32
inevitable links between the two heroines in the minds of the audience,91 the relative

situations of the two couples are in important ways very different. By the time

Meraugis sees Lidoine she is already a queen who travels with a great retinue and

enjoys a reputation as a woman of wondrous beauty and a model of courtliness

(Pucelle estoit de grant renon / Et escole de bien aprendre, 84-85), whereas Meraugis,

though he is described as having fought well in many tournaments, is comparatively

unknown,92 and no mention is made of any land or title to which he is heir.93 Although

Lidoine sets off alone with Meraugis, as Enide does with Erec,94 the former lady does

so at her own request ostensibly so that she can judge for herself whether Meraugis is

worthy to be her knight, whereas Enide goes because her husband has commanded

her to do so, and without explanation.95

90
One of several possible examples is the competition for a sparrow hawk, which will be awarded to the
most beautiful lady regardless of her condition: De sa robe, ert perchie as cotes, / Pour tant que ce fust
la plus belle, / N’i avra il ja damoiselle / Qui ait l’espervier s’elle non (150-53); cf. Chrétien’s
description of Enide’s only tunic: Que as cotes estoit perciez : / Povre estoit la robe dehors, / Mes desoz
estoit biax li cors (408-10).
91
See Szkilnik’s (pp. 25 ff.) analysis of Raoul’s transformation of the sparrow hawk episode. She finds
that Raoul “semble faire fi de l’idéal de bele conjointure” (p. 25) of Chrétien’s prologue to Erec and
“vide presque l’épreuve de son sens et questionne ainsi sa valeur et sa validité” (29). I would argue,
however, that using the material in a different way does not necessarily imply a wish to undermine it but
may equally indicate a recognition of his predecessor’s authority for the purpose of legitimizing his own.
92
During his battle with the Outredouté, already three-quarters of the way through the romance,
Meraugis modestly states that there will be less grief for him than his opponent: Car je ne suy de nul
renon, / Mais tu es ly plus renomés (4502-3).
93
Meraugis appears to a large extent to be a “self-made man” in this text, as discussed in Szkilnik’s
“Méraugis, l’homme sans père.” Szkilnik shows how Meraugis’s lack of known parentage led to
various attempts to explain his origins in later texts. R. Howard Bloch, in Etymologies and
Genealogies: A Literary Anthropology of the French Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1983, p. 194), discusses the social implications of such an apparent mismatch as occurs here and
in other medieval French romances, e.g., Le Bel Inconnu.
94
Much is made in Chrétien’s text of the importance of the proper accompaniment when Erec’s father
tries to discourage his son from traveling without a proper retinue: Ne doit seus aler filz de roi (2722).
Surprisingly, no one seems concerned that Lidoine does the same, protected only by a little-known and
relatively untested knight. Her unquestioned authority here is perhaps an additional indication of the
sovereignty she commands among her retinue.
95
Nor does the author provide a direct explanation, a point that has troubled some critics. Z. P. Zaddy,
among a number of others, explores Erec’s motivation for his behavior in “Pourquoi Érec se décide-t-il à

33
 Meraugis is also marked strongly by the influence of Cligés, thought to be the

second of Chrétien’s romances,96 especially in the use of inner dialogue, and in the

frequent analysis of a character’s state of mind. This is especially evident in Meraugis

when a character remains undecided regarding whether he or she is in love or, once

aware of love, whether to speak to the other person about it.97 Although such

monologues and descriptions of mental state occur in others of Chrétien’s works98 (and

of course in other romances as well99), notably Lancelot,100 they play an essential role in

Cligés because they make the audience aware of the state of mind of the two principal

couples, Alexandre and Soredeamor, and later Cligés and Fenice. Peter Haidu notes

the gentle humor and irony conveyed in some of the long passages in this text,101 and

something of the same occurs in similar passages in Meraugis. For example, after

partir en voyage avec Énide?” in Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 7 (1964): 179-85 (see especially p.
81). See also Adler, “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity in Chrétien’s Erec,” p. 927, for a different
explanation.
96
For the dating of Cligés, see Anthime Fourrier, “Encore la chronologie des œuvres de Chrétien de
Troyes,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian Society/Bulletin Bibliographique de la
Société Internationale Arthurienne 2 (1950): 69-88; and Le Courant réaliste dans le roman courtois en
France au Moyen-Âge, vol. 1, Les Débuts (Paris: A. G. Nizet, 1960), p. 173.
97
Another example, in addition to the one cited here, is Gorvain’s extended inner monologue (370-415),
where he speaks as if to an interlocutor regarding what has happened to his heart: Celle pucelle, ves la
la, / Le m’a hui en cest jor emblé (372-73).
98
In this regard, see for example Peter F. Dembowski, “Monologue, Author’s Monologue and Related
Problems in the Romances of Chrétien de Troyes,” Yale French Studies 51, Approaches to Medieval
Romance, 1974: 102-114.
99
For example, the earlier Roman d’Eneas (ed. Jean Jaques Salverda de Grave, 2 vols., CFMA 44 and
62 [Paris, É Champion, 1925 and 1929]) and the Tristan romances of Beroul and Thomas (both edited
by Jean Charles Payen in Les Tristan en vers [Paris: Garnier, 1974]). (See, in this regard, Violent
Passions: Managing Love in the Old French Verse Romance, by Tracy Adams [New York: Macmillan,
2005], which traces the theme through these texts as well as Cligés and Charrette.)
100
For example, when Guinevere mistakenly believes that Lancelot is dead and is filled with guilt and
regret for her ill treatment of him (4168 ff., Poirion’s edition). Meraugis’s lament (3396 ff.) after he
realizes he has inadvertently abandoned Lidoine (and his subsequent exaggerated mourning, which
annoys Gauvain) recalls this passage, among others.
101
Aesthetic distance in Chrétien de Troyes: Irony and comedy in Cligès and Perceval (Geneva: Droz,
1968).

34
Lidoine has accepted Meraudis as her knight with a kiss,102 the effects of which the

author describes in vivid detail (1228 ff.103), Lidoine remains at first uncertain whether

she truly loves Meraugis but soon concludes that she does, something of which the

audience has for some time been aware. Additional humor comes in the incongruity

between Lidoine’s public statements and what has been revealed to the audience about

her feelings, when she regrets the term of a year she has set for Meraugis to prove

himself: … ne se joue mie / Que ly a mis terme a un an, / Ains se demente d’encoan (1216-

18). When she states that she wishes to go with Meraugis to observe his performance

as a knight because “Savoir trop miex quë oiir dire” (1348), her rationale, which she backs

up with a sensible-sounding proverb,104 fools no one who has been paying attention.

Clearly, such use of irony in no way undercuts the appeal or moral authority of the

character, to whom the audience has been favorably disposed from the opening lines

of the text, but instead makes her all the more endearing. The kiss and its aftermath

are, in fact, a watershed for Lidoine, who up to that point has allowed debate and

rational argument, which she judges to be at their best in the Arthurian court,105 to

102
It is noteworthy that the decision that she should bestow a kiss is made at the suggestion of the men,
using legal language: <<Sire,>> dïent ly chevalier, / <<Il est drois que par un baisier / L’en saisisse la
damoiselle.>> (1085-87). They thus retain some influence in matters of love despite the decision as to
who has the best claim to Lidoine being decided by the ladies, led by Guinevere, who claims precedence
in matters of love: <<Sire rois, on set bien / Que tout ly jugement sont mien / D’amours. Vos n’y avés
que faire>> (859-61).
103
For the striking imagery of this passage, see Gianfelice Peron, “La rete dell’amore: la retorica
dell’innamorato nel Meraugis de Portlesguez,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian
Society/Bulletin Bibliographique de la Société Internationale Arthurienne 49 (1997): 360-61.
104
The use of proverbs is of course commonplace in Chrétien. For a list and discussion of these, see
Margery Alice Ellis, “A Catalogue of the Proverbs of Chrétien de Troyes with an Introduction” (A.M.
thesis, University of Chicago, 1927).
105
Lidoine’s connection to the Arthurian court nonetheless seems to be a rather tenuous one, possibly
because of the history of animosity between her father, the king of Cavalon, and Gauvain, who is
summoned to appear before him in Le Conte du Graal to answer a charge of treacherous murder (4788
ff). No attention is drawn to the manner in which Lidoine is received by King Arthur (it is simply stated

35
guide her choice of a knight and, presumably, future husband. Once she has fallen in

love with Meraugis, she is in a very true sense transformed, the only time that this

happens to her throughout the romance, and her loyalty to Meraugis henceforth

remains unshaken throughout. Meraugis, however, is transformed first by his love106

and then gradually by the events that turn him into a better knight and worthy

consort. Lidoine, already a queen and model of courtly107 perfection, needs no such

transformation.

Other themes that are especially significant in Meraugis and may well have been

influenced by Cligés include the importance of largesse and the potential conflict

between courtliness and the need for deception in order to conceal one’s true feelings

in a difficult situation. These are, of course, important throughout courtly literature108

and in other texts of Chrétien de Troyes.

Yvain, composed about the same time as the Lancelot,109 is a text that, like Erec

and Enide, seems to have influenced Meraugis in structure as well as particulars. As

that she goes before him to tell her story, 823 ff.), although she is treated courteously and immediate
attention is given to her request for a judgment.
106
It is stated that he is centz tanz plus desvoiés / D’amours que ses compains n’estoit (446-47) and that
the two companions are “destroit” (448) by their love. But it is also clear that Lidoine is the impetus for
Meraugis’s undertaking of the quest to find Gauvain: moult me plaist et moult suy lie / De che qu’enssy
l’avés empris (1324-25); there is therefore no conflict here between the demands of chivalry and those
of knightly deeds.
107
The terms “courtly” and “courtliness” are used here to refer to the ensemble of virtues considered
appropriate for knights and ladies of the court, rather than to “courtly love” as defined by Gaston Paris
in his study of Lancelot.
108
The need for concealment is obviously a common theme in troubadour poetry, for example the alba,
and indeed in any Old French romance which involves adulterous love, such as Cligés or any of the
Tristan romances. In the case of Meraugis, however, the principal characters must conceal their
identities or feelings for reasons of simple practicality, for example when Lidoine pretends to go along
with Blechis’s plan for her to marry Espinogres, and later to be afraid of Meraugis because of his altered
appearance so that no one will guess the relationship between them.
109
There is not universal agreement on the exact dating of these texts, but for their probable dates, see,
for example, the introduction to Uitti and Walter’s edition of Yvain (in Chrétien de Troyes: Œuvres
complètes, edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade [Paris: Gallimard,

36
often observed, the structures of Yvain and Erec are in some ways complementary;110

whereas Erec is reproached with being lax in his knightly duties after his marriage,

Yvain is so distracted by tournaments and knightly deeds that he forgets an essential

promise to his wife and so fails in his duty to her, apparently losing her forever. The

rest of the romance is spent in finding redemption through altruistic deeds, leading to

eventual reconciliation with his wife and a new, more complete, confident, and better-

balanced life similar to that found at last by Erec and Enide. Although, again, there is

no rupture between the couple in Raoul’s romance, Meraugis does fail in his duty to

his lady by apparently forgetting about her after he succeeds in rescuing Gauvain from

the Isle Sans Non,111 thus bringing about a separation. Just as the headlong rush to

fulfill his quest had led him to careless and foolish actions earlier, so that his quest to

become a better knight and so prove worthy of Lidoine got off to a rather inauspicious

start, his apparent distraction during the actual accomplishment of that quest112 causes

him to forget the most important reason he took on the quest in the first place. Once

again, he must try to put things right by finding his lady and reuniting himself with

1994], p. 1170), in which Walter shows that Chrétien was working on both texts simultaneously between
1177 and 1181. Kibler, in the introduction to his edition (New York: Garland, 1981, p. XVII),
cautiously concludes that “the most reasonable suppositions” place them both in the 1170s.
110
For a detailed comparison of the structures of the two works, see Robert G. Cook, “The Structure of
Romance in Chrétien’s Erec and Yvain,” Modern Philology 71 (1973): 128-43; he describes the
structure as that of a “progress through stages” (p. 142), which he sees as having a connection with
Cistercian mysticism.
111
Szkilnik’s aptly refers to him as a “chevalier oublieux,” along with other knights including Yvain and
Perceval, in her ““Le Chevalier ‘oublieux’ dans quelques romans en vers du XIIIe siècle,” in Figures de
l’oubli (IVe-XVIe siècle), edited by Patrizia Romagnoli and Barbara Wahlen, Etudes de Lettres 1-2
(2007): 77-97. A similar act of forgetting can be found in the Vengeance Raguidel, when Gauvain
suddenly realizes that he has forgotten the tip of the lance with which he must avenge Raguidel, reacting
to the realization with extreme fury (3124 ff.).
112
Significantly, it is Gauvain whose rescue distracts him, just as the same character had distracted
Yvain by encouraging him to participate in tournaments. Keith Busby, in his important study Gauvain
in Old French Literature, comments on “Gauvain’s apparent lack of understanding for the problems of
those in love” (p. 268), both here and in Yvain.

37
her. As it turns out, however, the means of doing that happen by adventure rather

than through his searching, which proves fruitless.113 Like both Erec and Yvain, he

suffers apparent death and rebirth,114 which in his case provide him with the means

not only to be reunited with his lady but also to triumph in unexpected ways. By

avenging Laquis and ridding the land of the Outredouté, he begins to undo the harm

that he has inadvertently caused, and when he awakens from his near-death state he

finds himself within the same castle where Lidoine has been taken prisoner, enabling

him eventually to free her by making nearly every knight in the castle his vassal!

Some of this must be accomplished through cleverness and deception, just as Yvain

cannot triumph in his effort to win back Laudine without the help of the quick-witted

Lunete. Meraugis is helped in his efforts by his lady, although she is not in a position

to help actively in the way that Enide is able to help Erec,115 and so most of the credit

for his triumph belongs to him alone. Like Yvain, Meraugis fights in disguise; as

Yvain is the Knight of the Lion, Meraugis is the White Knight,116 and in both cases a

113
He is, in fact, mocked wherever he goes: “nulz ne ly ot demander / La voie a la Chitet Sanz Non /
Qui s’en faice se gaber non” (3510-12).
114
In the case of Meraugis, this is prefigured by his feigned death and appearance to the lady of the Cité
Sans Non, with rather humorous results, followed by a quick escape with Gauvain. This incident has
rightly been contrasted with the way in which Erec behaves after defeating the knight in the Joy of the
Court episode: rather than simply making his escape, he brings an evil custom to an end. In this regard,
see for example Beate Schmolke-Hasselmann, especially pp. 88, 144, and 187. It is worth remembering,
however, that at this point in the romance Meraugis still has a long way to go before he becomes the
knight he is meant to be, whereas the Joy of the Court episode occurs near the end of Erec’s adventures
and is a kind of crowning glory to them, before the actual coronation of the couple. For a discussion of
this episode, see for example Nitze’s “Erec and the Joy of the Court,” Speculum 29, no. 4 (1954): 691-
701, and Dembowski’s introduction to Erec, especially pp. 1056-57 and note 1 to p. 134, p. 1104. (For a
discussion of presumed Celtic origins, see Emmanuel Philipot, “Un Épisode d’Érec et Énide: la ‘Joie de
la Cour’—Mabon l’enchanteur,” Romania 25 [1896]: 258-294.)
115
This is not, however, surprising, since, as argued above, it is Meraugis rather than Lidoine who must
make progress and prove himself, whereas it is the viability of the couple that is on trial in Chrétien’s
work even though Erec is the one criticized for his inaction.
116
Cligés is also the White Knight, a designation associated with his sovereignty; see the note to line
5322 below.

38
revelation of identity occurs after healing, both physical and moral, has already

occurred and reconciliation can take place.117 It is notable that, unlike Yvain, Meraugis

does not need to make any apology to his lady for the foolish behavior that separated

them and placed her in jeopardy. Far from demanding to know how he happened to

lose her, Lidoine is so overwhelmed when she realizes that he is alive that she faints

again and again from joy.118 As stated above, her devotion, once given, never

wavers,119 despite its very conditional origin in the quarrel of two knights for her love

and the courtly debate as to which one better deserves her love. Lidoine is in this

regard much more like Enide than Laudine, although more confident in both her

person and in the mutual love that binds her to her knight than Enide is, at least until

the final stages of the latter couple’s adventures.

From Le Chevalier de la Charrette, Raoul has taken less in terms of structure, and

also of individual incidents and motifs, than he has from Yvain and especially Erec.

Charette does, however, tell of a quest for rescue, one that inevitably leads to the good

of others despite the knight’s single-minded concentration on his task. Although

Lancelot can think of nothing but Guinevere and his desire to please her, his quest

117
It is, however, also the case that Meraugis has very pragmatic reasons for concealing his identity,
since discovery would likely have severe, even fatal consequences for both him and Lidoine.
118
Her reaction is extreme: Se pasme et pasme et repasma / Tante fois que grant duel en a / La dame
quy pour verité / Dist qu’elle muert (4957-60); nonetheless, her emotional state does not prevent her
from coming up with a quick-witted response once she revives and the lady asks her what is wrong:
“Lasse, jë ay veü / Le fol” (4964-65). Lidoine, described as the most courtly of ladies, clearly has an
instinct for discretion and concealment, as does Meraugis, who, having fainted from fear that Lidoine is
dead, also quickly makes up an excuse (4940 ff.).
119
Lidoine’s message to Gorvain Cadruz via Amice that she will give him her kingdom and be “his”
(“Soie seray,” 3861) shows no disloyalty to her supposedly dead beloved but rather the care of a queen
for her people; she has from the beginning considered Gorvain a good and worthy knight (429 ff.), and
she therefore chooses him as the ruler of Cavalon above the treacherous Blechis. The description of her
perpetual grief while in captivity (4738 ff.) shows that her love for Meraugis is undying: Del cuer li
muet / Un doel qui tel l’a atornee / Que jamais n’en ert retornee / De cel duel que tous jors nel maint
(4746-49).

39
leads to the freeing of many captives, so that devotion to the ideal of love involves just

and right action that benefits the community. In the case of Meraugis, however,

single-minded attention to the quest to rescue Gauvain leads to foolish mistakes that

must be remedied in service to others and renewed attention to his lady. In both

romances, then, the quest for love and the quest for the knightly ideal are inextricably

bound up.120

Other similarities can be seen in the two romances. Like Charrette, as well as

Erec and Yvain, Meraugis contains extended examples of lamentation and grief that

reveal one character’s devotion to the other. For example, Lidoine’s grief when she

believes that Meraugis has been killed (3232 ff.) to a certain extent recalls Guinevere’s

(4168 ff.)121 and Lancelot’s (4260 ff.)122 when each believes the other to be dead,123 as do

the passages in which Meraugis laments and blames himself for having lost Lidoine

(3394 ff. and 3518 ff.). Meraugis’s extreme state of distraction while he searches for
120
Beate Schmolke-Hasselmann states with some justification that Meraugis “does not in every context
meet the requirements set by Chrétien’s works in terms of sens” and that in this text “the concept of love
clearly outweighs that of chivalry or of benefiting society” (p. 144), using the rescue of Gauvain as an
example. I would argue, however, that Meraugis’s progress does indeed benefit the Arthurian court and
society at large (including, eventually, the kingdom of Cavalon), regardless of whether his
accomplishments are acknowledged or even known by the court; for example, he is the only one able to
rid the land of the Outredouté. Also, as stated above, Meraugis’s evolution as a knight is far from
complete when he flees the Isle Sans Non with Gauvain, so that his handling of that situation, though in
some ways both effective and impressive, is not necessarily the best he might have to offer after he has
gained more wisdom and experience.
121
Lidoine’s grief is portrayed much more concisely and without the inner monologue and extended
psychological analysis of Chrétien’s text, with the authorial voice intervening to affirm that he has never
heard the like: Jë ai assés dielz oïz faire, / Mais n’i a pas comparoison, / Que nus dielz n’est se joie non
/ Envers le duel qu’elle demainne (3238-41).
122
One aspect that calls to mind Lancelot’s lament is the hint of possible attempted suicide when it is
said of Lidoine that “Ja se noiast mais on le tient / Par forche” (3234-35). However, a more likely
interpretation is that Lidoine would have jumped into the water to try to reach him on the island,
drowning herself in the process. Following the portrait of Lidoine, the narrator is careful to show the
Christian probity of her state of grief over the death of her father: Qu’a poi que ne s’en despera, / Sans
ce c’onques ne s’enpira / Del bien ou estoit sen pensés (113-15).
123
Laudine’s expression of grief, in which she laments her husband’s death while apparently attempting
to harm herself (Yvain, 1298 ff.) is also comparable, as is Enide’s reaction when she believes Erec has
been killed (4609 ff.).

40
her, which causes him not to notice the knight Maret at the ford (3550 ff.) recalls a

similar incident involving Lancelot (714 ff.), who is so absentminded in his thoughts of

the queen that he also does not notice a knight at a ford and is knocked into the

water.124 In general, it may be said that Lancelot is the one of Chrétien’s Arthurian

romances that most reflects the traditional courtly ideal of absolute devotion and

obedience to one’s lady125 as it appears in lyric poetry.126 Although Meraugis himself

does not always live up to the ideal of service to his lady, his intention to do so is

explicit from the formation of their relationship (Et que pöés plus demander? / Il ne vous

faut plus demander, / Ja ne vous desdiray de rien, 1333-35), and the romance does show

women in positions of great power and dignity, especially where love is concerned,

and particularly in the early sections.

The unfinished Perceval, the last of Chrétien’s Arthurian romances127 and

perhaps his final work, has influenced Meraugis in many particulars and also in terms

of structure. Chrétien’s work shows the development of a complete knight from a

naïve young man with no understanding of, or consideration for, the feelings and

needs of others or the proper way to behave in society. Although Meraugis does not

124
This incident, as well as various other aspects of Lancelot’s devotion to Guinevere, is often
considered comic or parodic. See, for example, Fanni Bogdanow’s “The Love Theme in Chrétien de
Troyes’s Chevalier de la Charrette,” Modern Language Review 67 (1972): 50-61. She considers the
incident as parody and “light-hearted fun” (p. 55), noting that no impugning of Lancelot’s knighthood is
implied. Soon after the corresponding incident in Meraugis, the hero goes on to fight and eventually kill
the Outredouté.
125
The term amour courtois originated, of course, with Gaston Paris’s studies of Lancelot. See also the
important study by Tom Peete Cross and W. A. Nitze Lancelot and Guenevere: A Study on the Origins
of Courtly Love, The Modern Philology Monographs of the University of Chicago (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1930).
126
Bogdanow, for example (“The Love Theme in Chrétien de Troyes’s Chevalier de la Charrette”),
compares the portrayal of love in Lancelot with the ideology of the Provençal poets.
127
There is general agreement for the dating of the text between 1181 and 1191, the date of the death of
Philippe de Flandre. See, for example, Jean Frappier, Chrétien de Troyes, l’homme et l’œuvre, p. 9, and
Poirion’s introduction to his edition of Perceval, p. 1299. Fourrier dates it between 1183 and 1184 in
“Remarques sur la date du Conte del Graal de Chrétien de Troyes.”

41
begin at such a point (nor does he have the possibility of such advancement), Szkilnik

(p. 14) correctly points out that he can to some extent be referred to as “Meraugis le

nice” because of his apparent simplicity and lack of experience in the world of the

knight errant, most of his accomplishments up to the time of the romance apparently

having been in tournaments. Szkilnik emphasizes the linguistic nature of Meraugis’s

advancement,128 and it is certainly true that the knight’s progress is reflected in his

gradually increasing skills with words. Meraugis’s first major error involves the

failure to ask a question; instead of asking to whom the shield belongs or what might

be the consequences of knocking it down, he does as the old lady129 requests in order to

retrieve the dwarf’s horse and exchange “honte pour honour” (1398), a worthy goal in

itself but one which a more experienced knight would probably insist on learning

more about.130 His failure to understand why the ladies are weeping in the tent, which

Lidoine instinctively does,131 further underlines his naïveté, as does his refusal to listen

to Laquis’s pleading not to force him to wait for the Outredouté. Near the beginning

of the text, Meraugis is far too ready to believe unscrupulous characters who

manipulate him for their own ends, and he also demonstrates some of the

inconsiderate single-mindedness of the young Perceval. As the text advances, he

becomes more clever and sensible, better able to size up those he meets (as Lidoine is
128
She describes him as a “nouveau venu qui ne connaît pas les conventions littéraires” and lacks
“expérience romanesque” (p. 15).
129
See May Plouzeau, “Une Vieille bien singulière (Meraugis 1463-1478),” in Vieillissement au Moyen-
Âge, 391-411, Sénéfiance 19 (Aix en Provence: CUERMA, 1987), for a close analysis of the passage
containing this unusual character.
130
This is especially true because the honour is to be offered him by a dwarf (who later has “no time” to
tell give him the details: “Je n’ay pas jor a huy / De che que vos me demandéz,” 1506-7), and the request
to knock down the shield is made by a most unusual old lady; both of these characters should arouse the
knight’s suspicion but apparently do not.
131
She understands the situation without, apparently, having been given any explanation: “Sires, je
pleure pour pitié / De cez dames qui tel duel font. / Et sy say bien qu’elles le font / Pour la pitié de cel
escu” (1530-33).

42
able to do from the beginning132) and resolve difficult situations in the best possible

way for his own benefit and that of others.

In addition to the above examples, certain general themes and motifs that run

throughout Chrétien’s romances are present in Meraugis and constantly remind the

audience of the earlier texts. Besides Arthur himself,133 perhaps the most important

recurring character is Gauvain, who functions actively in all of Chrétien’s Arthurian

romances and can be used as a point of comparison for judging the merits and

progress of each of the heroes.134 Although his role varies somewhat in Chrétien’s texts

in terms of the positive or negative effect he has (as it does throughout the body of

Arthurian literature135), Gauvain is in all five of them a model of courtliness and

132
For example, she recognizes the potential menace of the Cité Sans Non (“Ces gens ne m’aseürent
mie,” 2804) much more easily than Meraugis does.
133
It is often argued, as by Schmolke-Hasselmann (p. 144), that Arthur and his court play a less central
role in Meraugis and other later romances than in Chrétien’s texts. This is to some extent a valid point;
for example, service to the king is not one of Meraugis’s stated goals when he undertakes the quest to
rescue Gauvain, his main motivation being love of Lidoine. (By contrast, Alexander, though the
Emperor’s son, forges close ties with Arthur’s court from the beginning, insisting on serving Arthur
even before being made a knight [“…einçois que chevaliers soie, / Voldrai servir le roi Artu,” 144-45]
and later encouraging his son Cligés to go to Arthur as well, 2687 ff.). On the other hand, Arthur’s court
and its values provide the context and affirmation for Meraugis’s most important achievements. The
court is the setting for the formation and formalization of his relationship with Lidoine and the
beginning of the new path his life will take, and it is also the place where his conflict with Gorvain and
other matters are finally resolved, so that he can presumably take his place as Lidoine’s consort.
Additionally, his quest to find Gauvain, who recognizes him as a friend when they meet, is of central
importance to the welfare of Arthur’s court.
134
Keith Busby aptly notes in Gauvain in Old French Literature (p. 271) that “Because Gauvain is
already the established figure, he is useful to authors intent on the establishing of a new hero,” usually a
young, untried knight such as Meraugis.
135
See Busby, Gauvain in Old French Literature, for a comprehensive look at the varying portrayals of
Gauvain throughout Old French literature; and his “Diverging Traditions of Gauvain in Some of the
Later Old French Verse Romances,” in The Legacy of Chrétien de Troyes, ed. Norris J. Lacy, Douglas
Kelly, and Keith Busby (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 2:93-109, for a look at this question in some of the
verse romances that were written soon after those of Raoul de Houdenc. A collaborative picture of the
character and his evolution in Old French and other literatures can be found in Raymond H. Thompson
and Keith Busby, eds., Gawain: A Casebook (New York: Routledge, 2006).

43
prowess136 as well as being a friend to each of the heroes, often giving advice on the

proper behavior of a knight. He is never defeated in battle,137 although both Yvain and

Meraugis hold up well against him until each learns who his opponent is and battle is

suspended. In Meraugis, Gauvain’s role is pivotal for several reasons. Meraugis’s first

quest as Lidoine’s knight is to go in search of Arthur’s missing nephew; the viability of

the couple and the well-being of the Arthurian court are thus linked by their

dependence on the success of this quest. When Meraugis does finally locate Gauvain

on the Isle Sans Non (after the two have fought without recognizing each other and

without a clear victor), Meraugis proves for the first time to be resourceful and

intelligent, marking a turning point in his progress. His surprising, even amusing

solution to the problem of how to get off the island, a problem which Gauvain had

considered unsolvable,138 reveals a newly acquired pragmatism and willingness to use

whatever means may be necessary to achieve a valuable end. Unfortunately, it is at

the point that Meraugis commits what seems to be his most egregious error, that of

leaving Lidoine behind in the Cité Sans Non. One of Gauvain’s roles in Chrétien’s

romances, notably Yvain and Erec, is to encourage other knights in the achievement of

knightly deeds; an informed audience would recall how Gauvain had so distracted

136
Critics have, however, been divided as to the interpretation of Chrétien’s view of this character and
the extent to which that view varies throughout the romances. For example, Thompson and Busby, in
their introduction to Gawain: A Casebook, find that in Perceval “there seems little doubt that his
presentation of Gawain leans towards the negative rather than the positive” (p. 6), unlike the view in
some of the other romances. In the same collection, Nitze’s “The Character of Gauvain in the
Romances of Chrétien de Troyes” (103-115) emphasizes the character’s general portrayal as an ideal of
conduct.
137
See Loomis’s Arthurian Literature and Chrétien de Troyes (New York: Columbia Universty Press,
1949), pp. 152-53, and Frappier’s Amour courtois et Table Ronde, pp. 166-67, on the correspondance
between Gauvain’s strength and the solar cycle.
138
Busby, in Gauvain in Old French Literature, notes that the episode of their escape is “remarkable,
not only for the energetic, swashbuckling burlesque, but also for the fact that Gauvain is totally inactive
during Meraugis’s virtuoso performance,” showing Gauvain’s helplessness in difficult circumstances
compared to “the quick thinking and ingenuity of Meraugis” (p. 267).

44
Yvain139 with tournaments that he forgot to return to Laudine within the time limit of a

year which she had set. The ostensible fulfillment of Meraugis’s quest therefore leaves

him plunged in a crisis with no solution in sight. In the end, however, Gauvain also

plays a pivotal role in the resolution of the knot of problems confronting the hero, for it

is Gauvain’s willingness to accede to Meraugis’s request that he pretend to be

defeated140 that makes Meraugis’s relatively peaceful triumph over Blechis and his

army possible. Once Blechis has become Meraugis’s vassal, the former can no longer

lay any claim to Lidoine and must of necessity cede to feudal duty. Gauvain’s

presence in the romance is therefore essential, and his role primarily a positive one.141

In addition to Arthur and Gauvain, other characters who appear throughout

Chrétien’s Arthurian romances serve to remind the audience of the older texts. Keu,

for example, plays a much less important role in Meraugis than in some of Chrétien’s

139
Although known as “le Chevalier as Damoisielles” (1312), Gauvain seems not to be aware of the
damage he sometimes causes between couples, as a number of critics have noted. See, for example,
Douglas Kelly, “Gauvain and Fin’ Amors in the Poems of Chrétien de Troyes,” in Gawain: A
Casebook. Kelly notes that, despite Gauvain’s accomplishments as knight and companion, “in matters
of courtly love, … Chrétien meant for his readers to look to other counselors and examples” (p. 123). In
Meraugis, Gauvain’s role is less damaging to the couple than in some of Chrétien’s romances. Although
he does reproach Meraugis with “grant outraige / Et grant honte” (3420-21) for disturbing the
household with his lamenting, and later advises him to control his sorrow (advice that proves impossible
for the lovelorn hero to follow), he gives no genuinely bad advice and does not attempt to prevent
Meraugis from going in search of Lidoine.
140
Gauvain’s willingness to accept the shame of appearing to be recreant (which even endangers his life
because of the fury it provokes from members of the Round Table: “Que nos en porterons / La teste son
oncle, le roy,” 5436-37) calls to mind Lancelot’s willingness to do his worst in a tournament because
Guinevere has commanded it (5662 ff.). Since Gauvain shines in this text and Chrétien’s more as an
example of a good knight and companion than as a courtly lover, it is perhaps appropriate that he makes
such a sacrifice for the sake of honor and friendship rather than love.
141
It may be argued that Gauvain also is to some extent also a “chevalier oublieux” in this text because
when Amice arrives at the court to request support for Gorvain’s effort to free Lidoine, Gauvain seems
to have neglected to tell anyone at the court the story of how Meraugis had freed him from captivity.
There might be several possible explanations for this temporary failure of gratitude, but perhaps the
simplest is that he has simply been enjoying the triumphant celebration of his return with the Espee as
Estranges Renges. Whatever the explanation, he shows himself ready to remedy it through decisive
action, summoning all boats “jusqu’a Duveline” (5170) to join him for the campaign. It is also worth
noting that, by not revealing the truth that Meraugis is alive, he utilizes a strategy of prudent
concealment similar to those used by Meraugis and Lidoine while they are at Monhaut.

45
romances,142 but his portrayal as bitter and sharp-tongued critic is consistent with his

appearances there and elsewhere,143 and his verbal defeat at the hands of the quick-

witted dwarf144 corresponds to his defeats in various battles (for example, by

Meleagant in Yvain).145 His disputes frequently point to important plotlines or

characters in Chrétien’s texts: for example, his ill treatment of the laughing young lady

in Perceval and the frequent references to her throughout the text foreshadow and

prepare for the eponymous hero’s triumphant return and eventual punishment of Keu.

Here, Keu’s quarrel with the dwarf underlines the importance of the latter, whose

pronouncements will send Meraugis along a new and decisive path. Numerous other

characters146 (e.g., Calogrenant, Sagremor, Agravain, Gaheris, Quinables [or Guinable],

Meliant de Lis, Soredamor, Taulas) (see textual notes regarding these characters147)

142
For example, in Charrette, he plays a very important part in initiating the action by his extraction of a
promise from Arthur (the don contraignant), so that he will be the one to accompany the queen on a
dangerous journey, with disastrous results. (For the supposed Celtic origins of this motif, see Frappier’s
“Le Motif du ‘don contraignant’ dans la literature du Moyen Âge,” Travaux de linguistique et de
littérature 7, no. 2 [1969]: 7-46; for an alternative theory of clerical origin, see Corinne Cooper-Deniau,
“Culture cléricale et motif du ‘don contraignant,’” Le Moyen Âge 111, no. 1 [2005]: 9-39.) That text
also stresses the high regard in which Keu is held by both the king and queen, who are willing to make a
rash promise against advice in order to keep him at court, despite the fact that no one has any illusions
about his skill in arms. Nothing of the kind occurs in Meraugis, Keu’s role here being essentially a
verbal one.
143
Dorothy Winters, in Sir Kay in the Old French Romances of the Twelfth Century (A.M. thesis,
University of Chicago, 1928) discusses the evolution of the character and concludes that Chrétien was
the first author to show him as disagreeable (p. 29).
144
The dwarf’s challenge is couched in the language of the jeu parti: “Un jeu vous part : qu’en voléz
faire? / Se mielz améz tenchier que taire, / Ves me chi tout prest de tenchier (1365-67). Keu, “qui plus
n’osa groucher” (1368) seems to give up without a fight, apparently recognizing that he is verbally no
match for the dwarf.
145
It is interesting to note, however, that in the Vengeance Raguidel, Gauvain is reluctant to contradict
Keu, who has spoken ill of women, for fear of his tongue: “Volentiers li contredesist, / qu’il n’avoit pas
dit que cortois, / mais il cuidoit oïr sordois / et por ce tot, molt li greva” (4154-57).
146
Friedwagner, in his introduction to Meraugis (p. LXXXVI), lists the following as the only characters
in the text not known to him from elsewhere: Amice, Anchisés li Ros, Blechis li Lois, Laquis, Lorete de
Brebraz, Lorete au Blont Chief (the latter two probably not the same character, according to him), and
Odeliz (Friedwagner’s spellings).
147
See also West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for details of their appearances in other Old French
romances.

46
who play roles of varying importance here or simply appear at Arthur’s court or in

certain lists of knights or ladies in attendance elsewhere serve to connect the story of

Meraugis with those of other heroes, thus lending authority to both it and the hero.148

Certain other types of characters, through their incongruous nature, serve to

remind the audience of the supernatural elements in Chrétien’s romances. For

example, the odd-looking herald at the tournament of Landesmores (184 ff.) is

reminiscent of the cowherd in Yvain (first described at length by Calogrenant, 288 ff.)

and other similar characters. Such beings, related as they are to figures of Celtic

legend and mythology,149 generally mark a boundary between the everyday and the

otherworld.150 The dwarf in Meraugis is an especially important character because he

introduces the quest for Gauvain, which will enable Meraugis to fulfill his destiny, and

to some extent acts as his mentor along the way. He does, however, manipulate

Meraugis for reasons of his own, with results that vary from the somewhat comic

(Meraugis finding himself fighting for reasons that are a complete mystery to him151) to

148
For example, Soredamor, the exquisite mother of Cligés, and Gauvain’s aunt, gives her approval to
Meraugis’s suit of Lidoine over Gorvain’s (992 ff.), and the valiant Meliant de Lis (see line note 3782)
actually becomes Meraugis’s vassal, albeit unwillingly (5499 ff.).
149
R. S. Loomis discusses possible Celtic sources of the “Giant Herdsman” and compares this character
with similar ones in other texts in Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien De Troyes, pp. 285-289.
150
The herald is, however, less significant to the story than, for example, Yvain’s herdsman, who does
indeed play the role of guardian and guide. Raoul’s herald seems to be largely there as a reminder of the
earlier texts rather than for any clear functional purpose. Nonetheless, Lidoine’s arrival at the
tournament is a highly significant event in her life, since it is there that she makes a first journey after
becoming queen, and more importantly, where she will meet Meraugis and Gorvain; the herald, then,
can also be seen as a marker of entrance into a place of transformation.
151
The dwarf literally leads him “par les regnes” (2229) to the king and the battle for an “honor” in
which Meraugis has no interest, putting words into his mouth and making it impossible for him to avoid
the battle without appearing to be a coward: S’il desdeïst / Sen maistre, assés fust quy deïst : / <<Cist
est vaincus tot en estant! (2275-77). Schmolke-Hasselmann cites Meraugis’s treatment by the dwarf as
one of many instances in the first part of the text in which he is “led up the garden path and made fun of
because he is too unsure of himself to be taken seriously” (151). Despite the manipulation, however, the
dwarf generally causes the hero no harm (the tragic releasing of the Outredouté being the major
exception) and indeed does bring him honor, notwithstanding his own personal motivation for doing so.

47
the unexpectedly salutary (the marriage of the dwarf, which Meraugis makes possible,

and the avenging of his honor) to the tragic (Meraugis’s knocking down of the

Outredouté’s shield so that the dwarf can recover his horse and so continue his

journey). With this character, who plays a more complex role than most of the

corresponding characters in Chrétien’s romances,152 Raoul extensively develops a

familiar motif so as to present it in a different and unexpected way. Whereas

Chrétien’s dwarves are mostly wicked and treacherous (the major exceptions being the

noble ones who attend Erec’s wedding, as well as perhaps Guivret le Petit153), this

dwarf is many things,154 including, in his desire for love and marriage, a human being

of royal lineage who is shown to deserve respect and his own place in society.155 There

also remains an element of mystery about him because his arrival at Arthur’s court

and his knowledge of how to find Gauvain are never explained.

It is not unreasonable to think that the cleverness Meraugis begins to show later in the text may be in
part due to the dwarf’s influence and example.
152
However, Joan Brumlik, in “The Knight, the Lady, and the Dwarf in Chrétien’s Erec,” Quondam et
futurus 2, no. 2 (1992): 54-72, sees the dwarf in that text and the character Guivret le Petit as each
forming part of a trio that is central to the structure of the text.
153
Brumlik and others, such as Vernon J. Harward, The Dwarfs of Arthurian Romance and Celtic
Tradition (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958), consider Guivret a dwarf, but a noble one, like the kings who
attend Erec’s wedding. As Brumlik notes, “Dwarves of the Irish tradition may be handsome or
grotesque” (p. 54). The presentation of the Meraugis dwarf is somewhat inconsistent in that regard, for
he is described as being “sy lais qu’il ne puet plus” (1243), and elsewhere in similar terms, but En luy
avoit bel baceller / Quant il se party de la court (1390-91) seems to imply that he is not deformed except
for his snub-nosed face. For a recent study and catalogued description of dwarfs and “petits chevaliers”
in Old French romance, see Anne Martineau, Le Nain et le chevalier: essai sur les nains français du
Moyen Âge (Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2003).
154
Harward, arguing that the dwarf is modeled on a figure in the Didot Perceval (see also the
introduction to William Roach’s edition [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941], pp. 50
ff.), states that Raoul probably took the earlier figure and “spun out his part by giving him various other
traditional roles,” including the summoning of the hero to a quest, the mistreatment by the old lady,
beating the knight’s horse, etc. (pp. 138 ff.). It is, of course, the author’s artistic use of the varied
material that is of primary interest.
155
The proverb N’est sy hault boiz quy n’ait brotile, spoken by King Amangon to his kinsman the dwarf,
testifies to a certain inclusiveness in a text that skillfully combines material of a wide variety of tones
and genres.

48
 A variety of other themes, plot devices, and details, too numerous to be

mentioned here,156 constantly remind the audience of Chrétien’s Arthurian romances,

and of other familiar texts. Raoul seems to have known other Arthurian romances,

possibly including the Didot-Perceval,157 because of his references to the Esplumeor

Merlin,158 and probably others as well.159 In addition, as mentioned above, he also

makes particular use of the themes and conventions of lyric poetry, especially the jeu

parti. In fact, from almost their very first appearance,160 each of the two companions,

Meraugis and Gorvain,161 is associated with his particular side in the debate as to

156
Some additional examples are discussed in the line notes below. See Friedwagner’s introduction,
especially pp. LXXVI-LXXXIV, for further examples and comparisons of specific passages.
157
In it, Merlin says, “tot cil qui men abitacle verront, si le clameront l’esplumoir Merlin,” and it is then
stated that he made and entered it (p. 278). See, again, Roach’s introduction, p. 50 ff., and the note
above, as well as Haward. Roach argues that Raoul knew either the Didot Perceval or the Perceval of
Robert de Boron, of which, he says, the episode of the weeping maiden and the Orguelleus de la Lande
is a remnant. Paul Zumthor, however, in examining the Esplumeor motif in other texts, concludes that
its appearance in Meraugis shows no evidence of the author’s knowledge of the other texts; see his “La
Délivrance de Merlin,” Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 62 (1942): 370-386.
158
For this extensively discussed term, see Gaston Paris’s review of Friedwagner’s edition of Meraugis;
William A. Nitze, “The Esplumoir Merlin,” Speculum 18, no. 1 (1943): 69-79; Arthur C. L. Brown,
“The Esplumoir and Viviane,” Speculum 20, no. 4 (1945): 426-32; and Roger Sherman Loomis,
“L’Esplumeor Merlin Again,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian Society/Bulletin
Bibliographique de la Société Internationale Arthurienne 9 (1957): 79-83. See also line note 1297
below.
159
He may have known Renaud de Beaujeu’s Le Bel Inconnu (Karen Fresco, ed., Colleen P. Donagher,
trans. [New York: Garland, 1992]) and The Elucidation (Albert Wilder Thompson, ed. [Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1929]) because of references to King Amangon (2197), though this
is not compelling evidence. (See Szkilnik’s note 78, p. 213, in which she suggests the reference to
Amangon may be ironic here.) Raoul may have known the First Continuation because of the reference
to Gauvain’s increasing strength after noon (3029 ff.) (see Frappier, Amour courtois, pp. 166-67), and
perhaps the Second Continuation as well (see line note 3372, below). If Szkilnik’s dating of Meraugis
as 1225-35 is correct (see her introduction, p. 36, and preceding discussion), then he certainly knew the
Prose Lancelot (cf. especially pp. 237-64 of vol. 4 of Micha’s edition). Harward also notes the
similarities among these texts. (See the discussion above on the dating of Raoul’s works.) (If Raoul is
the author of the Vengeance Raguidel, he also knew some shorter romances; see the discussion of this
point below, and cf. Roussineau’s introduction.)
160
They appear beginning l. 317 (Gorvain four lines after Meraugis), after Lidoine has been fully
described in the portrait and on the scene for some time, and their differing loves are described
beginning some 20 lines later, leaving just enough time to mention briefly their knightly prowess and
close friendship and to place them in Lidoine’s presence.
161
Keith Busby raises the interesting notion that Gorvain is an avatar of Gauvain because of the
similarity of names, and the fact that “Gauvain’s own checkered amorous fortunes can be largely

49
whether it is more worthy to love the lady for her beauty or her moral perfection.162 It

is of significance that Gorvain’s first look at Lidoine stirs an immediate reaction,

triggering the kind of interior monologue and debate so favored by both Chrétien and

Raoul, but that Meraugis’s reaction is somewhat slower: he begins to love “l’autre

partie” (443) “quant il oit / Un poy a la dame parlé” (440-41). It is also interesting to note

that he is stated to be “centz tanz plus desvoiés / D’amours que ses compains n’estoit” (446-

47). Long before the two begin discussing with each other their varying loves, then,

the odds seem to be stacking up in favor of Meraugis, who is mentioned first in the

text but whose love is described second, giving him to some extent the “last word.”

Gorvain also shows himself more hotheaded than Meraugis, who seems more

reasonable and makes an effort to preserve their friendship: “…si m’es vis, / Par la

raison que je devis, / Que ja tenchier163 n’en deuïssons” (597-99). Lidoine’s insistence on

stopping the quarrel164 and submitting the decision to the judgment of Arthur’s court;

the extensive debate and resolution of the question by the ladies, led by Guinevere;165

the formal sesine (1094 ff.), literally sealed with a kiss—all these references to courtly

attributed to his partiality to a pretty face rather than to a courtly disposition” (“Mise en texte and Mise
en image: Meraugis de Portlesguez in Vienna, ONB 2599,” in “Por le Soie Amisté”: Essays in Honor of
Norris J. Lacy, eds. Keith Busby, Norris J. Lacy, and Catherine M. Jones [Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000],
p. 108).
162
Peron, “Il dibattito,” p. 114, finds the debate in accordance with Andreas Capellanus’s debates
regarding the relative merits of beauty and morum probitas, the latter being judged superior.
163
Again, the language of the jeu parti. It is interesting to note that the words tenchier, tenchon, etc.,
appear only in the first part of the text.
164
This may be contrasted with Clarissant’s efforts to stop the quarrel between her brother Gauvain and
her beloved knight Guiromelant in the First Continuation (vol. 1, 1000 ff.) Clarissant is obliged to beg,
first King Arthur, then Gauvain, to prevent the battle and gain permission to marry the man she loves.
165
Guinevere is described by Gauvain in Perceval (8186 ff.) as a teacher of courtliness: Tot le mont
anseigne et aprant / … / De ma dame partir ne puet / Nus qui desconselliez s’an aut (8187-91), terms
which the description of Lidoine to some extent recalls (cf. 84 ff.). Daniel Poirion, in the notes to his
edition of Perceval (p. 1385), points out that the “bel éloge” of Guinevere “pourrait être aussi une
réponse à des critiques suscitées par la lecture du Lancelot.” It could, of course, also be interpreted
ironically (cf. Busby, Gauvain in Old French Literature, p. 127). There is, however, nothing in
Meraugis to indicate a negative view of Guinevere.

50
love and the superiority of ladies in matters of love, which seem calculated to please

the female members of the audience,166 play an essential role in the text, but principally

in the first part of the romance, or premier vers.167 Once the judgment has been made—

though the outcome was never really in doubt—and the two have fallen in love and

departed on the quest to find Gauvain, the text enters into and remains firmly in the

territory of romance, despite the occasional use of the language of lyric poetry and

courtly debate.168

As mentioned earlier, Raoul is considered to be the author of a dit, probably an

early work;169 the Roman des Eles, a didactic treatise on knightly prouese,170 which

consists of two wings,171 largece and cortoisie, each having seven feathers; the Songe

d’Enfer, an allegorical and satirical journey to Hell, where an infernal banquet of

sinners is served to a very mixed group of attendees; and probably the Arthurian

166
This does not, of course, mean that Meraugis can be seen as any kind of “feminist” text. See, in this
regard, Norris J. Lacy, “Meraugis de Portlesguez: Narrative Method and Female Presence,” in
Miscellanea mediaevalia: mélanges offerts à Philippe Ménard, ed. Jean-Claude Faucon, Alain Labbé,
and Danielle Quéruel (Paris: Champion, 1998), 817-25.
167
The term is from Erec, Ici fenist li premiers vers (1808), referring to the first part of the romance until
Enide is recognized as the most beautiful and the custom of the White Stag is re-established at Arthur’s
court. The term may be with some usefulness applied here up to the time Meraugis is recognized as
Lidoine’s knight and the kiss makes them equal in love. As Peter Dembowski points out in the notes to
his edition of Erec (p. 1060), the premier vers ends with Enide’s triumph, and this can also be said for
Meraugis here, though it is triumph of a different kind, being declared the more worthy ami. On the
structure of Erec and the premier vers, see also, among others, Jean Frappier, Chrétien de Troyes,
l’homme et l’œuvre, especially pp. 85-92, and also Z. P. Zaddy, “The Structure of Chrétien’s Erec,”
Modern Language Review 62, no. 4 (1967): 608-619.
168
The main examples of this involve some form of the term jeu parti. See Paul Rémy, “Jeu parti et
roman breton,” in Mélanges de linguistique romane et de philologie médiévale offerts à M. Maurice
Delbouille, vol. 1 (Gembloux: Duculot, 1964), 545-561, for various forms and meanings of the term,
and the notes to lines 1365, 2714, and 5459 below. As mentioned above, no form of the term tençon is
used after the premier vers.
169
Busby dates the Dit and the Roman des Eles at roughly the same time in the introduction to his
edition of the latter text (p. 15) because of similarities between the two. Neither Livingston (whose
edition will be used for reference here) nor Thorpe attempts to date the poem.
170
The spellings are as in Busby’s edition.
171
See “Une Source latine du Roman des ailes,” by Micha, who identifies Alain de Lille’s De sex alis
Cherubim as the work’s principal source. Micha discusses other texts with similar imagery by religious
writers, including Peter the Lombard and Richard de Saint-Victor.

51
romance Vengeance Raguidel (although its attribution to Raoul has frequently been

doubted172). Although these works demonstrate Raoul’s skill within a diverse range of

styles and genres, they also show a great deal of thematic consistency. The Dit, which

claims from the beginning to be truthful (J’ai tort quant je fablel l’apel, / Car ce n’est mie

fabliaus. Non, / Il n’a de fablel fors le non, Car li dit en sont veritable, 4-7),173 uses allegorical

figures to decry the sad state into which the world has fallen, with Avarisse gaining the

upper hand over Largese174 and jongleurs being stripped bare by unscrupulous tavern

keepers.175 This brief text shows interests and concerns that are echoed throughout

Raoul’s body of work. The Roman des Eles, a similar but more extended didactic text

which its editor Keith Busby dates at about 1210 (p. 15), divides the virtues that make

up knightly prouese into two “wings” that enable it to soar. The right wing, largesse,

consists of the following seven feathers: courage in largesse, not looking to the value of

possessions, giving to both rich and poor, keeping promises, giving promptly, not

regretting a gift one has given, and being gracious to guests (offering feasts and gifts of

clothing, etc.). The left wing, courtliness (cortoisie), also has seven feathers: love of the

Church, avoiding pride, not bragging about oneself, a love of joyfulness (including

172
For an interesting early linguistic comparison of the two works in which the common attribution is
rejected, see Wolfram von Zingerle, “Raoul de Houdenc und seine Werke” (Inaugural dissertation,
Universität Erlangen, Erlangen: Junge & Sohn, 1880); this work is based on the editions of Michelant
and Hippeau. As late as 1984, Madelyn Timmel Mihm was able to state in the introduction to her
edition of Le Songe d’Enfer that “most recent critics since Micha” believed that Raoul was not the
author of the Vengeance (p. 1). See, however, Roussineau’s thorough exploration of the principal issues
involved and convincing arguments for its attribution to Raoul (pp. 11-26 of his introduction to the
Vengeance). The most convincing commonalities in the texts include, as he points out (p. 26), their use
of vocabulary and versification.
173
For the meanings of the terms dit and fable, see Mihm, pp. 12-13, as well as Jauss, “Génèse de la
poésie allégorique française au Moyen Âge (de 1180 à 1240).”
174
For example, “Avarisse devant les lises, / La honie, la deslouias, / Fait des plus rices ses casteax /
Ses banieres et ses amis” (70-73); she has all that she wants, while “Largece est vius” (80).
175
The greedy tavern keeper was a common motif of the time. See Mihm’s note to line 183 of the Songe
d’Enfer, p. 102.

52
music), avoiding envy, avoiding slandering or deriding others, and to love truly (love

being particularly privileged). As Busby demonstrates elsewhere,176 many of these

qualities are set forth as ideals throughout Meraugis, whereas the corresponding

negative qualities receive condemnation. Raoul carefully states in the Roman des Eles

that not all knights have all the qualities he recommends but should strive for them,

and that it is better to have even one than none at all.177 This notion is perhaps

especially helpful in seeing how certain characters seem to be, as it were, redeemed in

the romance even though they lack many or most of the qualities considered desirable

in a knight. Blechis, for example, is decidedly uncourtly in his disrespectful treatment

of Lidoine,178 yet he is eventually persuaded to mend his ways, after which he provides

a generous and joyful feast: “Belchis a joie et a deduit / Les honnera de quan qu’il pot : /

Onquez la nuit el chastiel n’ot / Clef sor celier ne sor despense” (5762-65). Another example

is Gorvain Cadrus: although his love for Lidoine’s beauty has been judged less worthy

than Meraugis’s love for her good qualities, he nonetheless shows great love for her in

his willingness to rescue her from captivity, and demonstrates his worth by his

largesse toward the army Lidoine’s seneschal has enabled him to muster.179 His

favorable qualities amply justify Meraugis’s concern for him and strong desire for their

reconciliation (5851 ff.). The Outredouté, on the other hand, places himself beyond

176
See “Le Roman des Eles as a Guide to the Sens of Meraugis de Portlesguez.”
177
This point is stressed near the conclusion: “Quar je sai bien sanz nul redout, / Tels est riches qui na
pas tout; / Et por ce faz a toz savoir, / Qui toutes nes porra avoir, / S’aucune en puet avoir, gart la; /
Quar bone teche, quant on l’a, / Puet rendre si biau gerredon / C’une teche rent un preudon” (647-654).
178
The repulsion he inspires in Lidoine, which extends to Espinogres despite their being no evidence
that he shares his father’s vices, provides reliable condemnation of the character’s actions: Que je
n’ameroie a nul fuer / Ne luy ne rien que de luy soit (3830-31).
179
The passage praising Gorvain’s largesse (3972 ff.) could have come straight out of the Roman des
Eles; for example, “…Biautés, sens ne proece / Ne valent noient se largece / I faut, car largece enlumine
/ Proeche. Largece est mecine / Par coy proeche monte en haut” (3973-77).

53
redemption because of his unremitting cruelty and complete lack of generosity to

those who ask for mercy. His pride and boastfulness underline his lack of true

courtliness, and although he loves, he does not love truly because he fulfills only the

letter of his lady’s command and not its spirit, which is that he cease cruel and unjust

treatment of others.180 Other qualities that are praised in the Roman des Eles, including

love of joy and love of the Church, are also clearly privileged in the text. Frequent

mention is made of Meraugis and other knights going to mass (e.g., 3429), but a point

is made of there being no mass on the Isle Sans Non, shown thereby to be a most

unholy place: “Il n’alerent pas au mostier, / Non, qu’en l’ille n’en avoit point” (3286-88).

And, although Meraugis’s optimism at seeing the rejoicing of the inhabitants of the

Cité Sans Non turns out to be misplaced, his love of merriment, including music,181 is

not undermined: “ … en joie n’a se bien non / … / Car je n’aim rien tant come joie !” (2854-

57).182

Raoul’s other didactic work, the Songe d’Enfer, is in many ways quite different in

nature and tone183 from the Dit and the Roman des Eles, yet even it deals with some of

180
Cf. Raoul’s metaphor of love and wine in the Roman des Eles, which shows that love should make
people better: “De bon vin itant vous promet / Quant il est en bon vessiau net, / Toz jors en vaut miex li
vessiaus” (573-75).
181
See the earlier discussion regarding various theories that Raoul might have been a wandering
minstrel.
182
This passage, with its singing and dancing ladies (2840 ff.), is reminiscent of the end of the Joy of the
Court episode in Erec after the hero, having triumphed and brought the evil custom surrounding it to an
end, is celebrated by the people with festivity and musical instruments (6333 ff.). There is, however, a
reversal here in that the passage precedes the episode corresponding to the Joy. It is not improbable that
the many references to joie, including the play on words spoken by Lidoine in response to the lines
quoted above (<< Diex nous en doinst joie, que j’oie / Pour coy il sont si esjoÿ! >> / Fit celle, quy pas
n’en joÿ, 2858-60) serve to recall that well-known episode and prepare the audience for what is to come.
183
For a discussion of the place and significance of the Songe, an important work in the development of
secular and satirical allegory, see Mihm’s introduction to her edition, especially pp. 14-18. Fabienne
Pomel discusses the Songe and many related texts, including questions of genre, in Les Voies de l’au-
delà et l’essor de l’allégorie au Moyen Âge, Nouvelle Bibliothèque du Moyen Âge 57 (Paris: Champion,
2001). See especially her sub-chapter “Raoul de Houdenc: la subversion ludique et ironique” (205-17),

54
the same themes and concerns. Peopled with allegorical figures that are developed to

varying degrees, and containing satirical references to specific persons and places,184 it

also demonstrates the sad state of the world in comparison to ideal behavior. The

tone, often heavily satirical, is ironic in that the authorial persona often does not

express the author’s presumed sentiments directly, as it generally does in the Dit and

the Roman des Eles. For example, “Raoul” claims to have pleasant conversations with

such characters as Tolir, the “mestre et sire” of the city of Foimentie, of whom he says,

“Cortois estoit et debonere” (107), the language and commonplaces of courtly romance

adding to the humor throughout the text.185 When asked for news by the various

personified vices, the same Raoul cordially gives them information about their

followers and relatives. For example, he tells Avarisce, described as the cousin of

Tricherie and Rapine, that her relatives have so harried Larguece that the latter no

longer has “Tor ne recet” (48) and is “en si mal point / Que chiés les riches n’en a point” (51-

52). Numerous mentions are made of heresies186 and vices187 that do not appear, at

in which she finds Raoul to be “le seul auteur du corpus à s’émanciper complètement de tout projet
didactique et édifiant, tout en jouant sur le modèle religieux” (216). For a further discussion of genre, as
well as the text’s parallels with numerous ecclesiastical texts of the time, see Mark Burde, “Sweet
Dreams: Parody, Satire, and Alimentary Allegory in Raoul de Houdenc’s Le Songe d’Enfer,” in “Por le
Soie Amisté”: Essays in Honor of Norris J. Lacy, eds. Keith Busby, Norris J. Lacy, and Catherine M.
Jones (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000), 53-74.
184
Among numerous examples, Tricherie is said to be “Justice, dame, et viscontesse” in Poitou (63; see
Mihm’s note to her lines 62 and others, p. 91, for the association of treachery with the Poitevins), and
various people are mentioned by name (e.g., Michiel de Treilles, 197; Girart de Troyes, 201; and
Gormons d’Argent, 519).
185
For example, when he arrives in Hell, the narrator is received with “grant joie” (388), like both
Meraugis and Erec, and finds that the king is holding a splendid court that day: Cel jor tint li rois
d’Enfer cort / Plus grant que je ne vous sai dire (392-93).
186
When “Raoul” is welcomed to the infernal banquet, his chair consists of two “popelicans” (438) and
his table of a “toisserant” (439), both referring to dualist heresies, and “bougres” are served “A la grant
sausse parisee” (490-91) (referring to a burning of heretics in 1210, and used by Fourrier, p. 183, to date
the text). See Mihm’s notes to these lines for a discussion and history of the various heresies to which
these terms refer.
187
For example, gambling and cheating (Hasart, Mesconte, Mestret), Gloutonie, and Yvrece.

55
least not overtly, in the other two didactic works or in Meraugis, yet it is clear that there

is significant thematic overlap between this text and the others.

The Vengeance Raguidel has by both of its principal editors been attributed to

Raoul de Houdenc,188 and it will here be tentatively considered as Raoul’s work.189

Though an Arthurian romance, this text is quite different in tone from Meraugis and

seems much farther away from the refined courtly influence of Chrétien de Troyes.190

The text contains three distinct but interrelated plotlines, all with Gauvain as the

central figure.191 The first of these, which makes considerable use of supernatural

elements,192 concerns the vengeance by Gauvain (with the help of another predestined

knight) of a knight who was unjustly killed. The second involves Gauvain’s encounter

188
See Friedwagner’s introduction to his edition of the Vengeance, pp. CXXVIII ff., and Roussineau’s,
pp. 11 ff. Both editors devote considerable attention to the matter of authorship, and also the question of
whether the Vengeance might have been the work of two authors, one of whom was probably Raoul de
Houdenc, an opinion held by a few scholars in the late 19th century.
189
I would agree with Roussineau (see his discussion, pp. 17 ff.) that the most convincing arguments are
those based not on content or “spirit,” Raoul de Houdenc being a writer skilled in many varieties of
writing, but rather those based on language use, similarities of phrasing, unusual vocabulary, etc. To
give only a single example, the unusual term crois baissie (boissiee), a cross decorated with boxwood
branches (4361, 4363, 4364), also appears in the Vengeance (1246; see also Roussineau’s note to this
line, pp. 360-61). Also of particular interest are references to characters and places, including Meraugis
himself (“Malaugis, cil de Porlesgués,” 1267, var. Meraugis), Landesmores (3180), and Lindesores
(3179).
190
It is worth remembering, however, that Chrétien has actually been suggested as the author of Le
Chevalier à l’épee and La Mule sans frein by the texts’s editors, R. C. Johnston and D. D. R. Owen
(Two Old French Gauvain Romances); see Owen’s “Païen de Maisières—A Joke that Went Wrong” and
“Two More Romances by Chrétien de Troyes?” This attribution has, however, not generally been
accepted; see, for example, Harry F. Williams, “The Authorship of Two Arthurian romances,” referred
to earlier, which surveys the opinions of various scholars as well as weighing the evidence. In any case,
the name of the “author” of La Mule, Païen de Maisières, may well be a parodic pseudonym designed to
recall Chrétien de Troyes, although Williams (p. 168) claims that Païen should still be listed as the
Mule’s composer.
191
The “unity” of this work has sometimes been questioned, as for instance by Micha in Loomis’s
Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages; Micha finds that the author, whom he does not believe to be
Raoul de Houdenc, “has not succeeded in giving a real unity to this combination of stories” (p. 365).
Roussineau, however, finds that Gauvain “assure une unité à l’œuvre” (p. 43), which was, in fact,
entitled Messire Gauvain ou La Vengeance de Raguidel by its first editor, Célestin Hippeau.
192
These include the arrival of the knight’s dead body in a boat with a message, which may have been
based on an incident in the First Continuation, a work that most probably pre-dates this text (see
Roussineau’s note 135, p. 352); and enchanted armor provided by a fairy.

56
with a vengeful lady who loves him and believes he has unjustly spurned her. The

third, a decidedly uncourtly tale, involves Gauvain’s blind but eventually disabused

love for a lady who proves most unworthy of that love, as well as a chastity test motif,

a cloak that becomes smaller when the lady wearing it is unfaithful.193 The romance

contains some of the expected characteristics of Arthurian romance as embodied in the

works of Chrétien de Troyes, for example in the fulfillment of a quest by a designated

hero knight (Gauvain is the only one who can avenge Raguidel, and Yder194 is the only

one who can assist him) and the ending of evil customs for the general good (e.g.,

when Gauvain defeats the knight Maduc and makes him his vassal, putting an end to

the knight’s custom of killing every knight who enters his castle). There are, however,

ways in which the text seems far different in spirit from those texts and from Meraugis,

most notably in the treatment of ladies and of love.195 As Roussineau points out, in this

text “Raoul n’est pas tendre avec les femmes,” presenting an image of them “qui n’est

guère élogieuse” (p. 56).196 Under the influence of love, some of the characters in this

193
As Roussineau demonstrates, the author was almost certainly familiar with the Lai du Cort Mantel
(found in Mantel et Cor: Deux Lais du XIIe siècle, ed. Philip Bennett, Exeter: University of Exeter
Press, 1975) and Le Chevalier à l’Épée (in Two Old French Gauvain Romances). See p. 42 of
Roussineau’s introduction and the note to line 3893, p. 384, and especially the latter for references
pertaining to these and other chastity tests in Old French literature. Tom Peete Cross, in “Notes on the
Chastity-Testing Horn and Mantle,” Modern Philology 10 (1913): 289-99, examines possible Old Irish
sources for these motifs.
194
This character is the hero of his own romance (The Romance of Yder, ed. Alison Adams [Cambridge:
D. S. Brewer, 1983]), which post-dates the Vengeance and is notable for its unusually negative
portrayals of Keu and Arthur (see, for example, Adams’s “The Roman d’Yder: Individual and Society,”
in The Legacy of Chrétien de Troyes, 2:71-77). In both texts, Yder is said to have killed a bear,
suggesting that this motif had come to be associated with the character. Yder is also the name of a
character in Erec punished for allowing his dwarf to strike the queen’s maiden but later made a member
of Arthur’s court.
195
J. D. Bruce believes, however, that “the excessive deference for the fair sex, in the spirit of the amour
courtois, which marks the Meraugis, may well have been put on” (2:214) and therefore does not
consider this a reason to deny attribution of the Vengeance to Raoul de Houdenc.
196
Micha, among others, agrees, stating that the Vengeance “exposes cruelly the frailties of the fair sex”
(in Loomis’s Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, p. 365).

57
romance fail miserably to live up to courtly ideals, behaving in ways that are sensual

and even vulgar (such as Ydain, the woman with whom Gauvain falls in love but who

readily deserts him for reasons having nothing to do with his courtliness or valor),

perversely violent and cruel (the lady of Gaudestroit,197 who intends to trap and kill

Gauvain with an elaborate mechanical device so that she can be with him forever in

death, and also imprisons and tortures his brother in the hope of luring him there),

and unjustly (the above-mentioned knight Maduc, who in an attempt to please the

lady of Gaudestroit kills every knight who partakes of his hospitality in case one of

them should happen to be Gauvain). The absence of ideal love in this text, however,

does not necessarily work to undermine that ideal, even though it does seem to point

to the difficulty of its attainment. As the virtues in Raoul’s didactic works often have

corresponding vices (whether named directly or not) and vice versa, so the absence of

a successful principal couple tested and ultimately crowned by love is so conspicuous

here that it can scarcely fail to remind an attentive audience of that alternative

possibility,198 as the numerous personified vices of the Songe d’Enfer inevitably remind

the listeners of their virtuous counterparts.199 As to Gauvain himself, whose role is a

197
The lady of Gaudestroit, or Gaut Destroit, appears in other Arthurian romances, notably Hunbaut, in
which she is also in love with Gauvain and keeps an image of him. See The Romance of Hunbaut: An
Arthurian Poem of the Thirteenth Century, ed. Margaret E. Winters (Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill,
1984).
198
The closest this text comes to such a couple is Yder and Greviloïne, but this union is marred by the
necessary death of her father, Guengasoain (see Micha, in Loomis, Arthurian Literature in the Middle
Ages, p. 365, for possible Celtic sources of this motif). Roussineau also finds that Yder’s “amour
juvénile n’échappe pas à l’ironie de l’auteur, qui le décrit avec un sourire détaché” (p. 56).
199
In response to Gorvain’s effusiveness regarding Lidoione’s beauty, Meraugis observes: “Que s’elle
estoit d’onour faillant / Et elle estoit plus belle assés, / Si serroit pour noient lassés / D’amours celui qui
l’ameroit” (494-97). Assuming Raoul de Houdenc’s authorship of both texts, this could be seen as an
intertextual comment on Gauvain’s unfortunate lack of discernment in his choice of an amie.

58
complex one in this text, the ironic humor with which he is on occasion treated200 plays

with but ultimately does not undermine his traditional role as the embodiment of

courtly ideals, who nonetheless has certain weaknesses that make him a figure of fun

or prevent him from progressing beyond a certain point. His blind and foolish love for

an unworthy woman201 affirms a central point of his role as the “Chevalier as

Damoisielles,”202 a knight who assists and defends many ladies without ever becoming

part of a stable couple.203

Anthime Fourrier’s identification of Raoul with “Radulfus de Hodenc,” nephew

of Peter the Chanter (Petrus Cantor, also known as Petrus de Hosdenc),204 which has

found general acceptance,205 is useful in understanding how the author of Meraugis

could also be the author of the Songe d’Enfer, and even the Vengeance Raguidel. A

theologian of immense learning, Petrus Cantor Parisiensis was known especially as a

200
Roussineau notes that “en même temps qu’il donne de son héros un portrait flatteur, Raoul n’hésite
pas à le ridiculiser” (p. 47); see his discussion of the complexity of the character’s portrayal (pp. 44 ff.).
201
It is worth mentioning that the lady with whom Gauvain becomes enamoured is extremely beautiful;
her lack of fidelity supports the arguments of Meraugis and of the ladies of Arthur’s court that beauty
and good character do not necessarily correspond.
202
Keith Busby notes that this title, used by the dwarf in Meraugis, is “another example of Gauvain’s
‘extra-textual’ reputation in the eyes of the world” (Gauvain in Old French Literature, p. 311), even
though he is not given such a role in that text.
203
This is true in Chrétien’s Arthurian works and in most of the Old French epigonal romances, with a
few notable exceptions such as Floriant et Florete (see the edition by Annie Combes and Richard
Trachsler [Paris: Champion, 2003]), in which Gauvain is married. For this aspect of Gauvain’s
character as shown in the romances in which he is the principal character, see Schmolke-Hasselmann,
especially her chapter “Knight or Lover: Gauvain as a Paragon Divided” (pp. 104-141). The theme has
often been treated, perhaps most comprehensively by Keith Busby in Gauvain in Old French Literature;
see especially his conclusion to the work (pp. 381-403), in which he finds that “Gauvain’s attitude to
love is evidently a failure to appreciate the connection between love and chivalry, a connection which all
true heroes of romance learn to understand” (395).
204
Busby, in his introduction to the Roman des Eles (p. 15), notes that Fourrier is “excessively modest”
about the convincing evidence he has produced for an identification which he (Fourrier) merely claims
to find “fort tentante” (Fourrier, p. 193).
205
Besides Busby (in his introduction to the Roman des Eles, p. 15, and more recently in, for example,
the New Arthurian Encyclopedia, Norris J. Lacy, Geoffrey Ashe, Sandra Mess Ihle, Marianne E.
Kalinke, and Raymond H. Thompson, eds. [New York: Garland, 1996], p. 379), see Mihm (pp. 3-9) and
Skilnik (p. 33).

59
teacher,206 for his sermons, and for numerous writings, including Biblical

commentaries and moral teachings deploring vice and urging the practice of virtue,

many (including the Verbum Abbreviatum207) directed principally toward the clergy and

religious orders. He was also known for his opposition to the heresies of the time,

some of which have clearly found their way into Raoul’s infernal vision.208 It is easy to

see considerable correspondence between the Songe d’Enfer and many of the views and

interests of Raoul’s famous uncle.209 Especially important, perhaps, is the core of moral

issues that permeate the Songe and provide its context despite the fact that the work is

generally considered to be more humorous than “edifying.”210 Also significant,

however, are Raoul’s breadth of knowledge and power of synthesis,211 both of which

206
See Eva Matthews Sanford, “The Verbum Abbreviatum of Petrus Cantor,” in Transactions and
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 74 (1943): 33-48, especially pp. 36 ff., for
contemporary evidence regarding his reputation and teaching methods. She also discusses the Chanter’s
use of such classical authors as Seneca, Ovid, Horace, Juvenal, Lucan, Virgil, Statius, and many others
(pp. 39 ff.).
207
Significantly, this work, whose popularity is attested by the many manuscripts in which it has been
preserved, is also known as the Treatise on the Castigation of Vices and Commendation of Virtues. For
a discussion of the manuscript tradition, see Baldwin 2:246-65. The work has recently been edited; see
Petri Cantoris Parisiensis Verbum Adbreviatum: Textus Conflatus, ed. Monique Boutry, Corpus
Christianorum 196 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004).
208
For specific details of these, see especially Fourrier, pp. 182 ff. (as well as Mihm’s notes to lines 438-
39, pp. 119-20, and to line 490, p. 126, mentioned above).
209
Not all critics, however, have accepted the comparison. As Mihm notes (p. 11), Marc-René Jung, for
example, is not fully convinced of correspondences between the Songe and the Verbum Abbreviatum
(Études sur le poème allégorique en France au Moyen Âge, p. 255).
210
For discussions of Raoul’s use of comedy in the Songe, see among others The Vision of Hell:
Infernal Journeys in Medieval French Literature, especially the chapter “Parody and Burlesque,” pp.
200-213. In singling out what is unusual about the Songe, critics including Micha (“Raoul de
Houdenc”), Jung (Études sur le poème allégorique) and Pomel (Les Voies de l’au-delà) have stressed its
lack of edifying intention in comparison to comparable allegorical texts.
211
In his recent important study of the background and importance of the Songe, Mark Burde finds that
the work “reveals itself to have incorporated bits and pieces of many other works of its era, many of
them ecclesiastical in nature” and that “the range and number of texts that it consumes have heretofore
gone unrecognized” (“Sweet Dreams: Parody, Satire, and Alimentary Allegory in Raoul de Houdenc’s
Le Songe d’Enfer,” p. 73). The word “consumes” is significant to Burde’s analysis, which is especially
helpful for an understanding of the infernal banquet and its relationship to contemporary theology and
questions of genre (see especially his discussion of the word “satire” and its culinary connotations, pp.
72 ff.).

60
he shares with Peter the Chanter even though his gifts were of a different order .212

Though Raoul’s texts are largely secularized, they are nonetheless permeated with

references to the religious concerns of the time. Heavily satirical as the work is, the

objects of its biting wit are those who are seen to have transgressed against the same

Christian moral principles upheld by Peter the Chanter and his contemporaries.213

Despite our lack of specific knowledge of Raoul’s life, it is surely not

unreasonable to suppose that the great man must have played a part in his nephew’s

education, evidence of which led to early speculation that Raoul was indeed a cleric.214

Kundert-Forrer, for example, notes (pp. 12 ff.) his familiarity with and skill in the

rhetorical techniques of the time (she examines, to give one example, his use of

amplificatio in the Roman des Eles215) as formulated in the Ars versificatoria of Matthieu de

Vendômes and the Poetria nova of Geoffroi de Vinsauf,216 and rhetorical devices are in

evidence throughout his works. His skill with courtly debate has been mentioned

above; and allegory, though not as extensively developed as elsewhere in Raoul’s

texts, especially the Songe,217 does appear even in Meraugis. A good example of the

212
Raoul could perhaps be seen as even more of a synthesizer than Peter, of whom Sanford notes that
“he considered his function to be that of compiling and organizing his material, and would not often
undertake to say something in his own words which had been well said by another” (“The Verbum
Abbreviatum of Petrus Cantor,” pp. 47-48).
213
For example, usurers fattened on others’s property are served among the first courses in hell. For
details of the campaign against usury, strongly attacked in the Verbum Abbreviatum and pursued by the
Chanter’s former students Robert de Courçon and Thomas de Chobham, see Baldwin, 1:296-311.
214
This was, in fact, an opinion that Gaston Paris espoused at one time; and, as Mihm points out,
“didactic and moralistic literature like the Roman des Eles was often the province of a cleric” (p. 6).
215
Keith Busby notes in his introduction to the work that she understands it as “a kind of school
exercise” (p. 15).
216
See Edmond Faral, Les Arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle, to which Kundert-Forrer refers, for a
discussion of these works and for the texts themselves. The first of these artes poeticae dates before
1175, the second after 1208.
217
See the line note to 966 ff., below, regarding capitalization of the personifications in Raoul’s various
works.

61
latter is the anaphoric passage 218 in which the fair Lorete219 argues against the

superiority of beauty to courtliness: “Biautéz s’assiet com ambleüre, / Biautéz vient cha or

fust chy miex, / Biautéz si fiert les genz ez iex. / Biautéz , qu’est ce quy nest yssy ? / Orgeux,

voire, Orguel” (968-72). Punning and various forms of wordplay are very much in

evidence in Meraugis, and sometimes become quite elaborate. To give a single

example, while Meraugis and the Outredouté are fighting to the death, and after the

latter has sought to intimidate him, Meraugis is still able to pun extensively on his

opponent’s name, after first punning on the meaning of nom (4502-11).220 Yet such

verbal fireworks are more than simple displays of wit, either for the composer or the

characters, for they often serve more than one purpose and reveal much about the

characters who use them.221 Another notable aspect of Raoul’s style222 is his much-

commented use of questions and answers,223 both in dialogue (which occasionally

218
A more extended example of anaphora is the passage beginning at 4814, in which Meraugis laments
for Lidoine and enumerates what she is to him, based on lines spoken by Enide’s father about his
beloved daughter (Erec, 543-46).
219
As West notes, this character could possibly be the same as the other Lorete (68-69), known for her
great physical beauty, which would make her arguments here especially credible.
220
The full passage reads: Car je ne suy de nul renon, / Mais tu es ly plus renomés. / Seul del non dont tu
es noméz / Puet l’en une paour avoir, / Car tes nons fait a tous savoir / Que l’en te doit outredouter. / Ce
ne fait mie a redouter / Que maint chevalier ne te dot, / Et je meïsme te redot / Plus qu’onques mais ne
dotay homme.
221
Szkilnik, in speaking of Meraugis’s transformation from a rather simple “nice” unskilled in “les
conventions littéraires” (p. 15; see the earlier discussion of this point) into a “sage,” uses this as an
example of the character’s growth in the use of rhetorical devices “réservés jusqu’alors soit au narrateur,
soit a certains personnages comme les demoiselles de la reine ou Laquis” (p. 21). This is an interesting
point because it shows how Meraugis’s chivalric growth is connected to his skill with words, a skill
already possessed by the ladies of Arthur’s court who earlier decided his case. The example of Laquis,
however, which seems to refer to the elaborate punning on the words tort and droit (1848 ff.), is one in
which Meraugis does participate and demonstrate a certain verbal skill, although it is true that Laquis
does show himself to be the more skilled in rhetoric. The encounter with Laquis and their exchange of
wit, which Meraugis puts to good use in later exchanges, can be seen as another example of the hero’s
ability to learn from his experiences.
222
See also the section on stylistic devices in the linguistic discussion below.
223
This linguistic habit is sometimes commented negatively, as by Micha, who calls it “un … tic qui
devient fatigant” (“Raoul de Houdenc,” p. 331) and uses it as a basis for his relatively early dating of
the text, of which there is otherwise not a great deal of evidence. Gaston Paris, in “Romans en vers du

62
make it difficult to tell which character is speaking224) and elsewhere,225 where the

authorial voice appears to be interacting with an unnamed interlocutor.

Raoul’s verbal skills are evidence not only of a solid education but also of a gift

for using those acquired skills to construct an effective narrative. Dialogue, for

example, often serves many purposes, including that of propelling the story along, as

well as giving the listener an idea of the nature of each speaker. The discussion

between Meraugis and Gorvain as to the relative merits of beauty and courtliness,

especially in connection with Lidoine just after they have met her (487 ff.), is a case in

point. Gorvain’s first words are of her beauty, with Meraugis’s immediate response to

him being a contradictory discourse on the importance of onour and courtoisie. This

leads each to reveal his heart to the other and defend his own position with

considerable amplificatio, Gorvain declaring it would not matter if she were “guivre u

fantosme u serpens” (506) or were of “toutes males mours” (537), and Meraugis eventually

responding that he would love her equally well if she were “baucende ou noire / Ou

fauve” (578-79). Gorvain’s response “Vous me gabés!”226 (582) effectively shows his

rising anger and the mounting possibility that the two loyal friends will fall out. The

length of phrases varies throughout this passage from long, elegant sentences that

allow the speakers to develop reasoned arguments, to sharp, paratactic exchanges, as

cycle de la Table Ronde,” goes so far as to describe Raoul’s use of the device as “poussé jusqu’à l’abus
et tombant dans l’enfantillage” (p. 236).
224
See, for example, line notes 1192, 3521, and 4475-76 below.
225
To choose but a single example at random: Meraugis fu a cort venus. — / Et que devint Gorvains
Cadrus? / Vint il ? — Oïl, le jor demaine (5823-25).
226
This word choice also points to the rivalry that is already springing up between the two because of its
association with competitive boasting, as well as mockery and the telling of falsehoods. See in this
connection John L. Grigsby’s The Gab as a Latent Genre in Medieval French Literature: Drinking and
Boasting in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 2000), especially
pp. 7-29.

63
when Gorvain finally loses his temper completely: “Trop avés dit ; fuiés de chy! / La trive

fault, je vos desfy …” (603-4). Regardless of the length of phrases, however, this long

exchange of dialogue reveals a continuous chain of cause and effect as each character

reacts to what the other has said, moving the action inexorably forward.

The use of cause and effect is characteristic also of the construction of narrative

in this text, as Schmolke-Hasselmann has observed.227 In some of Chrétien’s texts, for

example, many events seem to happen for no obvious reason, as when Erec and Enide

meet first three brigands, then five, then count Galoain, then Guivret le Petit,228 and so

forth, all encounters that enable the characters and their situation to progress in a

logical manner.229 In the case of Meraugis, however, the hero makes steady progress

toward the attainment of a specified goal (initially, the rescue of Gauvain), eventually

fulfilling it by following advice that he receives (and, of course, by means of his own

developing wit and discernment). Some of this advice, however, leads him to make

certain bad decisions (notably the knocking down of the Outredouté’s shield, which,

coupled with further bad judgment on his part, also leads indirectly to the maiming of

Laquis), as a result of which he must form and pursue new goals (e.g., finding and

punishing the Outredouté in order to avenge Laquis and prevent further harm). This

is not to say that there is no apparent aventure in Meraugis: it seems to be aventure, for

example, that the badly wounded Meraugis is found by the company of Meliant de Lis

227
She notes that the text “exhibits a causal relationship between the individual adventures” that
“distinguishes it from most of the other representatives of the genre” (p. 155).
228
This does not mean, of course, that there is no reason for them, that they are in any way “random” in
the modern sense, or that the text is somehow less “unified” because there is often no apparent causal
link between events. For a discussion of “the processes by which the medieval writer designed and
assembled the elaborate mosaic of a romance,” see, for example, Norris J. Lacy, “Spatial Form in
Medieval Romance,” Yale French Studies 51 (1974), 160-69.
229
See Dembowski’s analysis of the episodes comprising the central section of Erec in the commentary
to his edition, pp. 1061 ff., as well as Zaddy’s “The Structure of Chrétien’s Erec,” among others.

64
and Espinogres on their way to Blechis’s castle, the very place that the hero would

most have wanted to find himself; on the other hand, Meraugis’s own persistence and

eventual success in destroying the Outredouté are what enable Meliant de Lis to

surmise the hero’s worth and make the decision to take him to Blechis. In this regard

it is noteworthy, as Schmolke-Hasselmann notes, that “the adventures cannot be

interchanged at will, since they have a clear function in the overall pattern of

meaning” (p. 155).

Some aspects of Raoul’s use of the supernatural, or merveilleux, have been

discussed above. Such elements, ubiquitous in the Arthurian romances of Chrétien,

find their way into nearly all the continuations230 and epigonal romances231 to varying

degrees. In general, it may be observed that the supernatural plays in this text a less

important role than in those of Chrétien, for whom it is less important than would

have been the case in the Celtic sources from which many elements in his romances are

presumed to have derived.232 The supernatural is, however, somewhat more

important in Meraugis than in the Vengeance, in which, as Roussineau observes (p. 58),

“Le merveilleux occupe une place réduite” and is often explained and/or rationalized.

In Meraugis, the Isle Sans Non, for instance, as discussed above, contains fewer

230
The Grail is perhaps the best case in point. For an analysis of its Celtic origins and transformation in
the early Grail texts, see R. S. Loomis, The Grail: From Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol (Cardiff:
University of Wales Press, 1963); also D. D. R. Owen, The Evolution of the Grail Legend (Edinburgh:
Oliver and Boyd, 1968); and specifically for the first two Continuations, see William Roach,
“Transformations of the Grail Theme in the First Two Continuations of Perceval,” Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 110, no. 3 (1966): 160-64.
231
A major exception is the anonymous Gliglois, whose only known copy appeared in the T manuscript
just before Meraugis and was almost completely destroyed by the fire in the Biblioteca Nazionale di
Torino in 1904. This brief work is unusually free of supernatural elements for an Arthurian text of this
period. See, for example, Micha’s comments in Loomis, Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, pp.
382-83, and the introduction to the edition by Charles Livingston, who finds that “the work shows no
trace of Welsh or Breton sources” (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932, p. 33).
232
See, again, especially Loomis, Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien De Troyes, for specific motifs.

65
elements of mystery than the Joy of the Court episode, from which it is probably

derived;233 the Joy, however, was likely inspired by at least one source much different

in character in which supernatural beings played a part.234 Other elements in Meraugis,

such as the mysterious Esplumoir Merlin,235 and the rock236 whereon dwell the

prophetic ladies, as well as the mysterious chapel and cross with gold lettering to

which they direct him for advice on how to find Gauvain, are not explained and retain

a substantial element of mystery. Similarly, we never learn how the dwarf, whose

main motivation throughout is to find a champion so that he can be married and enjoy

the position his birth and breeding deserve, has information regarding the

whereabouts of Gauvain or what his connection is to Merlin or the ladies; nor, for that

matter, do we see any evidence of Merlin himself or what his connection is to the rock

or the young women. The castle of carols, which may also have been derived from a

Celtic source,237 is also not explained and seems primarily to serve the function of

suspending Meraugis in a certain place to allow time to pass and other events to occur;

it may therefore be said to function more as a narrative tool than as an element of

significant thematic import.238 To a large extent this is the case with most supernatural

233
Such an assumption does not, of course, rule out the possibility of other sources, Celtic or otherwise,
with which Raoul may have been familiar; Chrétien’s influence, however, must be assumed to have
been the main influence here as elsewhere given the multiplicity of obvious intertextual references.
234
As Dembowski notes in his introduction to Erec, p. 1057, we do not know the exact nature of this
material, but it probably involved a giant and a fairy. See also, among others, Loomis’s analysis in
Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien De Troyes, pp. 168-84.
235
See William A. Nitze, “The Esplumoir Merlin”; Brown, “The Esplumoir and Viviane”; Roger
Sherman Loomis, “L’Esplumeor Merlin Again”; and line note 1297 below.
236
This “rock” (roche) could also be a fortress. See line notes 2597 and 2616 below.
237
See, for example, Ferdinand Lot, “Celtica,” in Romania 24 (1895), p. 325. There is, however,
disagreement on this point, as, for example, Bruce, 2:297-98.
238
A more intriguing possibility, however, is raised by Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, in “Arthurian
Heroes and Convention: Meraugis de Portlesguez and Durmant le Gallois,” in The Legacy of Chrétien
de Troyes, ed. Norris J. Lacy, Douglas Kelly, and Keith Busby (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 2:79-92.
Blumenfeld-Kosinski sees the castle as a place of transformation and the carol as a metaphor for the

66
elements in Meraugis, especially when compared to, for example, the Perceval.

Whereas the supernatural elements in the latter point to the deeper religious meaning

toward which the text seems to be moving,239 in Meraugis they serve a function similar

to that of many other elements of the text, such as familiar characters and motifs: they

situate it within the context of Arthurian romance and lend it authority, even though

often at the same time serving as narrative elements to advance the story or point to

the direction of the hero’s progress. To use only the two brief examples just

mentioned, the prophetic maidens serve as guides in much the same way as the dwarf,

pointing Meraugis forward toward his goal of finding Gauvain,240 while the chapel and

cross to which they send him for information test his judgment by giving him the

opportunity to choose the best of the three paths;241 although the latter seem to have

religious potential, as in the Perceval and its Continuations,242 they do not mark the

path of either the hero or the romance toward a specifically religious end,243 and there

creation of poetry. As she points out, it is noteworthy both that the poet refers to himself by name
(Raols, quy romance le conte, 4274) at the time when Meraugis emerges from the carole castle and that
it is now spring, the “privileged season for poetic visions and creations” (p. 85).
239
Among numerous discussions of the the text’s possible direction, see, for example, Frappier’s
remarks in Loomis, Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, notably pp. 189-90.
240
At the same time, these rather uncooperative ladies provide humorous moments, as when the listeners
hear how the exasperated knight stands looking up at them and shouting: “Mais je m’y suy venus jüer /
A la muse, par cha defors” (2674-75).
241
See Blumenfeld-Kosinski, p. 84, on the significance of the Voie Sans Non and Cité Sans Non as “the
undirected, as yet nameless nature of Meraugis’s adventures,” certainly a valid point because they
represent an acceptance of trust in the unknown, in adventure itself, and in the knight’s ability to solve
the problems he faces in the completion of his quest. On a more basic level, however, the choice
between the three paths is a forced choice because either of the others would oblige him to behave
wrongly toward others or to be treated unjustly himself (see Rémy, and line note 2714 below).
242
Cf., for example, the chapel of Perceval’s hermit uncle, the chapel of the black hand that appears in
the First Continuation, the chapel with the slain knight and snuffed-out candle in the Second
Continuation, etc. Unlike the latter examples, however, the Meraugis chapel is a quiet, peaceful place,
and the decorated cross a sign of Palm Sunday. (See A. Delboulle, “Boissié, bouyssé, boissé,” Romania
22 [1893]: 264-65; Friedwagner’s note 4421, pp. 254-55; and also Gaston Paris, “Romans en vers du
cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 229.)
243
On the other hand, they do perhaps point in a general way to the importance of religion in the life of a
knight, as recommended especially in the Roman des Eles (see the discussion above).

67
is no further thematic development of them.244 It is probably not without significance

that, once Meraugis’s early failures and frustrations are behind him and the tide of the

narrative has turned decisively in his favor, the supernatural elements become

relatively few in number and low in narrative influence. After Meraugis is released

from the carol castle, such elements play a very small role in the story,245 which is now

directed toward the hero’s serious pursuit of chivalric ideals and the restoration of his

lost love, a pursuit that will soon lead to his attainment of “quan qu’il velt” (5868).

Another characteristic of Raoul’s narrative is a pronounced skill with striking

detail and description.246 His descriptions of fortified towns,247 for example, convey a

strong sense of place that combine imagination and realistic detail, with Monhaut,

Blechis’s fortress, being one case in point. The description combines confirmable facts,

such as the “riche trenchie / Dont la faloise estoit trenchie / Plus de cent toises en parfont”

(4209-11), with more subjective ones, such as Blechis’s feeling of security: “De tant se

puet Belchis vanter / Qu’il ne crient siege de nul home. / Se tous li empires de Rome / Estoit

entour, n’avroit il garde” (4200-3). The result is a sense of impregnability that is

244
There are several additional themes and narrative threads left open to possible future development in
the text, such as the suspended quarrel with Maret (3592 ff.) and the custom of making suitable
marriages for ladies of King Amangon’s court, a custom which Meraugis promises to fulfill the
following year if required to do so (2451 ff.).
245
The Espee as Estranges Renges, the object of Gauvain’s quest and the reason he parts ways with
Meraugis, is obviously a supernatural element, yet that aspect is not emphasized in the text. As Busby
notes (Gauvain in Old French Literature, p. 268), the difference in the two paths the two heroes now
pursue—Gauvain in quest of glory, Meraugis in quest of his love—seems to point to a difference
between the two heroes reminiscent of the implied comparison between Perceval and Gauvain in
Chrétien’s romance.
246
Roussineau (pp. 62-63) also notes this as a prominent characteristic of the Vengeance.
247
Cf. G. D. West’s “The Description of Towns in Old French Verse Romances,” French Studies 11, no.
1 (1957): 50-59, describes various examples, including the residence of the Pucele de Gaudestroit in the
Vengeance. West finds a general tendency in later romances toward realistic detail and “a desire to
describe a castle or fortified town that resembled those in which the poet’s audience might have lived”
(p. 58).

68
reinforced throughout much of the rest of the text,248 underlining the difficulty of the

task that lies in front of those who would lay siege to it in order to rescue Lidoine.

Therefore, when Meraugis manages to tame the castle and its fierce, bad-tempered

master through a clever and complex strategy,249 thus avoiding the destruction of the

castle and major loss of life, his triumph seems all the more impressive. Similarly,

Raoul’s portraits of individuals, more or less developed,250 combine memorable detail

with a moral sense of the person. For example, the portrait of Blechis (3715 ff.) rapidly

sizes the man up with details of his appearance, character, and behavior: his face is

“plus dur que bois,” and he is the ugliest man nature251 ever made; he delights in doing

wickedness and “tout li mal sont si acointe”; but nonetheless “moult estoit hardis et aigres /

En bataille et en estors” (3726-27), and he appears to be a good leader, if perhaps one

who inspires too much fear. It is interesting that Blechis’s first action following the

portrait is to greet Lidoine with proper courtly speech and to offer her lodging. There

is no indication whether his expression of friendship for her father is true or not, nor

do we know whether his intention toward her is wicked from the start, but the fact

that we are told that, once he has learned of Meraugis’s supposed death, “Traïson qui

en luy s’estent / Le fiert el cuer” (3752-53) leaves open the possibility that it is not. The

248
For example, when Gorvain sees it for the first time, “Moult le vit riche et fort et haut, / Sel doute
moult a asseoir” (4230-32). Later, when a plan is drawn up at Arthur’s court of how to attack it, Amice
describes the castle Quy moult est fors et siet sour mer (5131), and Agravain speaks up about the
difficulty of capturing it and then suggests a strategy for capturing it by sea (5133 ff.). The plan, once
drawn up, is an imposing one in which Gauvain commands that every ship “jusqu’en Illande” (5166)
meet him at Stirling.
249
It is evident that Meraugis’s actions here are reminiscent of his use of strategy to get himself and
Gawain off the Isle Sans Non; both plans involve the use of disguise to accomplish a goal that could not
otherwise be attained by force of arms.
250
Lidoine’s (8-109) is by far the most developed in the text, with the two heroes not being physically
described at all; as mentioned earlier, they are defined first by their friendship and knightly valor (317
ff.), then soon thereafter by their differing reactions to Lidoine (336 ff.).
251
Nature is mentioned elsewhere in the poem especially in connection with Lidoine, twice in her
portrait (19, 48) and once in a later description (236).

69
moral impression of this portrait is, therefore, a complex one, and Blechis’s later

redemption, mentioned above, is perhaps less surprising than it might first appear.

Raoul also shows a particular penchant for realistic details concerning battles

and military strategy. As well as grisly descriptions of the aftermath of an attack (“De

bras, de tiestes, et de mains / Jonche tous li païs autour,” 4076-77),252 there is mention of

ladders (“escellez plus de vint,” 4129); the effective and deadly use of fire,253 which takes

rapid hold and causes people to jump out of windows (4141 ff.); and the construction

of “Engins tant onques ce n’avint” (4250) by agigneorz brought in from everywhere for

the purpose. Battle strategies are sometimes described in detail, as when the knights

of the Round Table (who do not recognize Meraugis and think Gauvain has betrayed

them) pin Gauvain and Meraugis between their men and Gorvain’s, so that Gauvain

must find a way for them to break through and escape back to the castle.254 All of this

gives the impression of a strong interest in and knowledge of the practicalities of war ,

an impression that fits well with Fourrier’s hypothesis that the composer was himself a

man of military background.

Meraugis is, as stated earlier, a work that was much respected in its time255 and

had a significant influence on what followed it.256 Although no one would now

attribute to Raoul de Houdenc the same stature and importance as Chrétien de

252
Gaston Paris (“Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 229) observes that Raoul has
endowed the battle scene between Meraugis and the Outredouté with “une energie et une fougue peu
communes.”
253
Greek fire is also mentioned, in a description of sparks flying off the helmets of Meraugis and
Gauvain as they do battle (3010).
254
Although it is often noted that Gauvain is compared unfavorably with the main hero in this romance
and elsewhere (see, for example, Busby, Gauvain in Old French Literature, p. 271), this and other
examples show that Gauvain does retain much of his stature in the text.
255
Besides the testimony of Huon de Méry, the five known manuscripts are evidence of this.
256
An account of the work’s influence is, of course, made slightly more difficult by not knowing exactly
when to date the text.

70
Troyes,257 as Huon de Méri seems to have done, his didactic works had a considerable

impact,258 and Meraugis had an effect on later romances, both prose and verse.

As Gilles Roussineau has remarked in his introduction to the Vengeance

Raguidel, Raoul de Houdenc was undeniably “un grand artiste” endowed with “une

belle virtuosité” and “un vrai talent” (p. 63).259 Such qualities are abundantly evident

throughout Meraugis de Portlesguez, which demonstrates, among other things, a highly

developed skill with narrative process, a lively sense of timing, and impressive

mastery of the rhetorical devices at the disposal of a writer of his time. Like the master

whom he of necessity followed, he is a writer of subtlety and nuance whose work

would have been capable of exciting all kinds of reactions in his cultivated listeners,

from knowing satisfaction (from recognition of the many intertextual references) to an

indulgent smile (when recognizing that a character’s motivation for an action is not

quite what he or she believes or declares publicly, as Lidoine’s decision to travel forth

with Meraugis) to intellectual admiration (during a brilliant, highly developed

rhetorical passage) to excitement (during battle scenes or a sharp exchange of

dialogue) to anger (at Blechis’s seizure of Lidoine) to hearty, or perhaps slightly

nervous, laughter (when Meraugis overwhelms the terrified mariners by disguising

himself as their sovereign lady) to pity (for Laquis) and fear (of what the Outredouté

257
Dinaux did come fairly close in 1863 when he described Raoul as a “trouvère de la fin du XIIe, qui
partageait la gloire de son contemporain Chrestiens de Troye” (Trouvères, jongleurs et ménestrels du
nord de la France et du midi de la Belgique, p. 596).
258
See, for example, the above discussion on the importance of the Songe d’Enfer.
259
Cf. Gaston Paris’s interesting evaluation in “Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde.” He finds
Raoul uncommonly gifted but is critical of what he considers to be a lack of control and discipline, a
“contraste entre l’originalité de la conception et la faiblesse de l’exécution” resulting from a tendency to
focus on minutiae and not to carry through with ideas: “une nature ardente mais peu tenace, toute à
l’impression du moment, tantôt jetant ses idées et ses paroles commes elles lui viennent sans les trier ni
les suivre” (p. 236).

71
will do next) to delighted surprise (when Meraugis is rescued by Meliant and

Espinogres) and so forth. Like those Arthurian romancers of the generations following

Chrétien, however, he was faced with the necessity of imitating his great predecessor

without attempting to do something identical, which would have been neither possible

nor even appropriate, given that circumstances and contexts always change from one

generation to the next.260

Like many of the epigone texts, and more than most, Meraugis is a work that

deserves more interest, and from a wider public, than it has heretofore enjoyed. As

Norris Lacy has remarked, Meraugis has been “more admired than read”261 despite

almost universal agreement among critics as to its qualities. Perhaps one of the reasons

for this is the variety of tones and power of synthesis that make it a work of more

subtlety than it may at first appear to be. Although it lacks the encyclopedic drive of

many later medieval works, including some Arthurian romances,262 the work brings

together a number of discourses and points of view that make it unique, partly

perhaps because of the uniqueness of the romancer’s background. As discussed

earlier, Raoul de Houdenc was, according to current assumptions, a man who moved

in different levels of society and may have been at home in all of them. A knight who

seems to have been poor and without a great deal of power or status, apparently at

home with jongleurs, he was nonetheless probably kin to one of the most influential

260
Schmolke-Hasselmann discusses in various parts of her work the social changes that occurred during
the course of the period under discussion. Of special interest is her chapter “The Audience,” pp. 225-
281.
261
“Meraugis de Portlesguez: Narrative Method and Female Presence,” p. 817.
262
Examples of this might be Claris et Laris (ed. Johann Alton [Tübingen: Litterarischer Verein in
Stuttgart, 1884]), which Schmolke-Hasselmann describes as “a summa of all Arthurian motifs” (p. 204);
and Escanor, by Girart d’Amiens (ed. Richard Trachsler [Genève: Droz, 1994]). See also Corinne
Pierreville, Claris et Laris, somme romanesque du XIIIe siècle (Paris: Champion, 2008), and Douglas
Kelly, “‘Tout li sens du monde’ dans Claris et Laris,” Romance Philology 36 (1982-83): 406-17.

72
religious leaders of his day and seems to have been privileged with a brilliant

education. Though neither an imitator of, nor a spokesperson for, his uncle, he

absorbed certain of the Chanter’s ideas and expounded those and others with what

often can reasonably be described as passionate intensity. The result is a text whose

brilliance has at times seemed inconsistent, even flawed,263 although that is a judgment

that seems to be changing.

Lacy has observed that Meraugis “seems initially to promise a new kind of

romance, a courtly composition in which women are both glorified and empowered to

an unprecedented extent,” but that it turns out to be something else.264 This is certainly

true, for Raoul’s project is indeed of a much more traditional nature. Writing for an

audience of cultivated men and women, he directs his intentions toward pleasing both:

at first primarily the ladies, with the use of courtly love debates and the show of

deference toward women;265 then both, with a courtly romance very much in the style

and tradition of Chrétien de Troyes; and also particularly men, with what Szkilnik has

called the final imposition of “la logique masculine des armes” (p. 31),266 as is seen, for

example, at the end of the romance, when Gorvain is at last granted his battle with

Meraugis and relinquishes Lidoine through the only means of deciding the issue that

he has ever accepted, force of arms. Much has been made of Lidoine’s seeming

263
For example, by Gaston Paris, Bruce, and Micha, as cited above.
264
“Meraugis de Portlesguez: Narrative Method and Female Presence,” p. 825.
265
Even if, to quote J. Douglas Bruce again, “the excessive deference for the fair sex … which marks
the Meraugis” is partly “put on” (2:214), which I do not necessarily believe it is, the result does not go
beyond a certain degree of irony, a gentle humor that may smile at the exaggerations but does not
undermine the underlying respect for women evidenced in the text.
266
Szkilnik also cites Lacy, “Meraugis de Portlesguez: Narrative Method and Female Presence,” on this
point.

73
“invisibility”267 while she and Meraugis travel, and of the fact that she no longer seems

to exercise sovereignty, rarely giving her opinion when a decision is to be made and

deferring instead to Meraugis’s judgment.268 And, as mentioned earlier, Lidoine’s role

in Meraugis’s final triumph is limited, for she is not in a position to do much more

than play her part in concealing Meraugis’s identity and their relationship (which she

nevertheless does to perfection). I would argue, however, that this does not mean that

what went before is undermined or negated, or that supposedly masculine values are

imposed over supposedly feminine ones, any more than the implied comparison

between Gauvain and Meraugis (or the heroes of other romances) necessarily negates

the former’s status or calls traditional Arthurian values into question.269 There is

indeed a play between ways of understanding and acting, but the end result is that

room is made for both rather than that one is placed in supremacy over the other.

Although Gorvain does finally gets his battle after all, the ladies are shown by all that

follows their debate to have made the right judgment; Meraugis’s final victory is the

confirmation of this in another, also valid, plane of human action, the one that is his

rightful place of testing, while the ladies remain at court in the domain where they,

with the queen, reign supreme in matters of love. And if Lidoine no longer acts with

the sovereignty of a lady of courtly lyric, it is because the world of the lyric has been

267
See, for example, Gaston Paris, “Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 236. Bruce makes
a similar remark regarding this and also Gorvain’s lack of continued presence, considering both to be
faults of construction (2:208).
268
For example, when Meraugis asks her advice as to which of the three roads they should travel:
<<Dame, fait il, <<quel la feron ? >> / <<Ne say.>> <<Comment? Se ne savés? >> / <<Je non,>> fait
elle. <<Mais alés / Ou que ce soit, je vous sivray>> (2752-55). Quoting this passage, Schmolke-
Hasselmann finds that Lidoine “abandons her claim to superiority” at this point (p. 154), although I
would argue, as earlier, that Lidoine’s superiority or lack of it is never really at issue in the text.
269
This does, of course, occur in some texts, as discussed, for example, in Busby’s “Diverging
Traditions of Gauvain in Some of the Later Old French Verse Romances.”

74
temporarily left behind while Meraugis goes to prove himself worthy of her in the

style of traditional romance. I would also argue, again, that Lidoine does not really

change during the course of the romance270 (except, of course, at the moment of the

kiss, as discussed earlier) because she does not need to. It is true that she is exposed to

unfamiliar, often puzzling or even dangerous experiences, but unlike her true-hearted

but inexperienced knight, she is never for a moment tested and found wanting. Her

experiences of suffering and separation undoubtedly bring her closer to Meraugis and

the chivalric world in which he must learn to function, and her acceptance of all that

happens gives yet further demonstration of the value that the audience already knows

to be there;271 they do not, however, make her somehow more worthy of Meraugis.

Meraugis, then, is a work of traditional values that reconciles the literary norms

of both courtly and married love at the same time as it validates and makes room for

both traditionally masculine and feminine values and interests as they would have

been understood at the time. It may thus be described as a work that affirms

inclusiveness, an affirmation that can be seen in other ways as well. As argued above,

Meraugis is a text that allows for redemption and reconciliation in all but the most

extreme cases (such as the Outredouté). In this regard, it is perhaps of interest to recall

that one of the themes that Peter the Chanter is best known for writing about is the

270
In this I must slightly disagree with Schmolke-Hasselmann, though not in the essential points, the
most important of which is that Lidoine and Meraugis are perfectly matched and that they are shown to
love each other in the same way.
271
For example, when Lidoine sees Meraugis for the first time at Monhaut, she recognizes him
immediately even though he has been made temporarily ugly because of his injuries, thus showing that
she can distinguish the inner person from outer appearance. Schmolke-Hasselmann (p. 154) aptly notes
that as an illustration of the triumph of courtliness and love over beauty. In this regard, see also Ronald
M. Spensley, “The Theme of Meraugis de Portlesguez,” French Studies 27, no. 2 (1973): 129-33.

75
sacrament of penance.272 Despite the apparent ferocity of some of what happens in the

Songe d’Enfer, Raoul is not, as Burde’s recent study shows,273 speaking of a literal

consumption of sinners in hell but rather using a culinary metaphor that had great

impact at the time and related to the role of the church in the reconciliation of sinners.

Although Raoul in the Songe is speaking of something that is “true,”274 the truth of it is,

as always, the nucleus contained within the integumentum, not the protective covering

itself.275 Biting wit and sharp satire notwithstanding, the Songe is in its own way as

much a didactic text as other, more conventional otherworld journeys of its time, for it

points to what is wrong at the present moment and should, therefore, be changed or

avoided.276 In a similar vein, as Blumenfeld-Kosinski has pointed out,277 the principal

debate in Meraugis is the question of whether it is better to love the outside or the

inside, the integumentum or the nucleus, and Meraugis rightly wins the day because

from the first he chooses the truer part.

Meraugis is a text of great richness, a traditional romance that follows the work

of the established master but brings its own innovation through the romancer’s unique

experience, talent, and perspective. Though certainly not lacking in humor, often full

of energy and joie de vivre juxtaposed with drama and intensity of feeling, it

nonetheless reveals itself to be a serious text with a serious, multifaceted meaning. It is

272
Regarding the Summa de Sacramentis et Animae Consiliis, see Baldwin, 1:49-50.
273
See especially pp. 70 ff.
274
On this point, see the above discussion on the terms dit, fable, etc.
275
See D. W. Robertson, Jr., “Some Medieval Literary Terminology, with Special Reference to Chrétien
de Troyes,” Studies in Philology 48, no. 3, Studies in Mediaeval Culture (1951): 669-692 (especially
pp. 671 ff.).
276
On the question of penitence in this text as compared to others of the time, such as the Voie de
Paradis, see Jean-Charles Payen, Le Motif du repentir dans la littérature française médiévale (Geneva:
Droz, 1967), pp. 505-512. He finds that the Songe may be considered implicitly contritionist, at least
“furtivement” (p. 511).
277
The term sorplus is also of particular interest here, for it is what Meraugis values (943) and Gorvain
rejects (532) in Lidoine. See Blumenfeld-Kosinski, pp. 80-82.

76
a work that values many modes of being but asks, above all, for courtliness in pensé

and in behavior, and for a change in both if such a change should be appropriate.278

278
The prologue, if indeed it is by Raoul de Houdenc, is interesting from this point of view because the
authorial voice declares that “Nuls, s’il n’est cortois et vaillanz, / N’est dignes du conte escouter / Dont
je vous voil les motz conter” (30-32). The conte itself, therefore, is inherently courtly, and Raoul is the
only one who has the ability to conter the true version of it.

77
 Establishment of the Text

The Manuscript Tradition

Meraugis de Portlesguéz has been preserved in three complete manuscripts and two

fragments:

T Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, L.IV 33. Paper, 29.5 x 22.0 cm, end of

14th or early 15th century, Francien marked with traits of Picard and northern

dialects. Codex of 129 folios, two columns of approximately 40 lines each. This

manuscript was severely damaged in the fire in the Biblioteca Nazionale di

Torino in 1904, sustaining both fire and water damage.279 Contains the

following texts:280

1) the prose Roman de Troie (Roman de Troyes)281 (fols. 1-14)

2) the prose Chronique de Charlemagne (Pseudo-Turpin) (fols. 15d-29c)

279
Parts of the manuscript have survived better than others. For example, the section containing
Gliglois was almost completely destroyed; nonetheless, two modern editions of it have been prepared
based on transcriptions made before the fire, and these provide much information useful for the present
discussion. See especially in Charles H. Livingston’s edition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1932) the history and description of the manuscript and early transcriptions made of it, pp. 1-6, as
well as the linguistic description, pp. 38-45; and in Le Roman de Gliglois, ed. Marie-Luce Chênerie
(Paris: H. Champion, 2003), especially pp. 9-11 and 15-30.
280
The contents of the manuscript were reconstructed by Charles Livingston for his edition of Gliglois
(see especially pp. 5-6) based on Edmund Stengel’s Mittheilungen aus französischen Handschriften der
Turiner Universitäts-Bibliothek (Halle: Niemeyer, 1873) (see Stengel’s description of T, pp. 10-11), and
the introductions to the editions of Meraugis by Friedwagner (see especially pp. XX-XXI and LV-LVI)
and Michelant. See Livingston’s description of the contents along with his notes for information on the
editions of the various texts that were available at that time (pp. 5-6).
281
The manuscript is described in Marc-René Jung’s La Légende de Troie en France au Moyen Âge,
Romanica Helvetica 114 (Basel: Francke, 1996), pp. 437-38. As Livingston points out in his
introduction to Gliglois (p. 5, note 6), it is not mentioned in Constans’s edition (Benoît de Sainte-Maure,
Le Roman de Troie, ed. Léopold Eugène Constans, 6 vols., SATF [Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904; 1912]).

78
 3) the Dit des drois of the Clerc de Vauday (fols. 30a-31c)

4) La Chronique d’Outremer (fols. 32a-50c)

5) a fragment of the Roman de Rigomer (D’une aventure du roi Artu)282

(fols. 51a-59c)

6) the Lai de Melion (C’est comment Melion fu dechieus de sa femme)283 (fols.

60a-63a)

7) Gliglois (C’est de Gliglois comment il eut grant painne pour s’amie) (63a-

81c)

8) Meraugis de Portlesguéz (Ch’est de Meraugin de Pollesgues) (82a-119b)

9) the prose Roman de Thèbes284 (119c-129)

V Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, Reg. lat. 1725.285 End of 13th or early 14th century,

northeastern France with little dialectal marking. Codex of 130 folios,

parchment, 29 x 19 cm., 2 columns of approximately 46 lines. Decorated with

blue and red initials. Contains the following texts:

282
Foerster copied this part of the manuscript and made use of it for his edition of Les Mervelles de
Rigomer, eds. Wendelin Foerster and Hermann Breur (Dresden: Gesellschaft für romanische Literatur,
1908-15); see Livingston’s note 2, p. 6, of his introduction to Gliglois.
283
Melion was copied by Foerster and used for an edition by W. Horak (see Livingston’s note 3, p. 6, of
Gliglois). The manuscript is described by Margaret Grimes as undeciferable in her edition of 1928 (The
Lays of Desiré, Graelent and Melion: Edition of the Texts with an Introduction, ed. E. Margaret Grimes
[New York: Institute of French Studies, 1928], p. 46).
284
The manuscript is mentioned in Léopold Constans’s edition of Le Roman de Thèbes, 2 vols., SATF
(Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1890), vol. 2, p. CXL. See also Jung’s La Légende de Troie en France au Moyen
Âge, p. 353, note 1, and p. 438.
285
Among the various descriptions of this manuscript, see the introductions to the editions of
Friedwagner (especially pp. XIX-XX and L-LII) and Szkilnik (especially pp. 45-46); in Micha’s La
Tradition manuscrite des romans de Chrétien de Troyes (Geneva: Droz, 1966), p. 41; in Busby’s Les
Manuscrits de Chrétien de Troyes, 2 vols. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 62-63; and Servois’s
edition of Guillaume de Dole, pp. XIX-XXVII). The manuscript was also described recently by
Christine Ruby in Mise en page et mise en texte dans les manuscrits de Chrétien de Troyes (XIIIe-XIVe
siècles) (Ph.D. dissertation, Paris IV, 2000).

79
 1) Le Chevalier de la Charrette (fols. 1a-34b)

2) Le Chevalier au Lion (fols. 34c-68b)

3) Guillaume de Dole (fols. 68c-98c)

4) Meraugis de Portlesguéz (fols. 98d-130d)

W Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, 2599.286 Parchment, 29.2 x 20.0 cm,

38 folios, 2 columms of approximately 40 lines, late 13th to early 14th century,

central France. Illuminated manuscript with seventeen miniatures, alternating

blue and gold with pink and gold letters, and containing Meraugis de

Portlesguéz only.

B Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, mss. Gall. Quarto 48.287 Composite manuscript of 192

folios, parchment, 20.8 x 14.4 cm., made from three manuscripts, late 13th

century, northern France with Anglo-Norman features. The contents are as

follows:

1) The first section contains parts of the chanson de geste Auberi le

Bourgoin (Aubri le Bourgignon) (fols. 1-143).

2) The second contains two long fragments of Meraugis, 2 columns of 38

lines (fols. 144a-154d) (lines 2484-3735 and 5460 to the end of the text

286
See the description of this beautiful manuscript in Friedwagner’s edition (especially pp. XX and LIII-
LV) and Szkilnik’s (pp. 45-46), and also Busby’s “Mise en text and Mise en image,” which contains an
excellent discussion and reproductions of the miniatures. Michelant’s edition also contains
reproductions of the miniatures.
287
See Friedwagner’s description (especially pp. XXI and LVI-LVII), Szkilnik’s (p. 47), and also Keith
Busby’s (p. 4) and Matteo Majorano’s (pp. 50 ff.) in the introductions to their editions of the Roman des
Eles.

80
 in this edition), and a fragment of the Roman des Eles of Raoul de

Houdenc (fols. 154d-157), both by the same hand.288

3) The third contains a fragment of the chanson de geste Li Roman

d’Agolant, and a one-folio religious fragment.

M Bibliothèque Nationale Française, nouvelles acquisitions françaises 5386, fols.

24-25.289 Formerly Draguignan, Archives Départmentales du Var. Late 13th

century, Picard. A brief fragment containing 4 partial pages (from the bottom)

of single columns with 14 or 15 lines each, totaling 58 lines of Meraugis. This

fragment was discovered within the binding of a seventeenth century accounts

book.

Previous Editions

• Méraugis De Portlesguéz. Ed. Henri-Victor Michelant.290 Paris: Tross, 1869.

This earliest known edition of Meraugis uses W as its base manuscript,

with T being used for corrections. It is not, however, a critical edition, and

it is difficult to tell where the base manuscript has been corrected and what

has been taken from the control. The edition contains reproductions of the

miniatures found in W.

288
It is tempting to consider, as Busby does (Roman des Eles, pp. 16-17), that this part of the manuscript
may have originally been part of a collection of works by Raoul. See also Friedwagner’s description
(especially XXI and LVI-LVII).
289
See Paul Meyer’s description in his edition of the fragment in Romania 19 (1890): 459-462
(especially p. 459), as well as Friedwagner’s (p. XXI).
290
See also the review by Natalis de Wailly that appeared soon after the edition.

81
 • Meraugis de Portlesguéz: Altfranzösicher Abenteuerroman. Ed. Mathias

Friedwagner. Raoul von Houdenc: Sämtliche Werke, nach allen bekannten

Handscriften, vol 1. Halle: Niemeyer, 1897. This was the first critical

edition of Meraugis, and it stood as the standard one until the appearance

of the Szkilnik edition in 2004. Friedwagner’s method was Lachmanian,291

his goal to recreate the supposed “original” text as closely as possible.

Although he uses V as a base, he corrects it frequently through extensive

use of all manuscripts. At the foot of every page of text, he lists nearly all

the significant variants from all of the manuscripts, with separate listings

for spelling and other minor variants. Where there is significant variation

in a passage of some length, the passage is given separately in the notes

following the text. However, with these exceptions, it is often time-

consuming to figure out how a given passage actually reads in a

manuscript.

• Lagneaux-Champenois, Marie-Cécile. “Edition de Méraugis De Portlesguez.

Recherches sur les œuvres attribuées à Raoul de Houdenc.” Ph.D.

dissertation, Paris III, 2001. This doctoral dissertation, so far unpublished,

also uses V as the base manuscript, correcting it with the help of

Friedwagner’s edition, the other manuscripts, and the review of

Friedwagner’s edition by Gaston Paris.

291
See, for example, Foulet and Speer, pp. 8 ff., and Sebastiano Timpanaro, The Genesis of Lachmann’s
Method (1963), ed. and trans. Glenn W. Most (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005) for
discussions of the Lachmann method and its history.

82
 • Meraugis de Portlesguez: Roman arthurien du XIIIe siècle, publié d’après le

manuscrit de la Bibliothèque du Vatican. Ed. Michelle Szkilnik. CCMA 12.

Paris: Champion, 2004. This modern edition also uses V as base and

follows it as closely as possible, correcting it only when the editor judges it

incomprehensible. A “choix de variantes” is given separately, which

makes use of the available manuscripts and usually gives full lines or

passages, making it easy to see how the mauscript actually reads. Because

of its condition, T is used only rarely for this edition, with occasional use of

Friedwagner’s listing of T variants.292

• “Fragment de Méraugis.” Ed. Paul Meyer. Romania 19 (1890): 459-462.

This is an edition of the brief M fragment.

It will thus be seen that in all previous critical editions of Meraugis (with the obvious

exception of Meyer’s edition of the M fragment), V has been used as the base

manuscript.

Relations Among the Manuscripts

In the introduction to his critical edition, Mathias Friedwagner makes a

thorough study of what he believes to be the relationships among all the extant

manuscripts. Although no attempt will be made here to examine all of Friedwagner’s

292
See pp. 46-48 for her discussion of this point.

83
findings, it will nonetheless be helpful to look at the most significant ones and at the

stemma that he constructed based on them.293

Friedwagner’s most important conclusions run as follows. The original text,

O, gave rise to O1, which led to two separate families among the extant manuscripts.

The first of these, a, gave rise to the Vatican manuscript, V. The second family, B, gave

rise to subgroups x and y. The latter subgroup gave rise to W alone, whereas the

former, x, gave rise to B on the one hand and x1 on the other, x1 in turn giving rise to M

and T. This means that V stands on its own and is the closest to the assumed original

text, and that the other two complete manuscripts and the two fragments stand in

relationship to one another, all containing common errors. Of the two complete

manuscripts in the B family, W is the least distant from the original and T the most

distant, being most closely related to the tiny fragment M. In this stemma, therefore, V

is the most privileged of the three complete manuscripts and so is the best basis for a

critical edition, whereas T is the least privileged of the texts.294

The review by Gaston Paris, which appeared soon after Friedwagner’s edition,

made many salient points about the editor’s work and his classification of the

manuscripts. It is not the intention here to discuss or evaluate all his conclusions, only

the ones most relevant to the present discussion.295 The most significant of these is that

he rejected Friedwagner’s notion of common errors in T and W, his belief being that

what the editor had taken to be common errors can easily be seen as simple

transmission errors arrived at independently by the scribes. This meant that T and W

293
For manuscript agreements, common errors, etc., see XXIII-XXIX; for the stemma, p. XXX.
294
Friedwagner readdressed his classification in “Die Verwandtschafts- und Wertverhältnisse der
Meraugis-Handschriften,” Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 26 (1902): 452-485 and 552-583.
295
His major points are discussed at relevant places in the line notes below.

84
were not to be considered part of the same family. Further, he pointed to a body of

evidence which to him showed that T, despite its more recent date, belonged to an

older family of manuscripts than did either V or W, which did contain common errors

and so belonged to the same family. Manuscript T, then, is in his opinion closer to the

original text, as he demonstrates by examining what he considers to be a number of

superior readings in T.296

The Base Manuscript

Choice of Base Manuscript

The manuscript chosen for this edition is T. At first glance, the difficulties

surrounding this choice might seem to make it an unusual, perhaps an untenable, one.

One argument against it, a relatively minor one, is that T is the most recent of the three

complete manuscripts and is known to contain a number of scribal errors and to have

been copied in a dialect that is more distant than the others from the author’s own.297

Much more important, however, is the present condition of the manuscript, which

makes it very difficult to work with, and indeed impossible to transcribe fully in the

usual manner. Much of the Turin manuscript was severely damaged in the fire of

296
See especially pp. 310-14. Friedwagner’s edition was also considered by Georg Ebeling in two
articles; the first is a review in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 103
(1899): 403-30; the second, “Zu Friedwagners Ausgabe des Meraugis, v. 300-2000,” Zeitschrift für
romanische Philologie 24 (1900): 508-44. Ebeling also points to a number of examples of what he
considers T’s superiority.
297
See Friedwagner’s introduction, especially pp. XLIX-LVII. As Livingston notes, however,
Friedwagner finds that the scribe copied faithfully the text in front of him, although he did not always
understand it, and “his mistakes of omission and inaccuracy in the Meraugis seem to have been
involuntary” (Gliglois, p. 6).

85
1904, and there is no folio of which all lines are visible and legible or of which some

part of the edge has not been burned away. In the introduction to her recent edition,

in fact, Michelle Szkilnik notes that in choosing the base “on est contraint d’éliminer T,

trop endommagé pour être utilisable autrement que ponctuellement” (p. 47). She

does, however, acknowledge the importance of T. Her choice of V is made by

comparing the merits of V and W, and is certainly a reasonable one (pp. 47-50).

Nonetheless, I would argue that it is possible to produce a useful, albeit imperfect,

edition based on T and that there are compelling reasons for doing so.

The reason why such an edition is even possible is, quite simply, the work of

Mathias Friedwagner, whose thorough listing of virtually all significant variants of all

the manuscripts does make it possible essentially to reconstruct the text, although not

in all of its particularities. Gaston Paris, in fact, praised Friedwagner’s efforts in this

regard, noting the “leçons des manuscrits, données par l’éditeur avec une clarté et,

sans aucun doute, avec une exactitude parfaites” (p. 308). Friedwagner’s meticulous

pursuit of the supposed original text, while not in conformity with modern principles

of textual edition, has had an especially fortunate result in this case in that it has made

possible the reconstruction of a highly significant manuscript that would otherwise

have been in large part lost.

There are also very important reasons why an edition based on the T

manuscript is a worthwhile enterprise, as Gaston Paris’s review makes clear.

Although praising many aspects of the editor’s work, Paris was in no doubt that

Friedwagner had misunderstood the relations among the manuscripts and that the

edition would have been far better had he recognized T, not V, as the superior

manuscript. Although his arguments are in part based on the notion of the existence

86
of a supposed “original,” and the belief that the goal of a critical edition is to try to

reconstruct such an original, an assumption no longer generally accepted, the

numerous examples that he chooses pointing to the superiority of T298 can scarcely fail

to convince that T is at least a very important manuscript, and very possibly the best of

the three extant ones despite the problems alluded to above. Indeed, Szkilnik herself

points to the qualities of T, saying that it “était sans doute un bon manuscrit” (p. 48)299

Had the manuscript not been so severely damaged, it would undoubtedly have served

as the base for an edition of Meraugis long before now.

Another reason why such an edition is more than justified at the present time is

that the Szkilnik edition, excellent as it is,300 does give primacy to the V manuscript

simply because of the kind of edition it is. If Szkilnik’s is now to become the most

commonly used edition, it is not unlikely that the T manuscript could be largely

overlooked by most readers of the text, and this is a fate it certainly does not deserve.

The present, supplemental edition offers an alternative presentation of a very

important text, one that deserves the most complete manuscript treatment possible, as

well as the attention that the preparation of this edition has entailed.

298
Some examples of lines in which he cites T as uniquely having the best reading are 12, 121-24, 262,
321, 363, 368, 452, 611, 948, 977-79, 1014, 1201, 1218, 1307, 1444, 1835, 1918, 2680, 3396, 4053,
4172, 4349-51, 4429, 4484, 4921, 5141, 5175, 5224, 5235, 5268, 5320, 5340, 5382-83, and 5408-09 of
the present edition (see the line notes below for these, and also for numerous examples of lines in which
he believes that T contains the best reading in agreement with W, or one of the fragments, against V).
299
It is clear that Michelant was also very much aware of the manuscript’s quality. As de Wailly points
out, “les variantes qu’il a empruntées au manuscrit de Turin se comptent par centaines” (pp. 222-23).
300
See, for example, the reviews by Keith Busby (Medium Aevum 74, no. 2 [2005]: 362), and Douglas
Kelly (French Studies 60, no. 1 [2006]: 91-92).

87
Additional Characteristics of the Base Manuscript

The Turin manuscript is the work of two scribes301 with similar but slightly

differing characteristics. The first302 copied lines 1-775, 1568-3287, and 3761 to the end

(beginning to 807, 1604-3332, and 3807 to the end in Friedwagner’s edition); the second

copied lines 776-1567 and 3288-3760 (808-1603 and 3333-3806 in Friedwagner). Both

write in a semi-cursive script with the same northern Picard dialectical characteristics.

(See the language section below for a description of these characteristics.)

There are a number of red capital letters in the manuscript, but no miniatures or

further decoration in the section containing Meraugis.

The manuscript was listed in the catalogue of J. Pasini in 1749 as having

belonged to the Princess of Savoy and then being given in 1720 to the library of the

University of Torino, and later to the Biblioteca Nazionale. It is also described in an

1873 catalogue by Edmund Stengel.303

All folios of the section of the manuscript containing Meraugis are partly legible

but none entirely so. Column a of all folios is partly burned away on the left and

column d is partly burned away on the right, with more surviving intact toward the

upper part of the folios. For columns b and c, most of the text is intact and visible but

legibility varies considerably, depending on the amount of water damage. Some

material is burned away at the bottom and top of most folios.

301
See Friedwagner’s description, pp. XX-XXI, and his opinion that there were two scribes rather than
more than two. He notes that the dialect of the two is identical.
302
This scribe is also thought to have copied part of Gliglois, according to Charles Livingston (p. 6).
303
Mittheilungen aus französischen Handschriften der Turiner Universitäts-Bibliothek, pp. 10-11. See
also Chênerie’s edition of Gliglois, pp. 10-11, as well as Friedwagner, pp. XX-XXI, for particulars.

88
Principal lacunae

One difference in T when compared with the other complete manuscripts is its

relative brevity.304 All of the manuscripts tell the same story, but T has more, and

sometimes longer, lacunae305 when compared with the other complete manuscripts,

and this applies to B with regard to the parts of the text that it contains. Some of these

lacunae are almost certainly due to copying or other errors, and such passages have

been supplied where appropriate from other manuscripts and noted below in the list

of rejected readings.306 It is possible, however, that some passages present in other

manuscripts are later interpolations, which would tend to support the view of Gaston

Paris that T points to an earlier version of the text. Whatever the source of these

differences, they do point to the uniqueness of the manuscript and support the view

that it deserves to be better known in its own right.

Some of the most notable lacunae are as follows:307

• preceding 1: a 32-line prologue by “Raoul” (This passage may or may not

be genuine, but its absence reduces the impact of the authorial voice in the

text.308)

304
This edition, which supplies a number of lines from other manuscripts, contains 5870 lines, whereas
Friedwagner’s contains 5938 and Szkilnik’s 5908. Friedwagner, of course, includes the prologue from
W in his edition.
305
For purposes of this discussion, a lacuna will be considered to be the omission of a passage that is
present in VW, VB, or WB, or the Friedwagner edition of Meraugis.
306
Certain graphics of some supplied lines have been altered so that they correspond more closely to the
practices of the T scribes.
307
See the prologue from W, edited separately, and the list of significant variants for the specific lines
discussed. See also the rejected readings and significant variants for additional examples, some of
which are discussed in the line notes.
308
The prologue is important from a literary point of view because it is normally considered in any
discussion of the relationship between the supposed poet and audience, as for example in Keith Busby’s
“Chrétien de Troyes and Raoul de Houdenc: Romancing the Conte.”

89
 • following 1252: four lines that appear in VW but not in T in which the

dwarf, having arrived at Arthur’s court to gain help for his own purposes,

emphasizes the dreadful circumstances of Gauvain’s absence (The

passage in T conveys the same information but without the strongly

emotional arguments of the other manuscripts.)

• following 2570: two lines that appear in VWB but not in T in which Laquis

expresses the wish the Meraugis and the Outredouté will fight and cut

each other’s heads off (This is one of several cases where T seems to

appear somewhat less brutal and/or graphic309 than the other

manuscripts.)

• following 2774: two lines explaining the reasons why the Cité Perdue later

became known as such (T’s version seems more “mysterious” without the

missing lines, which could perhaps have been added later as an

explanation.)

• following 3788: six lines of Lidoine’s reply to Blechis, in which the heroine

is forced to practice deception regarding her true feelings despite being

considered a model of courtliness (In this version Lidoine elaborates less

about the supposed virtues of Espinogres, so that her deception seems

milder; this could perhaps have been more palatable to the listeners as a

portrayal of the courtly Lidoine.)

309
Gaston Paris noted in 1888 that Raoul’s battle scenes, though full of energy, “vont jusqu’à la
sauvagerie” (“Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 229), and May Plouzeau finds violence to
a characteristic of Raoul’s writing, along with “le mouvement” and “le mauvais goût” (“Amour profane
et art sacré: à propos d’un crucefiz dans Méraugis de Portlesguez,” Mélanges de langue et literature
françaises du Moyen-Âge offerts à Pierre Jonin, Senefiance 7, [Aix en Provence: CUERMA, 1979], p.
549).

90
 • following 4196: eight lines describing the furious pursuit of Blechis to

Monhaut (There seems no obvious reason for either an omission or

interpolation here, so this may well have been an accidental omission.)

• following 4816: two lines of a section recalling a similar passage from Erec

and Enide (543 ff.) (The absence of any couplet in the litany of all that the

heroine is to the hero could easily be due to simple omission or ordinary

variation, yet this particular variant suggests a difference in tone and

emphasis. The main difference is whether Lidoine could be seen as a

weapon or not, rather than simply a shield.)

• Final lines: Not exactly a “lacuna,” but the relative brevity of T

corresponds to a reduced presence of the authorical voice as compared to

the other manuscripts. If T represents an earlier version of the text, such

omissions may suggest that some of these passages are later additions.

Presentation of the Text

The primary goal of this edition has been to render the version of Meraugis de

Portlesguéz as presented in the important T manuscript as accessible as possible. To

that end, the text has been followed as closely as was deemed possible while at the

same time respecting the work’s form and literary merit. Along with coherence of

meaning, rhyme and meter have been considered of paramount importance. Where

T’s reading appears to be the result of a misreading or does not appear to make sense,

91
corrections have been made as necessary with the help of all available manuscripts.

All corrections have been noted in the list of rejected readings.310

Development of Abbreviations

In general, the abbreviations of the T manuscript pose few problems of

transcription. The most common forms of abbreviation by sign, contraction, and

suspensions are as follows.

Abbreviation by sign:

• “et” sign: The abbreviation sign for et that resembles a z appears

throughout the manuscript (18 and passim), although it is not at all

uncommon for the word to be written out (e.g., 5207). The sign has been

transcribed as et throughout the edition.

• barred p: The letter p with a crossbar through the descender has usually

been transcribed as par, whether on its own or as part of a word, normally

at the beginning. Examples include par (3839), parlait (52), and parti (3709).

It is also sometimes transcribed as per, as in esperon (1780), and it has been

transcribed as pro in the word promist (5103).

• raised bar: The raised bar indicating nasality has been transcribed as either

the letter n or m depending on the word, normally the latter before b, p,

and m, e.g., encombrés (5592) and compaignon (5504). Both n and m are

310
Rejected readings, along with their sources where applicable, have been listed separately rather than
at the bottom of the page because of the line-by-line translation, which should ideally be presented in a
face-to-face format with the text.

92
 frequently doubled in the manuscript. When the bar appears above a

letter that already contains one of these, that consonant has been doubled.

Therefore, home with a bar has been rendered as homme and bone with a bar

as bonne. Other examples are erramment (1991) and esramment (2005).

• The bar is also used sometimes simply as a sign of contraction and is

frequently placed over a q. A q on its own with a raised bar has normally

been transcribed as que.311 The form qrre, with bar over the q (2077), has

been transcribed as querre, qle (383) as qu’elle,312 and qlz (1848) as quelz. The

bar sometimes also appears over contracted words, for example mlt (5066)

and chr (2937) or chlr (2941). Onquez has been contracted in various ways,

for example, oqs with bars over each of the first two letters (1626) and onqz

with a bar over the final two (5588, 5614). Elsewhere the word porpens has

been written popens with a bar above the o (4981).

• “apostrophe”: The symbol that resembles an apostrophe has been

transcribed in various ways, the three most common being -re, -ri, and -er.

Examples include prise (2819), creature (5256), prison (5596), autre (5858),

and certain (5865). Like the raised bar, this symbol is also used simply as a

sign of contraction; for example, b’n is transcribed as bien (1995), q’drus as

Quadrus (5073), q’l as qu’il, etc.

• “9”: The sign that resembles the number 9 has been transcribed as com

when it appears on its own (e.g., 105). As part of a word and where not

311
However, in the manuscript there is frequent confusion between barred q, normally meaning “que,”
and q with a raised i for “qui.” Corrections of one or the other have been indicated in the line notes.
312
This is because, as noted below, elle is by far the most common spelling of this pronoun in the
manuscript, although ele does also appear.

93
 raised, it has been transcribed as con or com, depending on the word, the

latter before b, p, or m. Examples include conquis (5424), encontre (5199),

combat (5399) and combatés (5398), compaignon (5504), and comme (5233).

The unit 9qz with a bar over it (5425, 5427) has been transcribed as

qu’onques. When raised, this sign has been transcribed as -us or -s

depending on the word or context. The sign frequently appears following

vo- or no-. Although both vos and nos, along with vous and nous, are

attested throughout all sections of the manuscript, the latter spellings are

more common. In the majority of these cases the sign has been transcribed

as -us, but it has been transcribed as -s (or sometimes -z) when the majority

of attested examples in the immediate vicinity are spelled this way. The

same principle has been followed for the spellings tous (e.g., 2210) and tos.

In most other words there is no difficulty in determining how this sign

should be interpreted. For example, the letter p plus the sign (1638) must

obviously be transcribed as pus, and cam plus the sign (2142) must be

camus, whereas fin (3769) plus the sign must be fins (in this instance

transcribed as finz).

• single dot: This symbol appears occasionally in T, for example, between the

letters d and s in the words adés and desconfés (3335 and 3336).

• raised circle: This symbol also appears rarely in T, but it occurs twice in line

3044, above tp, transcribed as trop, and st, sont, simply as a sign of

contraction.

• other symbols: Double dots appear occasionally as a sign of contraction or

suspension, especially in names. For example, in line 3678, M for Meraugis

94
 appears with what appear to be two extended dots above it. M appears

two lines above, however, with what seem to be a dot and sideways

circumflex above it.

Abbreviation by contraction:

Abbreviations by contraction are fairly common in the manuscript and are used

with a number of different words. Some of the most important are as follows.

• The contracted form mlt (sometimes written with the sign resembling an

apostrophe or with a bar) has been transcribed as moult because of the

preponderance of the graphic ou and the scribes’s frequent use of

etymological l (see the phonological section below). I have been unable to

find any developed forms of the word in the manuscript.

• Qui is most often written as q followed by a raised i (76 and passim). This

has normally been transcribed as qui rather than quy, although a case could

be made for doing it either way. As mentioned elsewhere, there is

frequent confusion between que, usually transcribed as barred q, and qui.

• Bien is often contracted as bn (25). It is also often written b’n (1995) or

sometimes with a bar.

• Other examples include gnt for grant (4), qnt for quant, clp for coup or coulp

(1709), etc.

Abbreviation by suspension:

Abbreviation by suspension is especially common for names in the manuscript.

These include mer (2227) or M for Meraugis, gor (5776) for Gorvain, g or G for Gauvain

95
(e.g., 5426) and mess g for mes sire Gauvain (3466). Nominative forms of the latter two

have been transcribed with an s, the most common way they are written out in the

manuscript. Signs are also used with the shortened forms of names, for example, go’r

for Gorvain (5747).

Diacritical Marks

Accent marks:

Acute accent marks have been utilized according to the principles

recommended by Foulet and Speer (pp. 67-73). The text of the T manuscript poses few

problems in this regard, but the following points are notable.

• There is frequent hesitation between final s and final z in a way that is

often not in accordance with the morphology of a given word. Final s is

preferred, especially by the first scribe: for example, gentis (100), mons

(108), and lais (108). There are, however, numerous cases of final z where s

would be expected, especially in the sections copied by the second scribe:

for example, damez (231), eslaiz (3642), and lorz (3672). This means that

there is often potential confusion between stressed and unstressed final -es

and final -ez. For that reason, an accent has been placed on both of these

when stressed: for example, sachiés (205) and avéz313 (488).

• Accent marks have been utilized to distinguish certain words from more

common homonyms; for example, li dé (dice, 3040) as distinguished from

the preposition, trés (tents, 4161, 5739, 5746) as distinct from the adverb, as
313
For this reason, an accent has been placed on the name of the hero, Meraugis de Portlesguéz.

96
 well as various examples of més (which is usually but not always spelled

mais in the manuscript) as distinguished from the possessive adjective.

Tremas:

Tremas have also been used as recommended by Foulet and Speer. For

example, no trema has been used for io, as in lion and campions (691 and 692). Tremas

have also been used to mark a hiatus on, for example, que, to indicate lack of elision

with a following vowel.

Particular Letters

• Although c and t are generally speaking easy to distinguish in the

manuscript, there is occasional confusion, which in some cases may be due

to what the scribe was copying. One example occurs in line 1794, where

por ce seems to have been taken for porté; another concerns port versus porc

in all the manuscripts in line 2825 (see the line note regarding the question

of which is the better reading).

• The letters v and u are easy to distinguish at the beginning of a word

because the v is quite distinctive. That is not the case within a word,

however, and it is also likely that some copying errors have occurred

because of possible difficulties in distinguishing them in sources. (See, for

example, the note to line 14.)

• In certain words, there is some difficulty distinguishing double l from sl, or

double f from sf, especially given the condition of the manuscript. In most

97
 cases, the double letter seems to have been the preferred graphic of both

scribes (mellee rather than meslee, meffaire rather than mesfaire, etc.). For

example, in line 26, the third letter of meffait appears to have a crossbar.

Some copying errors do appear to have occurred because of the similarity

of s and l (see, for example, the notes for lines 1628, 1679, etc.).

Roman Numerals

Roman numerals have been developed according to attested forms in the

manuscript when possible. These include uns / un (passim), dui (354)/deus (1623)/

deux (1037), trois (2636)/troy (787), quatre (4361), sept (3266, 3943), dis (4537), doce (2605),

vint (3551), trente (2234), and cent (5448)/cens (3909, 4057)/centz (446). Others have

been developed as follows: cinc (4037), quarante (3012), soisante (805), and mil (4030).

Capital Letters

Capital letters have been used in the text of this edition in accordance with

standard modern usage. The large capitals found in all the manuscripts have been

indicated in the notes, as have the relatively few number of unusual capital letters

found in manuscript T.

98
Proper Names

Proper names have insofar as possible been transcribed as they appear, with

variant spellings given in the Index of Proper Names, with any exceptions listed in the

line notes. (Translations, however, have followed the standard or most common

spellings. For example, Pos les Guez [317] has been translated as Portlesguez because

that is how the name has been known since the appearance of the early editions.)

Abbreviated names have been developed according to the most common spelling

unless there is reason to do otherwise; for example, in line 5073, q’drus has been

transcribed as Quadrus rather than Cadrus because the former is attested in the

manuscript, although the latter is the most common spelling. Gauvain’s traditional

title has been written as two words, either mes sire (or sires where an analogical s has

been added) or mon seignor.

Transcription of Unavailable or Difficult Text

As noted above, much of the manuscript is very difficult or impossible to read

at the present time because of fire and especially water damage, and some of the

outside sections of many lines have been burned away. For this reason, it has been

necessary to rely on the 1897 edition of Matthias Friedwagner for much of the content

of T. Although very thorough in his notation of variants and his description of all the

manuscripts, Friedwagner did not, of course, note all slight graphic variations, and in

many cases it has been necessary to use educated guesswork in determining how a

given word may have been written in the manuscript. Rather than adopting a fixed

99
policy regarding the transcription of a given word, a fairly flexible policy that partly

relies on the immediate context of a given word or passage has been utilized.

Some of the most frequently employed principles include the following:

• The closed e sound deriving from, for example, Latin facere, has been

written ai rather than e (e.g., faire rather than fere) (cf. Gossen § 6 for the

equivalence of these sounds in both Picard and Francien) in most cases

because that is by far the more common graphic for this sound in the work

of both scribes.314 There are, however, numerous exceptions visible in the

manuscript.

• The word einsi has usually been written ensi or ensy unless another form,

most often yssy or issy, is visible or attested near the example in question.

• The letter i at the end of a word has usually been written y unless the

majority of visible examples near it are written as i. The graphic y is

especially preferred by the second scribe.

• The Picard graphic ch has frequently been used unless there are a majority

of contrary examples in the same passage. For example, nearly all visible

examples of the word lance are written as lanche (two probable exceptions

being 4048 and 4061). In lines 1913-14, lanche and senefianche have

therefore been rendered as the rhyming words even though Friedwagner

did not note the spelling there.315 Another example, also involving

314
Friedwagner accurately describes this graphic as “regelmäßig” (p. LV); there are, however, a
substantial number of exceptions, including some two dozen examples of mais being written as més
(accent added editorially), as well as various examples of fere rather than faire, palés rather than palais,
etc.
315
A difference in the graphics of rhyming words is, however, not unusual; see examples below,
especially in the section on versification.

100
 rhyming words, occurs in lines 2147-48; here the graphics chi and ochi

cannot be confirmed, but chi does appear a few lines later, and ochi

elsewhere in the manuscript. Some of the other Picard graphics that have

sometimes but not always been used include, for example, saige rather

than sage, saiche rather than sache, ensanle rather than ensemble, etc. (See the

phonological section below for more details on, and examples of, these

graphics.)

• When not visible, the name Deus has been written Dex (e.g., 19) or Diex,

both graphics being used by both scribes.

• The spelling of vos and vous, nos and nous, etc., is so variable, often within

the same passage (for example, 606 ff.), that a systematic choice has not

seemed possible. The decision on which to use in a given place has

therefore depended on the visible examples in the passage. Where none

have been available, the graphic ou has usually been chosen as being

somewhat more common. In the case of certain words, especially por /

pour, the latter spelling has been used in most cases because it is by far the

most frequently employed by both scribes.

• The graphic for the nominative masculine singular case ending is

frequently problematic. Generally, an s has been used for the writing of

the first scribe even in cases where a z would normally have been

expected, whereas a z has often been used in the case of the second scribe,

even in words where s would be expected.

101
 • Where it is difficult to distinguish ll from sl, or ff from sf, the former have

been chosen because these spellings are more common in the work of both

scribes.

Lacunae

With regard to the supplying of lines or passages from other manuscripts, I

have generally felt that such passages should not be supplied unless there was an

obvious reason to believe that something had been skipped. In all cases of one-half of

a couplet being missing, that line has been supplied, or if a passage seems either to be

without meaning or logic, the same procedure has been followed, as in cases where

there is an apparent reason for a skip, such as identical beginning lines. With regard to

longer or less obvious passages, those have been dealt with in various ways, but

usually left as in the manuscript. Such cases have been discussed in the notes. (See

above for a list of principal lacunae, as well as the line notes and list of rejected

readings for specific examples.)

All lines supplied from other manuscripts have been placed in brackets in the

text.

Column Numbering

Because of the damaged condition of the manuscript, and because

Friedwagner’s edtion does not give folio and column numbers for T, it has often not

been possible to tell with certainty where a given column begins or ends. For this

102
reason, the last line that is at least partly visible in each column is indicated in the text.

For example, [end 82a] indicates that part of line 36 is visible, and line 37 is numbered

in the usual manner as [82b]. Line 153, however, is numbered [end 82d], with 158

numbered [83a], indicating that the four lines in between are not visible.

The Language of the Manuscript

Although the manuscript shows the general characteristics of Old French

scripta, it is substantially marked by particular dialectical characteristics of the north,

especially Picard. In addition, it shows certain traits resulting from its early fifteenth-

century date. Although not attempting to be all-inclusive, the following section looks

at the most striking or unusual characteristics of the language of the manuscript

without attempting to state definitively whether such language is to be attributed to

the scribe or the author.316 Where appropriate, reference is given to relevant sections of

Gossen and others.

Phonology

Vowels:

(The following section includes discussion of some characteristics that are purely

graphic as well as the most significant phonological ones.)

316
See Friedwagner’s introduction for an analysis of this problem, especially pp. XXXII-XLIX.

103
Characteristics of northern dialect:

1. There is very frequent diphthongization to ie of tonic open e followed by l,

r, or s (Gossen §11). Examples include bielles (17), chastiel (2188) or castiel

(2192), tieste (191), viers (1184), and apriés (1555).

2. The most common form of deus is diex (Gossen § 9) (-x being the normal

graphic for -us), capitalized in the text according to modern editorial

practice.

3. There is occasional reduction of the diphthong oi to i before a sibilant in an

accented syllable, as in connissoit (3764) and pasmison (4941) (Gossen § 33).

4. There is at least one instance of the reduction of oi to o in the word bos

(from boscu, 2141) (Gossen § 27).

5. At the end of words iee (from yod plus ata) is normally reduced to ie, as

shown in maisnie (3261) and also maisnie/envoïe, 4219-20 (as opposed to

Francien maisniee / envoiee), and in many other rhymes (Gossen §8).

6. Closed e followed by ls routinely becomes iaus, for example biaus or biax

(passim) rather than beaus, hiaumes rather than heaumes (2288), isniaus

rather than isneaus (2845), etc. (Gossen § 12).

7. Closed e followed by l before a consonant usually produces aus, e.g.,

consaus (1959, 5510) (oblique conseil, 300 and passim) and solaus (3005)

(Gossen § 12).

8. The evolution of the word locu sometimes produces liu (2386), lius (1641),

or liuez (5744) instead of the more common lieu(s); leu (1748, 3504) also

appears (Gossen § 25).

104
 9. The diphthong ie is sometimes reduced to i before gn (Gossen § 10), as in

devigne (4741, but viegne in the following line); in 5150 vigne rhymes with

viegne.

10. The Picard tendency for first-syllable e to become a (Gossen § 29) is

relatively infrequent in this text but is demonstrated in the forms manechier

(2287) and manecier (1592, 5615) instead of menacier.317

11. The Picard tendency toward monophonization of ai to a (Gossen § 6) is not

frequently attested in T but is demonstrated by, for example, com ly

poissons fat l’ain (1175), Or ne sagié (3039), plaseïz (3553), le parler lassent

(4415), and glaves / saives (5681-82).

12. The form mengier (1235, 2384, but alongside mangier) is an example of

nasalized e for etymological nasalized a in Picard texts. The very frequent

appearance of nasalized a for etymological nasalized e, as in tans (1, 98)

and ensan(b)le (319, 673), illustrates the opposite phenomenon (Gossen §

15).

13. The graphic maronnier (2942, 3308) rather than marinier appears in other

northern texts.318

317
See Roussineau’s explanation, p. 84, of this example, which also occurs in his edition of La
Vengeance Raguidel.
318
See Roussineau’s note 229, p. 84, for other examples.

105
Fifteenth-century characteristics:

The frequent graphic of y for i noted above, common throughout manuscript T

but especially in the work in the second scribe, is indicative of the relatively late date

of the manuscript compared to the text.319

Consonants:

Characteristics of northern dialect:

1. The early reduction in Picard of the fricative ts to s is evidenced by the

very frequent appearance of s in final position (Gossen § 40) (see

“Presentation of the Text,” above). (The tendency of the second scribe to

use z more frequently than does the first scribe at the end of words—for

example, vuidiéz moy cest paléz (871)—is most likely a purely graphic

phenomenon.)

2. The occasional preservation of initial w in words of Germanic origin is

characteristic of Picard and other northern dialects: warder rather than

garder (39, rhyming with esgarder) and weil (vouloir, 4863, 5467). The w in

Gauwainz (5549 and elsewhere) and couwart (5516), following u in hiatus, is

also characteristic of some northern dialects (Gossen § 54).

3. The combination c plus a initially and within words after a consonant often

retains the k sound in the manuscript, as characteristic of Picard and

Norman, rather than becoming ch, as characteristic of all other Old French

319
See Christiane Marchello-Nizia, Histoire de la langue française au XIVe et XVe siècles (Paris:
Bordas, 1979), p. 93.

106
 dialects (Gossen § 41). This sound is written ca or sometime ka. Examples

of the former include canchon (2928) cambre (3272) cargiés (5570), cargent

(1237), and cange (5822); of the former, karoler (3628 and most other

examples of this word), kaient (4557), kaioir (4560), and peske (1201). The

word chose is also sometimes written as coze (308, 3438, 5309).

4. The combinations c plus e or i initially and within words after a consonant,

c plus a yod within a word, and t plus a yod after a consonant produce an

affricative c sound characteristic of Picard and Norman (Gossen § 38) that

is very much in evidence throughout the manuscript. The graphic for this

sound can be either ch or c,320 the latter of which is ambiguous. Examples

of different graphics that probably represent the same sound include the

following: chief (21 and most examples) and ciés (4333), chiel (3664) and ciel

(3844 and most examples), lanche (nearly all examples) and lance (4048),

forche (1185 and most examples) and force (2994), proeche (1836) and proece

(1149) or proesce (2290), baceller (1390) and the more common bacheler (158

and elsewhere), the unusual graphics ceval (1483) and cevaux (1029, 1022),

and numerous others. (See also the discussion of demonstratives in the

morphological section below.) Altough ch is the dominant graphic, there

is wide variation between the two throughout the manuscript: for

example, despiece (1711) is followed three lines later by redespieche (1714).

The rhyme broche / Blancloce (2531-32) well illustrates the phonological

equivalence of the two graphics.

320
or occasionally q, as in the rhyme requief / mischief (3671-72), or even k, as in clokier / clochier
(105-6).

107
 5. The combinations c plus yod and t plus yod at the end of a word sometimes

produce the graphic -c or -ch in Picard, as opposed to Francien -z (Gossen §

39).321 There are occasional examples of this in the text, including tierc

(275) and ainc (878), as well as a number of verb forms. (See the section on

morphology for verbs with this ending.)

6. There are cases of the graphic g in words of Latin origin where j would be

expected (Gossen § 42). Examples include gougement, gougiés (911), g’ay

(872), and ga (1474). This seems likely to be a purely graphic phenomenon,

as does sajement for sagement (4984), which shows the opposite

phenomenon.322

7. Closed e followed by a nasal sometimes become ain(e), a trait that

distinguishes Picard from other northern dialects (Gossen § 19). Examples

include ain (1128), fain (1221) and fainz (3685), paine (3892), clain (4830),

amaine (2005), and plain (4245).

8. There are cases of the so-called “parasitical s,” which Gossen states is

“purement graphique” (§ 80). Examples include esré (3515), esramment

(2005) and esraument (1424).

9. The Picard forms mieus (usually written miex) (350, etc.) (also mielx, 935,

the etymological l being purely graphic) and mius (usually written mix)

(467) (also milx, 616) are common throughout the manuscript (Gossen §

14).

321
Gossen notes the uncertainty regarding the pronuncation of this ending, concluding that “il y avait
une forte tendance à réduire cette finale [-c] à -s” (§ 39, p. 94).
322
Gossen notes that “les scribes écrivaient fréquemment g pour j et vice versa” (p. 101).

108
 10. Depalatization of the [lh] sound in final position, a Picard characteristic, is

in evidence: for example, vuel (1522, 1941), duel (1942), m’ezmervel, (1269),

and consel (1535, 3310) (Gossen § 59).

11. There is also frequent apparent depalatalization of the intervocalic [lh]

sound, e.g., in mellor (947, 3699), millour (964, 1305), mervelle (1269, 2708,

3455), and consillera (2698) (Gossen § 59).323

12. Forms deriving from Latin aqua are the northern forms eue (or eve) (1224),

euve (4212), and ewe (5018) (Gossen § 43).

13. Confusion between intervocalic s and ss, indicating difficulty in

distinguishing between mute and voiced sibilants, is not uncommon in the

manuscript (Gossen § 49). Examples are asisse (23, and also 2683, rhyming

with prise) and pasmison (4941). However, the doubling and singling of

other consonants, not just s, is not unusual in the manuscript. (See

examples under “Fifteenth-century characteristics,” no. 6, below.)

14. Dissimilation of r occurs occasionally in the text, e.g., in querroit (from

croire, 414 and 415) and most appearances of the word herberger, which is

written herbeger (3409, 3738, 3745, 3767) (Gossen § 56).

15. Reduction of etymological rr to r324 occurs in several places in the

manuscript, e.g., tere (3373), poroie (1641), and poroit (2136).

16. There is occasional retention of final t, characteristic of Picard and other

northern dialects (Gossen § 46), in both substantives and past participles.

Examples include estet (1358, 1420), volentet (2340, rhyming with dignité),

323
Gossen, however, expresses uncertainty regarding the pronunciation of the double l, “n’étant pas
renseigné sur la valeur phonétique du groupe graphique -ll-” (p. 116).
324
Roussineau (p. 89) signals this “simplification précoce” as a northern trait.

109
 chitet (for cité, 3511), l’escut (1483), batut (1449), neveut (5008), büet / essüet

(4675-76), and congiet (1375).

17. There is occasional metathesis of -re and -er, characteristic of Picard

(Gossen § 57), for example, sofferroie (1818), frevrier (242), espreviés (145),

and possibly conversera (4082, corrected) (see the note to this line).

18. The supporting consonant commonly found in verbs of certain dialects

(Gossen § 61) is frequently absent. Some examples of the lack of

epenthetic b are sanle (4098), ensanle (4097), and assanlent (4058) instead of

semble, ensemble, and assemblent. Examples of the lack of epenthetic d

include tinrent (791) vinrent (3765), volra (1515), and tolroie (1782).

19. There is some hesitation between the graphics -ng- and -gn-, a tendency

which Gossen (§ 62) notes is frequent in Picard; for example, beslonge (190)

and the rhyme s’eslonge / aloigne (5673-74).

Other observations:

1. There is sporadic absence of final consonants, especially a final t preceded

by n; examples include main (2386 3504), nïen (3516), blon (951) and gran

(883, 1183). The form este vous (1902) also appears, as well as tou (787, 865,

etc.) and vin (3386).

2. The words fors and defors are usually written hors and dehors.

3. Closed o is most often written ou, although both graphics are common.

Examples of words written both ways include honor (4) and honour (1047),

tos and tous (passim), and vos and vous (passim).

110
 4. Words such as mautalent, maudire, etc., are usually written with mal-, as in

maltalent (555, 592, etc.), maldie (2091) (but maudist, 3232), malfait (721), etc.

5. The form on is most often used instead of en (86 and passim).

6. There is sporadic rhotacism of l to r; for example mur instead of mul (1519;

1543 : aseür325).

Fifteenth-century characteristics:

1. There are numerous cases of what Friedwagner refers to as “überladene

Schreibungen” (p. LVI), very frequently involving the letter l. Examples of

these include hault (25, 432, etc.) and fault (214, 604, etc.), euls (711, etc.), elx

(400), deuls (765, 594, etc.), oltre (4224), loiaulz (8), gentilz (18), and similar

words. The endings -elx and -elz are not uncommon; for example, mielx

(1968, 2168, etc.), ielx (2235), cruelx (3996), itelx (2436), quelx (3587), duelx

(3544), fielx (3779); and dielz (3238 and 3421), delz (meaning “two,” 3593),

velz (from vouloir, 3594; “old,” 3723), and quelz (935). Rhymes such as nuls /

plus (1951-52 and 3011-12) and solaus / vermauls (3005-6) show that the l in

these cases was not pronounced, and perhaps also give evidence of the

scribes’s habits; they at times seem to have been more conscientious in

putting in the “correct” form than in ensuring the visual accord of the

rhyme.

2. Cases of etymological b and p are not infrequent; these include rechepvoir

(359), doubte (including 512, where it rhymes with toute) and doubter (1838,

325
Cf. Roussineau (p. 101, no. 4).

111
 etc.), and corps (1195, 3475, 5780, etc.). The example corps a cors (5780) is

notable and illustrates the purely graphic nature of the letter p here.326

3. There are also examples of etymological h in words such as honor (4, 87)

and honour (1047, 1398), hostel (3247, 3816), etc., alongside examples

without the h.

4. There are numerous cases of final g indicating nasalization, common in

Middle French manuscripts. Examples include retieng (224), compaing

(354), ving (1010), enteng (1250), loing (1752), poing (2588), tieng (3446), doing

(3594), preng (5670), besoing (5743), etc.

5. There is frequent confusion between dont and donc, with the former being

the usual spelling for both (254, 564, 746, etc.). The form dom also appears

(4291, 4318, 4523, 5260).

6. The doubling of certain consonants is extremely common in the

manuscript: examples include elle (though ele is also common) and pucelle,

bielles (17) or belles (passim), nulle (13), donné (2144), homme, parrolle (907),

penssa (5257), fressche (44), plainnes (179), mainne (4229), etc.

Morphology

Forms characteristic of northern dialect:

1. Le appears not infrequently as the feminine singular direct object pronoun

(40, 382, 1412, etc.), and sometimes as the article (e.g., le mort, 1290; le mers,

326
See Christiane Marchello-Nizia’s examples of “graphies latinisantes,” Histoire de la langue française
au XIVe et XVe siècles, p. 93.

112
 2778; le besoigne, 3332; le nef, 3328) (Gossen § 63), though the latter is

relatively rare. One notable example is 4573, which describes Meraugis’s

severing of the right hand of the Outredouté in revenge for Laquis: Vole la

mains, et il le prent. I have found no visible example of li as the feminine

article.

2. Forms of the first person singular subject pronoun include the typically

northern forms jou (208, 1468) and je (16, etc.) (Gossen § 64), but also the

common Old French forms ge (988, 1095) and gié (383, 530, 760). Je is the

most widely used form throughout the manuscript.

3. The third person singular masculine tonic pronoun is sometimes li, usually

written ly (e.g., 1166, 1184) (Gossen § 65).

4. The typically Picard form of the oblique third person singular possessive

adjective, sen (Gossen § 66), appears a number of times in the manuscript

(768, 1760, 1775, etc.); in line 115 it appears with a fault in case, as the

nominative form ses would be expected: Del bien ou estoit sen pensés. I can

find no visible examples of the first and second person singular forms men

and ten. Gossen notes that “Il faut croire que les auteurs et les scribes

répugniaient à employer l’adjectif possessif dialectal qui leur semblait

peut-être trop vulgaire” (p. 126) and that these forms were less widely

used in literary texts than in documents.

5. The weakened form of the possessive adjective vo appears at least once in

place of vostre as the masculine oblique possessive adjective (563) (Gossen

§ 68). Elsewhere, this form appears as an indirect object pronoun (511,

763) or object of a preposition (773).

113
6. Although the most common third person plural possessive adjective is lor

(or lour, 849, 1037, etc.) rather than leur, the latter does appear sporadically

(793, 4260). The weakened form lo also appears at least once as a

possessive adjective: lo homme (1977).

7. There are a number of examples of the -aisse form of the imperfect

subjunctive, typical of northern and eastern dialects (Gossen § 71); for

example, doutaisse (1154), amaisse (1209), cangaisse (1400), and alaisse (2077).

8. The insertion of a svarabhaktic e in the future or conditional of certain

verbs, characteristic of northern dialects (Gossen § 74), is not uncommon in

the manuscript. Examples include moveray (3470, 3480), movera (3675,

3693), averiés (767), deveroit (92, corrected for meter), deveriés (772, also

corrected for meter), and saveroit (399, but savroit in the following line).

9. There is occasional retention of final t, characteristic of Picard and other

northern dialects (Gossen § 46), in the passé composé, e.g., laisiet (3397)

(Gossen § 46).

10. The first person singular of the present indicative or the preterit sometimes

ends with -c or -ch (Gossen § 75), as typical of Picard. Examples include

cuic (344, 607, etc., from croire) (also cui, 5304, but Francien cuit, 3882), cuic

(5724, from quiter) perc (2810, from perdre), renc (3074) and rench (2070)

(from rendre), quierc (3188, 5090, from querre), loch (847, from loer), demanch

(1620, 2000), and manch (1999).

11. There are a number of examples of present subjuntive verbs ending in -che,

characteristic of Picard (Gossen § 80). These include saiche (283, 403, 778,

114
 etc., from savoir327), faiche (405) or fache (3845, etc.), parche (1568), and

mesfache (1900).

12. The second person plural future form from Latin -etis is often –ois.

Examples include irois (2504), ferois (2908, 3190), prendrois (3209), osterois

(3209), and gieterois (3210).

13. Sigmatic forms of the imperfect subjunctive, typical of northern dialects,

are common in the manuscript, and there are also examples in the preterit

(Gossen § 76). These include vosist (97) (also vaulsist, 2737, and vousist,

297), vousissent (1240), fesist (1205, etc.), conduisist / desist (1867-68), tousist

(1926), and presist (5145). There are also some examples of the -isent

ending (from, e.g., fecerent) in the third person plural preterit (e.g., prisent,

3374, 5579) (Gossen § 77), although the Francien form -irent is much more

common.

14. Forms of the imperfect subjunctive based on the weak preterit ending -ui

(from habere), common in northern and northeastern dialects, are frequent

in the text (Gossen § 73). Examples include peuïst (40, 86, etc.) euïssent

(2825), deuïsses (3522), and seuïsse (2678).

15. There are at least two examples of strong preterit endings in -eu,

characteristic of Picard and Walloon (Gossen § 72): eurent (3317) and

coneurent (2030). However, according to Gossen, “Ces parfaits ne sont …

pas des indices très sûrs pour la localisation d’un texte” (p. 130).

16. The form tot or, more often, tout appears most frequently, even when

indefinite and as nominative plural, with tuit appearing only rarely and
327
Saiche (404) from saichier is regular.

115
 usually in a rhyme (e.g., with fuit, 2929-2930). The tendency toward

unification of the paradigm of tot is a Picard characteristic.328 The form

tous occasionally occurs as an adverb instead of tout (4569, 4577).

17. There are examples of the reduced radical of avoir and savoir in the future

and conditional. These include aroit (1151, 1769), aroie (1779, 5857), aront

(4105), and saroie (3236).

18. Enclisis sometimes occurs between the verb and the following pronoun.

Most of these involve the first person singular subject pronoun, written as

ge; for example, Dames, or më esmaige (910), Huy maiz ne saige rien (1549),

Dame, ou suige (4764), ne digié mie (5034), Che dit ne tienge mie a sen (3073), Ja

n’en liége (from lever, 4859), Itant vueje (3468), and Dont ne voige (927).329 It

also occasionally appears with verbs not in the present tense, for instance,

Me rendraige (1975) and cuidaige (1550).330 There are also examples of fusse

for fust ce: Dont fusse mestrie (5730); and also esse for est ce: Biautéz, qu’esse ?

(966) and <<Qu’esse ? >> fet il, <<Je n’en ay mie? (3396).

19. There are occasional passé composé forms ending in -oit, e.g., toloite (4667).

328
See Claude Régnier, “Quelques problèmes de l’ancien picard,” Romance Philology 14, no. 3 (1961),
p. 270, and Roussineau (pp. 92-93, no. 9), who notes examples in the Vengeance Raguidel.
329
When written as je, they have not been attached here (see note 3696 below).
330
Again, see Régnier, “Quelques problèmes de l’ancien picard,” p. 270, and Roussineau, who notes that
in the examples from the Vengeance Raguidel “le pronom personnel sujet est systématiquement graphié
ge lorsqu’il est agglutiné au verbe qui le précède” (p. 94).

116
The case system:

The case system is generally well respected throughout the manuscript;

however, some inconsistencies and faults inevitably occur, for reasons that include the

following:

1. Overcorrection is not infrequent, resulting in analogical s for nominative

masculine singular in, for example, ses peres (111, 116, 118, etc.), maistres

chastelains (3140), qu’autres l’ait (3538), uns autres chevaliers (4278), biaus sires

chiers (428), cist novax sires (3969), preus et loiaulz / Et riches (8-9), Court sy

riches qu’onques ne fu / Plus riche (1734-35), mes sires Gauvains (4995 and

often), l’amours331 ne se puet repondre (392), etc.

2. There are a few disagreements in case most likely resulting from error:

examples include es brief (3942, corrected to es briés), various case faults

with the word chevalier (see line notes for examples), toute ly aiz (3312,

corrected to toutes les aiz), a plain poinz (87, rhyming with loins), etc.

3. There is much more irregularity of case in proper names. Although most

often written in abbreviation, when written out l’Outredouté is rarely

inflected. The name Maret is sometimes written as Maret (3554) rather than

Marés or Maréz in nominative case.

331
There is considerable hesitation regarding the gender of Amour, regardless of the presence or absence
of the analogical -s. For example, “L’Amours, qui retrait a sa mere, / Covient estre par tout courtoise”
(978-79); but a few lines later the gender seems to be masculine: “s’Amours aime che qu’il doit, / Dont
l’aime Meraugis a droit” (985-86).

117
Other observations:

1. There are several examples of omitted vowels, for example fra for fera (857)

and fry for fery (third person singular preterit of ferir, 1162, 1170, 1191, all

corrected for meter).

2. The first person plural ending of some present and future forms is -on

rather than -ons: for example, jugon (936), ploron (1589), devon (2398),

perdron (2811), etc., a characteristic of Western dialects.

3. The adjective lois (meaning louche) is usually but not always written lais.

4. The third person singular of dire in both present and preterit is dist.

5. The adverb einsi appears in various forms, including issi, yssy, ensy, or ansy.

6. There is an example of toute jor (5608) constructed on the model of tote

nuit.332

Syntax

1. As would be expected in a text of this period, parataxis is frequent,

although it is generally not continued for more than a few lines at most; for

example, Li rois s’asiet, ly mengiers vint (1235); Ses voisins ert; bien le connut

(2047); and the slightly longer A tant departent, sy s’en vont. / Lidoine ala a

son païz. / Gorvains Cadrus et Meraugis / Tinrent sempres chascuns lor voie

(788-91).

2. Sudden shifts in tense, especially between past and the historical present

tense, are extremely common throughout the text, as would be expected in

332
Cf. Roussineau, p. 96, no. 3.

118
 a narrative text of the time. Although there is often no obvious reason for

such shifts, they can sometimes serve to render an action being narrated

more vivid, as in, among numerous examples, the following lines: La dame

qui le regarda / Ot paour, si saut de la table (3264-65, with succeeding verbs in

the present tense). In the following, the shift in tense appears to make an

unreal situation more immediate and certain when the ladies in the tent

predict Meraugis’s death at the hands of the Outredouté: qu’encor venra

une hore / Qu’elle plora, mais c’est333 pour vous (1584-85). There are also

sometimes shifts in the expected tenses of a hypothetical situation,334 for

example, Je mouveray ja, / Certes, se ma dame voloit (780-81) and Cil seroient

couwart revoit / Quy a demain vous en fauront (5116-17).

3. There are several instances of what is sometimes called “imminence

contrecarré,”335 that is, a hypothetical situation expressed in the imperfect

subjunctive that was about to become reality when it was prevented from

occurring by something else. One example of this is …ja l’oceïst / Sans

respit quant li rois li dist : / <<Lessiéz ! Assés en avés fait (2301-3). Lines 700

ff. contain a longer, more complex example describing how the quarrel

between Meraugis and Gorvain was stopped by Lidoine. The author

states that Ja fust ne say li quels vaincus but that Lidoine was informed of the

battle and prevented it from going further.

333
As indicated in the list of variants, both V and W contain future forms here; T’s could be considered
the more difficult reading.
334
Roussineau refers to this as a “système hypothétique asymétrique” (p. 106, no. 32).
335
See Gérard Moignet, Grammaire de l’ancien français (Paris: Klincksieck, 1973), p. 212. Szkilnik
also notes this as a characteristic of Meraugis (p. 71).

119
 4. The text contains numerous examples of the use of the verb faire to replace

another verb (a “verbe suppléant”336), usually one that has been expressed

in a preceding statement. This most often occurs in a passage of dialogue.

One example occurs when Gorvain is debating with himself whether to

tell Lidoine of his love: “Je li vois dire. — Nel feray. — / Si feray, voir” (407-

8); another, when Lidoine is trying to decide whether she actually loves

Meraugis: “Je l’aime. — Non faiz. — Sy faiz, je quich” (1208). Other

examples include 522, 583, 933, and 2054. Such uses of faire can be

accumulated within a passage, especially when characters are arguing

about whether or not one of them should do something. A striking

example begins at line 1964, when the verb appears six times within four

lines (sometimes with its normal meaning and sometimes as a verbe

suppléant) and then again twice shortly thereafter (1973). This passage

follows an extended dialogue containing learned puns and seems to

continue the exchange of wit despite the seriousness of what is being

decided.

5. There are various passages in the text that contain involved, complicated

sentence structures. One example begins at line 250 (though this passage

could be punctuated to begin the sentence earlier): Et cil ne fu mie laniers /

Qui ot Lidoine coneüe, / Ains a la nouvelle meüe / Par les rens et partout conté, /

336
For additional examples, see those listed in the index to Moignet, p. 403.

120
 Dont il i ot puis encontré / Maint chevalier et abatu (250-55).337 Another

example begins at line 1100.

6. As would be expected, there are also cases of anacolutha, or breaks in

structure, in the text, although these are not frequent. One example is the

passage beginning at line 74, which is technically a fragment and contains

two omissions of the relative que (at lines 76 and 78) (see below for

examples of the latter) but whose meaning is nonetheless readily grasped.

A shorter example is the following: La dame dist au sien sanlant / De la main,

qui la li tauroit, / Tant la veut quë il en morroit / De duel (4670-73).

7. There is an example of apo koinou construction, with the subject of the verb

in one clause being the object of the verb of another: En cel estour / Furent

estroit comme en presor / Cil del chastiel en tel maniere / Que par devant et par

deriere / Les fierent si qu’il ont des cox / De toutes pars cargiés les cox / En l’estor

tant chascuns s’apresse (5565-71). The apparent syntactical confusion

reflects the disarray of the complex battle scene.

8. An extremely common feature of the presentation of direct discourse in

the text is the sequence verb + subject + dialogue; for example, Dist

Meraugis : <<Je ne say mie (2318) and Dist Lidoine : <<Ceste saisine / Me

plaist moult ! (3811-12). Szkilnik notes that this trait is “une caractéristique

qu’on peut attribuer avec une quasi certitude à Raoul” (p. 70).

337
This passage is, of course, interesting from a rhetorical point of view, being what Faral describes as
“l’affirmation après la négation” (Les Arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle, pp. 84-85), very common
in Raoul’s writing; one of the examples in French Faral gives is from the Songe d’Enfer.

121
 9. The accumulation, or chaining, of relative clauses within a single sentence

or passage is frequent in the text.338 Two example are … Qui por veüe lor

apreigne / Qu’elle soit plus belle que totes (147-49); and Del cuer li muet / Un

doel qui tel l’a atornee / Que jamais n’en ert retornee / De cel duel que tous jors

nel maint (4746-49).

10. The following is an example of a noun that functions as subject of one verb

and object of another: Onquez ne fu, ne Diex nel vit / Home ausi let, ne Diex

nel set ! (3822-23). (See Friedwagner’s comment in the note to his line 3874,

p. 252.)

11. The use of the oblique case as genitive (referring always to a person) is

frequent in the text, along with the prepositions of possession (à and de);

for example, la court le roy (742, 808, and elsewhere), Li chevaliers ma dame

(1320), and the mixed example Par le comandement le roy / Et par le los de la

roïne (1092-93). It is used especially often for a person of great importance,

especially a king; the latter usage, de la roïne, is uncommon in the text.

12. Where both a direct and indirect object pronoun are expected, it is

extremely common in the text for one of them to be omitted, normally the

former. Examples include Oïl, et si connois moult bien (1916, with the direct

object pronoun la unexpressed), Qu’aucuns a forche li tousist (1926, with le

unexpressed), and Che demandai au chevalier / Qu’il me donast (2400-1, again

with la suppressed). There are some exceptions, for example, que l’en la li

doigne (4597). There is also at least one apparent example of the

338
See Philippe Ménard, Syntaxe de l’ancien français (Bordeaux: Sobodi, 1976), § 83, pp. 94-95.

122
 suppression of the direct object pronoun when there is no indirect object:

Oïl, et sy connois moult bien (1916).339

13. The text contains a number of examples of the direct expression of an

indirect object. Some examples are se ma dame plaisoit (1319), M’estuet

mander Gorvainz340 Cadruz (3833), La pucelle, c’est verités, / Avint que ses peres

fu mors341 (110-11), and Que nos en porterons / La teste son oncle le roy ! (5436-

37).

14. There are also a number of places in the text where an indirect object

pronoun is used as an ethical dative; for example, Sire, vuidiéz moy cest

paléz (871), Sy m’irés un chevalier querre (3849), Dites moy Anchisé le Ros

(3868) (also containing an indirect object expressed directly), and Tu me

diras / a Gauvain que pour ly ving chy (5359-60).

15. The pleonastic and cataphoric use of pronouns is quite common in the text;

for example: Mais par moi n’ert il plus deffait, / Son cors ou Deus n’avoit que

faire (192-93), Sy le cuidasse la trover, / Le chevalier (1957-58), L’Outredouté, qui

tout les tue (2086) and Celle dame, quy peut elle estre ? (5026).

16. There are a number of examples of the suppression of que after the verb

savoir, often in the imperative, and also with certain other verbs. Examples

involving sachiez include the following: Itant sachiés : sans nul ariest / J’iray

quant faire le covient (776-77) and Sachiés, se faire le pooie, / Volentiers vous en

339
See, however, Friedwagner’s note to his line 1850, in which he points out that celle in the following
line could belong to connois; this I think unlikely, and neither Friedwagner nor Szkilnik (her lines 1917-
18) has punctuated the lines that way.
340
This is an indirect object despite the apparent use of the nominative form.
341
Friedwagner, however, chose W’s reading, A la pucele, for the beginning of this line, considering that
TW would have produced an anocoluthon (see the note to his line 142, p. 234). The structure is
nonetheless acceptable and not uncommon.

123
 geteroie (3841) (also 3462 ff. and 5098-99). Suppression also occasionally

occurs after other verbs, for example, je creant (3477) and je cuit (3882), and

after various forms of dire, including in indirect speech (3350, 3527, 4721,

5736). Elsewhere, que is suppressed in the expression tant que (3175 ff. and

4600-01). It is also suppressed in the introduction of a subordinate clause

following its use in the expression tant que: Hardi le trueve / Tant qu’en la fin

sy bien se prueve / Le vaint Meraugis (1721-23).

17. There is at least one example of ne being omitted in the equivalent of the

expression ne … que: Guivrés, quy fist le premier veu, / Dist qu’il n’iroit ja en

nul leu / Que ja eüst que son escu (1747-49).

18. The use of en as a direct object pronoun referring to a person is relatively

rare. One example is contained in the following line: <<Qu’esse ? >> fet il,

<<Je n’en ay mie? (3396). T is the only manuscript of Meraugis that contains

this example.

19. The use of quant in a causal sense occurs several times in the text.

Examples include Quant c’est par moy (1956) and … quant ce garandist / Ly

rois … / Je suis vaincus (5106-7).

Vocabulary

Meraugis contains a varied and extensive vocabulary. It contains at least one

word, frain (3322) with a meaning that is not attested elsewhere. Other less common

words or particular meanings are noted in the textual notes and the glossary.

See also the list of proverbial and popular expressions, below.

124
Versification

Syllable Count

Hiatus:

As would be expected, hiatus of the letter e at the end of a word, whether of one

syllable (often que) or, occasionally, more than one (though these are much less

frequent), and an initial following vowel occurs with some regularity throughout the

text, although it is not nearly so common as elision. Examples include Cë est la miex

faite de vis (350), Quë on le puet puissier dehors (470), Ja Diex në ait part s’il peut dire (476),

and … Dy moy ! Remontë el destrier (1696).

It is interesting to compare the occurrence of hiatus of e and a following vowel

in the T and V manuscripts, as shown by comparing the present edition and Szkilnik’s,

which is closely based on V (see her p. 59). As expected, there are many cases that

correspond in the two editions but others that do not because of differences in the

manuscripts. The number of such cases in this edition that are not in Szkilnik’s is

approximately the same as the number that are in hers but not in this one, about 50

each. This suggests a similar frequency of the use of hiatus by the scribes of the two

manuscripts.342 Many of the differences between the two are based on minor

variations in the manuscripts, for example, Tant qu’il viegnë, et lors dira and Tant qu’il

viegne. Lors li dira (2028 this edition, 2029 Szkinik’s); Qu’il haïst autant comme luy and

342
Caution must, of course, always be applied in making generalizations about the T manuscript because
of its condition.

125
Quë il haïst tant com celui (3665/3672); and Li Lais demanda erraument and Li Lois demandë

erraument (4710/4729). Other differences, however, occur in places where the texts

vary significantly. For example, in this edition, lines 4832-35, which follow a

monologue by Meraugis, read as follows: … Or ne pensë il mie / Comment il la porra

avoir, / Ne qu’il n’en quiert fors le veoir / Orendroit …, whereas the corresponding passage

in Szkilnik’s is Or n’i pense je mie / Comment je la porrai avoir (4855-56), etc., because the

latter passage is in the third person and so becomes part of the proceeding monologue

rather than functioning as part of the narration. Another example is the following, in

which Lidoine is sorrowing for the apparent loss of Meraugis: Qu’ele ne set s’ele vit més /

Ne que devigne ne ly chaut / De riens quy viegne ne qui aut (4740-42), while the first two

lines of the corresponding passage in the Szkilnik edition are Qu’ele ne set së il vi mes. /

Ce dont ele vit ne li chaut (4759-60). Of course, hiatus might have occurred in this

passage as well if the T scribes did not use the two-syllable form of the third person

singular feminine pronoun, el(l)e rather than el, almost exclusively.

Hiatus between final e and initial vowel occurs in this edition in the following

lines: 6, 16, 104, 195, 196, 350, 376, 381, 427, 470, 476, 611, 616, 696, 709, 772, 779, 783,

833, 910, 1000, 1062, 1262, 1266, 1298, 1514, 1696, 1699, 1773, 1831, 1838, 1842, 1880,

1889, 1883, 1922, 1934, 2026, 2028, 2170, 2325, 2350, 2351, 2531, 2553, 2576, 2590, 2686,

2884, 3157, 3193, 3224, 3238, 3336, 3356, 3537, 3571, 3651, 3665, 3694, 3739, 3742, 3756,

3762, 3763, 3863, 3897, 3954, 4101, 4104, 4143, 4184, 4232, 4247, 4252, 4259, 4266, 4272,

4351, 4359, 4419, 4469, 4550, 4551, 4563, 4635, 4648, 4650, 4672, 4740, 4776, 4786, 4832,

4841, 4872, 4918, 4964, 4976, 5008, 5018, 5050, 5107, 5200, 5215, 5259, 5272, 5336, 5410,

5456, 5531, 5545, 5596, 5653, 5717, and 5812.

126
Elision:

In accordance with standard Old French usage, nearly all words of more than

one syllable ending in mute e are elided with a following vowel; for example, Me doinst

Dex que bien vigne a chief (21), Ou guivre u fantosme u serpens (506). Exceptions occur at

1696 and 4832, quoted above, and also at 1922 (La lanchë avuec luy portoit), 2028 (Tant

qu’il viegnë, et lors dira), 3571 (Si comencë une bataille), 4272 (Karole il encorë ? — Oïl,

although the trema could equally be placed on the first, also multi-syllable, word),

5017-18 (Ly rois Artus quy demanda / L’ewë, et on ly aporta), 5259 (Mais ne voit nullë

ocoison), and 5531 (Qu’il s’avalent encontrë ex).

As expected, elision is also extremely common throughout the text in one-

syllable words ending in e followed by an initial vowel, regardless of how they have

been written in the manuscript, e.g., as in Que g’i seray tant que plus fors (3129) or Ge i

passeroie ? Je pour coy ? (2894), where g’i and ge i are both one syllable. In accordance

with normal usage, elision of the nominative masculine definite article li (ly) is

variable: for example, li estris (897), ly escus (1545), li uns (1768); but l’onnours (134 and

elsewhere, with various spellings and sometimes without the s), l’un (1742), l’estour

(5394), etc., and most examples of the name l’Outredouté (but Li Outredouté, 2483, and Li

Outredoutés, 3579 and 3634). As also expected, the articles le and la are regularly

elided, as are the possessives ma, ta, and sa, as well as the preposition de (I can find no

example of hiatus for any of these). As for the pronouns me, te, se, le, and la, they are

also elided in the manuscript, with only a few exceptions: Met të a voie ! (2111) and Lor

dist : <<Dames, or më esmaige (910). The negative ne (from Latin non) is normally elided

(passim) (although Ja Diex në ait part, 476), whereas the coordinating conjunction ne

(from nec) is not always so, for example, në o ne non (620, 2666), Rien ne dïent, në il n’i a

127
… (4551) and … que grant duel n’en aient (5701) (but N’ele n’iert pas si contrariable,343 296,

Je n’en sui liés, n’il ne m’en poise, 535, etc.). The personal pronoun je (ge) is usually

elided, with exceptions to be found at lines 16, 381, 1699, 3224, 3238, 3863, 4650, 5964,

and 5336; the form gié is not elided in the manuscript (<<J’iray au siege.>> — <<Et gié !

>> — <<Et gié ! >>, 5121).

As would be expected, the relative pronoun qui is normally not elided here (for

example, Son escu, quy aval gisoit, 2052), the following being a rare case of elision: …

s’il fait che qu’a chevalier / Afiert … (1102-3). The treatment of que, both as relative

pronoun and as conjunction, is somewhat more variable. Although que is usually

elided, a number of the examples of hiatus listed above are for this word, for example

Quë on puet milx raison trouver (616) and Rois, tu sez quë il ala querre … (1266). This is

also the case with the neutral demonstrative pronoun ce (che): c’est (also ch’est) is

normal (passim), as well as c’estes (5405), c’en (364, 526, and elsewhere), ch’aroit mon

(1151), etc., but cë est (350, 966, 1831, etc.), chë os bien dire (611), cë ot (1000), De cë ont eü

(1932), etc. The adverb si (from sic) is much less often elided than the conjunction se,

which usually is; exceptions to the latter include Së il savoit, n’en doubtés mie … (1838)

and Ne say qui l’ait së elle non (376) as well as further examples at 104, 3739, 4648, 5772,

5410, and 5596-97. Examples of the elision of si from sic include Del bois ou il s’ot

assailly (4178) (corrected from s’ont), Car le plus s’i acreanta (288), and Au cheval vient, s’y

met la sielle (1633) (although the latter two could also be considered examples of crasis).

343
This line has been corrected for meter by adding pas, in accordance with VW, as noted in the
Rejected Readings; it could equally have been corrected by changing N’ele to Në ele.

128
Crasis:

There are some examples of crasis in the text, but other places where it is

rejected and hiatus maintained. Examples of the latter are Graaus (7), gaaignes (50), and

aaiscie (1172); of the former, gaignes (330) and gaignent344 (4264) (corrected to gaaignes

and gaaignent because of the meter), maiz itant (corrected to maiz a itant) and possibly

the two examples quoted above.

Words of different syllable count:

Friedwagner notes in his edition a number of words in the text that have

different forms with differing syllable counts (pp. XXXIV-XXXV), and many of these

also apply here, e.g., donc and donques, com and comme, or and ore, mont and monde, voir

and voire, etc. An additional example is neïs/nes (with nez corrected to neïz in 3654 of

this edition).

Enclisis:

The use of enclitic forms is frequent throughout the text,345 some of the most

common forms being jel, nel, sel, jes, nes, and ses, with quil appearing several times, but

not quis (although lines 4589 and 5525 have been corrected to include it, as noted

below) or ques (although line 199 has been corrected to include it in accordance with a

suggestion by Gaston Paris, p. 310). There are cases where the use or non-use of

enclisis creates a hypometric or (more often) a hypermetric line in the T manuscript,

and these have been corrected in accordance with the other manuscripts as noted.

344
However, mehaaignent at the end of 4263 creates a hypermetric line.
345
See also Friedwagner’s discussion (pp. XXXIII-XXXIV) of enclisis in all the manuscripts, including
T.

129
Some examples are je le instead of jel (3440), ne le instead of nel (3527), se le instead of sel

(3663), and quy les instead of quis (4589), but also jel instead of je le (3877), nel instead of

ne le (5729), etc. There are also a number of cases of redundancy, for example, Jel le

lessai la ou gel le vy (3750), corrected to Que jel lessay la ou gel vy in accordance with VW.

Some of these examples suggest that the T scribes may not have been entirely

comfortable with certain enclitic forms. This is not surprising given the late date of the

manuscript and the fact that these forms became uncommon in Middle French.346

Stylistic Devices

In addition, as is standard in a rhymed text of this kind, the author has frequent

recourse to a wide variety of poetic devices that affect the syllable count. These

include various kinds of fillers (chevilles) or formulae such as bien sachiés (718, etc.) or

sachiés pour voir (3070, etc.), que vos diroie? (878, etc.), ce m’est avis (509, 997, etc.), si m’aït

Deux (1042), s’il vous plaist (427), estes vous (1902), Veïssiéz … (4069) or onques … ne

veïstes (2476-77), De coy vos ferai je lonch conte ? (3696) and other references to the conte

or the matere347 (e.g., 4273-74), forms of courtly address such as Dame (204 and passim)

or Biaus sires chiers (428), Douce amie (4375), vostre merchy (1322), exclamations such as

par mon chief (104), and numerous others. An interesting example occurs when

Gorvain first introduces himself to Lidoine, and she responds in a courtly manner (418

346
See See Philippe Ménard, § 48, pp. 65-66.
347
Some of these references and formulae are, of course, of interest from a literary point of view and
speak to the nature of the authorial voice in the text and his relationship with the presumed audience. In
this regard see especially Keith Busby’s “Chrétien de Troyes and Raoul de Houdenc: Romancing the
Conte.”

130
ff). Their brief dialogue contains numerous such formulae; for example, <<Biaus sires

chiers, vostre merchy ! >> / Dist elle. <<Et tant sachiés de voir … (428-29).

Line and Couplet

The author uses rhymed octosyllabic couplets, the expected form for such a text

at the time other than those written in prose. However, as would be expected of any

writer following Chrétien de Troyes,348 Raoul does not adhere to any strict unity of

couplet or even of line. Enjambment, rejet, and contre-rejet are common throughout the

text; sentences and sequences of thought are rarely confined to the limits of the

couplet; and there are numerous lines containing pauses and breaks.

Breaks within lines are especially frequent in passages of dialogue and

monologue. Examples, to give only three out of many, include the line quoted earlier

in which Lidoine considers whether she loves Meraugis (<<Je l’ain. — Non faiz. — Sy

faiz, je quich, 1208); one in which a newly enamoured Gorvain is considering Lidoine’s

beauty (A biau cors? — Par mon chief, c’est mon !, 375); and one in which Lidoine asks

Meraugis to calm down after the incident with the Outredouté’s shield (<<Avoy ! >>

fait Lydoine, <<biau sire, / Tenés noz pais ! >> — <<Sy fais je, dame.>>, 1616-17). As

Szkilnik notes, the breaks are placed “de manière très variable” (p. 60) and can occur

anywhere within the line. (See Szkilnik here also for additional examples.)

Rejets serve to slow down the impetus of a line of verse, whereas contre-rejets

move it forward, with both placing emphasis on an element that falls between two

348
See Paul Meyer, “Le Couplet de deux vers,” Romania 23 (1894): 1-35; and Jean Frappier, “La
Brisure du couplet dans Erec et Enide,” Romania 86 (1965): 1-23.

131
caesuras. An example of four consecutive rejets can be found following line 3795,

where Lidoine is speaking in a courtly manner to Blechis li Lais, trying indirectly to

convince him not to take her prisoner so that he can force her to marry his son, who is

soon to become a knight. The lines read as follows: Mais mandéz que vostre fiex soit /

Noviaus chevaliers. S’il estoit / Chevaliers, par tans revendroie / En la marche, sel retenroie /

A signor et si seroit rois (3795-99). The first and second rejets stop on the word chevaliers,

emphasizing the importance of Espinogres’s being made a knight if he is to become

her lord, while the third and fourth, En la marche and A signor, underline her apparent

intention to return and accept the young man as her husband (even though she

actually has no intention of doing so and is under no such obligation because of the

force being exerted upon her by a most uncourtly man). An interesting example of a

contre-rejet appears at line 600, when the hot-headed Gorvain takes umbrage at

Meraugis’s declaration that he loves the same woman as his friend and his assertion

that they should not quarrel over the matter: Gorvains respont : <<Ceste tenchon / Torra

a certes, jel vois bien (600-601). Ceste tenchon, falling between two pauses, is

emphasized.349

Despite the frequency of rejets and contre-rejets, and of caesuras within lines, the

most striking features, especially in straight narrative or descriptive passages, are the

frequency of enjambment350 and the lack of correspondence between the beginning and

end of a couplet and the beginning and end of a sentence or independent clause. The

opening section of the text, which begins with Lidoine’s father and quickly moves to

an extended portrait of her (through 109), is a case in point. There are relatively few

349
Again, see Szkilnik, p. 60, for more examples of rejets and contre-rejets.
350
This characteristic has long been recognized. Micha, for example, is critical of Raoul’s “excessive
fondness for enjambment” (Loomis, Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, p. 374).

132
rejets and contre-rejets here (although Së il cheïst / D’aultresy hault com un clokier, 104-5, is

interesting because the foregrounding of cheïst emphasizes Lidoine’s miraculous

protective power), the main breaks being to the couplet rather than the line. As

punctuated in the present edition, there are only four places where a period or semi-

colon has been placed at the end of an even-numbered line, and three of these are

notable.351 The first (4) comes at the end of the four-line introduction that places the

text in the time of Arthur and introduces Lidoine’s father, the king of Escavalon; the

second (10), after the first mention of the king’s daughter “qui fu vaillans,” so that each

comes at the end of a brief introduction which will be expanded upon. The fourth (78)

to some extent marks a shift in focus352 because it is followed by a description of

Lidoine’s sans, bonté, and courtliness as opposed to her beauty, an opposition that will

soon lead to the quarrel between the two knights and to much of the action of the

romance. To a certain extent, therefore, each of these three points marks a change in

content.

What is much more striking, however, is the occurrence of breaks that can be

punctuated with periods at odd-numbered lines. In the present edition, through line

109, there are twenty-nine periods, as well as an exclamation point and two colons.

Again, although some of these could have been punctuated in a different way, either

with semi-colons or even commas (e.g., 23, 29) instead of periods, the number of

sentences ending at an odd line is far greater than those ending at the end of a rhymed

351
The text might, of course, have been punctuated any number of different ways, but the differences
between this edition and the other two principal ones are minimal.
352
This shift is not a strict one because mention has already been made of her generosity and healing
powers, but these were spoken of in connection with the parts of her body that were being described, her
hands and arms.

133
couplet. What this suggests, in fact, is that, far from marking the ending of a thought

or utterance, the end of a couplet is a place from which the text normally carries on, a

suggestion supported by the fact that the majority of sentences in this passage as

transcribed in this edition are of even length, usually two or four lines (although there

are some that are one, three, or five lines in length). Although some of the periods that

occur at even-numbered lines do mark a kind of transition, it is interesting to note that

the end of the portrait is an odd-numbered line and that the narrative proper begins

with the second half of a couplet.

Rhyme

As would be expected for a text of this nature and time period, many but not all

of the rhymes in Meraugis are rimes riches, that is, they contain at least three

homophones (including final r, s, or t, and final e in feminine rhymes). Examples of

rich rhymes include esperital / cristal (55-56), vaillant / faillant (493-94), mervillier /

consillier (539/540), prouver / trouver (615-16), faille / bataille (821-22), savoir / avoir (831-

32), Quinables / estables (839-40), etc. Most rhymes in the text that are not rich are rimes

suffisantes, with two homophones; for example, l’eschafaut / gaut (265-66), l’enporta /

acreanta (287-88), courtoisie / villenie (571-72), venus / Cadrus (319-20), and donques /

oncles (5093-94). A smaller number are rimes pauvres, having only the final stressed

vowel in common; for example, ne li di / ves le chy (381-82), bien le croy / par foy (433-34),

and parlé / beauté (441-42).

Among the rhymes are certain standard, very common ones such as damoiselle /

belle (99-100, 239-40) and belle / pucelle (209-210, 309-310); querre / terre (323-24, 1667-68,

134
etc., in reverse order elsewhere) and terre / conquerre (693-94); and bien / rien (2761-62,

3195-96, etc.). As is common in many Old French texts, there are also a number of

homonymic rhymes, identical words with different meanings. Examples of these

include maniere (manner / adroit) (449-450), si digne (so worthy / feasts) (101-2), saiche

(from savoir and sachier) (403-4), plache (place / please) (553-54), font (from faire and

fondre), (725-26), son dous non / në o ne non (619-20), etc. Apparently identical rhymes,

or rimes du même en même, are rare, although there are a few that seem very close in

meaning (e.g., 1841-42, 1995-96, 5561-62), and are probably not attributable to Raoul de

Houdenc.353

A few rimes équivoquées appear in the text, for example, avenir / a venir (2613-14),

degré / de gré (2619 /2620), ja prendre / j’aprendre (2827-28), dire / d’ire (3411-12), tortue /

tort tue (1861-62), etc. Much more common are derivative rhymes, based on words that

are closely related linguistically, such as verbs with different prefixes, etc. Some

examples are aprendre / prendre (1197-98), redire / dire (1347-48), chief / mischief (1439-40),

laissié / eslaissié (1499-50), mande / demande (2063-64), combatrons / entr’abatrons (3199-

3200), s’esmuet / muet (4161-62), angarde / garde (4175-76), teles /auteles (4213-14), etc.

There are in addition a few apparent plays on rhyme, with savoir / savoir being

followed by savoit / saveroit (395-98) and outredouter / redouter by dot / redot (4507-10).

Use of verb forms with the same endings also facilitates rhyme, and these are also

quite common in the text, for example, in soronderont / savront (401-2), tendroit / querroit

(413-14), öent / deslöent (641-42), s’entrevienent / tienent (663-64), etc., as well as some of

the examples given above.

353
See, for example, line note 2798, below.

135
 There are also a number of rhymes in the text that are imperfect, or that at least

appear to be so.354 Most of these are in all likelihood not attributable to the author but

in many cases to the chronological difference between the date of the text and the date

of the manuscript (or in some cases perhaps simply to scribal errors). The

discrepancies in rhyme provide clues as to certain aspects of the graphics, phonology,

and morphology of both periods.

Certain visual discrepancies are purely graphic, with some clearly being of little

significance, for example, those involving s and z, as poinz / loins (87-88) and noviellez/

Damoisielles (1311-12). Others appear quite different, but the differences are still purely

graphic, as in the case of the addition of etymological letters that were never

pronounced. Examples of this include toute / doubte (511-12, reversed in 1681-82) and

numerous examples involving the letter l, for example, Graaus / loiaulz (7-8), ieulx /

meux (1193-94), Keux / itelx (1357-58), solaus / vermauls (3005-6), nuls / plus (3011-12),

roissinouls / fox (4367-68), etc. Despite the strikingly varied appearance of some of these

word pairs, the first of these is a rime riche, the other five all rimes suffisantes.

Other discrepant rhymes give indications as to the pronunciation or non-

pronunciation of certain consonants. For example, as mentioned earlier in the section

on morphology, the T scribes use the form dist for both the present and preterit forms

of the third person singular of dire almost exclusively. Rhyming it with such words as

l’oublit (2099-2100), t’aït (3049-50), respit (4491-92), and petit (5473-74) seems not to have

354
A note of caution must again be added here because of the damaged condition of the T manuscript.
Friedwagner noted many, but not all, variant graphics. In some cases, he gave the spelling for only one
rhyming word; for example, for the couplet 231-32, he noted sanle (p. LV, for his line 264) but not the
spelling of the paired word. It cannot, therefore, be stated with certainty whether that word was written
ensamble, ensanle, or some other way because the lines are no longer visible. For this reason no attempt
has been made here to determine the number and percentage of, e.g., rimes riches as compared to rimes
suffisantes and rimes pauvres.

136
troubled the scribes, indicating that the words were probably pronounced as true

rhymes, the s being silent in this case, although such rhymes as saisist / dist (869-70)

and dist / m’aïst (1037-38) suggest it was not always so. (The more visually discrepant

rhyme dist / quich [1207-8] gives evidence of the earlier forms dit and quit.) The

rhyming of verbs ending in -on and -ons occurs occasionally as well, as in l’aion /

porterons (5435-36), suggesting a weakening of the final s sound, as does riens / bien

(2315-16) and parti / esbahis (4355-56). There are also a certain number of cases where

single and double intervocalic r, s, or l are paired; for example, tere / conquerre (1307-8),

salle / rale (5319-20), brotile / fille (2441-42), asisse / prise (2683-84), and peuïses / devisses

(3521-22), indicating probable equivalence of these sounds. (See the phonological

section regarding the singling of consonants, and relevant sections in Gossen.)

Rhymes such as Amice / niche (5029-30) are illustrative of the frequent confusion of

intervocalic ch and c in Picard scripta.

Elsewhere, the rhyming of various visually discrepant vowels or diphthongs

gives evidence of the weakening or effacing of certain distinctions. For example, ou

and o seem to have been treated as homophones, as in the rhymes jour / vavasor (2323-

24), cote / doute (3047-48) and doute / rote (4335-36), corps / amours (1195-96) (the p, of

course, being an unpronounced etymological addition), estour / presor (5565-66), and

retourne / orne (5747-48). The rhyming of the graphics ai and e suggest the effacement

of the difference between these sounds; examples include tais / aprés (851-52) and fet /

ait (4437-38). Rhymes with the nasal vowels -en and -an are also significant because

they suggest possible equivalence between these sounds, for example, in orïent / aorant

(659-60) and semblant / maltalent (1281-82). Such rhymes are infrequent, however.

There are also pairings containing a and ai, for example hontage / outraige (1815-16) and

137
glaves / saives (5681-82), as well as rhymes of e and ie, including tieste/ s’areste (2145-46)

and castiel / cenbel (4257-58). The rhyme lieu / geu (947-48) is also of interest, especially

since the two words are closely related etymologically.

Other discrepant rhymes seem to reflect little more than the difference

between the dates of the text and the manuscript, or differences of dialect. Examples

include dist / quich (1207-8), listed above, and l’abatich / esploitié (1809-10), which are, of

course, not rhymes but assonance and reflect an apparent difficulty in finding a

suitable rhyme. Another example is demanc / comant (2157-58), which could indicate a

preference for the Picard form demanc or simply be the result of the close resemblance

between the two letters (cf. Gossen § 24).

Proverbial and Popular Expressions

The following proverbs and popular expressions, most of which are also listed

by Friedwagner (throughout his line notes, pp. 232-62) and Szkilnik (pp. 71-72) in their

editions, are noteworthy:

449-50 Durement est amours maniere / De gens sosprendre et dechepvoir

683, 5839 plus tost de (que) vent

964-65 Aprés ce n’i voy je millour / Mais qu’en amast lez crucefis355

355
For an analysis of this difficult proverb and its possible meaning, see May Plouzeau, “Amour profane
et art sacré.”

138
1348 Savoir trop miex quë oiir dire356

2190 a tant en trenchiés la broche357

2281 Grant chose a en faire l’estuet358

2290 Proesce ne se puet celer359

2396-97 Yssy come fols et machue / Doivent tous jors aler ensamble 360

2435 A oés son oés

2441 N’est sy hault boiz quy n’ait brotile

2509 ne vent ne voie

3513-14 Asséz puet querre / Qui quiert Paris par Engleterre

3572 Issy com par chy le me taille361

3686 Nuz honz ne puet vivre de fust362

3768-69 nulz ne doit commencement / Prisier dont la finz est mavaise363

4886 cilz est fox qui fait folie364

356
Cf. Joseph Morawski, Proverbes français antérieurs au XVe siècle (Paris: E. Champion, 1925), p. 47,
no. 1283: “Mieulx vault savoir que avoir”; and also no. 1284, “Meuz vaut savoir ke soz paroir,” similar
in structure although not in meaning.
357
See Friedwagner’s note to his line 2226, p. 244, and Szkilnik’s note 77, p. 211.
358
See Friedwagner’s note to his line 2316, p. 244, in which he gives examples of the usage of this
proverb and relates it to the German expression “Muss ist eine harte Nuss.”
359
Cf. Morawski, p. 4, no. 87: “Amor ne se puet celer.”
360
Cf. the later reference to fools and clubs: Il ne li faut fors la machue / A sanbler fol le plus a droit /
Del mont (4882-84); and also Morawski, p. 7, no. 186: “Au plus fol la machue,” and other proverbs
with the same association.
361
This expression apparently comes from stonecutting; see the line note below.
362
Cf. Morawski, p. 56, no. 1531: “Len ne vit pas de vent.”
363
Cf. no. C257 in James Woodrow Hassell, Jr., Middle French Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial
Phrases (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1982), p. 80: “Tel vit en beau
commencement qui a mauvez definement.”
364
There are a number of similar-sounding proverbs in Morawski, including no. 790, p. 29: “Fous ne
voit en sa folie se sen non” (cf. the lines that immediately follow the proverb in the text: “Dont est il fox
quy en cest point / Ne veut il pas que Dex ly doint / Sens de sa folie haïr (4887-89).

139
4948 Telz se cuide chaufer qui s’art365

5233 il est si sains comme une pomme366

5619-5620 Cist ne semble l’autre / Plus qu’escarlate semble fautre367

365
This is found in Morawski, no. 2372, p. 86.
366
This expression is number P235 in Hassell, p. 206. Friedwagner describes it as “sprichwörtliche
Redensart, ähnlich im Deutschen” in his note 5297, p. 258.
367
Friedwagner also describes this as “sprichwörtliche Redensart” (note 5684, p. 261).

140
 A Note on the Translation368

The aim of the line-by-line translation is to be as faithful as possible to the text

without unnecessarily distorting normal English syntax. Although it is intended more

as a guide to understanding the text than as a literary translation, an effort has been

made to make it readable and reasonably enjoyable to those with little or no

knowledge of Old French. I have, therefore, favored what I consider to be good usage

over literality. In general, an attempt has been made to avoid obvious archaisms

while seeking equally to maintain a comfortable sense of the text’s inevitable distance

from us in time and space. I have therefore striven to avoid language that might seem

to tie it to a particular context or setting. If this results in a certain formality, that is in

part intentional. In the case of proper names, I have in the translation as a matter of

personal preference used the standard English forms of common Arthurian names

such as Gawain and Kay, mainly to lend the text an air of familiarity to those whose

main acquaintance with Arthurian literature comes from English texts or from texts in

translation, and also to emphasize the continuity between Arthurian texts of different

times and places. In the case of less-familiar names, the most common spelling of the

objective form has been used throughout the translation while the form found in the

manuscript (where determinable) has been used in the text except where noted.

368
Meraugis has been translated into modern French by Mireille Demaules, in La Légende arthurienne:
Le Graal et la Table Ronde, ed. Danièle Régnier-Bohler (Paris: Robert Laffont, Collection Bouquins,
1989): 749-839, and by Szkilnik in her edition. It has been translated into Spanish by Xavier Dilla
(Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1987).

141
 TEXT OF MERAUGIS DE PORTLESGUÉZ

SEIGNOR, au tans le roy Artu, [82a]

Qui tant estoit de grant vertu,
Ot en Bretaigne la Grenor
4 Un roy qui tint moult grant honor.
Che fu li rois d’Escavalon,
Qui fu plus biaus quë Absalon,
Si com tesmoigne li Graaus.
8 Li rois, qui fu preus et loiaulz
Et riches d’amis et puissans,
Une fille ot qui fu vaillans.
La damoiselle ot non Lydoine.
12 N’ot dusqu’es pors de Macedoine
Femme nulle de sa biauté,
Ains fust autre jovens neauté
Qui fust demostrés les sa fache.
16 Pour che me plaist que jë en fache
De li bielles descriptions.
Ce fu li plus gentilz chions
Ou Dex meïst onques nature.
20 De deviser tel creature
Me doinst Dex que bien vigne a chief.
Car la pucelle avoit le chief
De belle asisse, et li chevoil
24 Plus sor que penne d’orioil,
Et le front hault, cler et bien fait.
Et si ne furent pas meffait

142
 Li sorcillet, qui furent brun,
28 Ainz erent si bel a cascun
Com s’il fussent de main pourtrait.
Si estoient contremont trait
Par raison, et larguet entroil.
32 Li oil, se je mentir n’en voeil,
Furent de si sotil esgart
Que la meure de son regart
Passast bien par my cinc escus
36 Et rendist matés et vaincus [end 82a]
Les cuers quy sont dedens le ventre. [82b]
Del regart d’oeil qui ensy entre
Vous di qu’il se fait boin warder :
40 Nus ne le peuïst esgarder
Qui ne fust alumés de ly.
Pour ce que tant loer l’oÿ
Voeil reconter une merveille :
44 Elle ot plus fressche et plus vermeille
La fache que rose de pré.
Moult ot biau sans et atempré
Qui compassa tel creature.
48 Si grant larguesce i mist nature
Qu’onques grignour ne fist a droit.
Elle ot le nez traitis et droit
Et belle bouche et cleres dens.
52 Quant la langue parloit dedens,
Sy dent resembloient d’argent.
Et pour miex deçoivre la gent,
Ot une gorge esperital
56 Plus blanche que nois ne cristal ;
Le col ot lonc et blanc et droit.

143
 Se je la veoie orendroit
Apertement devant mes ielx,
60 Ne porroie je mie mielx
La biauté de li deviser.
Nus ne la peüst aviser
De ses ielx, qui tant l’avisast,
64 Que ja mais nuls la devisast
Parfaitement, je vous plevis !
S’elle fu bien faite de vis
Et plesans a toute la gent,
68 Sy ot ele le cors plus gent
Que n’ot Lorete de Breubras.
Bielles espaules et biaus bras
Ot la pucelle, et belles mains
72 Qui ne coroient pas de mains
Pour donner quant lieus en estoit.
La damoiselle, quy estoit
Sy plaine de toutes bontés,
76 Qui une fois fust acolés [end 82b]
De ses bras, qui tant erent franc, [82 c]
Jamais n’eüst la goute el flanc.
S’en la damoiselle ot biauté,
80 Plus i ot sans et plus bonté,
Qu’elle fu de tout si courtoise
Qu’environ li a une toise
N’avoit se courtoisie non.
84 Pucelle estoit de grant renon
Et escole de bien aprendre.
On peuïst environ li prendre
Toutes les honors a plain poinz,
88 Et les pucelles de moult loins,

144
 De Cornuaille et d’Engleterre,
La venoient par non requerre
Pour veoir et oïr parler.
92 Tout li mons i devroit aler
A si courtois pelerinaige !
Et la pucelle estoit si saige
Que ja si courtois n’i parlast
96 Qui plus courtois ne s’en alast
S’il vosist ses dis retenir.
A cel tans la sieut l’en tenir
Pour la plus gentil damoiselle.
100 S’ele ert gentis et preuls et belle,
Parmy tot ce si fu si digne
Car qui de li veoir si digne
Ja le jor ne li mescheïst.
104 Non, par mon chief ! Së il cheïst
D’aultresy hault com un clokier,
Ja pour ce n’esteüst clochier
Puis qu’il l’avoit le jor veüe.
108 Tout li mons l’avoit a veüe
Qu’elle avoit si grant dignités.
La pucelle, c’est verités,
Avint que ses peres fu mors.
112 Che ne li fu mie depors,
Qu’a poi que ne s’en despera,
Sans ce c’onques ne s’enpira
Del bien ou estoit sen pensés. [end 81c]
116 Quant ses peres fu trespassés, [82d]
Si tint la terre, et il fu voirs
Que ses peres n’avoit plus oirs,
Qu’a li de luy sy eschaï.

145
120 Et se vous di qu’il li cheï
Sy bien de sa terre tenir
Qu’ainc guerre ne l’en pot venir :
Nus ne li fist mal ne ennuy,
124 Qu’elle n’ot garde de nuluy.
Quant la terre ot trois ans tenue,
Elle se fu si maintenue
Que tous li mondes l’en loa.
128 Et tant que ses cuers li loa
Qu’elle alast devant Lindesoires
Ou la dame de Landesmores
Avoit fait un tournoy crïer
132 Ou elle fera escrïer
Mainte enseigne et maint cop ferir.
Cui l’onnours porra avenir
De vaintre le tornoiement,
136 Sy en portera quitement
Un cigne qui el pin sera,
Et si vous di qu’il baisera
La pucelle de Landesmore,
140 Qui n’est mie laide ne more.
Quant li cignes sera donés,
Maintenant ert uns cors sonés
A la fontaine sour le pin.
144 Sour une lanche de sapin
Serra uns espreviés müéz,
Qui ja n’ert pris ne remüéz
Devant la que cele le preigne
148 Qui por veüe lor apreigne
Qu’elle soit plus belle que totes.
De sa robe, ert perchie as cotes,

146
 Pour tant que ce fust la plus belle,
152 N’i avra il ja damoiselle
Qui ait l’espervier s’elle non, [end 82d]
Car il sera donés par non
A celi qui ert esleüe
156 D’estre la plus belle a veüe.
Ensi fu lors li tournois pris.
Li bacheler d’amour espris [83a]
I amainne chascuns s’amie.
160 Li tornois ne remaindra mie,
Que tout li errant bacheler
De Logrez i vauront aler
Au tournoy pour le pris conquerre.
164 Et Lidoine si a fait querre
Bien dusques trente damoiselles,
Les plus gentiz et les plus belles
C’on puist trover en sa contree.
168 Pour ce que cuide estre encontree,
Se fist richement atourner.
Ne mist pas terme a retourner,
Ains mis ses pucelles vestir
172 Des plus riches tyres de Tir
Qu’en peüst trover pour argent.
La damoiselle fist sa gent
Et toutes les dames monter.
176 Ne sai pas tous cels aconter
Qui le jour en sa route murent,
Mais tant cheminent qu’ellez furent
Es plainnes devant Lindesores,
180 Et li tornoiemens fu lores
Tous pres come de l’assanbler.

147
 Elles comencent a anbler,
Tant que vindrent pres d’un essart.
184 Un hirau qui tenoit un dart
Virent, moult trenchant et d’achier.
Sa lecherie ert de lanchier
La ou li tornois assambloit.
188 Mais tant estoit lais qu’il samloit
Qu’il fust ouvréz a besagüe,
Qu’il avoit beslonge et agüe
La tieste et tout le cors mal fait.
192 Mais par moi n’ert il plus deffait, [end 83a]
Son cors ou Diex n’avoit que faire, [83b]
Et je ne porroie desfaire
La grant hidor quë il avoit.
196 Il sy regardë et sy voit
Les dames qui vindrent anblant.
Ses conut, mais n’en fist sanblant
Quis veïst, mais ançois s’en court
200 A la dame qui tint la court,
Qui estoit sor une bretesche.
Il n’a mie fait longue tresche.
La l’a trovee et si ly dist :
204 <<Dame>>, fait il, <<sans contredit
Sachiés que la dame est venue
A cui l’onor est avenue
De l’espervier quitement prendre.>>
208 <<Et jou>>, fait elle, <<voeil aprendre
Qui elle est dont qui est si belle.>>
<<Dame>>, fait il, <<c’est la pucelle
File le roi d’Escavalon.>>
212 Dist la dame : <<Dont avalon

148
 Contre li jus de l’eschafault.>>
Lidoine, sor cui riens ne fault
Qui a boune oevre soit contee,
216 A sour l’eschafault encondree
La dame qui le tournoy tint,
Qui la salua et retint
Et li dist : <<Dame, bien vigniéz !
220 Et si vous proi que vous preigniéz
Ceste bretesche quy est chy.>>
<<Diex vous saut, et vostre merchy,>>
Ce dist Lidoine, quy fu saige.
224 <<Je retieng volentiers l’estaige
Par covent que vos i venrés.
Sel prendrons et vos le prendrés
Communement, puis qu’il est nostre.
228 Par tout soit miens et par tout vostre :
Bien i porront toutes ester.>>
Lors vont en l’eschafault monter
Trestoutes les damez ensanle.
232 Mais sour toutes les aultres sanle [end 83b]
Lidoine rose et flors de lis.
Fanice, la feme d’Alis, [83c]
N’ot onques osi grant biauté.
236 Nature y fist tel loiauté
Qu’ele y mist quan qu’il y convient.
Quant desus la bretesche vint,
Ou il ot mainte damoiselle,
240 Itant vous di que la plus belle,
Qui plus avoit le cors veray,
Sanbloit lez li frevrier lez mai.
Quant desus la bretesche furent,

149
244 A tant les chevaliers s’esmuerent,
Cil qui primes voudrent jouster.
Lors comencent a ajouster
Par batailles et par banieres.
248 De maintes diverses manieres
I ot armes et chevaliers.
Et cil ne fu mie laniers
Qui ot Lidoine coneüe,
252 Ains a la nouvelle meüe
Par les rens et partout conté,
Dont il i ot puis encontré
Maint chevalier et abatu.
256 De joie furent esbatu
Li baron del tornoiement
Quant il sorent veraiement
Que la damoiselle i estoit.
260 Si furent aigu et destroit
De biaus cols faire et de joster
Qu’il sentraloient encontrer
La ou li uns encontroit l’autre.
264 Lors s’en vindrent lanche sor fautre
Li chevaliers vers l’eschafaut.
Devant les dames par le gaut
Poignent et jostent et assamblent,
268 Que pour l’effroy des lanches sanblent
Que dui ost soient assamblé, [end 83c]
Tant qu’as pucelles a samblé [83d]
Qu’il moult fu bons, et il si fu,
272 Car maint chevalier conneü
I ot et maint prinche aduré.
Deus jours a li tournois duré

150
 Plenierement et au tierc jor.
276 Ne feray mie lonc sejor
En lor proeces deviser,
Ains vos vueil le conte conter
Issy com je say la matire
280 Et mes engins et mes sens tire
A conter ent la verité.
Ja n’i avra mot recité,
Que je saiche, que de voir non.
284 Sy vos feray savoir par non
Qui ot le cigne et le baisier.
Il l’ot: Taulas, un chevalier
Moult hardis d’armes, l’enporta.
288 Car le plus s’i acreanta,
Non pas pour ce qu’il n’i eüst
Millour de luy, qui l’ezleüst,
Mais la damoiselle l’amoit
292 Et il li tant qu’il en aloit
Par tout aventures querant.
Si l’en porterent tout garant
Pour faire a li son dit estable,
296 N’ele ni ert si contrariable
Que nuls l’en vousist faire tort.
Tout se tindrent a son acort,
Qu’il ont le cigne sor luy mis.
300 Mais ce fu par conseil d’amis
Qu’il ot le cigne et le baisier,
Et quy vosist raison cerchier,
Millour de luy trovast encor.
304 La dame fist soner un cor
Desor le pin de la fontainne.

151
 Ne feray mie longue paine
En lor ricesches deviser :
308 Legiere coze est d’aviser
Que Lydoine estoit la plus belle. [end 83d]
N’i ot chevalier ne pucelle
Un trestout seul qui ne desist
312 Qu’il ert raisons qu’elle presist [84a]
L’espervier. Elle l’ala prendre.
Lors vaut chascuns son non aprendre
Et demander qui elle estoit.
316 Desos le pin ou elle estoit
Vint Meraugis de Portlesguéz,
Uns chevaliers moult alozés.
Ensanble o luy i est venus
320 Uns siens compains, Gorvains Cadrus,
Qui moult l’amoit et icel luy.
Chevalier furent anbeduy
Ly duy millour qu’en peüst querre,
324 Qu’il n’eüst ja en nulle terre
Tornoiement ou il ne fussent.
En gens qui riens ne s’entrefussent
N’ot onques ausy grant amour
328 Com entre eulx delx ot par maint jour.
Il s’entramoient si a certes
Que lor gaaignes et lors pertes
Et lor cateux erent tout un.
332 Sor le pin vindrent, ou chascun
Esgardent Lidoine a merveille,
Car ce n’est mie de merveille
De la grant biauté qu’elle avoit.
336 Et quant Gorvains Cadruz la voit,

152
 Si l’ama tant pour sa biauté
Que de toute la loiauté
Dont cuers puet cors amer d’amours
340 Aime Lidoine ses cuers tous.
Et dist tantost com il la voit :
<<Se celle pucelle n’avoit
L’espervier, ne say qui l’eüst,
344 Car pas ne cuic que nus peüst
En cest mont plus belle trouver.
J’oseroie por luy prouver
Que c’est la plus belle del monde [end 84a]
348 Et la plus pros et la plus blonde. [84b]
C’est la plus gente com devis,
Cë est la miex faite de vis
Qui onques fust faite a devise.>>
352 Tant plus la voit et plus l’avise
Et plus li plaist a deviser.
Li dui compaing sans demorer
Descendent, si l’ont saluee,
356 Et celle s’est contr’eus levee,
Qui biel lor rendy lor salus.
Bien les ot le jor coneüs
As cops doner et rechepvoir,
360 Car ce furent li dui pour voir
Que mielx le firrent en l’estor
Et qui plus li plourent le jor.
Pour c’en a joie et ses conjoit.
364 Gorvains Cadrus, qui ja l’amoit,
Toz esbahis se trait arriere,
Car il ne set en quel maniere
Il li ost dire ce que pensse,

153
368 Ains s’esmerveille et outrepensse
Dont cilz pensés li est venus.
Et dist : <<Qu’est mes cuers devenus?
Ou est? — Ne sai. — Qu’est ce? Qui l’a?
372 Celle pucelle, ves la la,
Le m’a hui en cest jor emblé.
Moult est a biau cors assamblé ! —
A biau cors? — Par mon chief, c’est mon !
376 Ne say qui l’ait së elle non.
Coment non? Si nel cuide avoir,
Dont li vueil je faire savoir
Qu’il est dedens li aencrés. —
380 N’en doit pas estre miens li gres
Se jë orendroit ne li di ?
Or li pués dire : ves le chy. —
Que li dirai gié ? Qu’elle m’aint ?
384 De telx musars ot elle maint !
Si en seray pour folx tenus.
Par tans vueil estre retenus, [end 84b]
Qui hui l’amay premierement,
388 Et orendroit presentement [84c]
Li vueil dire ma volenté.
N’ay pas lonc tans cest fais porté,
Che me pora dire et respondre.
392 Et l’amours ne se puet repondre
Qui est en moy qui ne s’apere.
Et pour ce pens je, par saint Pere,
Que je li feray a savoir,
396 Et sy en cuit faire savoir
Que je l’ain. S’elle nel savoit,
Autres qu’elle le saveroit. —

154
 Savroit ? Coment ? — Si, tost a cors.
400 Se je ne di, que grans amors
Qui sont en moy soronderont,
Et tous et toutes le savront.
Mielx me vient que ceste le saiche,
404 Qui ceste amour del cuer me saiche,
Que je le faiche autre savoir
Qui mestier ne m’i puisse avoir.
Je li vois dire. — Nel feray. —
408 Si feray, voir. Je li diray
Deus mos pour li apercevoir
Que je l’ain. Se de voir en voir
Li disoie com il m’estuet,
412 Si com je pens, a grant forfet
Et ma folie le tendroit. —
Pour quoi ? — Que pas ne me querroit. —
Querroit ? Non devroit ele faire ? >>
416 Gorvains, qui mais ne se puet taire,
Li vait dire coment itant :
<<Douce amie, a Dieu vos comant.
Je me vois. Ou que vos ailliés,
420 Itant vueil que de moy sachiés
Que je suy vostre quitement.
Mais ja ne vous diray comment,
Ne pour quoy, ne dont ce me vient,
424 Se par fortune ne m’avient
Qu’ançois m’avrés mielx coneü
Et en aultres plaiches veü, [end 84c]
S’il vous plaist, quë en ceste chy.>> [84d]
428 <<Biaus sires chiers, vostre merchy ! >>
Dist elle. <<Et tant sachiés de voir

155
 Que vous conoistre et vos veoir
Me plaist moult, et si doit il faire,
432 Car chevalier de hault afaire
Vous oy tenir et bien le croy.>>
<<Dame>>, ce dist Gorvains, <<par foy,
De ce sui je plus liés que nus. >>
436 A tant s’en part, si ne dist plus.
Ensy Gorvain Cadrus avint.
Et ses compains qui o luy vint,
Meraugis qui Gorvain amoit,
440 De luy ravint que, quant il oit
Un poy a la dame parlé,
Se cil l’ama pour sa biauté,
Il ama tant l’autre partie —
444 Sa valor et sa courtoisie
Et ses cointes dis esvoisiés —
Qu’il fu centz tanz plus desvoiés
D’amours que ses compains n’estoit.
448 Ensy furent anduy destroit
Pour ly amer en tel maniere.
Durement est amours maniere
De gens sosprendre et dechepvoir.
452 Lidoine monte, et au convoir
Il sont venu de mainte part
Li chevalier. A tant s’en part
Lidoine, et lors Gorvains remaint.
456 Des chevaliers i vindrent maint
Au convoiier; moult en i ot.
Meraugis, qui point n’enuioit
De li veoir, ala aprés.
460 [Entre les autres se mist pres]

156
 De la dame et elle de luy.
Més quan qu’il vont parlant anduy,
Sy li renforcent ses dolours. —
464 Pour coi ? — Il vet charjant d’amours,
Et plus et plus a chascun mot.
Or l’aime mielx c’or ne l’amoit,
Or l’aime, or charge mix et mix
468 Tant que l’amours li fiert es ieus [end 84d]
Et el vis et par tout le cors
Quë on le puet puissier dehors, [85a]
Tant en a par dedens eü.
472 A douce fontaine a beü
Qui sy par tans est raemplis.
Voirs, il est sy d’amours emplis
Enfin qu’il n’i a que redire.
476 Ja Diex në ait part s’il peut dire
Seul tant qu’il demandast congié,
Mais com home qui a songié
Remest tous pris en my la voie.
480 Del cuer et des ielx la convoie,
Qu’il n’a pooir d’aler avant.
Lors tourne son cheval ferrant,
Si s’en revint le petit pas.
484 Gorvains Cadrus eneslepas
Remonte et vers luy s’adrecha.
A l’encontrer ly demanda :
<<Or me dites, compains amis,
488 Avés veü com Diex a mis
De toutes les biautéz ensamble
Sour ceste pucelle, qui sanble
Que doie mielx qu’assés valoir ? >>

157
492 <<De sa biauté ne puet chaloir,>>
Fait Meraugis, <<s’or n’est vaillant.
Que s’elle estoit d’onour faillant
Et elle estoit plus belle assés,
496 Si serroit pour noient lassés
D’amours celui qui l’ameroit.
Cil qui s’amour entameroit
Pour cors sans courtoisie amer
500 Bien i porroit sentir amer :
Porroit, oïl, s’amours ne ment.>>
Gorvains Cadrus tout erraument
Respont : <<Sire compains, pour quoy ?
504 Il m’est avis, sy com je croy,
S’elle est deable par dedens
Ou guivre u fantosme u serpens, [end 85a]
Pour la biauté qui est dehors
508 Doit tout li mons amer son cors.>> [85b]
<<Non doit ! >> — <<Sy doit, ce m’est avis ! >>
Cha dist Gorvains a Meraugis,
<<Ma volenté vo diray toute,
512 Car je vous am et say sans doubte
Que vous m’amés en bone foy,
Et por ce, amis, ne vos doy
Celer mie ma privauté.
516 Par mainte fois, en verité,
M’avés consillié et je vous. >>
Cil respont : <<Les amours de nous
Ne sont or pas a esprouver.
520 Se je puis nul conseil trouver
En ce que vous me volés dire,
Je l’i metray.>> — <<Ferés, biaus sire ? >>

158
 <<Oïl, sanz doubte, se jel say.>>
524 Dist Gorvains : <<Et je vos diray
Que ne diroie a nul autre home.
Conseilliés moy, c’en est la some :
J’aim Lidoine de tout mon cuer,
528 Enfin que ja mais a nul fuer
N’en partiray; c’est veritéz.
Pour quoi l’aim gié ? Pour ses biautéz ! >> —
<<Pour ses biautés ? >> — <<Voire, sans plus,
532 Et tout claim quite le sorplus,
Hors par itant sui ses amis.
Se Deus i a autre bien mis,
Je n’en sui liés, n’il ne m’en poise.
536 Ou soit vilaine ou soit courtoise
Ou soit de toutes males mours,
Si aim je sa biauté d’amours
Tant qu’encor m’en puis mervillier.>>
540 <<Vous estes bons a consillier, >>
Dist Meraugis. — <<Sire, coment ? >>
<<Quant il ne puet estre autrement, [end 85b]
Amés la. Jel vous lo ensy.>>
544 <<Onques de vostre los n’issy,>>
Che dist Gorvains, <<ne ne quier faire, [85c]
Car vous m’avés de cest afaire
Moult consillié a mon talant.>>
548 Dist Meraugis tout en alant :
<<Sire compains, jel fais pour bien.
Or me reconsilliés du mien
D’un tel afaire, ou se che non,
552 Ja ami ne departiron
Entre nos deus de ceste plache.>>

159
 Gorvains respont : <<Ja Deu ne plache
Que maltalent ait entre nous !
556 Ja sy li tors ne muet de vous,
De moy n’istra il ja avant.
Ja Deus a nul bien ne m’avant
Se je volentiers n’i metoie
560 Conseil se conseil vous savoie
Doner de vostre mesestance !
Pour quoi ? Je sai bien sans doutance
Qu’an vo pooir consilliéz moy.>>
564 <<Or me consilliéz dont en foy,
Sire compains, se vous savés :
J’aim la dame que vous amés
Enfin sans faille outreement
568 D’autre amour et tout autrement
Que vous ne l’améz. Car je l’aim
D’amours de si naturel raim
Que je l’aim pour sa courtoisie,
572 Pour sa bonté sans villenie,
Pour son dous non, pour sa proeche.
Aussy com vostre amour s’adreche
A amer sans plus sa biauté,
576 Vous di je sor ma loiauté
Que je l’aim pour ce sans plus, voire,
Que s’ele estoit baucende ou noire
Ou fauve — que vous en diroie ? — [end 85c]
580 Ja pour ce mains ne l’ameroie,
Ne ja n’en seroie tornés.>> [85d]
Gorvains respont : <<Vous me gabés !>>
<<Non fai.>> — <<Si faites, si que qit.
584 Mais se c’est voirs que m’avés dit,

160
 Moult me poise et moult m’esmerveil.
Et si vos lo en droit conseil
Que jamais n’i pensés nul jour,
588 Que se chou non, chy faut l’amour,
Car jamais ne vous ameroie !>>
Dist Meraugis : <<Bien le disoie :
Ne me volés a mes talans
592 Consillier. C’est li maltalans
Qui nos depart, si est grans dels,
Que nostre amour est entre deuls
Moult grant. Et si biau la depart —
596 Que vous l’amés a une part
Et je a autre — si m’est vis,
Par la raison que je devis,
Que ja tenchier n’en deuïssons.>>
600 Gorvains respont : <<Ceste tenchon
Torra a certes, jel vois bien.
Gardés que plus n’i clamés rien !
Trop avés dit ; fuiés de chy !
604 La trive fault, je vos desfy
Et vueil chy prouver orendroit
Que vos n’avés en s’amour droit ! >>
<<Si ai, je cuic ! >> — <<Vous non avés,
608 Quant vous pour son cors ne clamés.
Ceste raisonz vous en met hors.
Que vault li sorplus sans le cors ?
Nïent enfin, chë os bien dire.
612 Et se vous m’en volés desdire,
Vos armes vous en covient prendre.>>
<<Et je suy pres de moy desfendre,>>
Dist Meraugis, <<et del prouver

161
616 Quë on puet milx raison trouver
Par qu’elle doit estre m’amie
Que vostre, car vous n’amés mie
Sa courtoisie et son dous non. [end 85d]
620 Vous ni avés në o ne non !
Ce suy je pres a desrainier.>>
Ensi furent li chevalier
A la guerre par tel afaire. [86a]
624 Quant vint a la bataille faire,
Qu’il n’i ot hors des cols donner,
Si sont venu au retourner
Li chevalier qui convoierent
628 Lidoine. Et moult s’esmerveillerent
Quant il oïrent la tenchon,
Qu’onques autant de mesprison
N’orent mais entr’els delz veüe,
632 Mais grant amour i ot eüe.
Si s’esmerveillent et demandent
Qu’il ont et qu’il s’entredemandent,
Et qui a droit et qui a tort.
636 Et cil dïent a un recort
La verité de lor bataille,
Qui pour la pucelle sans faille
Se vuellent ocirre et combatre.
640 Cil, qui vuelent la noize abatre,
S’esmerveillent de che qu’il öent,
Si lor blasment et lor deslöent
Lor volenté et lor folie,
644 Et dïent que grant musardie
Les fait de tel chose entremettre.
Mais onques fin n’i porent mettre,

162
 Non : car Gorvains dist entresait
648 Que ja pour pooir que nuls ait
La bataille ne remandra.
Dist Meraugis : <<Ja n’avendra !
Honni serions, ce me samble.>>
652 Lors les laissent aler ensamble
Cil qui n’i porent metre fin.
Et cil trespassent le chemin,
Si s’adrechent en my le plain,
656 Fier et maltalentis et plain
De hardement. Et bien sachiés
Qu’onques el champ par lor pechiés [end 86b]
Ne clinerent vers orïent. [86b]
660 Ains clinent et vont aorant
Celle part ou la dame vait.
Lors n’i ot plus, mais chascuns lait
Chevals aler, si s’entrevienent
664 Es escus. Des lanches que tienent
S’entrefierent de plains eslais
Si qu’il font croisier les ais
Des escus encontre les pis
668 Et qu’il ont par forche guerpis
Les frains, car les lanches sont fors.
Et li baron de grant effort
Furent et si droit s’entrevont
672 Que tout abatent en un mont
Chevaus et chevaliers ensanble.
Mais tost refurent, ce me sanble,
Li chevaliers en piés sailli,
676 Et s’entresont entresailli
As espees tout de rechief.

163
 Cascuns met l’escu sor le chief,
Si s’entrevienent au devant.
680 Ne sai li quels feri avant,
Ne li quel plus ne li quel mains,
Mais les espees de lors mains
Errerent tost, plus tost de vent.
684 Se cil li donent, chis li rent
Tout cop a cop sans plus atendre.
De quan que bras pueent estendre
S’entrepaient, més ce sont cos
688 Es bras, es costes et es dos
S’entredonent et sur les vis.
Gorvains fu prors et Meraugis
Fiers et hardis come lion.
692 Onques mais plus fiers campions
N’asamblerent en nulle terre.
Car li uns d’els ne puet conquerre
Sos l’autre vaillant un denier
696 Més comë hardi chevalier
S’entratendent et s’entracopent.
En la fin depiechent et copent [end 86b]
Hiaumes et haubers et escus.
700 Ja fust ne say li quels vaincus, [86c]
Qu’il ne peüssent plus durer,
Mais la pucelle oï conter
As chevaliers quy la convoient
704 Que tout ensi se combatoient
Li dui chevalier pour s’amour.
Moult l’en pesa et sans demour
Retourne ariere. Quant vint la,
708 Li chevalier s’estoient ja

164
 Tant combatu quë il n’avoient
Espee entiere. Quant il voient
La pucelle vers euls venir,
712 Lors s’entrevont des poins ferir
Li enragié, li hors del sans. —
Pour coy ? — Il ne cuident a tans
Li uns d’euls l’autre avoir conquis.
716 Lydoine vint, ses a requis
De pais et dist : <<Seignor, laissiés
Ceste bataille, et bien sachiés
Que moult m’en poise. Et neporquant,
720 Puis qu’ensi est, d’or en avant
Ne veul que plus i ait malfait.>>
A tant se sont arriere trait
Cil quy n’ont pooir de desdire
724 Sa volenté, mais si plain d’ire
Pour son bon acomplir le font
Qu’a bien poy que cascuns ne font
De honte quant si longuement
728 Se sont combatu pour nïent.
Lors li crïent : <<Dame, merchy !
Ves tous li poeples qui est chy
Assamblés de par tout l’empire.
732 Honi somes, bien pueent dire
Enfin, s’il remaint a itant,
Que vaincu somes en estant.
Pour Deu, se ce raison vos samble,
736 Car nos metés encor ensamble [end 86c]
Tant que li uns en ait assés.>>
<<Avoy, seignor, ja nel pensés ! [86d]
Itant vous di certainement :

165
740 Ne veul pas que sans jugement
Soit faite bataille pour moy.
Mais soiés a la court le roy
Au Nöel u que li rois soit.
744 Se li baron jugent par droit
C’on s’en doie combatre adont,
La bataille me plaira dont,
Li quels de vos ert li plus fors.
748 Et s’il avient que li recors
De la court juge qu’il n’i doie
Bataille avoir, je ne vaudroie
Qu’elle fust, ne ja n’avendra.
752 Mais quant au jugement vendra
Que je savrai et par raison
Li quels a droit et li quels non,
Itant vos di, se Diex me gart,
756 Soit par bataille ou par esgart,
S’il ne me plaist a faire plus.
Cil qui en vendra au desus
M’amera lors par mon congié.
760 Issy me plest ; por ce vol gié
La bataille metre en respit.
Ce ne vous tourne a nul despit.
Et si vo pri et vous comant
764 Qu’il n’ait guerre ne maltalant
Entre vos deuls dusques au jour.
Car se jel savoie, m’amour
Averiés vos perdu enfin.
768 Mais tiegne cascuns sen chemin,
S’alés les aventures querre.
De bien faire et de pris conquerre

166
 Vous pri, et faire le devriés
772 Pour ce que joië averiés
Se j’ooie de vo bien dire.>>
<<Aprés cest mot n’a que redire,>>
Fait Meraugis. <<Quant il vos plest, [end 86d]
776 Itant sachiés : sans nul ariest
J’iray quant faire le covient.
Bien saiche Gourvains, s’il i vient,
Enfin quë il m’i trovera.>>
780 Dist Gorvains : <<Je mouveray ja,
Certes, se ma dame voloit.
Et bien sachié, quy que l’ait soit,
Enfin au jour jë y seray, [87a]
784 Ne jamais devant dont n’avray
Repos ne joie ne sejour.>>
Ensy acreantent le jour
Tou troy ensanle et qu’il iront.
788 A tant departent, sy s’en vont.
Lidoine ala a son païz.
Gorvains Gadrus et Meraugis
Tinrent sempres chascuns lor voie.
792 Si com lor dame lor convoie,
Vont par tout cercant leur contrees.
Aventures ont encontrees
Maintes, et moult s’en entremetent.
796 Mais de la paine qu’il i metent
Ne vos vueil chy plus conte faire,
Que tant i a de l’autre afaire
[Que bien puet remanoir cestuy.]
800 Asseés orent paine et anuy
Par tout, et sy bien lor avint

167
 Qu’onques nus en place ne vint
Qu’il n’euïssent sur tous le pris.
804 Chevaliers ont vaincu et pris
Plus de soisante en cel terminne.
Tant erre chascuns et quemine
Que lors jours vint. Lydoine fu
808 Ja a la cort le roy Artu
Pour enquere che jugement.
L’en sieut par tout veraiement
Que ly rois seroit a Nöel
812 A Carduel, car tout ly ostel
Erent ja pris gran pieche avoit.
La roïne qui i estoit
Ot mainte dame ensanble o ly.
816 Ly rois, yssi com je vous dy,
Tint court et si baron i vindrent.
Et ly chevalier, que devindrent,
Qui la bataille durent faire ? [end 87a]
820 Il se furent mys el repaire [87b]
Et vinrent a lor jor sans faille
Tout prest de faire la bataille.
Quant a la court furent venu,
824 Lindoine n’a plus atendu,
Ainz a la parole contee
Devant le roy et recitee
L’amour dont il l’aiment yssy.
828 Et quant ly rois Artuz l’oÿ,
Moult s’esmerveille et sy demande
Del jugement qu’elle demande,
Qu’elle l’ait : elle veut savoir
832 Ly quels doit miex s’amour avoir.

168
 Quant ly baron chë entendirent,
Aprés che plus n’i atendirent,
Ains en vont tout au jugement.
836 Keux, qui parla premierement,
A dit oiant tous : <<Sire rois ,
J’esgart que chascuns l’ait par mois.>>
<<Dans Keux>>, che dist ly cuens Quinables,
840 <<Chiex jugemenz n’est pas estables.
Mais ja ne remaindront vos gas.>>
<<Sire, a gabois nel dy je pas :
Pour mettre paiz le di g’ançoiz,
844 Che que nuz n’y metra dez moiz
Se chascuns n’a sa volenté.
Pour ce, s’il lor venoit a gré,
Lor loch qu’il le faichent ensy.>>
848 <<Queux,>> fait ly cuens, <<itant vos dy
Que ja a gré ne lour vendra.>>
<<Or ne say coment che prendra,>>
Dist Kex, <<maiz a itant m’en tais.>>
852 Lor parlerent ly autre aprés,
Et dist chascunz sa volenté.
Et tant qu’il ont assés parlé,
La roïne vient et demande
856 Sa court. Et ly roiz ly commande
Qu’elle s’en taise, maiz non fra.
Moult fierement ly demanda
Et dist : <<Sire rois, on set bien
860 Que tout ly jugement sont mien [end 87b]
D’amours. Vos n’y avés que faire.>>
Et Kex, quy plus ne se pot taire,
A dit : <<Ma dame dist raison.>> [87c]

169
864 De che se tindrent ly baron
A Keu, sy dïent tou ensanble
Que c’est drois et raisons lor sanble
Que la doie en sa court avoir.
868 Et quant ly rois entent pour voir
Qu’elle iert soie, sy l’en saisist.
Et lors la roïne ly dist :
<<Sire, vuidiéz moy cest paléz !
872 Mes pucelles, dont g’ay adéz,
Tendront cest jugement chaienz.>>
A tant issirent de laienz
Ly baron, et les dames vienent.
876 Vees com ces robes avienent :
Se ceste est biele et ceste plus!
Et je que vos diroie ? Ainc nus
N’en puist la disime redire. —
880 Pour coy ? — Que riens n’estoit a dire
De par biauté qui la ne fust.
Seul de voier, qui y pleüst,
Peuïst l’en un gran conte faire.
884 Dames y ot plus de cent paiire
Quy issent des chambres lasus —
Cha dis, cha vint, cha mains, cha plus —
Et vinrent par conrois avant.
888 La roïne, quy fu devant,
Parla premiere — et il fu drois —
Et lor dist en haut par deus fois :
<<Dames, entendéz, penséz y !
892 Vos avéz bien contéz oÿ
De coy chy jugemenz doit estre.
De vos doit tex jugemenz estre

170
 Quy bien puisse estre oïz par tout.>>
896 Lorz est commenchiéz tout de bout
Ly murmures o ly estris.
Cha deus, cha trois, cha cinc, cha dis
Vont par escolez consillant.
900 Se ceste ot dit son bon avant,
Ceste redist le sien aprés.
Et quant chelle a parlé adés, [end 87c]
L’autre redist grignor raison.
904 Ceste se tieut et ceste non. [87d]
Ensy sont toutes en discorde,
Que nulle d’elles ne s’acorde
A parrolle que l’autre die.
908 Damoiselle Amice, l’amie
Le damoisel de la Galoaige,
Lor dist : <<Dames, or më esmaige
Del gougement que chy gougiés,
912 Que cascun l’aime par moitiés
Et chascuns la vuet toute avoir.
Je ne puis chy raison veoir,
Non, que je dy pour verité
916 Que sa valours et sa biauté
Est tout en un. Tout tient en ly;
Coment sera che departy ?
Ne say, ne nus ne set coment.
920 Chy est ly poins del jugement.
Or esgardés : que vaut ly cors
Se la courtoisie en est hors ?
Nïent, ne nïent ne vaudroit
924 La courtoisie s’il n’estoit
Li biaus cors quy tout enlumine.>>

171
 <<Par mon chief,>> ce dist la roïne,
<<Dont ne voige que ce puist estre ! >>
928 La contesse de Clöecestre
Respont : <<Amice dist moult bien :
Ly unz sanz l’aultre ne vaut rien.
Ch’est voirs, mais che n’est pas li poinz.
932 Ychy de pres, non pas de loinz,
Il covient penser et entendre.
Lyndoine dist que veut aprendre
Ly quelz l’aime mielx par raison.
936 Et che vous dy et che jugon :
Chil qui l’aime pour son biau cors
Ne s’en met de riens par dehors,
Ainz vuet par tant tout l’autre avoir.
940 Et chil revuet prover a voir,
Quy l’aime pour sa courtoisie,
Que doit par tan estre s’amie
Et par tant claime le sorplus.
944 Apriéz yce ne voy je plus [end 87d]
Mais qu’en esgart selonc l’afaire
La quelle amurs devroit mielx plaire,
La quelle vient de mellor leu. [88a]
948 Icist poins par le droit del geu
La donra a un quitement
Sans bataille par jugement.>>
<<Par foy,>> dist Lorete a Blon Chief,
952 <<Vos en dites de chief en chief
La verité qu’il y covient,
Car ychi nest et ychi vient
Ly jugemens. Mais de legier
956 Puet l’en esgarder et jugier

172
 Laquelle amours doit miex valoir.
Pour coy ? Je ne puis pas veoir
Selonc lor dit par nul esgart
960 Que cil y doie avoir part
Qui aime pour sa biauté. Non,
Car quy proveroit par raison
Que ce fust la plus droite amour,
964 Aprés ce n’i voy je millour,
Mais qu’en amast lez crucefis.
Biautéz, qu’esse ? Cë est uns dis,
Uns nons quy vait par aventure.
968 Biautéz s’assiet com ambleüre,
Biautéz vient cha or fust chy miex,
Biautéz si fiert les genz ez iex.
Biautéz, qu’est ce quy nest yssy ?
972 Orgeux, voire, Orguel. Je dy
Que c’est uns nons de vilenie !
Dont naist Amurs de Courtoisie ;
C’est sa fille : par foy, c’est mon !
976 En Amours a moult courtois non.
Voire, se nature n’enpere,
L’Amours, qui retrait a sa mere,
Covient estre par tout courtoise. —
980 Par coy ? — A Courtoisie poise
Quant ce quy naist de ly n’est teux
Qu’il soit courtois en tous bons leux.
Por ce dy je, sy vueil prover
984 Qu’Amours doit Courtoisie amer.
Et s’Amours aime che qu’il doit, [end 88a]
Dont l’aime Meraugis a droit,
Quy l’aime pour sa courtoisie. [88b]

173
988 C’est veritéz. Ge ne dis mie
Que Gorvainz, quy pour sa biauté
L’aime, l’aint sy en loiauté
Ne d’aussy naturelle amor.>>
992 <<Par foy,>> ce dist Soredamor,
<<N’en fait il ! Et a ce m’acort
Que nus esgars par cest recort
Ne la puet a Gorvain doner.>>
996 Lors oïssés dames parler,
Mais en la fin, ce m’est avis,
Se tinrent devers Meraugis
Toutes les dames a un mot.
1000 Et la roïne, quant cë ot,
Ne dist plus, ainz fu apiellés
Ly rois, et lors fu recités
En plaine court le jugement.
1004 Et quant Gorvainz Cadruz entent
Qu’elles l’en metent par dehors,
Moult fu dolenz, et si dist lors :
<<Cest jugement n’otroy je pas !
1008 Enz vuel avoir eneslepas
Ma bataille tout plainement.
Ne ving pas chy pour jugement,
Enchoiz y ving pour moy combatre.
1012 Et par mon chief, je vuel abatre
Cest jugement, car il est faux !
Sil proveray a dezloiaux,
Se Meraugis ose desfendre
1016 Celles quy ly ont fait entendre
Que la doit quite avoir par tant.>>
Et Meraugis tout pié estant

174
 Respont : <<Gorvains, se Delx me saut,
1020 Ceste bataille ne vous fault!
Ja me porés ichy trover,
L’escu au col, pour nos prover
De vostre tort et de mon droit.>>
1024 <<Et je suy tous prez orendroit
De la bataille,>> fait Gorvains.
Onquez n’y ot ne plus ne mains,
Ainz s’entrevienent, lez poinz cloz.
1028 Ja n’y euïst pluz lonch repoz
N’atendu armes ne cevaux, [end 88b]
Mais huy en fust ly plu vassaux
Veüs a certes se ne fust
1032 Ly rois quy dist qu’il n’y eüst [88c]
Nul sy hardy quy cop donnast
Ne quy mellee comenchast
En la court, que pas nel voloit.
1036 Et la roïne y vient tou droit
As deux chevaliers, sy lour dist :
<<Signor vassal, se Deux m’aïst,
Che ne vaut rien. N’y penséz ja,
1040 Que ja bataille n’y avra.>>
<<Dame,>> dist Meraugis, <<por quoy ?
Si m’aït Deux, ce poise moy !
Itant vos di enfin sanz faille
1044 Que miex amasse la bataille —
Et la bataille par m’espee —
C’avoir la por nïent trovee. —
Por quoy ? — A honour me tornast.>>
1048 <<Je ne say ly quelx s’en loast,>>
Fait elle, <<maiz tant vous en dy :

175
 Quant la bataille vous plaist sy,
Ançois qu’a honte vos atourt,
1052 Aillors, non pas en ceste court,
Porrés comenchier la mellee.>>
<<Coment ? >> fait Gorvains. <<Est faee
Ceste court qu’il n’y puet avoir
1056 Bataille ? >> — <<Sire, non, au voir,
S’elle y pooit d’autre fin nestre.
Mais enfin ceste n’i puet estre
Puis que ly jugemenz est fais.>>
1060 <<Je ne vieng pas cheenz as plais,
Dame,>> ce dist Gorvains Cadrus,
<<Ainz y ving prover quë a drus
Me doit la pucelle tenir.
1064 Se Meraugis veut maintenir
Ceste guerre, moult en avra.
Ja por le roy ne remaindra
Qui a sour vous mise sa court.
1068 Certes, asséz le tenéz court. [end 88c]
Ne moy n’en poise mie tant,
Quant ce derriere va devant,
Se je chaienz suy fourjugiés. [88d]
1072 Maiz itant vuel que vous sachiés
Que vous me fourjugiés ma part.
Bien me tenrïéz a popart
Se d’itant estoie apaiés.
1076 Bien seroie de nient paiés.
Pour che me plaing, et sy ay droit,
Qu’en ceste court clochent ly droit.>>
Gorvainz s’en va, n’y atent plus.
1080 Lors remaint el palais lasus

176
 Meraugis liéz, quant ly rois dist
A Lindoine qu’elle saisist
Meraugis de sa drüerie
1084 Enssy qu’il fust sanz villenie.
<<Sire,>> dïent ly chevalier,
<<Il est drois que par un baisier
L’en saisisse la damoiselle.>>
1088 Quant Meraugis ot la novelle,
Et quy dont joians se luy non !
S’il en fu liéz, il ot raison,
N’a ly n’en pesa pas, je croy.
1092 <<Par le comandement le roy,
Et par le los de la roïne,>>
Dist Lindoine, <<ceste saisine
Ly feray ge par vostre esgart,
1096 Mais a tant en prendra sa part
Dusqu’a un an de cest jour d’uy,
Que je n’aprocheray de luy
Pour nul solaz fors ceste fois
1100 Devant un an. Et bien sachois
Que de tant le vuel acointier
Que, s’il fait che qu’a chevalier
Afiert a faire pour s’amie,
1104 Aprés cest an ge ne diz mie
Qu’il n’ait autre solaz de moy.
Et d’itant ly pourmet ma foy
Qu’en ceste foiz sera issy :
1108 Que jel nomeray pour amy
Et tendray pour mon chevalier.
Le non sans plus et le baisier [end 88d]
A ceste fois en portera.

177
1112 Et quant au chief de l’an venra,
Selonc ce que j’avray oÿ [89a]
De luy bien dire, et tant vos dy
D’itant avra le gerredon.
1116 Ou lors ly feray un bel don
Ou lors m’avra del tout perdue. >>
Meraugis, quy l’ot entendue,
Respont et dist en audïence :
1120 <<Icheste douche penitence
Que vous m’avés enjointe chy
Rechoif je, et vostre merchy
De ce qu’a comander vous plaist.
1124 Car nule rien ne me desplaist
Qu’il vos plaise a comander, non !
De seul la joie de cel non
Que je suy vostre chevaliers
1128 Ain je moult.>> Lors fu ly besiers
Faiz doucement sans nul ariest.
Dist Lidoine : <<Je vos ravest
De m’amour sy com je devis.>>
1132 Elle ly tendy son douch vis
Et sa douche bouche riant.
Meraugis, quy se trait avant,
L’a prise par son bel menton.
1136 Et sachiés que nous ne menton
Qu’il la besa moult douchement. —
Dont de la bouche seulement ? —
Non pas, certes, ce ne fist mon,
1140 Ainz y vint a procesion
Ses cuers, quy moult la desira. —
Et savéz qu’il en reporta,

178
 Et de quel mors il fu empliz ? —
1144 A un mot, il fu raempliz
En cest baisier de tous lez biens
Si plainement qu’il n’y faut riens
Que boinz chevaliers doie avoir.
1148 Par cest baisier, pöés savoir,
Quant il tel proece enlumine,
Que moult avroit aillors mechine. —
Mechine ? — Certes, ch’aroit mon ! [end 89a]
1152 L’en escoute pieur sermon
Mainte fois. Je vous sermonaisse
De ly se d’itant ne doutaisse [89b]
Que ly sermonz vous anuiast
1156 Pour che. Et pour che que me hast
De la matere reconter,
Voz fay chy le sermon ester,
Mais del baisier vos vueil je dire. —
1160 Et coy a y dont que redire ?
Qu’il ne fust douz et presieux ? —
Nenil, mais il en fery deux
A l’asanbler ! — Fery ? Coment ? —
1164 Lidoine vint trop doucement.
Tou droit entr’eulz s’avint issy
Qu’un poinz d’amour de ly issy
Quy encontre Lindoine vint,
1168 Si qu’au point del besier avint
Qu’il ly lancha ell cuer dedenz.
Onques ne ly fery as denz
L’amour quant elle y fu lanchie. —
1172 Mais Deus ! de quoy fu aaiscie
L’amour quy dedenz ly vola ? —

179
 Ne say, mais ses cuers l’engola
Ausy com ly poissons fat l’ain.
1176 Et quant ly cuers ly dist : <<Je l’ain,>>
Sy n’y a plus : amer l’estuet.
Et sy ne set d’ou ce ly muet,
Hors itant qu’elle se prent garde
1180 En l’ore qu’elle se resgarde.
Que l’amour nest en l’esgarder,
Et pour ce s’en voudra garder.
Unne gran pieche s’en garda
1184 Qu’onques viers ly ne resgarda. —
Garda? — Voire ! Dont fu che a forche,
Que ses cuers, quy tous jors s’esforche
De luy regarder, la destraint.
1188 Ly cuers, quy par forche la vaint,
Ly dist: <<Bien le pués esgarder.>>
Lorres, ansy com pour taster,
Le fery dez ioulz une foiz,
1192 Et amours se fiert en la roiz.
Roiz ? Qu’apelle je roiz ? Les ieulx. [end 89b]
Et dont ne say je nomer meux ?
Nenal. — Pour coy ? — L’en voit au corps
1196 Que ly oil peschent les amours. [89c]
Par tant pöés des ielz aprendre
Que c’est ly roiz as amours prendre.
C’est voirs, et aprendre vos vuel
1200 Que par tel roiz com sont ly oil
Peske ly cuers, qu’il desiroit
L’esgart dont celle se cuidoit
Garder ; mais ytant die avant. —
1204 Et que prist il ? — Des amours tant

180
 Qu’uns autre en fesist a mains.
Et lors, quant ses batiaux fu plains,
Lyndoine s’esmervelle et dist :
1208 <<Je l’ain. — Non faiz. — Sy faiz, je quich. —
Et je de quoit ? Se je l’amaisse,
Ja de m’amour ne ly donaisse
Terme. Non voir, je ne l’aim pas. >>
1212 Lors se retraist ariere un pas,
Et or s’en vait deux pas avant.
Mais en la fin pour son creant
S’acorde a che qu’elle est s’amie.
1216 Mais d’itant ne se joue mie
Que ly a mis terme a un an,
Ains se demente d’encoan.
Et sachiés que moult ly pleüst
1220 D’acorchier l’an s’elle peüst,
Qu’onques mais n’ot de riens tel fain
Com de changier l’en pour demain.
Aprés n’y ot plus de respit.
1224 Ly rois demande l’eue et dist
A ses barons : <<Venéz laver.>>
Lors veïssiés varléz aler
Et pucelles de haut atour.
1228 Costume estoit a sy haut jour
Que les demiselles servoient
Devant le roy ; ja y estoient
Les plus gentiz de sa maison.
1232 Ly damoisel de gran renon
Servoient devant la roïne.
Et lors n’y ot plus de termine.
Li rois s’asiet, ly mengiers vint.

181
1236 De més, dont il ont plus de vint,
Cargent et cuevrent tous ces dois. [end 89c]
Et qu’en diroie ? Come rois
Fu ly rois servis au disner.
1240 Anchois qu’il vousissent lever — [89d]
Ne demora pas longuement —
Es vos sur un cheval bauchant
Un nainz sy lais qu’il ne puet plus. —
1244 Quelx ert il dont ? — Il ert camus. —
Camus ? — C’est mon pour estre laiz,
Car devant che que chist fu faiz
Ne fist Deus chose sy camuse.
1248 Ly nainz, qui tous jours fait la muse,
Se traist devant le roy et dist :
<<Rois, enteng a moy un petit.
Escoute moy, fay ta gent taire !
1252 Rois, coment pués tu joie faire ?
Gauwainz, tes niés, est il chaienz ?
Nenil, voir ! Or est il noienz
De ta court, que soit mais doutee,
1256 Non, car ta court est escornee
Del mellor chevalier del mont.
Rois, tu desenz aval d’amont
Quant tu dois contremont monter. —
1260 Pour coy? — Or le te vueil conter.
Sera ce par ton bien ? Nenil.
Dy, rois, dont ne te membrë il
Cant mes sire Gauvains party
1264 Oan a Rovoison de chy
Pour l’onour de ta court conquerre ?
Rois, tu sez quë il ala querre,

182
 Par ton los et par tes losenges,
1268 De l’Espee as Estranges Renges
La mervelle. Sy m’ezmervel
Que tu ne prens aultre conseil,
Car il te dist — sel say par luy —
1272 Qu’il seroit chy a cel jor d’uy,
Pour qu’il fust sains en sa baillie.
Rois, or sez tu bien qu’il n’est mie
En son pooir quant il ne vient !
1276 Pour che m’esmervel dont che vient
Qu’en ceste court puet joie avoir.>>
<<Ha ! >> fait ly rois, <<nains, tu dys voir
Sanz faille : huy dut il venir ! >>
1280 Ly rois, quy ne se puet tenir,
Sospira et mua semblant,
Car tant fu plains de maltalent
Pour luy que bouche ne puet dire. [end 89d]
1284 Trestou ly autre sont plain d’ire,
Quy or ierent joiant et baut.
Ly rois, a quyz sour tous en chaut,
Parole au nain et dist : <<Amis, [90a]
1288 Itant me dy : est Gauvains vis
Ou en prison ? Nel choille mie ! >>
<<Ja de le mort ne de la vie
N’orés par moy avoiement,>>
1292 Fait li nains, <<hors tant seulement :
S’en ceste cort a chevalier
Un seul quy tant s’osast prisier
Quy s’esmeüst pour demander
1296 De luy, de luy orroit parler.>>
<<Ou ? >> — << As esplumeors Merlin.

183
 Ou se che non, chë est sanz fin,
Que jamais n’en orrés avant.
1300 Mais ains que chevalier se vant
De ceste queste, tant ly dy :
S’il ne se sent a moult hardy,
Je lo que ja ne soit pensé.>>
1304 <<Pour quoy?>> — <<Pour che : Or soit posé
Qu’il n’ait nul millour chevalier
El mont, sy n’os je pas plegier
Que jamais rentre en ceste tere,
1308 Mais seulement pour loz conquerre
Et pour le bien qu’en en dira.
Or soit oÿ quy s’eslira
D’aler enquerre les noviellez
1312 Del Chevalier as Damoisielles.>>
Ly rois quy a le nain oÿ
Voit qu’entor luy sont amuÿ
Sy chevalier, sy l’en pesa,
1316 Car de quanques ly nains parla
N’y ot nul quy feïst sanblant
Hors Meraugis. Cil dist itant :
<<Sire, se ma dame plaisoit,
1320 Li chevaliers ma dame iroit
En ceste queste. Priés ly.>>
Cele respont : << vostre merchy,
Amis. J’en suy toute priie,
1324 Car moult me plaist et moult suy lie
De che qu’enssy l’avés empris. [end 90a]
Et pour che que mielx vous en pris,
Me plaist et me vient en coraige
1328 D’aler o vous en cest voiaige [90b]

184
 Par trivez, se tant volés faire
Que les aie jusqu’au repaire.>>
Ly chevalier respont apréz :
1332 <<Vous pourtéz la trive et la pez.
Et que pöés plus demander ?
Il ne vous faut plus demander,
Ja ne vous desdiray de rien.>>
1336 <<Cez paroles s’acordent bien,>>
Ce dist ly rois, quy point ne poise.
<<Moult dist la dame que courtoise,
Et cil dist que frans chevaliers.
1340 Jel dy pour che que volentiers
Le font, et bien lor en venra.>>
<<Ja devers moy ne remandra,>>
Dist Lindoine, <<ly biens a faire.
1344 Et nonpourquant miex me puet plaire
La proece, s’elle est en luy,
Par mon veoir que par autruy.
C’est voirs, en ce n’a que redire :
1348 Savoir trop miex quë oiir dire.
Pour ce me plest a luy aler.>>
Quant ly nainz oit la dame parler,
Son frain tire, sy s’en retourne.
1352 Et Keux, quy vers le nain se tourne,
L’esgarde et dist : <<Camuse chose,
Cha vieng. Desseng, sy te repose
Et sy atent ta compagnie.>>
1356 Ly nains, quy ne se joue mie,
Retourne et dist : <<Mes sire Keux,
Tous jours avés estet itelx,
Et tout jours serés en tel point.

185
1360 Vostre langue quy tous jours point
A maint vilain cop apointié.
Mais de tant sont bien reboisié
Vostre gabois et a boisy
1364 Que touz ly monz dist de vous fy.
Un jeu vous part : qu’en voléz faire ?
Se mielz améz tenchier que taire,
Ves me chi tout prest de tenchier.>>
1368 Et Keux, qui plus n’osa grouchier, [end 90b]
Se teut, et ly nains s’en ala.
Voirs fu que ly rois l’apela,
Mais onques retourner ne vot. [90c]
1372 Et ly chevaliers au plus tost
Qu’il puet s’atourne de movoir.
Et qu’en diroie ? Au dire voir
Monté sont et prenent congiet.
1376 Ly jour fu froiz, qu’il ot negié
La matinee, et tout yssy
Ly chevaliers quy s’en yssy,
Entre luy et sa damoiselle,
1380 Chevauchent la route novelle
Par la ou ly nains est aléz.
Ly chevaliers, qui s’est hastéz
De l’errer, a tant cevauchiet
1384 Qu’il vint oultre le bois plaisiet,
Voire, a piet oultre un essart,
Li nainz, qui de hente a sa part
Eirre, méz c’est le petit pas.
1388 La noiz est haute et ly nainz bas,
Sy que ly nainz ne puet aler.
En luy avoit bel baceller

186
 Quant il se party de la court,
1392 Més or le voit camus et court
Et bocelé de felonie.
Et ly chevaliers ly escrie
Sy tost come il ont aprochié :
1396 <<Qu’est ce? Qui t’a deschevauchié ? >>
<<Qui ? >> fait li nainz, <<Frans, plains d’onour,
Car change honte pour honour ! >>
<<Par foy ! >> ce dist ly chevaliers,
1400 Ce cangaisse je volentiers,
Mais je n’ai de la honte point.>>
<<Non, mais elle t’atent a point
Moult grant, et a tel chose monte
1404 Que chevaliers y avront honte
Quant il orront parler de toy !
Se tu n’en yés salvéz par moy,
Ja n’i faudras. Mais ore entent :
1408 Pour celle honte qui t’atent
Te donrai ge atant d’onour
Se tu me renz mon caceour. >>
<<Dont l’avras tu. Di moy quy l’a.>> [end 90c]
1412 <<Quy ? Celle vielle — ves le la
A l’entree de celle lande —
Le m’a tolut.>> Lors ly demande [90d]
[Ly chevaliers : <<Ses tu pour coy ?>>]
1416 <<Ne say, mais cha s’en vint par moy,
Sy m’assailly. Que vos diroie ?
D’itant en est la honte moie
Que ja suy premiers abatus.
1420 De che que j’ai estet batus
Ne tenisse ja plait ne conte.

187
 Maiz mes cevaux, de che ay honte,
M’en fait plaindre. Va, sel me rent ! >>
1424 Et ly chevalier esraument
Hurte, sy va poignant aprés
Et esgarde, quant il fu pres,
La vielle, qui moult fu cornue
1428 Et grans et hardie et corsue.
Mais de sy grant aïr estoit
Que tous ly mon la desiroit.
Elle chevauche desfublee
1432 Et fu d’autel robe afublee
Com se ce fust el tans d’esté.
Qu’en diroie ? Belle ot esté
Et moult se tient noblete et cointe.
1436 Se vielleche ne l’eüst pointe,
Ce fust la plus cointe a devise.
Dezlïee fu par cointise
Et ot cercle d’or en son chief,
1440 Maiz que tant i ot de meschief
Au cercle mettre, que li crin
Estoient blont de regaïn.
Maiz de ses jours bien se portoit.
1444 Le frain au cheval au main oit
Abatut, sel tient a plain poing,
Dont elle vait caichant de loing
Le ceval au nain. Sy vos dy
1448 Qu’elle ot le nainz del frain servy
Et batut tant qu’assés en ot.
Elle s’areste quant elle ot
Le chevalier quy la sivoit.
1452 Yssy ly chevaliers venoit,

188
 Et la vielle qui tint le frain
S’areste et fiert arriere main
Le chevalier en my le vis.
1456 Ly chevaliers a le frain pris,
Sy saiche et la vieille le tient,
<<Qu’est ce ? >> fait elle. <<Ce n’avient [end 90d]
Que je voy. Non, ce n’avint onques. >>
1460 <<Coment ? >> — <<Ferrïéz me vous donques,
Dans chevaliers ? >> — <<Dame, je non ! [91a]
Mais par celuy quy Deus a non,
Vos n’estes pas viers moi courtoise. >>
1464 Celle respont : <<S’il vous en poise,
Tant me siet miex. Fuiés de chy! >>
<<Avoy ! demiselle, merchy !
Ne soiés mie sy sourfaite.
1468 De la honte que m’avéz faite
Vous claim jou quite tout le droit.
Mais ytant faichiéz orendroit
Que rendéz son ceval au nain.>>
1472 <<Volés,>> fait elle, <<que vous aim ? >>
<<Oïl.>> — <<Dont n’en parléz jamaiz !
Que ga ne l’en menréz en paiz
Se par forche nel me tauléz,
1476 Hors par tant se vous tant l’améz
Que faciéz che que vous diray,
Ves le chi, et gel vous rendray :
Ja n’y avra plus atendu.
1480 Vous veés bien che tref tendu
Sour cel frasne ou chiz escuz pent ?
Se tant me faitez seulement
Que vos ailliéz l’escut abatre,

189
1484 Ja plus ne m’en veréz combatre,
Mais prange le come le sien.>>
Et cil, qui vot faire le bien
Del tout a la vielle et au nain,
1488 Respont : <<Par ma dame que g’ain,
De ce ne vous faudray ge ja. >>
Lors s’eslaisse. Quant il vint la,
L’escu abat, mais au repaire
1492 S’arreste et oÿ un duel faire
Si gran dedens cel pavillon
Qu’onques mais dielz se cestuy non
N’oÿ ou tant euïst ploré.
1496 Einsi a cel dueil escouté
Tant qu’il revoit de l’autre part
La vieille qui del nain se part
Et ly a son cheval laissié.
1500 Le sien cheval ra eslaissié [end 91a]
Ly chevaliers, la est alés.
Au nain, quy ja estoit montés, [91b]
Parole et dist : <<Nains, c’or me conte
1504 Coment j’avray honour pour honte.>>
Et ly nainz, qui fu plains d’anuy,
Respont : <<Je n’ay pas jor a huy
De che que vos me demandéz.
1508 A Dieu soiéz vos comandéz,
Car ce vous vendra bien a point.>>
Lors fiert dez escorgiez et point
Quan que ly cevaus ly puet rendre.
1512 Ly chevaliers ne vaut atendre,
Mais a diablez l’a comandé.
En la landë ou fu le tre

190
 Retourne, car savoir volra
1516 Dont chieux deulx vient. Quant il vint la,
El tref entre, sy a trouvee
Unne damoiselle montee
Sour un mur. En sa main tenoit
1520 Un glaive. Juz el tref avoit
Dez autres damez quy font duel
Sy grant que par sanblant lor vuel
Moroient. Ainz méz ce n’avint.
1524 Lydoine, qui orainz y vint,
Lor fait de plorer compaignie.
Quant ly chevaliers voit s’amie
Qui pleure, a poy qu’il n’est dervés.
1528 <<Qu’est ce ? >> fait il. <<Pour quoy pleurés ? >>
Et la pucelle respondié :
<<Sires, je pleure pour pitié
De cez dames qui tel duel font.
1532 Et sy say bien qu’elles le font
Pour la pitié de cel escu.
Mal ait la dame tant vescu
Par quy consel vous l’avéz fait.>>
1536 <<Coment a il dont tel meffait ? >>
Fait chil, quy nul mal n’y pensa.
<<Nenil, n’en pleurent elles ja,
Car c’est legier a amender.>>
1540 Lorz prent l’escu, sel vait porter
Ariere la ou il pendoit.
Et quant la pucelle ce voit
Qui iert montee sur le mur,
1544 Sy dist : <<Or est pluz aseür
Ly escus qu’il n’iert a la terre. [end 91b]

191
 Nus ne vous doit de plus requerre :
Bien vous en estes aquités !>>
1548 Cil quy entent qu’il est gabés [91c]
Respont : <<Huy maiz ne saige rienz.
Or cuidaige faire moult bien.>>
<<Moult bien ? Ja sy avés vous fait.>>
1552 Lorz fiert son mul, a tant s’en vait,
La lanche el poing, et ne dist plus.
Et celles qui sont el tref guz
Pleurent et vont criant apriéz :
1556 <<Va t’ent sans revenir jaméz ! >>
Et celle qui s’en vait anblant
Ascoute, mais n’en fait sanblant
Que lor duel nule riens ly soit.
1560 Ly chevaliers de che qu’il voit
S’ezmervuelle et ne set que dire
Horz itant dist par moult grant ire :
<<Diex, tant me poise ! C’est par moy
1564 Que chi dieulz est, ne je ne voy
Par quoy j’en puise oïr novellez.
Ha ! >> fait il as deux demisellez
Qui remainent. <<Damez, merchy !
1568 Anchois que me parche de chy,
Car me dites se vous savés
Dont chilz diex est que vous avés,
Par sy que je vous covenant,
1572 Coment que ly meschiés soit grant,
Se c’est que jel puisse amender,
Que j’en feray sans demorer
Tout mon pooir outreement.
1576 Car moult me poise durement

192
 De vostre duel, sy n’en puis més.>>
Et celles respondent apriés :
<<Dans chevaliers, c’est chose outree
1580 Que ja par vos n’ert amendee,
Ne pour pooir que vous aiés.
Mais d’itant ne vous esmaiés
Se vostre dame un petit pleure
1584 Pour nous, qu’encor venra une hore
Qu’elle plora, mais c’est pour vous.
Ly duelx qui or li muet pour nous [end 91c]
Ly atornera autrement.
1588 Car chy n’a hors comencement [91d]
De plorer, sy ploron issy
Elle pour nous et nous pour luy.>>
Ly chevaliers s’est courechiéz
1592 Et dist : <<Or suy je maneciéz,
Si ne say de quy ne pour quoy.
Huy més ne me tendray, je croy,
Car coardise sambleroit.>>
1596 L’escu quy au fresne pendoit
Reprent as mains, sel giete alloins
Et dist : <<Dames, un don vous doins,
Que je giray ceens anuit,
1600 Cuy qu’en poist, més qu’a vos n’enuit.
Lors sy verrés qu’en avenra
Sempres quant mes hostes venra.>>
Et celles respondent : <<Biaus sire,
1604 Pas ne vous volons escondire
L’ostel itel com nous l’avons,
Sans che ja gré ne vous sarons
De l’aler ne del remanoir,

193
1608 Ne nous n’en volons gré avoir.
Se max ou biens vous en avient,
Ne dites pas qu’a nous en tient ! >>
<<Non feray je. Je n’en quier plus
1612 Que vostre gré. >> Lors descent jus
Et dist : <Ceens est mes ostex.
Ja verray je qui serra tex
Quy le me veulle contredire ! >>
1616 <<Avoy ! >> fait Lydoine, <<biau sire,
Tenés noz pais ! >> — <<Sy fais je, dame.>>
A tant s’asiet et dist : <<Par m’ame,
Comment que ly gaains ait non,
1620 Je ne demanch que guerre, non.>>
El tref la nuit remest ensy
Ly chevaliers. Moult l’ont servy
Les deus damez a lor pooir.
1624 De quan qu’elles porent avoir
L’onererent, mais sy avint
Qu’onques la nuit aultres n’i vint [end 91d]
Chevaliers nus de nulle part.
1628 Et lors, quant la nuit se depart,
Se pot Meraugis merveillier.
Si fait il plus qu’il ne fist hier [92a]
Et dist, quant au tref ne vient nus,
1632 Que chy ne guetera il plus.
Au cheval vient, s’y met la sielle.
Quant montee ot la damoiselle,
As dames vint et prent congié
1636 Et dist: <<Dames, or ne saigié
Que dire quant nus ne repaire
A cest tref. Je n’en pus plus faire,

194
 Ains m’en vois, sy sachiés pour voir
1640 Que vostre suy a mon pooir
Par tous les lius ou je poroie.
Mais encore vous prïeroie
Que me deïssiés verité
1644 Pour coy cis dieulx a chy esté,
Et quy est sires de laiens.>>
Celles respondent : <<C’est noient,
Ja plus ne vous en dirons ore.
1648 Vos le savrés assés encore.>>
Et quant ly chevaliers l’entent,
<<A Deu ! >> fait il, plus n’i atent,
Lors s’en vait et s’amie o luy.
1652 Ensy chevauchent anbeduy
Par my la grant forest obscure
Tant qu’a un gué par aventure
Ont le chevalier encontré
1656 Quy vait disant : <<Hoé ! >> — Hoé ? —
Voire, sy vous diray pour coy.
Ensi au gué joste un aunoy
Ly uns vers l’autre s’adrecha.
1660 Ly nostre chevalier decha
S’esmerveille de che qu’il voit,
Que chil quy ist del gué n’avoit
Frain ne chevestre n’esperon, [end 92a]
1664 Ne ne tient verge ne baston [92b]
Hors l’escu et la lanche a droit.
Mais de sy grant biauté estoit
Que nul plus bel n’esteüst querre,
1668 N’onques ne fu en nulle terre
Nulz chevaliers veüs as ielx,

195
 A cuy armes seïssent mielx
Qu’a luy. Au chevalier escrie
1672 Quy vient : <<Chevalier, ne vieng mie
Avant ! Se tu viens dusqu’au pas,
La joste avras eneslepas.>>
Et chil respont, quil l’entent bien :
1676 <<Che me plaist moult, chevalier. Vien !
Tu l’avras, qui m’as deffié.>>
Et chil, quant il fu fors del gué,
Baise sa lanche, sy l’abaisse
1680 Pour joster, et Meraugis laisse
Cheval aler, car point nel doubte.
Chil quy y met sa forche toute
Done a Meraugis sour l’escu
1684 De sa lanche par tel vertu
Que son glaive pechoie en deus.
Et Meraugis ly merveilleus
Brandist la lanche, sel fiert hault
1688 Sy droit qu’il porte en my le gault
Le chevalier et son cheval
Tout en un mont. Mais n’ot nul mal
Ly chevaliers : semprez revient
1692 En piéz. De l’espee qu’il tient
S’offre a deffendre et vient avant
Vers Meraugis, quy dist itant :
<<Esta ! Que vous ? Ne t’aprochier
1696 Dy moy ! Remontë el destrier,
Je t’en doins congié bonement.>>
Et cil respont : <<Ja Dielx ne m’ainnt
Se jë i mont quant je suy jus :
1700 Tant suy je pris ! >> <<Com je suy sus,

196
 Cuides tu que pour che te faille
Guerre ? >> <<Nenil. A la bataille
Te rapel. Ja ne t’en faudray.>>
1704 <<Ja a cheval ne t’asauray,>>
Fait Meraugis. <<Honte y avroie ! >> [end 92b]
A pié descent en my la voie,
S’entrevienent par grant efforz.
1708 Ly chevaliers, quy moult fu forz, [92c]
L’asaut et giete un coulp del plus
Sy grant qu’au venir de lasus
Despiece et fent quan qu’il consiut.
1712 Et Meraugis, quy bien le siut,
Ly vient encontre et se deffent
Sy bien qu’y redespieche et fent
Quan qu’il consiut avant l’espee.
1716 Trop a duré ceste mellee
D’els deus : voire, ce n’avient més !
Ly chevaliers moult fu engrés
Et hardis, més plus est encore
1720 Meraugis preus, et fiers est ore. —
Oïl? Pour coy ? — Hardi le trueve
Tant qu’en la fin sy bien se prueve
Le vaint Meraugis et conquiert
1724 Sy outré que cil ly requiert
Merchy, et Meraugis li prie :
<<Dont avient que che senefie
Que tu n’as frain n’esperon ? Dy !
1728 Che te covient, ou ja de chy
Ne te movras ! >> Et cil quy crient
La mort respont : <<Ce dont me vient
Volentiers le vous conteray.

197
1732 Oés pour coy, jel vous diray.
Ly rois Patris de Tabroan
Tient — a Pasques avra un an —
Court sy riches qu’onques ne fu
1736 Plus riche, et la furent venu
Tout ly chevalier de sa terre.
Li rois les fist mander et querre
Par sa terre ; moult en i vint.
1740 Des meillors chevaliers bien vint,
Ains que sa cors fust departie,
L’un pour l’autre par ahatie
Firent veus. Öés que voerent :
1744 Oians les dames se vanterent,
Et öés que cascuns proumist [end 92c]
Che que luy plot et que ly fist.
Guivrés, quy fist le premier veu, [92d]
1748 Dist qu’il n’iroit ja en nul leu
Que ja eüst que son escu ;
De toutes armes issy fu.
Et Riolens voua apriés
1752 Qu’il ne giroit ne loing ne pres
En covert devant qu’il auroit
Le premier qu’il encontreroit
Chevalier conquis en bataille.
1756 Li Lais Hardis de Cornuaille
Fu a la cort ; sy se dona
As dames et sy lor voa
Que ja pucelle de sy loing
1760 Nel requerroit a sen besoing
Qu’il n’i alast sans conseil prendre.
Gaherïet lor fist entendre

198
 Que tout cel an chevaucheroit
1764 Issy que ja n’encontreroit
Chevalier pour coi il menast
S’amie, qu’il ne la baissast
En pais ou tant se combatroit
1768 A lui que li uns en seroit
Vaincus et en aroit adés.
Et ly cruelx Seguradés
Voa que de tot l’en entier
1772 Ne conquerroit il chevalier
Par forche quë il n’oceïst.
Que vous diroie ? Cascuns fist
Sen veu, et je qui la estoie
1776 Me pourpensay que je feroie
Tel veu que nuls n’oseroit faire.
Adont lor dis — si fist tous taire —
Que de tout l’an n’aroie frain
1780 N’esperon ne verge en ma main
Pour ce que jamais ne ferroie
Mon cheval, ne ne ly tolroie
Chemin pour nul autre doner,
1784 Mais tout cest an sans retourner [end 92d]
Iroie tant que troveroie
Plus fors de moy. Que vous diroie ?
Issy ay tenu mon chemin
1788 Tant qu’or suy venus a la fin. [93a]
Mais ne puis dire ne savoir
Quel part j’arriveray au soir.>>
Cil ly respont quy a droiture
1792 Ly dist : <<Tu vas par aventure
Plus que nus, si n’as paz enffret

199
 Ton veu pour ce que je t’ai fait
Conoistre que je suy plus preus
1796 De toy.>> Fait il : <<Mais se tu veus
Merchi avoir, sy te covient
Aler la dont ma route vient,
Tot cest haus bois. Quant tu vendras
1800 Outre cel bois, la trouveras
Deus dames en un pavillon
Quy font duel. En la lor prison
Te metras et diras pour coy,
1804 Et les salue de par moy.>>
Cil dist quant il ot escouté :
<<Coment ? Avés y vous esté ?>>
<<Oïl, j’y ay anuit geü.>> —
1808 <<Vous ne toucastes a l’escu
Quy pent ? >> — <<Sy fis, je l’abatich.>> —
<<Voire, mal avés esploitié ! >> —
<<Et je de quoy ? >> — << Vous nel savés ?
1812 Ly deables est eschapés
Quy devant estoit em prison.
Or est par mauvese acoizon
Ly païs tournés a hontage.
1816 Ne comandés mais tel outraige
Que j’aille au tref. Pas n’y iroie
Pour mourir. Non, ains sofferroie [end 93a]
Qu’en me trenchast ceste main destre !
1820 Chy meïsme fait mauvés estre [93b]
A vostre oés.>> — <<A mon oés, pour coy ?
Or me covient savoir par toy
Cui est li escus.>> — <<Jel vous die ?
1824 Volentiers. Vous ne savés mie

200
 La verité ? Je la say toute.
L’Outredouté, quy riens ne doubte
Et tant chevaliers a vaincus,
1828 L’y fist pendre ; c’est ses escus.
Voire, je vous diray pour coy :
L’Outredouté, dont je vous doy
Conter, cë est li plus cruelx
1832 Quy onques fust, et sy est teulx
D’armes que nuls ne l’os atendre.
C’est une merveille a entendre
Que de ses fes ! Et nequedent
1836 Sa proeche et son hardement,
Or escoutés com il l’emplie.
Së il savoit, n’en doubtés mie,
Bien loing un chevalier qui fust
1840 Sy preus que tous li mons seüst
Sa proeche, jamais n’avroit
Joie devant quë il l’avroit
Mort ou honi sans ocoizon.
1844 Il ne volroit mie raison
Avoir en luy, non, ainz le het
Si voirement que quant il set
Bataille a faire, sy enquiert
1848 Ly quelz a tort, aprés requiert
Le tort pour faire la bataille
Pour ce qu’il veult que li torz aille
Devant le droit par son outrage.
1852 Et s’il cuidoit avoir droit gage,
Jamais a son jour ne venroit,
Ains veult le tort müer en droit.>> [end 93b]
<<Voire, tous jors moult par est tors,

201
1856 Et sy est drois. Dont n’es ce tors ? >> —
<<Oïl, ce n’est raison ne drois
Qu’uns homs puist estre et tors et drois.>> [93c]
<<Si puet : li menbres sont defors
1860 Droit, més ly cuers ly cloche el cors,
Quy li fait sa raison tortue
Sy torte que de son tort tue
Li tors. Par tant di orendroit
1864 Que l’oevre est torte en l’ome droit.>>
<<C’est voirs, més plus i a encore.
Il est teus, s’il encontroit ore
Un chevalier quy conduisist
1868 S’amie, anchois que le desist
Un seul mot, il le corroit sore.
Et s’il en venoit au desore,
Il honiroit la damoiselle
1872 Voiant luy. Ce n’est pas novelle.
Enfin trop est de males mors.
Anten avint li Diex d’Amours,
Qui fait les durs cuers sosploier,
1876 Qu’il li covient d’amours prier
Une dame. Si la requist
D’amours, et la dame li dist
Enfin que ja ne l’ameroit.>> —
1880 <<Pour coy ? >> — <<Pour ce quë il estoit
Si mailx. Et cil, quy fu sospris
Des amours, quy tant en ot pris,
Pria et dist quë il feroit,
1884 Comandast quan qu’elle voldroit.
Que vous diroie ? El creanta
Son bon, mais anchois li jura

202
 Sour sains que jamais n’ocirroit
1888 Homme ne tort ne li feroit
Devant quë il li fourfeïst.>>
<<Et plus vault elle qu’il faïst ? >> — [end 93c]
<<Oïl, elle le fist entrer
1892 En sa terre et aprés jurer
Sor sains que jamais n’en istroit [93d]
Pour riens se pour vengier n’estoit
Sa honte, s’on li avoit faite.
1896 L’Outredouté, quy n’a soffraite
Hors de mal faire quy ly plest,
Fist des lors faire en la forest
Son escu pendre en celle plache
1900 Pour ce qu’il veult qu’en ly mesfache ;
Lors sy sera fors de prison.
Estes vous que sa desreson
Est departis par ceste angoisse,
1904 N’i a sy hardy quy conoise
Le rouge escu au noir serpent
Quy ost aprochier duy arpent
Del paveillon ne de l’escu.
1908 Sol del veoir sont tot vaincu
Li chevalier de ceste terre.>>
Dist Meraugis : <<Dont le vait querre,
Ce cuic, une aultre damoiselle
1912 Que je trovay. C’est la mains belle
Des trois, sy tenoit une lanche
En sa main. Quel senefianche
Est ce ? Sez en tu dire rien ? >> —
1916 <<Oïl, et sy connois moult bien.
Celle sans faille li vait dire.

203
 Diex la het ! Moult a que redire
En li. Elle ert la pour gaitier
1920 L’escu. N’avoit aultre escuier
Li chevaliers quant il erroit.
La lanchë avuec luy portoit
Jusque a cel ore qu’il laissa
1924 Son escu, et pour ce bailla
Sa lanche a celi, qu’il vousist
Qu’aucuns a forche li tousist ;
Si refust fors par tel afaire.
1928 Or est issy : celle repaire, [end 93d]
La lanche el poing, qui li dira.
Et quant l’Outredouté venra,
Plus essera qu’onques ne fu
1932 Fel et cruelx. De cë ont eü [94a]
Les dames duel.>> — <<Pour coy le font ? >> —
<<Sire, por ce quë ellez sont
Franches, si heent le forfet.
1936 Autant com celle quy s’en vet
Het le bien, heent celx l’otraige.
Ja pour destorber cest damage
Ont conversé un an entier,
1940 Et celle i ert pour atisier
Le mal, quy jamais par son vuel
Ne faudroit. Et cellez ont duel
Pour ce que verront essillier
1944 A la venue au chevalier
Le païs. Sa grant desraison
Metra avant et en prison
Raison.>> — <<Qui l’a desraisonee ? >> —
1948 <<Fortune, qui li a donnee

204
 La colee dont elle est morte.
Or vient chascuns, or lor raporte.
Ja contre lui n’en istra nuls.
1952 La ou il vint or n’i a plus,
Mais tout dïent pour verité :
Fuiés ! ves chy l’Outredouté !
Or vos ai dit del tot por coy.>>
1956 Dist Meraugis : <<Quant c’est par moy,
Sy le cuidasse la trover,
Le chevalier, del retorner
Fust a certes ly consaus pris.
1960 Mais j’ay un autre afaire empris
Par coy je ne puis delaier
En cest païs. Por apaier
Les dames te covient aler
1964 Au tref.>> — <<N’en fait mie a parler. >> [end 94a]
<<Sy fait.>> — <<Non fait : pas n’i iroie ! >>
<<Tu sy feras ! >> — <<Je non feroie [94b]
Pour rien ! >> — <<Sy feras, par mes ielx,
1968 Ou ja morras ! Que te plaist mielx :
Morrir ou faire mon message ? >>
Cil quy doubte de sen damage
S’y lait vaintre et dist : <<Par mon chief,
1972 Sire, bien voy que cest meschief
Me covient faire, et jel feray.
Més de par cuy, quant je venray,
Me rendraige ? Qui m’a conquis ? >> —
1976 <<As dames de par Meraugis
Te rendras pris come lo homme.
Et tu quy es ? >> — Lors se renome
Chil ; li respont et dist apriés :

205
1980 <<J’ay non Laquis de Lanbeguéz.
Or n’i a plus. Or comandés
Vostre bon. Se vous le mandéz,
Folie ou sans, je lor diray
1984 Sans doubte; ja n’en mentiray.
Et se vous lor mandéz sorfet,
La honte, selonc le mesfet,
En sera vostre et li maulx mienz.>>
1988 <<Va tos seürs ; ne doubte rienz !
Pour coy je puisse chevauchier,
Se tu trueves le chevalier,
Retourne a moy tout erramment.
1992 Et s’il n’i est, tant l’i atent
S’il viegne. Pour Deu, si conforte
Les dames et honor lor porte.
Se tu le fais, bien l’en venra.
1996 Et quant li chevaliers venra,
Ja mar te melleras a luy ! >> —
<<Que feray dont ? >> — <<Tu diras luy
Mon non, et di que je li manch
2000 Que pour ce que je ne demanch [end 94b]
De luy se la mellee non,
Pour mal et pour honir son non [94c]
Getay son escu a la terre.
2004 Et s’il en veut venjanche querre,
Sel m’amaine tout esramment.>>
Che dist Laquis : <<Et je coment ?
Vous irés la, c’est vostre voie,
2008 Et je vois cha. Je ne savroie
Ou vos querre.>> — <<Tu si feras. >> —
<<Et je coment ? >> — << Tu si ferras

206
 Trestoutes les voies a destre.
2012 Ja ne tourneray a senestre
Pour nul besoing devant mardy.
Bien m’en pués croire quant jel dy.>>
<<Sy fais je, sire.>> A tant s’en part
2016 Laquis. Meraugis aultre part
Reprent a destre son chemin.
Or quiert les plumeors Merlin.
Et Laquis vient au pavellon.
2020 As deus dames comme prison
Se rent et dist eneslepas
De par cuy. Encor n’estoit pas
L’Outredouté, qui riens ne doute,
2024 Venus. Et quant Laquis ot toute
Sa raison dite, lors descent.
As dames dist quë il atent
L’Outredouté et atendra
2028 Tant qu’il viegnë, et lors dira
Plenierement ce qu’il a quis.
Celles, qui coneurent Laquis
Et qui pas ne vuellent sa honte,
2032 Le prïent : <<Biaux amis, remonte,
Si t’en va ! Nous savons de voir,
Se l’Outredouté puet avoir
De toi bataille, il t’ochira !>> [end 94c]
2036 Laquis, qui pas ne se movra
Pour riens qui li doie avenir, [94d]
Sejorne tant qu’il voit venir
L’Outredouté. — Comment vient il ? —
2040 Il vient aïrés comme cil
Qui samble qu’il doit tout le mont

207
 Confondre. Sy com la nois font
Tout devant luy de son aïr :
2044 Issi s’angoisse de venir
Au pavellon. Quant il fu pres,
Sy voit Laquis de Lampagués.
Ses voisins ert; bien le connut.
2048 D’un oeil esgarde, apriés corut
Tout droit au fresne. Quant il voit
Son escu, quy aval gisoit,
Sel prent et dist, quant il l’ot pris :
2052 <<Coment ? Deable, est ce Laquis
Qui vint cha mon escu abatre ? >> —
<<Non fis.>> — <<Si feïs, vien combatre !
Ton escondis ne t’i vault riens ! >>
2056 Laquis respont : <<Che noi je bien,
Que je nel fis, ne n’abaty
C’uns a quy je me combaty,
Quy m’a conquis.>> Tout li aconte
2060 Le voir, et plus le met el conte
Que Meraugis ne li conta.
L’Outredouté, quy escouta
L’orgoil que Meraugis li mande,
2064 S’estent d’orgoil et si demande :
<<Quel part va il ? >> — <<Jel vous diray.>>
<<Dont sera ce quant je t’avray
Conquis par forche. Va monter :
2068 Il te covient a moi joster.>>
<<Avoi ! >> dist Laquis, <<non feray.
Je me rench pris et vous merray
Apriés luy.>> — <<Ja ne m’i menras, [end 94d]
2072 Ne voie ne m’i nomeras

208
 Devant que je saiche sans faille
Li quelx est plus preus en bataille [95a]
De nos. Si te dirai pour coy :
2076 Que se tu es plus fors de moy,
Ne say pour coy j’alaisse querre
Plus fort. Se je te puis conquerre,
Ne te faing pas, itant te menbre,
2080 C’est sans merchy, tu perdras menbre.>>
Laquis respont : <<Je deffendray
Mes menbrez tant que je porray.>>
Qu’en diroie ? C’est la parcloze !
2084 Ceste bataille est nulle chose,
Qu’en petit d’ore fu vaincue.
L’Outredouté, quy tout les tue,
Le vaint par forche et l’a conquis.
2088 Et les deus dames pour Laquis
Crïent merci, més c’est noiens,
Qu’onques merchy n’entra laiens,
Dedens sen cuer, que Deux maldie !
2092 Pour ce qu’il veut que Laquis die
De Meraugis qu’il en a fait,
Le fiert et dist : <<Quel part s’en vait ?
Nome la voie ! >> — <<Sire, a destre.>>
2096 Et il le prent a sen senestre,
Sy li fait un des ielx voler
Et dist que c’est pour assener
A la voie, qu’il ne l’oublit.
2100 Moult l’a blecié, aprés li dist :
<<Laquis, ja plus ne te feray
Mal devant la — lors t’ochirray —
Que j’avray Meraugis vaincu.

209
2104 Et j’avroie moult bel vescu
Se je me venge de vos deus.>>
Et dist Laquis : <<Ja mais li deus
Que j’ay el cuer ne s’en istra
2108 Devant que celle hore vendra [end 95a]
Qu’il m’ait de vostre cors vengié. >> [95b]
<<Devant que l’aie detrenchié
N’as tu garde. Met të a voie ! >>
2112 Lors s’en issent, et sil convoie
Laquis ; le maine aprés son maistre.
Les dames, quy ne voudrent estre
El pavellon plus longuement,
2116 S’en vont et plorent tenrement
Pour Laquis. Or s’en vont issy
Celles quy ont oÿ le cry.
Laquis maine l’Outredouté
2120 Grant oirre ; moult se sont hasté
Pour le chevalier aconsivre.
Issy se hastent de luy sivre,
Et Meraugis, quy fu devant,
2124 S’en vait le pas et oirre tant
Par my la forest tote voies
Qu’au querrefors de quatre voies
Est arrivés. Quant il vint la,
2128 Sa voie esgarde, sy pensa
A Laquis, qu’il ot envoié
Au tref, et tant a delaié
Que li termes est trespassés
2132 Del mardy que li fu només,
Sy outre que joedis estoit.
Et dist, pour ce qu’il ne venoit,

210
 Que bien pooit sans luy mesfaire
2136 La voie quy li poroit plaire
Aler. Aprés dist non fera,
Mais pour riens faire s’en tardra
Tos jors s’il nel lait pour besoing.
2140 A tant s’en va. Ne fu pas loing
Quant del bos li vint al travers
Li nains camus, li gos despers.
Mot ne li dist, ains a levé
2144 Un baston dont il a donné
Au bon destrier desus la tieste.
Hauce et refiert, et cil s’areste, [end 95b]
Si li crie : <<Nains, fuy de chi : [95c]
2148 Poi s’en faut que je ne t’ochi ! >>
<<Tu m’ochirroies ? >> fait li nains.
D’angoisse tranle et tent les mainz,
Ses joint et dist : <<Prent le millour :
2152 Vois chi la honte et chi l’onour
Que je te doy pour le changier.
C’est la promesse d’avant hier
Que je te fis. Quel le feraz ? >>
2156 <<Fuy, nainz ! Ja ne m’y cangeraz
Noient, ne rien ne te demanc.
Va, as deables te comant !
Que veuls ? >> — <<Je vuel que tu retournes.
2160 Se tu vas la u tu te tornez
A aler, tu avras ja honte.>>
<<Comment ? >> <<Je te rendray bien conte.
Retourne arriere eneslepas,
2164 Que se tu vas avant un pas,
Tu es honis. Pour seul itant

211
 Que tu es tant venus avant
Te melle ja la honte as ielx.>>
2168 Li chevaliers, qui aime mielx
Honor que honte s’il pooit,
S’arreste et dist quë il iroit
La ou li nains voloit aler.
2172 <<Di, nains, ou me veus tu mener ?
Ou est l’onor ? >> — <<Je t’y menray.>>
<<Maine m’y dont, sy la verray.>>
<<Volentiers, sire.>> — A tant s’en vont
2176 Arriere au quarrefor et sont
Par une autre voie tourné.
Deus, com li nainz l’a retourné
De grant honte ! — Comment ? — S’il fust
2180 Avant aléz, la nuit jeüst
Sans retourner dedens l’essart
Ou li hardi sont plus couart [end 95c]
Que lievre et li couart hardy
2184 Plus que lion. Bien est issy. [95d]
Moult ont erré et en la fin,
Quant il s’en vont autre chemin,
S’ont veü joste une riviere
2188 Chastiel. Ne say en quel maniere
Il fu assis sour une roche,
Més a tant en trenchiés la broche,
C’est li plus biaus del monde a chois.
2192 Entre le castiel et le bois
Virent en my la praerie
La plus bielle chevalerie
Quy onques mais fust assamblee.
2196 Toute sa gent i ot mandee

212
 Li rois Amagonz, quy tenoit
Cort sy riche com il devoit
Tenir au premier jour de l’an.
2200 Ensy comme il firent antan,
Estoient la pour bohourder
Venu. Li rois i fist mander
Son tref ; devant le tref avoit
2204 Une quintaine. La estoit
Toute la cort, et tout ce vit
Meraugis, qui a au nain dit :
<<Quel gent sont ce ? >> — <<Sire, par foy,
2208 Ce est l’onour que je vos doy
Changier pour honte. Ja l’avrois
Si grans que tous jourz en serois
Honeréz. Or del chevauchier ! >>
2212 Issy s’en vont a l’aprochier.
Devant son tref ont coneü
Le roy, et la roïne i fu
Joste le roy sour un perron.
2216 La furent tuit si haut baron
Assamblé. S’en i ot d’armés
Bien trente : a tant les a esmés
Li chevaliers, ne mie a mains.
2220 A piés, les espees es mains, [end 95d]
S’estont li trente chevalier.
Un en i ot sour un destrier,
Armé, voire, sy a pourfil
2224 De toutes armes come cil
Ou riens ne faut, ains fait samblant [96a]
Que de joster ait bon talant.
Cist aprochent. Quant Meraugis

213
2228 Fu del roy pres, li nainz l’a pris
Par les regnes, sel mainne avant
Devant le roy. Lors dist itant
Que tout l’oïrent li baron :
2232 <<Sire, ves chy mon champion.
Faites moy droit ! >> — <<Nainz, volentiers.>>
D’entre les trente chevaliers
A ces paroles est issus
2236 Cil a cheval et est venus
Devant le roy, et est armés.
<<Nainz>>, dist li rois, <<cist est montés
Tous pres come pour luy deffendre.
2240 Que veus ? >> — <<Ja n’en quier conseil prendre,>>
Fait li nains. <<Metés les emsamble !
Car mes champions, ce me samble,
N’en feroit concorde ne plet.>>
2244 Ce dist li rois : <<Puis qu’ensi vat
Que tu es sans misericorde,
Ne cist ne veut paiz ne acorde,
Aillent ensamble. Il n’i a plus.>>
2248 A ces paroles se trest sus
Li chevaliers, qui pour joster
A pris l’escu. De l’encontrer
S’acesme. Quant Meraugis voit
2252 Que par forche li covenoit
La bataille deduire as cols,
Si pense et dist : <<Or suige fols !
Voire, li nainz m’i tient sanz faille
2256 Quant il ichi pour sa bataille
M’a presenté devant cest roy.
Si ne sai a cui ne pour quoy,

214
 Mais itant saige bien pour voir : [end 96a]
2260 Se je ne vuel plus honte avoir
Qu’anor, combatre m’y covient.>>
Lors dist au nain, qui vers luy vient : [96b]
<<Est ce ce que tu m’as promis ?>>
2264 Li nains respont : <<Sour vous l’ay mis.
N’aiés doubte, ja n’en feray
Paiz ne concorde se je n’ay
Ma querele et vostre honor quite.>>
2268 Öéz quel traïson a dite
Li nainz, que quant on li opose
D’un, il respont d’une autre choze
Et tos jours dist : <<Mes champions,
2272 Quy est plus hardis que lions,
M’a dit que ja pais n’en fera.>>
Meraugis l’ot quy pas n’osa
Dire : <<Tu mens !>> S’il desdeïst
2276 Sen maistre, assés fust quy deïst :
<<Cist est vaincus tot en estant ! >>
Pour ce se taist, més il est tant
Vers luy iriés que plus ne puet.
2280 Grant chose a en faire l’estuet. .
Pour ce que faire li covient,
Point Meraugis, et cil li vient
Pour encontrer. Estes les vos
2284 Emsamble si que li retros
Des lanches volent vers les nues.
As caplez des espees nues
S’entrevienent sans manechier
2288 Si qu’il font les hiaumes d’achier
Par vive forche estencheler.

215
 Proesce ne se puet celer.
Moult se merveillent li baron
2292 Ou li nainz prist tel campion.
En la fin — qu’en diroie plus ? —
Li campions au nain camus
A par forche l’autre vaincu.
2296 Contre terre sour son escu
Le fait tresbuchier et verser.
<<Sire, elles sont a marïer,>> [end 96b]
Fait cil, qui plus ne se deffent.
2300 Et Meraugis, qui pas n’entent
Qu’il veut dire, ja l’oceïst [96c]
Sans respit quant li rois li dist :
<<Lessiéz ! Assés en avés fait.
2304 L’onors est vostre : il la vos lait
Puis qu’a forche l’avés conquis.
Tenés mon gant. Je vous sesis
Del honor et des damoisellez.
2308 Cent et plus en i a de bielles
Qui sont vostrez a marïer.>>
Meraugis ot le roy parler,
Si se merveil et dist au roy :
2312 <<Vous me donés si ne say coy,
Ne sai se c’est preus ou damages,
Mais que j’i entent mariages
De dames dont je ne say riens.>>
2316 Ce dist li rois : <<Vous savés bien
Coment la feste est establie.>>
Dist Meraugis : <<Je ne say mie,
Mais s’il vous plaist, jel vuel savoir.>>
2320 Li rois respont : <<Sans dechepvoir

216
 Vous en dirai la verité.
Il a tous jours coustume esté
En cest roiaume qu’a cest jour
2324 Covient que tout my vavasor
Et my baron, ou quë il soient,
S’il ont filles, qu’il les envoient
A ceste feste cascun an.
2328 Aussy come il firent antan,
Covendra qu’encoen i soient
Toutes.>> — <<Pour coy les i envoient
Lor pere cascun an yssy ? >> —
2332 <<Pour che que, quant ellez sont chy
Et tout li chevalier i sont
Assanlé d’aval et d’amont,
Sy com vous veés a vos ielx, [end 96c]
2336 Cil que l’en voit qui joste mielx
Et qui puet sour tous desranier
Qu’il n’i ait meillor chevalier, [96d]
Si conquiert si grant dignité
2340 Que del tout a sa volentet,
A les dames a marïer :
A son voloir les puet donner
As chevaliers et departir.
2344 Mais s’il vuet par raison partir,
Qu’il ne li tourt a vilenie,
Au dener ne li convient mie
Qu’ellez abast ne desparage.
2348 S’ensy les depart sans oultrage,
On li atourne a courtoisie.
Et se cë est qu’il n’ait amie,
Il choisist telle quë il vuet.

217
2352 Yssy le fait, yssy le suet
Mes peres faire, et qu’en devis
Ceste honor dont je vous saisis
Devant tous, car raisons le prueve.
2356 Ne quit qu’encontre vous se mueve
Nul chevalier que je connoisse.
Contre cestuy pour nulle angoisse,
Se vous ne fuissiés cha venus,
2360 Ne s’en fust chevalier meüs
Quy pour joster s’osast eslire.
Antan ot il sans contredire
L’onour, qu’onques cop n’y fery.
2364 Issy avint. Or est issy
Que vos avés l’onour conquise.>>
Meraugis, quy a l’onour prise
Et receüe par son gant,
2368 Merchie le roi maintenant
Et dist : <<Sire, ja ne laray
Le chevalier, ains l’ocirray
Se li nainz n’a quan qu’il demande. >>
2372 Que que ce soit, li roy le mande.
Il vient et dist sans demorer : [end 96d]
<<Sire, en vous est de moy doner
Ma joie. J’ai tout mon creant
2376 De celuy que voy recreant,
Quy a un mot sires estoit
Sor tous et tant se sorquidoit [97a]
Par sa forche qu’il faisoit don
2380 Devant la feste et partoison
Des dames a sa volenté.
A la Pentecouste en esté

218
 Tint cist rois cort, et il i vint.
2384 Aprés mengier en promist vint
Des plus bellez toutes a chois.
Et je, qui en maint bon liu vois,
Ving devant luy tot asseür.
2388 Ilueques par son maleür
Li demanday une pucelle,
Mais c’ert la seule damoiselle
Qu’en cest roialme n’a sa per.
2392 Nus ne la vousist demander
Hors moi, si vos diray pour quoy :
Elle est plus camuse de moy
Et plus corte, si est bochue.
2396 Yssy come fols et machue
Doivent tous jors aler ensamble,
Devon nos nos deus, ce me samble,
Par droit l’un l’autre calengier.
2400 Che demandai au chevalier
Qu’il me donast, et il me dist :
<<Fuy, gos, de chi ! >> Qu’il m’escondist
Me correçay. Eneslepas
2404 Respondi qu’encor n’estoit pas
Li dons a luy sy quitement,
Car il entendroit a noient
Celx a quy il les prametoit.
2408 Et cil, qui orguellous estoit, [end 97a]
S’en corrocha et vint vers moy.
Onques nel laissa pour le roy, [97b]
Ains me fery en plaine cort
2412 D’un de ses dois sor mon nes cort.
Moult m’en pesa que par despit

219
 Le fist. Ilueques sans respit
Dis et offry a desrainier
2416 Qu’onques par main de chevalier
Ne fuy ferus, sy dis enssy
Qu’il en avoit son pris hony
Sy laidement qu’il en estoit
2420 Issy honiz qu’il ne devoit
Dame doner de celle main.
Et tant qu’au roy a l’endemain
Donay mon gage de trover
2424 Un chevalier pour luy prover
En sa cort qu’il ne devoit estre
Droit chevalier de sa main destre.
Or est issy del chevalier
2428 Que vos l’avés fait esclenchier.
Et puis que vous conquis l’avés,
En vous est que vous me poés
Doner la riens que je plus voil.
2432 Ceste demande est sans orgoil,
Que s’elle est gentils de lignage,
Je suy assés de hault parage.
A oés son oés. Que vous diroie ?
2436 Itelx ne quelx goz que je soie,
Mes perez fu parens le roy.>>
<<Nainz, je n’ay nul honte de toy,>>
Che dist li rois quy s’en sosrist.
2440 <<Nainz, il est voirs, et on le dist :
N’est sy hault boiz quy n’ait brotile.
Sire, car ly donés sa fille, [end 97b]
La riens el mont quy plus le samble.
2444 Ne say s’il furent né ensamble :

220
 Chascuns est si camus naïs
Qu’il s’entresamblent de laïs.>> [97c]
Meraugis respont erraument :
2448 <<Sire, vostre comandement
Me plaist que soit, et si vous pri
Des autres la vostre merchi.
Marïés les a ceste fois
2452 Et encoen de fi sachois,
Se je sui vis, je revendray
A cest jor et sejorneray
S’avient que l’onor me remaigne.
2456 Par vous, sy que je n’i mespraigne,
Les donray toutes de ma main,
Car en cest point desqu’au demain
Ne remaindroie pour priere.>>
2460 <<Puis que vous en nulle maniere,>>
Fait ly rois, <<ne remaindrïéz
Et que vous plus n’en ferïéz,
Or nous aprenéz vostre non,
2464 Et je vous acreant le don
Que jes dorray a ceste fois
Pour vous, més que vous creantois
Le revenir certainement.>>
2468 <<De che parléz vous pour noient,
Sire ! J’ai a non Meraugis
De Portlesguéz. Se je sui vis,
D’ui en un an je serai chy.>>
2472 Lors a ly rois le nain servy
De s’amie ; puis prent congié
Meraugis. Lors l’ont convoiié
Li chevalier a grant deduit.

221
2476 Onques tel joie ne tel bruit
Ne veïstes a nulle feste
Com aprés luy, tant qu’il s’areste
A l’entree d’une forest [end 97c]
2480 Et dist au roy que, se luy plest,
Qu’il s’en retort. Et il sy fist,
Et Meraugis son chemin prist.
Li Outredouté et Laquis, [97d]
2484 Qui ont tous jors Meraugis quis,
Ont tant erré qu’il sont venu
As quatre voies, la ou fu
Meraugis que li nainz trova
2488 Et tant li dist qu’il retourna,
Enssy com vous l’avéz oÿ.
Iluec se tint pour esbahy
Laquis quant il voit tant chemins,
2492 Et dist : <<Sire, c’en est la fins,
Que ne vous say avant mener
De chi. Je ne say assener
Au quel chemin noz nos tendrons,
2496 Quar Meraugis, que nos querrons,
Me dist, se trover le vousisse,
Qu’as destre voiez me tenisse
Sans desvoier dusqu’au mardy.
2500 Li jours est passés, et ves chy
Quatre voies. Je n’en say plus,
Mais tournés aval ou cha sus
Ou celle estroite ou celle grant,
2504 Que la ou vos irois avant
Iray apriéz. >> Lorz se tourna
L’Outredouté quil regarda

222
 Et dist : <<Laquis, est il issy
2508 Que tu ne ses avant de chy
De Meraugis ne vent ne voie ? >> —
<Oïl.>> — <<Laquis, se t’ochioie
De m’espee, j’avroie droit.
2512 Mais pour tant le lais orendroit,
Que je vueil que Meraugis voie
Sa honte. Or t’en va celle voie.
Issy me plest. Ses tu pour coy ?
2516 Se tu le trueves ains de moy,
Di que jel quier et se li conte
Qu’en son despit t’ay fait la honte [end 97d]
Pour luy honir. Et neporquant [98a]
2520 Au departir me di itant :
Quel escu porte Meraugiz ?
Que pour l’escu en tout païz
Le vueil conoistre se jel truis.>>
2524 <<Sire,>> fait Laquis, <<bien vos puis
L’escu deviser.>> Lors ly dist
De l’escu selonc ce qu’il vit
Com il ert fais. Ensy s’en vont,
2528 Chascuns s’en part. Ensy le font
Qu’il ne s’entresont comandé
A Deu. Tant a Laquis erré
Quë au matin pres d’une broche
2532 Devant les plains de la Blancloce
Meraugis a aconseü.
Lidoine l’a apercheü
Avant, sel mostre a Meraugis.
2536 Cil qui se tourne vers Laquis
L’esgarde et choisist par devant

223
 Qu’il vit d’un oeil l’autre plorant.
Moult l’en pesa, pour verité !
2540 Sot que ch’ot fait l’Outredouté.
Encontre vint, sel salua.
Totes voies li demanda :
<<Qu’est ce, Laquis ? Qui t’a ce fait ? >>
2544 Et il li respont entresait :
<<Sire, vous ! De vous me plaing gié,
Car pour vous m’a on laidengié.
Vos m’envoiastes malgré mien
2548 Au tref dont je disoie bien
Que ja entiers ne revendroie.
Or est yssy que je voudroie
Mourir et erragier mon vuel.>>
2552 Or a Meraugis honte et duel,
Voire, si grant quë il ne set [98b]
Que dire, ains se maldist et het.
Et dist : <<Laquis, bien say et voy
2556 Que tu es mal bailliés pour moy.
Et je, >> fait il << que t’en diroie ?
Bien say que la honte en est moie.
Sez tu que prometre te vueil ?
2560 Je ne te puis rendre ton oeil
Neïs pour doner toy le mien.
Més se tu ses ou il est, vien,
Se m’i maine. Et je te creant
2564 Que, se jel truis, tout maintenant
Te rendray — ou il m’ochirra —
La main dont il le te creva.>>
<<Ha ! >> dist Laquis en sospirant,
2568 <<Se je jamais vivoie tant

224
 Que je veïsse cors a cors
Vous deus ensamble en un camp fors,
Onques de rien sy liés ne fui,
2572 Car je hé vos et se hé luy.
Maiz ce n’ert ja, car jel laissay
Huy a tier jour. Més je ne say
Ou il ala ne qu’il devint,
2576 Mais par la voie quë il tint
Ne venist paz en ceste terre.
Cent deables le puissent querre !
Je ne puis plus aler aprés,
2580 Ainchoiz m’en vois a Lampaguéz
Pour sejourner; maladez suy.>>
Dist Meraugis : <<Onquez ne fuy
Plus dolans que je suy de toy.
2584 Mais je te jur — tien en ma foy ! —
Que ja mais ne retourneray
En mon païz anchois t’avray
De l’Outredouté sy vengié [end 98b]
2588 Qu’il en avra le poing trenchié.>>
Or n’y a plus. Laquis s’en vait
Dolans. Del grant duel quë y fait [98c]
Lidoine pleure tendrement,
2592 Quy tant ? Plorer n’y vault nïent.
Meraugis oyrre, quy vait querre
L’esplumeoir. En mainte terre
L’a demandé tant qu’au matin,
2596 Joste la mer pres d’un chemin,
Vit une roche moult grifaigne.
La roche ert loing en la montaigne,
Moult haulte, tote d’unne piere,

225
2600 En tous tans vers, qu’elle estoit d’ierre
Brodee entor a la reonde.
Desus celle roche reonde,
Quy ert la plus haute del mont,
2604 Vit Meraugis lasus amont
Bien jusqu’a doce damoisellez.
Iluec se sieent les plus bellez
En un praiel soulz un lorier.
2608 En tous tans servent de pledier. —
De coy ? De ce quy a esté ? —
Non pas : ja ne sera parlé
Par elles, ne ja n’aront pais.
2612 Ains i tienent tous tans lez plaiz
De ce quy est a avenir.
Et cil, quy pensa a venir,
Est acorus plus que le pas
2616 Desoz la tor. Eneslepas
Ala entor, més il n’i voit
Par ou monter, qu’il n’i avoit
Huis ne fenestre ne degré.
2620 Ne say se Deus le fist de gré. [end 98c]
Moult estoit droite et de biau tor.
Et Meraugis ala entor
Trois tors et puis lor escria :
2624 <<Dames, par ou iray je la ? >>
[ Une des dames respont lués : ] [98d]
<<Biau sire, il n’i a vostre oés
Par ou monter. Mais dites nous
2628 Que vous voléz. >> — <<Je veuil a vous
Parler un pau.>> — <<Dites nous donques
Que vous voléz.>> — <<Ce n’avint onques

226
 Que je de chi,>> fait Meraugis,
2632 <<Die oiant tot que j’ai chi quis.
Mais faites moy lasus monter.>>
Celle, quy anuie a parler,
Va seoir ; ne se veut debatre.
2636 Et cil cria trois fois ou quatre
Anchois que nulle le vousist
Respondre, et tant qu’une autre dist
Deus foiz ou trois au chevalier :
2640 <<D’iluec vous convient conseillier,
Que ça en hault ne monte nus.>>
Et Meraugis, quy ne puet plus
Prendre, li crie : <<Dites moy
2644 De Gauvain, le neveu le roy.
Savés ent vous lasus novelles ? >>
Lors dist l’unne des damoiselles :
<<Diva, chevaliers ennuieus,
2648 Va t’en, se tu croire m’en veus,
La voie a destre contremont.
Outre cel bois au pié del mont
Troveras ja une chapele
2652 Et une crois ; onques plus belle
Ne fu. Quant a la crois vendras,
A la crois te conseilleras.>>
Cil luy respont et dist itant : [end 98d]
2656 <<Quant vous de ce que je demant
Novelles dites ne m’avés,
Or me dites, se vous savés,
Par ou j’iray plus droit chemin
2660 Querre les plumeors Mellin.
La en orray parler, je croy.>> [99a]

227
 Celle respont : <<Esgarde moy.
Vois chy les plumeors : j’i suy.
2664 Assés porras muser més huy,
Que ja plus riens ne t’en dirons
Ne ce ne quoy, në o ne non.>>
Et cil, quy ne se jüe mie,
2668 Lieve la tieste, sy lor crie :
<<Coment? Pucelle, esse gaboiz ?
Li nains me dist plus a d’un mois
Se ja mais nul jor li devoie
2672 Trover, que parler en oroie
Ici a cest plumeoer ;
Mais je m’y suy venus jüer
A la muse, par cha defors.
2676 Par saint Denise, se mes cors
Peuïst par forche aler lassus,
Je cuit que j’en seuïsse plus.>>
Celle respont come sorfaite :
2680 <<Buer fust elle sy haute faite,
La roche. Que vous n’y poés
Monter par force, or y jupés
Tant qu’il m’anuit.>> Puis s’est asisse.
2684 Meraugis a sa voie prise,
Si corrociés com il estoit,
Et chevauche tant quë il voit
La chapelle et la crois devant.
2688 Mais onques riens nee vivant
Ne vit entor la crois de marbre.
El planistre soz un hault arbre
Descent, en la chapelle entra.
2692 Par tout cerche, mais n’y trova

228
 Creature. Lors s’en revient
Et dist : <<Bien say qu’a fol me tient
Celle quy cha m’a fait venir. [99b]
2696 Diex, que porray je devenir ?
Je voy la crois et que feray ?
Quy me consillera ? Ne say.>>
Ensy s’en vait chil dementant.
2700 Et s’amie, qui fu devant
La crois, esgarde contremont.
En un bras de la crois amont
[ A unes letres d’or veües.
2704 Aprés, quant el les ot leües,
S’esfroie et dist a haute vois:
<<Sire, cil bras de celle crois ]
A unes letres d’or vermelles,
2708 Més les letres dïent mervelles.>>
Et chil, qui bien lire savoit,
Esgarda en la crois et voit
Les letres qui dïent itant :
2712 <<Chevaliers, tu quy vas querant
Conseil, se trover le pooies,
Un jeu te part. Vois chi trois voies :
Ceste prumiere voie chy
2716 A non la Voie Sans Merchy,
Et bien saches, se tu i vas,
Que ja merchi n’i troveras.
Et se tu veus merchi avoir
2720 De riens, itant saches de voir
Que c’est noient del retourner.
Pour coy, tu vueillez la tourner,
Se tu veus jamais repairier,

229
2724 Chi te covient merchi laissier. —
Et la seconde, com a non ? —
Ch’est la Voie Contre Raison. —
Pour coy ? — C’est legier a prover :
2728 Contre raison t’estuet ouvrer
Par tout se tu vas celle voie.
Ja nuls qui cele part s’avoie
Ne trovera en nule plache
2732 Home né qui nul droit li fache. [end 99b]
Et la tierce, qui tourne a destre,
Est sans non et bien le doit estre. —
Pour coy sans non ? — Je n’en say plus
2736 Hors tant qu’onques n’en revint nuls [99c]
Par chi qui la se vaulsist traire.
Et pour ce que nuls n’en repaire
Ne puis je savoir ou il vont,
2740 Ne qu’il devienent ne s’il sont
Repairiéz par aillours ou non.
Et pour ch’est la Voie Sans Non.
Or pués choisir, et si iras
2744 La quel des trois que tu voudras.>>
Aprés iche dist Meraugis :
<<De cest conseil que j’ai ci pris
Ne me sai je mieux conseillier,
2748 Non, ainz me puis moult merveillier
De ce que voy que d’aultre choze.
Que diroie ? C’est la parcloze :
Choisir m’estuet, ce convient mon.
2752 Dame,>> fait il, <<quel la feron ? >> —
<<Ne say.>> — <<Comment ? Se ne savés ? >> —
<<Je non,>> fait elle. <<Mais alés

230
 Ou que ce soit, je vous sivray.>>
2756 Il ly respont : <<Dame, g’iray
Celle Sans Non ; issy me plest.
En ces deus aultres me desplaist
Contre Raison et Sans Merchi.
2760 Che m’aprent, a movoir de chi,
Qu’en ces deus pars n’a point de bien,
Ne ceste aultre ne me dist rien
Se g’irai bonne voie ou non.
2764 Iche me samble par raison
Que g’iray plus seürement
Je ne say ou que malement.>>
Lors n’i a plus. A tant s’en vont [end 99c]
2768 La Voie Sans Non et tant ont
Chevauchié qu’il ont trespassee
La forest. Joste une ramee
S’en sont issu en une plaigne. [99d]
2772 Avant, desos une montaigne,
Ont la Cité Sans Non veüe,
Quy puis fu la Cité Perdue.
Chevauchant vont vers la cité.
2776 Onquez nule de sa biauté
Ne vit: trop ert belle a devise.
Le mers — pour ce fu bien assise —
Batoit devant, et grant navire
2780 Ot el havre ; en ce n’ot que dire,
Maiz de moult grant richesse estoit.
Li chevaliers issy venoit,
Quy encontre deus damoiselles,
2784 Un nain devant. S’elez sont belles
Nel covient pas a demander.

231
 Devant font a lor nain porter
Un fuiret et quatre roizex.
2788 Li chevaliers vint vers les dex
Pucelles, ses a saluees.
<<Vous avés les bones pasees,>>
Font elles, sy n’en dïent plus,
2792 Hors en alant dïent: <<Mar fus ! >>
Sy hault que bien les entendy.
Li chevaliers plus n’atendy,
Ainçoiz s’en vait grant aleüre
2796 Tant qu’uns garchons par aventure
Va encontre, sy le salue.
Li garchons quy pas nel falue
[ S’arreste, mais ce fu petit.
2800 Autel com celles li ont dit ]
Li dist ; onques plus n’en porta.
Li chevaliers quy s’arresta
S’esmerveille, et lors dist s’amie :
2804 <<Ces gens ne m’aseürent mie.>> —
<<De coy ? >> fait il. — <<Sire, ne say,
Hors seulement que paor ay [end 99d]
Si grant qu’onques mais n’oy grainor.>> —
2808 <<Et vous de cuy ? N’aiés paor
De riens ! Ce sachiés sans doutance :
Se je ne perc par mesqueance,
Ja pour paor rien ne perdron. [100a]
2812 Soiés toute seüre. Alon ! >>
<<Si sui je, sire. >> Issi parlant
S’en vont et si aprochent tant
De la cité que cil d’amont,
2816 Li chevalier qui dedans sont,

232
 Les aperchoivent. — Et que firent ? —
Quoy ? Osi tost com il lez virent,
Cornerent il el castiel prise.
2820 Lors, se la cité fust esprise,
N’i eüst pas plus grant tumolte.
Et li chevaliers, qui escolte
La tumolte — qu’il ot corner
2824 Prise et ausi la font aler
Com s’il euïssent le porc pris —
N’ot pas en sa contree apris
C’om cornast prise sans ja prendre.
2828 <<De ce,>> fait il, <<ne say j’aprendre
Que ce puet estre. >> — <<Sire, non,>>
Dist Lidoine, <<nous ne savon
Que ce sera.>> — <<Soit qu’estre veult !
2832 Assés cornent. Ce que me delt ? >>
Fait li chevalier. <<Nule chose ! >>
De la cité, qui bien fu close,
Voient par my la porte issir
2836 La gent et la terre covrir
Del pueple qui fors s’en issoit.
N’i remaint dame qui ne soit
Venue, et toutes vont chantant.
2840 Les pucelles dont i ot tant
Vienent chantant et font caroles
Si grans qu’onques a Mariolez
Ne veïstes grenors. Devant
2844 Vindrent li chevalier corant
Sor les chevaus isniaus et fors. [100b]
De lors chevaus n’est ce pas tors
S’il estoient et bel et gent,

233
2848 Car en guerre ne vont sovent.
Ensy vienent. Quant Meraugis
Les voit, sy dist : <<Ce m’est avis
Que cist vienent encontre nos.>>
2852 <<Biau sire, encor ne savés vos
Que ce sera ? >> <<Dame, je non.
Mais en joie n’a se bien non,
Et par itant miex me plaist ore
2856 Qu’orains, si fera il encore,
Car je n’aim rien tant come joie ! >>
<<Diex nous en doinst joie, que j’oie
Pour coy il sont si esjoÿ ! >>
2860 Fit celle, quy pas n’en joÿ. —
Joï ? — Non voir, ainz en ot ire.
Lors encontrerent sans plus dire
Cheuz quy vindrent sor les chevaus.
2864 Meliadus li seneschaus
Salue Meraugis avant.
Lors li vindrent tout au devant,
Et tout le saluent ensanle
2868 Et il els et a els s’assanle.
Issi se metent el retour,
Et li peuplez li vient entour,
Qui l’esgardent a grant merveille.
2872 Se cist parole, cist conseille
A cel autre, et cil le regarde.
Més Meraugis ne s’en prent garde
De quan qu’il dïent, fors itant
2876 Entent par eures en alant
Qu’il consilloient duy et duy : [end 100b]
<<Cist n’est mie mains grans de luy.>>

234
 Itant entent et noient plus.
2880 Meraugis et Meliadus,
Li seneschaus de la cité,
Chevauchent tant qu’il sont entré [100c]
Dedens la ville, a tant s’en vont
2884 Droit a la mer tant quë il sont
Sour la marine descendu.
Atant n’i ot plus atendu.
Il troverent la nef au port.
2888 Meliadus dist cest recort
A Meraugis : <<Biau sire, entrés
Chi en ceste nef, si passés
En ceste ille.>> — <<Je non feray.>> —
2892 <<Pour coy ? >> — <<Par foy, je ne vaulray.>> —
<<Sy feroiz ! >> — <<Non feray, par foy !
Ge i passeroie ? Je pour coy ? >> —
<<Pour ce que faire le covient.
2896 C’est costume que nuls ne vient
Par chi que passer n’y conviegne.>>
Dist Meraugis : <<Se biens me viegne,
Ceste costume veul oster.>>
2900 <<Ains vos i covient a passer
Par forche.>> Lor dist Meraugis :
<<Traiés vos sus ! Suy je dont pris ? >>
L’espee traist et dist : <<Sachiéz,
2904 Ja i avroit menbres trenchiéz
S’uns s’en movoit ! Soiiéz tout coy !
Se je ne say anchois pour coy,
Ja pour nulluy n’y passeray.>>
2908 <<Ferois ?>> — <<Je non. >> — <<Jel vous diray.
Vous veez bien cele tor la

235
 En my cele isle. Dedens a
Un hardy chevalier. O luy
2912 A une dame, ensy sont duy.
Deus pucelles et un serjant [end 100c]
I a pour els servir. Itant
Sont en l’ille, n’en i a plus.
2916 Se vous pöés faire conclus
Le chevalier quy vos atent,
Itant sachiéz veraiement, [100d]
La dame et li castiaus ert vostres.
2920 Et s’il vous vaint, vous serés nostres
A faire quan que nos plaira.
Ces dames quy vous sevent cha
Ne chantent, che sachiés sans faille,
2924 Hors pour joie de la bataille
Dont sont lies et desirant.>>
Et cil, qui rien ne vait querant
Se jostes et merlees non,
2928 Dist el refrait de la canchon :
<<Or del chanter toutez et tuit !
C’est ly refraiz: s’il ne s’en fuit,
La joste ara certainement.>>
2932 Lors chantent destraveement
Et gros et grelle et bas et hault
De joie, quy pas ne lor fault.
Meraugis, a cuy moult plaisoit
2936 La bataille, regarde et voit
Que li chevalier de la tour
Estoit issus o riche atour
En l’ille et par cele ille ala.
2940 Dist Meraugis : <<Je vois ja la

236
 Le chevalier. Or cha la nef ! >>
Li maronnier corent au tref
Et singlent tant que sont venu
2944 En l’ille. Quant en l’isle fu
Meraugis, sempres remonta
Sor son cheval. Lors s’en ala
La nef arriere, et Meraugis [end 100d]
2948 S’eslaisse et vint en my le vis
Au chevalier quy l’atendoit.
Et li chevaliers, quy n’estoit
Vilains n’enuiex ne mauvais,
2952 S’arresta et soffry a paiz [101a]
Tant qu’a loisir fu atornéz
Meraugis. Et lors ont torné
Les frains et hurtent les chevax.
2956 Moult est cascuns preus et vassalx.
Il fierent des lanchez quarees
Si que elles s’en sont passeez
Par my les escus, et lors fers
2960 Hurtent es pis sor les haubers
Si par forche — mais pas n’y entrent —
Que li cuer leur duelent et mentent.
Des cols dont li poitrail sont rot
2964 Cengles trenchent, despiechent tout.
Les frains guerpissent, sy s’en vont
A terre. Si bien s’entresont
Feru que ne veïstes mielx.
2968 Del cheoir des cox ont les ielx
Trobléz si qu’il n’en voient goute.
Cascunz jut la sor son coute
Une pieche, selonc son tens.

237
2972 Quant il revienent en lor sens,
Si s’esmerveillent et lor samble
Que la tor dance et l’ille tranble. —
Pour coy ? — Des cols sont estoné.
2976 Or recuident qu’il ait toné.
Ne se sevent au quel tenir,
Hors tant de l’estor maintenir
S’entremetent. Lors s’entrevont
2980 Espees traites, et sy ont
Les escus sor les testes mis.
N’est pas ly uns a l’autre amis, [end 101a]
Ains s’entrasallent. Bien les voient
2984 Cil de la cité, quy n’avoient
Onques mais tels joste veüe.
De la joste ont grant joie eüe, [101b]
Qui moult lor plaist. Mais qui qu’en rie,
2988 Lidoine ne s’en jeue mie.
Non, ains ly dieut ly cuers el ventre
De paour, et tant en y entre
Pour la joste qu’ele a veüe,
2992 Que s’oïe en devient veüe. —
Devient ? Comment ? N’ot elle goute ? —
Non, s’oïe et sa force toute —
O la paour quy li apointe —
2996 Et tout ses sens en une pointe
Le fiert es ielx pour regarder
Celui qui ne se puet garder
Que ne soit dolente pour luy.
3000 Ensi se combatent li duy
Chevaliers quy sont pié a pié
En l’ille et tant <<fier tu, fier gié ! >>

238
 Se mainent as espees nues
3004 Qu’il font des hiaumes vers les nues
Voler le fu que li solaus
En devint indes et vermauls. —
Pour coy ? — Quant li solas assanle
3008 Au feu des hiaumez, de loinz sanle
Que li hiaumez soient espris
De feu grigois. Bien sont apris
De ferir, voire, mielx que nuls!
3012 Itex quarante assauls ou plus
S’entrasallent, et tant se sont
Entrasalli en fin qu’il n’ont
Escu ne hiaume a despechier. — [end 101b]
3016 Et quant il sont tel chevalier
Et il sont desarmé anduy,
Que doit que cist n’ocist cestuy? —
Que doit ? Ce puet savoir uns fox.
3020 S’il ferissent aussi bons cox [101c]
Comme il firent au commenchier,
Se lor escu fuissent d’achier,
Si fust la pene esquartelee.
3024 Mais or torne a chascun s’espee
Au ferir et vole des mains,
Car tant se deut cil qui’n a mains
Que bien s’en puet fere a itant.
3028 Tot en paiz sont en lor estant.
Ensy dura, com je vos dy,
La bataille jusqu’a midy.
Apriéz, quant midis fu passés,
3032 Ly chevaliers s’est pourpensés.
A Meraugis vient, sy l’asaut.

239
 Meraugis, quy encontre saut,
Se deffent, més cil le tient pres.
3036 Voire, miels qu’il ne fist hui méz
L’assaut et grenors cox li donne.
Meraugis, quy des cox estonne,
S’eslonge et dist : <<Or ne sagié
3040 Joer : li dé me sont cangié !
Car je disoie et dis encore
Que cist chevaliers estoit ore
Recreans d’armez et atainz,
3044 Mais trop li sont d’ore a orainz
Sy cop cangié outreement.>>
Et li chevaliers erraument
Revient et joint l’escu au cote.
3048 Meraugis, quy tant fort le doute,
S’est eslongiés et se li dist : [end 101c]
<<Dy moy, vassals, se Deus t’aït,
Ton nom.>> — <<Veus tu que jel te die ? >> —
3052 <<Oïl.>> — <<Se Deus te beneïe,
Jel te diray : Gauvains ay non. [101d]
Ensi me seulent li Breton
Apeler.>> Lor dist Meraugis :
3056 <<Coment ? Gauvains, li miens amis,
I estez vous certes ? >> — <<Par foy,
Gauvains suy je. Redites moy
Coment vos estes apelléz.>>
3060 <<Meraugis suy de Porlesguéz,
Vostre amis quy de vostre terre
Muy de la court et pour vous querre
Des Nöel. Més la Dieu merchi,
3064 Moult suy liéz quant je vous ai chi

240
 Trové, que toz li mons disoit
Que mes sire Gauvains estoit
Perdus. La belle compaignie
3068 Que li rois a et vostre amie
Ne vous cuident jamais veoir.>>
<<Non feron il, sachiés pour voir!
Jamais li rois ne me verra. >>
3072 <<Avoi ! biau sire, si fera !
Che dit ne tienge mie a sen.
Je me renc pris, alon nos en.
Passons outre. Ves la m’amie.>>
3076 <<Meraugis, ice n’i a mie ! >> —
<<Comment donques ? >> — <<Par forche estuet
Que cil de nous deus quy plus puet
Ocie l’autre. Il est ensy
3080 Qu’onques de ceste ille n’issy
Chevalier nuls, ja n’en istra. >> —
<<Pour coy ? >> — <<Par foy, ja ne porra. [end 101d]
Sy te diray raison pour coy.
3084 Vois tu la celle que je voy
As fenestres de celle tour ?
C’est une dame, chy entour [102a]
N’a plus belle que t’en devis.
3088 Celles cités et chiuls païz
Est tous siens. Més jadis avint
Qu’uns chevaliers moult hardis vint
A li, sy la requist d’amours.
3092 Et sy comencha en decors
Qu’elle l’ama et fu s’espose.
Puis avint qu’ele fu jalose
De luy et tant le vault amer

241
3096 Qu’en cest ille, pour luy garder,
Fist faire cest herbergement.
Il i entra. Moult longement
I sejorna avuec s’amie,
3100 Et quant il vault, il ne pot mie
Retorner, non, ce fu noiienz.>> —
<<Pour coy ?>> — <<Ma dame de laiienz
Comanda a ses gens de la
3104 Que nuls ne fust quy venist ça
Pour rien s’elle nel comandast,
Et plus, que jamais n’i passast
Nul chevalier par my sa terre
3108 Qui ne venist cha pour conquerre
Le pris contre son champion.
Ensy, bien vossissent ou non,
I passerent maint chevalier
3112 Puis jooient as cox trenchier
Tant que par forche les vaincoit
Li chevaliers, quy moult estoit [end 102a]
Fors et hardis et combatans.
3116 Ceste vie mena sept ans.
Moult en ocist tant que de moy
Avint aussy comme de toy [102b]
Est avenu, que je ving cha.
3120 Et li chevaliers comencha
La bataille moult egrement
Vers moy, et je moult fierement
Le rechui au mieulx que je poy.
3124 Et en la fin tant le sorpoy
Que je l’ocis, mais tel anui
En ai que malgré mien pour lui

242
 Ai tos jorz cest chastiel gardé.
3128 Issy l’a ma dame esgardé
Que g’i seray tant que plus fors
M’ochie, et quant je seray mors,
Si refera sa garde chi.
3132 Se tu m’ochis ou je t’ochi,
Coment qu’il aut, c’est li usages :
Tous jours remaint li uns en gages
Tant que plus fors de luy revient.
3136 Pour ce par force te covient
Combatre a moy ; je n’y voy plus.
Mais se tu en viens au desus
Et que ma force soit del mains,
3140 Sy serras maistres chastelains
De ceste tour toute ta vie.>>
<<De ce n’ai je pas grant envie,>>
Dist Meraugis. <<Ja n’en seray
3144 Chastelains, non, car je ne say
Chastiel quy tant fache a haïr.
Mais quant nus n’ose ça venir,
Qui vos done dont a mangier ? >>
3148 <<Che ne fait pas a encerchier.
Assés est, que trop en avon [end 102b]
De tous les més que nos savon
Dire de boche et deviser.>> —
3152 <<Coment ? >> — <<Tous jors ains le disner
Cascuns matin ist de lasus
Ma dame. Quant elle est ça jus, [102c]
La nef acene et elle vient.
3156 Et lorz de quan qu’il nos covient
Demande et dist quë on aport.

243
 Et se j’aloie vers le port
Quant cele nef est arivee,
3160 Elle en iroit voile levee,
Que ja au port n’y remaindroit.>> —
<<Pour coy ? >> — <<Ma dame quideroit,
Se j’estoie enz et je pooie,
3164 Que jamais cha ne revendroie.
Issy me garde et me tient pres
Que ja nul jour ne loins ne pres
N’en partiray. S’en ay tel duel
3168 Que, quant je penz a ce, mon vuel
Je voudroie que cist venist
Foudre, orage quy m’oceïst.
Hai je raison ? Oïl! Je voy
3172 Que tu es chi venus pour moy,
Et si covient que je t’ochie.
Deus, que feray ? Tant hé ma vie
Et ain ma mort, se je pooie
3176 Ton cors sauver, je m’ociroie
De m’espee sans plus atendre.
Mais se la mort me voloit prendre
Orendroit, ja pour ce n’istroiez
3180 De ci, mais tous jors garderoies
L’ille sans joie et sans deport
Tout ton vivant dusqu’a la mort. [end 102c]
Pour ce m’esmay que je ne say
3184 Que dire.>> — <<Je vos en diray
Le mielx.>> — <<Meraugis, vous comment ? >> —
<<Moult bien selonc ce que j’entent. [102d]
Se vous voléz croire et ovrer
3188 A mon los, je vos quierc gieter

244
 De ceste ille : ja n’y morois.>>
<<Je sy feray.>> — <<Quel la ferois ? >> —
<<Ne say que plus vous en deïsse,
3192 Mais n’est conseil que ne feïsse,
Un seul quë on m’osast nomer,
Nes de saillir ens en la mer,
Se vos l’esgardiés pour mon bien.>>
3196 <<De cest conseil ne lo gié rien.
Nos le feron tot autrement.>>
<<Or, de par Deu, dites comment.>>
<<Jusqu’au vespre nos combatrons.
3200 En la fin nos entr’abatrons
Joste la mer en cel val la
Que bien le verront cil de la
Et la dame qui est lasus.
3204 Apriés ne me combatray plus.
La me giray et la fairois
Sour moy et grant samblant fairois
De moy ocire outreement.
3208 Et pour mielx dechepvoir la gent,
Prendrois mon hiaume et osterois
De ma tieste, sel gieterois
En la mer voiant tout le mont.
3212 Et par itant tout cuideront
Que vous m’aiéz de vostre espee
Ocis et la tieste coupee.
Aprés ice, quant vous avrois
3216 Yssi fait, si vos en irois [end 102d]
En celle tor. Je remaindray
Pour mors et itant i seray
Qu’il sera nuis, et erramment

245
3220 Que je verray l’anuitement, [103a]
J’iray a vous, se penserons
De nos cors tant qu’aillours venrons.>>
Dist mes sire Gauvains : <<Par foy,
3224 Cest conseil lo gë et otroy,
Que moult me plest.>> Lorz s’entrevont
Ensanble et tot issy le font
Comme il l’avoient devisé.
3228 De maintes parts s’ont devisé
Et dïent que vaincus estoit
Meraugis. — Quant Lidoine voit
Celle merveille, elle que fist ? —
3232 Elle se fery et maudist
La terre quy ses piés soustient.
Ja se noiast, mais on le tient
Par forche. Que vos en diroie ?
3236 Si grant duel fait que ne saroie
La disme dire ne retraire.
Jë ai assés dielz oïz faire,
Mais n’i a pas comparoison,
3240 Que nus dielz n’est se joie non
Envers le duel qu’elle demainne,
Tant qu’a un sien manoir le mainne
Une pucelle, Amice ot non.
3244 N’ot pas d’iluec a sa meson
Plus de quatre liuez, non tant.
Ensi tous jors reconfortant
Le mainne jusqu’a son hostel.
3248 La descendent et sy l’ont tel
Com on le puet plus joiant faire. [end 103a]
Mais moult enpira lor afaire,

246
 Que Lidoine regrete et pleure
3252 Meraugis. Et quant vint en l’eure, [103b]
Sy saut et despieche son vis
Et crie : <<Hareu, Meraugis ! >>
Plus de cent foiz tot pres a pres.
3256 <<E Diex, quant le verray ge més ?
Ne say; je n’y voy nul confort.>>
Meraugis fu laissiés pour mort
En mi l’ille, quy se leva.
3260 A la tor vint et sy trouva
La dame et sa maisnie o ly.
Un petit est avant sailly,
Devant la table s’arresta.
3264 La dame qui le regarda
Ot paour, si saut de la table.
Plus de sept fois pour le deable
Se saigne et crie : <<Dieu merchi,
3268 Qui est ce la ? >> — <<Je qui sui chi
Venus veoir la contenanche.
Ja i morois, c’est sans doutanche,
Se mot dites ! >> Lors les assamle
3272 En une cambre; tous emsamle
Les enferme desorz la clef.
La parolent, més c’est söef,
Que Meraugis lor dist et jure,
3276 Se pour crïer par aventure
Moevent lez bouches ne les dens,
Qu’il mettra ja le feu laiens.
Ensi sont celes enfermees.
3280 Aprés a ses armes ostees
Ly chevaliers, més se luy plot,

247
 Assés menja, qu’asséz en ot.
Moult plot a mon segnor Gauvain.
3284 Couchier se vont. A l’endemain [end 103b]
Se leverent li chevaliers.
Il n’alerent pas au mostier,
Non, qu’en l’ille n’en avoit point. [103c]
3288 Or escoutéz sy courtois point :
Meraugis esgarda et fist. —
Et que fist il ? — Par foy, il prist
Trestoute la robe a la dame
3292 Et lors de tout com une fame
Se viest et laiche et apopine.
Plus acesmé qu’une popine
Deschent aval de ce chastiel,
3296 S’espee tint sous son mantel.
Que vous diroie ? El havre vint
Enssy vestus ; moult ly avint,
Car il estoit bien fais et gens.
3300 De l’autre part virent les gens
Meraugis quy par l’ille aloit
Et de sa main lez acenoit
Ensy com la dame sieut faire.
3304 Ne se gardent de tel afaire :
La dame cuident que ce soit.
A la nef vienent. Senpres droit
S’en vont singlant de l’autre part.
3308 Li maronniers qui fu soi quart
Arrive en l’ille, et Meraugis
Qui ot devant son consel pris
Saut en la nef de plainz eslaiz.
3312 Sy sanble que toutes les aiz

248
 De la nef croissent et estendent,
Et chil quy au marchiet entendent
Se perchurent et sy tranblerent
3316 De paour de luy, si sanblerent
Qu’il fuissent priz. Sy eurent il :
De souz le mantel a pourfil
Trait Meraugis l’espee nue
3320 Et dist : <<Vostre dame est venue ! >> —
<<Ou est ? >> — <<Ves le chy en ma main ! >>
Pour li mostrer abat son frain [end 103c]
Et dist as maronniers : <<Par m’ame,
3324 Ceste espee c’est vostre dame
Don vous avrés dampnation.
Ja morrés sans confession [103d]
Se ne faitez ma volenté.
3328 Et sy vous dy en verité :
Se vous le faites, vous avrois
Asséz ; jamais ne me savrois
Riens demander que ne vous doigne.>>
3332 Et cil, qui voient le besoigne,
Dïent de rienz nel contredïent. —
Pour coy ? — Il vuelent miex, ce dïent,
Asé vivre et avoir adés
3336 Quë a armez morrir desconfés.
Si dïent : <<Sire, nos feronz
Vostre bon, ja ne desdironz
Riens qui vous plaise.> — <<Est il enssy ? >> —
3340 <<Oïl.>> — <<Donc eslongiéz de chy,
Si me menéz par cha entour
Issy que nous aions la tour
Entre la nef et la chité.>>

249
3344 Chil qui vuelent iestre aquité
De la mort vers la tour s’en vienent.
La s’arrestent et tant se tienent
Que mes sire Gauvains dessent
3348 Dedens le nef, lors furent cent.
Lorz armes ont ; ainz qu’il se müent
Dïent az maronniers, s’il truevent
Terre nul lieu la entor pres,
3352 Que ja mar en iront aprés,
Maiz au plus pres les metent horz.
Et chil qui se doutent dez corz
Tranblent et dïent qu’il prendront
3356 Terre au plus tost quë il porront.
Lorz n’y ot plus; au singler vindrent.
Je ne diray pas que devindrent
Lez dames, non, car je ne puis. —
3360 Pour coy ? — Par foy, je n’y fuy puis, [end 103d]
Ne mes sire Gauvains n’y fu.
Ensy oirent et ont coru
Sor la coste en la base mer,
3364 Qu’il ne voudrent pas trespasser [104a]
La mer, anchois ont racostee
La terre et tant qu’il ont pasee
La mer et trestot le païz.
3368 Moult ont erré, ce m’est aviz,
Et tant qu’il ont terre encontree. —
Quelle terre fu ? La contree
De Handiton. — Qui la tenoit ? —
3372 Li cuens Gladouainz en estoit
Sires et moult ot tere aillours.
Li marinier prisent lor cours

250
 Pour arriver a Handiton,
3376 Mais trop se hasterent adon
A l’arriver. — Voire? Comment ? —
Il entrerent sy durement
El havre que la nef sailly
3380 Sor une roche, lors croissy
Et despecha en deux moitiéz.
Que puet chaloir ? Sainz et haitiéz
Issi chascuns de la nef hors.
3384 Li cuens Gladoainz, quy fu lorz
A Handiton, s’en avala
Droit a la mer. Quant il vin la,
Les chevalier vit, ses connut. —
3388 Et lors que fist ? — Il acorut
Vers els, ses salue et acole.
Come prodom de sa parole
Lor abandone quan qu’il a.
3392 Moult les conjoist, gran joie en a.
Tous lez menoit a son recet
Quant Meraugis s’arreste et fait
Un dueil. — Pour coy ? — C’est pour s’amie.
3396 <<Qu’esse ? >> fet il, <<Je n’en ay mie ?
Coment? L’ai je laisiet ? Ou est ? —
Oïl, par tant eslongie est.
[ Par tant ay je la dont perdue ? —
3400 Oïl.>> — Lors se refiert et tue. ]
Se s’amie fist duel por luy,
Ce fu noiens envers cestuy,
Non ! Qu’en diroie ? Ce n’avint. [end 104a]
3404 Mais mes sire Gauvains quil tint
Et tout li autre le confortent.

251
 Ausy comme en travers l’en portent
En un pallais lasus amont. [104b]
3408 Ly cuens ly plus courtois del mont
Les herbega la nuit sy bien
De tout en tout qu’il n’y faut rien
Que nuz peuïst penser ne dire.
3412 Maiz Meraugis, qui fu plains d’ire,
Qui escrie, n’a pas bon tans.
Ausy com s’il fust hors del sans
Regrete s’amie et complaint.
3416 Tant se demente et tant se plaint
La nuit que mes sire Gauvains
En est sy courochiéz et plains
De mautalent pour poy n’enraige,
3420 Et dist : <<Vos feréz grant outraige
Et grant honte de tel dielz faire.>>
Comme par forche le font taire
La nuit, maiz autre gieu n’en ont.
3424 Aprés mangier couchier s’en vont
Li chevalier eneslepaz.
Meraugis, qui ne dormy paz,
Leva matin, tout sont levé.
3428 Aprés ce, quant il ont lavé,
Au mostier vont, mese ont oïe.
Meraugis, qui n’oublia mie
Lydonne, s’atourne d’esrer.
3432 A mon seignor Gauvain parler
Vint et li dist : <<Dites moi, sire,
Orrés vous ce que vauray dire ?
Je vuel esrer; jamaiz n’aray
3436 Joie ne ne sejourneray

252
 Devant ce que j’aie trouvee
M’amie. C’est coze provee
Que cuide que je soie ochis.>>
3440 <<Ch’est voirs. Jel say bien, Meraugis,
Que par moy vous est avenue
Cheste ire, et par vostre venue [end 104b]
Suy je hors de la dolereuse
3444 Prison quy tant par est honteuze
Que nus n’en doit avoir envie.
Qu’en diroie ? Je tieng ma vie
De vous, et bien sachiéz san doute [104c]
3448 Que m’aïde et ma forche toute
Ch’est vostre; bien l’avéz conquise.
M’aventure que j’ay emprise
De l’espee me convient querre.
3452 Se je retournoie en ma terre
Sanz ly, m’onour seroit estainte.
Jamais n’irai, ainz avray chainte
L’Espee as Renges de Mervelles.
3456 La iray. Deus, car m’en conselles !
Et vous irés de l’autre part
Querre Lidoine. Ichy depart
La compaignie de nos deus.
3460 Mais d’itant vos chasti : li deus
N’est mie bons a maintenir.
Bien sachiés : se je puis venir
En lieu ou vostre amie soit,
3464 Ja sour moy ne vos converoit
Estre et pour garder vostre honor.
Et se je vieng ançoix un jour
A la court que vous y veigniéz,

253
3468 Itant vueje que vous sachiéz
Que ja une nuit ne giray.>> —
<<Que feroiz donques ? >> — <<Je movray
Pour vos querre sans plus atendre.
3472 Et se je puis par home aprendre
Que vos aiéz de moy besoing,
Ou que ce soit, ja n’iert sy loing
Que je n’aille metre mon corps
3476 Pour vous.>> — Meraugis respont lorz :
<<Vostre mercy. Et je creant :
Se je a la cort repaire avant
Que je unne nuit y jeray
3480 Sans plus, et le matin mouvray
Pour vos querre tant que trové
Vos aie ! >> — Ensy l’ont creanté. [end 104c]
Lors n’i ot plus. Au conte vont,
3484 Congié prennent et moult ly ont
Proié des quatre maronniers.
Et li cuens, quy fist volentiers
Lor proiere, respont itant [104d]
3488 Dez maronniers : <<Ja mar avant
Iront : je lor donray assés.
Tous quatre les retieng.>> Fievés
Lez a pour lor amour. Apriés
3492 As chevaliers, qu’il aime adés,
Fait venir deus cevaux de pris,
Si lor done, et il lez ont pris.
Si l’en mercïent, puiz s’armerent.
3496 Au departir, quant il monterent,
S’entresaluent et commandent
A Deu. Or ont quan qu’il demandent

254
 De par armes. A tant s’en partent.
3500 Cascun s’en vait, enssy departent.
Or cevauche cascunz sa voie.
De Meraugis, se je savoie,
Vous diroie comme il avint,
3504 Il eirre tant qu’en main leu vint. —
Que demande ? — La Cité ciert
Sans Non. Par tout chierque et enquiert
A la Cité Sanz Non la voie.
3508 Cuy chaut, quant nus ne l’en avoie
Qui de bouce saice parler,
Ne nulz ne ly ot demander
La voie a la Chitet Sanz Non
3512 Qui s’en faice se gaber non ?
Que vous diroie ? Asséz puet querre
Qui quiert Paris par Engleterre.
Enssy a cherquié et esré,
3516 Tous jours quis et nïen trové.
Il jure et maudit tout le mont.
Par maltalent regarde amont
Et dist — jamais n’oroiz atel — :
3520 <<Deux, as tu riens en ton castel
Don tu conforter me peuïses ? — [end 104d]
Nenil. — Sy as ! Deux, bien deuïsses
Moy ocirre ou avoir merchy
3524 De moy ! Coment ? Ne suy je chy
Tout seuls ? Quel merchy vuel avoir ?
Parvy? N’y puiz, car je dy voir,
Nel lairay ! — Pour coy ? — Dont n’i ont
3528 Quan qu’il vuelent cil qui s’y sont ? —
Oïl ! — Dont fusse je orendroit

255
 Dedens : ou Lidoine vendroit, [105a]
Ou tout chil qui dedenz seroient
3532 N’avroient pas quan qu’il vauroient. —
N’avroient ? — Non, che m’est aviz,
Sans li n’a Damediex Parviz
Qui me plaise. — Qui dont ? — M’amie
3536 Je vuel. Cuy chaut ? Diex nel vuet mie
Que je l’aië, ains vuet qu’autres l’ait.
Bien le doit perdre qui le lait !
Je l’ai laissie.>> Lors tressaut
3540 D’angoisse, et avuec ce l’assaut
Diex et amors. Yce ly touche
Au cuer. Li cuers li clot la bouche,
Tranglout le duel, qui moult ly grieve.
3544 Aprés quant chiz duelx ly escrieve,
Si sospire et de plainz eslais
S’eslaisse, et quant il a adés
Coru toute sa randonee,
3548 Si ra au dueil bone donee.
Enssy est vuidiéz en alant
Del duel. Et itel maltalant
A il le jor dis foiz ou vint
3552 Tant qu’orendroites ly avint
A l’entree d’un plaseïz
La ou Maret d’Ezgardeïz
Ot le matin esté au guet
3556 Et voit que ly chevaliers fet
Come cil quy estoit en sore.
Lors dist Marés : <<Cist me cort sore.>>
Il s’eslesse, pour joster muet.
3560 Meraugis cuy ly dielx esmuet

256
 Ne s’en garde, mais tous jors point.
Et Maret quy l’encontre apoint
Baisse sa lanche, sy ly done
3564 Sour l’escu tel coup quy resone.
Meraugis revint quy s’esfroie, [end 105a]
Lors se tint et Maréz pechoie
Sa lanche; outre s’en est passés.
3568 Meraugis qui s’est pourpensés
Retourne a luy et trait l’espee, [105b]
Et Maréz vient a la mellee.
Si comencë une bataille
3572 Issy com par chy le me taille —
Onque mais plus fiere ne vy —
Tant que par devant els saly
De la forest uns chevaliers
3576 Quy moult oceïst volentiers
Meraugis si le coneüst,
Et Meraugis luy s’il peüst. —
Qui est il ? — Li Outredoutés,
3580 Ly creulz, ly desmesurés
Qui tant avra Meraugis quis.
Mais il n’a mie Meraugis
Aperceü, sy s’en passa
3584 Outre. Meraugis sy pensa
A luy, et dist : <<Se je peüse
De chy partir, encuy seüsse
Ly quelz de nous fust ly plus fors.>>
3588 Maréz respont : <<Se j’ere mors,
[ Sivroies le ? >> — <<Oïl.>> — <<Pour quoy ? >> —
<<Pour che que jel hé plus de toy,
Et sy ay droit, qu’il m’a mesfait.>>

257
3592 Maréz respont : <<Quant il t’a fait ]
Tant que guerre a entre vous delz
Je te doing trives se tu velz
Par covenant qu’il soit enssy :
3596 Qu’el premier lieu aillors que chy
Que nous nos entretrouverons,
Ja autrez armez n’y querons
Hors tels que nos avrons en l’eure,
3600 Et lors nos entrecorronz seure
Comme deu ennemy de mort.
Entent y bien : Par cest recort
Tu n’az nul lieu trivez de moy,
3604 Nez se ci ert en court de roy.
Par devant touz je t’asauray ! >>
<<Et je de toy me desfendray, >>
Fait Meraugis, <<tout pié estant.>>
3608 <<Or soit yssy. Je le creant, >>
Ce dist Maret, qui s’en retourne [end 105b]
Au bois, et Meraugis s’en tourne
Apriés le chevalier qu’il het.
3612 Les nois sont grans, par itant set
Quel part il va, car il le traiche
Tous jours et tous jours le manaiche [105c]
A ocirre si le consiut.
3616 Que vous diroie ? Tant le siut
Qu’il vient par desour un castiel.
Li mur d’entour et li creniel
Erent de marbre tout entour.
3620 Tout maintenant jusqu’a la tour
Vint Meraugis, quy s’aresta
Devant la porte et esgarda

258
 Par my la porte, et tant qu’il voit
3624 Qu’en my lieu de ce baille avoit
Un pin si vert comme en esté.
Se ly pins fu de grant biauté
Ce ne fait mie a demander.
3628 Entour le pin pour karoler
Avaoit pucelles quy chantoient.
As karolez qu’ellez faisoient
N’avoit qu’un tout seul chevalier.
3632 Iluec pour la joie espoisier
Chantoit avant. — Et qui est il ? —
Li Outredoutéz, et c’est il
Que Meraugis a tant seü.
3636 Et quant Meraugis a seü
Qu’il carole, la teste armee,
L’escus au col et a l’espee
Chainte comme pour luy desfendre,
3640 Sy dist : <<Orendroit sanz atendre
Sera Laquis de Lampadaiz
Vengiéz ! >> Lors queurt de grant eslaiz
Droit au chevalier, se li crie :
3644 <<Fuy, chevaliers, ne chante mie !
Je te desfy, tu moras ja ! >>
Moult ly est tost chou qu’il pensa
Changié. — Coment ? — Yssy en droit,
3648 Qu’en tel talent com il avoit [end 105c]
Orainz, quant il estoit la hors,
De ferir de sa lanche el cors
Le chevalier quë il haoit,
3652 Autel talent a orendroit [105d]
De karoler, car il oblie

259
 Tout ce dehors, neïz s’amie.
Yssy ly covient oblïer
3656 S’amie. Lors va caroler
L’escu au col et chante avant.
Ly autrez quy chantoit devant
Guerpy la tresche, sy monta
3660 Sor son ceval, lors s’en ala
Hors de la porte. Et quant il fu
La hors, sy a laienz veü
Son ennemy, sel conut bien
3664 Par les armez. Sor chiel n’a rien
Qu’il haïst autant comme luy.
<<Qu’est ce ? >> fait il. <<Je voy celuy
Qui geta mon escu a terre.
3668 Je l’ay trouvé, si ne l’oz querre
La ou gel voy ! Diex, que feray ?
Se je voiz la, je chanteray
A la carole de requief.
3672 Touz autrez geuz fors cest meschief
Feroie je.>> Lorz le manaiche
Et dist que jamaiz de la plaiche
A nul jour maiz ne se movra
3676 Devant que Meraugis istra
Horz del castiel. Mais c’est noiens,
Que Meraugis qui est laiens
N’entent de riens a sa parole.
3680 Tant chante avant et tant carole
Que l’Outredouté, qui ne doute
Chevalier nul, n’y entent goute,
Ainz s’en va, que ly fainz l’en chace.
3684 Jamaiz jor ne guerpist la place

260
 Pour home, se ly fainz ne fust.
Nuz honz ne puet vivre de fust.
Pour ce s’en va l’Outredoutés,
3688 Ne ne s’est pas trop demorés. [end 105d]
Par tans revient et sy aporte
Son tref, iluec devant la porte
Le tent por guetier Meraugis.
3692 Enssy fierement l’a assis. [106a]
Lors dist que jamais ne movra
Son tref devant quë il avra
Par forche vengié sa honte.
3696 De coy vos ferai je lonch conte ?
Meraugis fait moult l’envoisié :
Il chante avant et fiert del pié.
En mellor point nel puis je mie
3700 Laissier. Or diray de s’amie,
Comment ala et que devint.
Bien avés oÿ qu’elle vint
La premiere nuit chiés Amice.
3704 Lidoine, quy ne fu paz nice,
Pourmist et tant fist vers s’ostesse
Que celle ly refist promesse
D’aler o ly en sa contree.
3708 Ne fist pas longue demoree
Avuec Amice, ainz s’en party
Au matin. Or s’en vont ainssy.
Longuement chevauchent ensanble.
3712 Lidoine erre tant, ce me sanble,
Qu’elle fu pres de sa contree.
Lors l’a par pechié encontree
Uns chevaliers, Blechiz ly Lois,

261
3716 Qui a le front plus dur que bois.
C’est ly plus laiz qu’onquez nature
Feïst ; onques mais creature
Ne fu qui tant vousist mal faire.
3720 Onques prodom ne ly pot plaire,
Mais tout li mal sont si acointe.
Blechiz avoit un nes a pointe
Trop lonc, si fu aukaiz et velz.
3724 Li Lois, qui s’entrefiert des elz,
Fu grans et durs et sez et megres,
Mais moult estoit hardis et aigres
En bataille et en estors.
3728 Riches chastiaus et belles tors
Tint assés, pres de Calion.
Bien resembloit terre a baron [end 106a]
Sa terre, et tant a fait par tout
3732 Qu’il n’a voisin qui nel redout.
Quant Blechis choisy et conut [106b]
Lidoine, vers ly acorut,
Sy la salue et dist : <<Par m’ame,
3736 Bien soiéz vous venue, dame !
Terre et avoir et quan que j’ay
Vos offre et vos herbegeray,
Së il vos plaist, anuit moult bien.
3740 Vostrez peres ama le mien
Et j’amay luy.>> Quant Lidoine ot
Blechis, qui dist quë il amot
Son pere, sy l’en merchia
3744 De l’ostel et dist qu’elle ira
Pour herbegier. Lors dist Blechiz :
<<Damoiselle, de Meraugis

262
 Me dites qu’il est devenus.>>
3748 <<Sire,>> fait elle, <<il est perdus
A mon oés.>> — <<Et coment ? >> — <Issy
Que jel lessay la ou gel vy
Ocirre.>> Quant Blechiz l’entent,
3752 Traïson qui en luy s’estent
Le fiert el cuer, car il pensa
Mal, de coy maus ly avenra
Ainz qu’il muire. A tant s’ent vont
3756 Et chevauchent tant quë il sont
Devant un castiel qui est soens.
Ly castiaux est riches et boens.
En my un palais la amont
3760 Desendent. Au dessendre vont
Chevalier quy grant joie firent
Pour la pucelle quë il virent
Et connurent, quë elle estoit
3764 Del païz, et bien connissoit
Chex quy vinrent a son desendre.
Blechiz, qui fist lez cevax prendre,
Lez herbega moult ricement.
3768 Maiz nulz ne doit commencement
Prisier dont la finz est mavaise.
Lydoine jut la nuit a aise,
Mais au matin, quant se leva, [end 106b]
3772 A sa pucelle comanda
Qu’en ly fesist metre la selle, [106c]
Si dist Belchis a la pucelle :
<<Pucelle, d’errer est noiens.
3776 Lidoine est dame de chaiens.
Puiz qu’yssy est que Meraugis

263
 Est mors, sy sera ses amis
Mes fielx, ly courtois Espinogres.
3780 Onques el roiame de Logres
Ne fu nulz hons plus bel norriz.
Ses oncles, Meliaux de Liz,
Le garde et dist qu’il le fera
3784 Si hautement come il devra
Chevalier a la Pentecouste.>>
Lidoine ot ce qui moult ly coste,
Sy dist : <<Sire, s’ensy estoit
3788 Qu’il vos pleüst, moult me plairoit
Se vos et il le volïéz.
Tant valés que bien devrïéz
Tenir ma terre. Et nonporquant
3792 En mon païs m’estuet avant
Aler que je prangne seignor.
Ne faites mie lonc sejor,
Mais mandéz que vostre fiex soit
3796 Noviaus chevaliers. S’il estoit
Chevaliers, par tans revendroie
En la marche, sel retenroie
A signor et si seroit rois.
3800 Mais aller m’en covient anchois.>>
Belchis respont eneslepaz :
<<Lydoine, issy n’ira il paz
Del tout a la vostre devise.
3804 C’est pour noiens : vous estes prise.
Jamaiz nul jor ne vous movréz
Devant ce jor que vouz avrés
Mon fil receü a signour
3808 Et qu’il sera roiz de l’onour

264
 Dont vous devéz estre roïne.>>
Dist Lidoine : <<Ceste saisine
Me plaist moult ! Quant il est ensy,
3812 Or de par Deu je seray chy [end 106c]
Tant com vostre plaisir sera.>>
Ce respondy, mais el pensa.
Ensy fu celle retenue
3816 Quy a mal hostel fu venue. [106d]
Ne sait que faire ; grant duel a.
De corros pleure, ainsy ala
Son duel menant par le palais.
3820 Quant elle voit Blechiz l’Aucaiz
Sy tremble de paour et dist :
<<Onquez ne fu, ne Diex nel vit
Home ausi let, ne Diex nel set !
3824 Voiz,>> fist elle, <<com Diex le het
De son cuer ! Et je l’ameroie ?
Non feray, voir, car jel feroie
Encontre Dieu se je l’amöe.
3828 Pour seul itant qu’il fait la möe
Hé gié son fil de tout mon cuer,
Que je n’ameroie a nul fuer
Ne luy ne rien que de luy soit.
3832 Que feray dont ? Par cuy que soit
M’estuet mander Gorvainz Cadruz,
S’il me secourt, qu’il ert mes druz.>>
Son conseil a dit a Amice :
3836 <<Amice, rose, douce espice,>>
Fait Lidoine, <<pour Deu merchy,
Jamais ne partiray de chi
Se par vous non.>> — <<Par moy ? Comment ? >>

265
3840 Fait Amice. <<Certainement
Sachiés, se faire le pooie,
Volentiers vous en geteroie.
Mais je ne puis.>> — <<Sy porrés bien ! >>
3844 Celle respont : <<Soz ciel n’a rien
Que je ne fache ! >> — <<Dont estuet
Pour moy edier, quant milx ne puet
Estre, que vos prenez congié
3848 Et dites, d’itant vos pri gié, [end 106d]
Qu’aler volés en vostre terre.
Sy m’irés un chevalier querre
Qui moult m’aime, Gorvains a non.
3852 Au castiel de Pantelion
Est ses repaires. Dites ly
La mort Meraugis et ensy
Comment Belchis li Lais m’a prise ; [107a]
3856 Et s’il m’aime tant ne me prise
Qu’il me vueille vers luy conquerre,
Jel feray seignour de ma terre
Presentement pour guerroier.
3860 S’a forche me puet desrainier,
Soie seray ; et s’il ne puet,
Le roiaume quy de moy muet
Li doins jë et vuel qu’il soit soenz ;
3864 Car se cist fet de moy ses boens,
Ja mais ne quier pour nul avoir
Terre ne bien ne joie avoir.
Amice amie, or est en vous.
3868 Dites moy Anchisé le Ros,
Mon seneschal, que je li mant
Come sa dame et li commant

266
 Que Gorvain Quadrus a signour
3872 Rechoive le premerain jour
Que Gorvain li vendra requerre,
Et qu’il li aït de sa guerre
A son pooir. S’ensy le fait,
3876 Je l’ameray ; ou entresait,
S’il nel fesoit, je le harroie.
Par enseigne, qu’il vos en croie,
Li porterés cest anel d’or.
3880 Il m’achata de sen tresor,
Sel conoist bien. Et par itant,
Je cuic, anchois le mois passant
Orra Belchis autres novelles.>>
3884 Cest conseil ont les damoiselles [end 107a]
Afermé, et Amice vait
Congié prendre et Belchis la lait
Aler, que riens ne li demande.
3888 Amice monte, quy commande [107b]
Lidoine a Deu. A tant s’en part
Et s’achemine celle part
Ou el cuide Gorvain trover.
3892 Tant se paine del tost aler
Qu’elle l’a trouvé come sage.
Ly a recompté son message
De par Lidoine, quil salue.
3896 Et quant Gorvainz l’a entendue,
Sachiés de voir quë il a joie
Moult grant : jamais de rien qu’il oie
En cest siecle gregnor n’avra.
3900 Et dist que Belchils en avra
La merlee : soz ciel n’a terre

267
 Ou il n’alast pour luy conquerre,
Pour ce qu’il set qu’il li pleroit.
3904 Issy joians comme il estoit
Mande et semont tous ses amis.
Tout li haut home do païs
Viennent a Gorvain, qui assamble
3908 Grant gent tant qu’il en ot ensamble
Trois cens quy tout sont haut baron.
Amice ala a Cavalon
Au seneschal a la pucelle.
3912 Et quant il oï la novelle
De sa dame quy estoit prise,
[ Si blasme Blechis et deprise ]
Et dist que jamaiz ne serra
3916 Liés ne joians anchoiz avra
Tel plait basti par coy Blechis
Sera essilliéz et fuitis
De sa terre s’il ne li rent
3920 Sa dame. Et dist outreement
Qu’il fera quan qu’elle demande. [end 107b]
Puis qu’enssy est qu’elle commande
Qu’en sa terre soit receüs
3924 Gorvains, bien i soit il venus ;
Il le recevra volentiers. [107c]
Lors mande a tous les chevaliers
Del roiaume que tout enssy
3928 Estoient vaincu et trahy
Se lor dame en prison laissoient.
Ly chevalier, quy moult amoient
Lor dame, entendirent l’afaire
3932 Que malgré lor veut Belchis faire

268
 De son fil roy. Moult lor greva
Et dïent tout qu’il en avra
La guerre. A tant s’en est venus.
3936 Tous ly païs est esmeüz
Des novellez qu’il öent dire.
A Cavalon a un concire
Assamblent tout ly hault baron.
3940 Rien ne truevent se guerre non
En lor conseil. Par tot manderent
Lors gens et es briés commanderent
Qu’as sept jours fuissent tout venu.
3944 Le jour que ly concillez fu
Vint Gorvains Cadrus o grant gens.
Quant chil de la cité dedens
Oïrent que Gorvains venoit
3948 A sy grant gent com il avoit,
Moult furent lié, encontre alerent.
Ly bourgoiz, quy lor dame amerent,
Vindrent tout hors de Cavalon.
3952 A joie et a pourcession
Fu Gorvains le jour receüz
Le jour quë il fu descendus.
Et Anchisés li senescax,
3956 Quy moult estoit preus et vassax,
Vint devant luy, se le saisist
De la terre a la dame et dist [end 107c]
Oianz tous qu’elle le comande.
3960 Pour bien faire ce qu’elle mande
Ly abandone ses tresors. [107d]
Gorvainz, quy en fist traire hors
L’or et l’argent, l’a departy.

269
3964 Onques povres ne s’en party
Chevaliers quy en vousist prendre.
Pour tant lor fist Gorvains aprendre
Qu’il n’estoit pas vilains ne chiches,
3968 Et dïent : <<Tos nos a fais riches
Cist novax sires. Bien soit il
Venus ! >> Inssy le loent cil
Par la largece qu’il i truevent.
3972 Largece est tex que de li muevent
Li biens. Biautés, sens ne proece
Ne valent noient se largece
I faut, car largece enlumine
3976 Proeche. Largece est mecine
Par coy proeche monte en haut.
Nus ne puet, se largece i faut,
Conquerre pris par son escu.
3980 Largece quy tout a vaincu
A chex sy pris qu’il aiment tant
Gorvain Cadrus qu’onques autant
N’amerent signor qu’il euïssent,
3984 Car en cest point riens ne seuïssent
De son plaisir qui entresait,
S’il peüssent, ne fust tout fait.
Yssy fu Gorvains, com je dy,
3988 Sires et de tot l’ont saisy.
Gorvainz a par les castiax mis
Ses gardes, issy a tout pris
Le roiaume et mis en sa main,
3992 Et dist qu’il movra l’endemain
De Cavalon a tout son ost.
Les novelles quy moult vont tost [end 107d]

270
 Sont tant alees que Belchis,
3996 Quy moult est cruelx et eschis,
Set celle muete et set de voir
Qu’il li covient la gerre avoir
Pour la dame s’il ne la rent. [108a]
4000 Mais se Belchis li Lais ne ment,
Mielx voudroit estre renoiés
U ars u ocis u noiés,
Que pour elx tous en fesist rien.
4004 Comment qu’il voist, ce dist il bien,
La dame ne rendra il pas.
N’est mie commenchie a gas
Ceste mellee, mais a certes.
4008 Belchis, qui que restort les pertes,
Garnist ses gages et semont
Ses parens, quy grant joie font
De la mellee et de la guerre.
4012 Tote est esmeüe la terre
Jusqu’a la mer par cel outrage.
Belchis fu moult de grant lignage
Et de hardy et de cruel.
4016 Trestuit sy parent sont itel
Qu’onques amour ne pais n’amerent.
De son lignage s’assanlerent
Trois cens, et plus i sont venu
4020 Au castiel la ou Belchis fu.
Ynsy fu Belchis de la gerre
Garnis. Gorvains lor fait requerre
Qu’il li rendist sa damoiselle.
4024 Pour ce qu’il ne vout, la novelle
Li vint au matin que Gorvains

271
 Li art sa terre. Lors fu plains
Li Laiz de maltalent et d’ire.
4028 Hors de son castiel sans plus dire
S’en ist a grant pooir de gent
Et dist que pour mil mars d’argent
Ne lairoit qu’en l’ost ne se fiere.
4032 Tout sy parent a sa baniere [end 108a]
Oirent, et ont tant chevauchié
Qu’a un gué lez un bois plaisié
Ont les primerains encontrés,
4036 Et vienent tout desconraéz [108b]
Cha cinc, cha dis, cha vint, cha mains.
Proie acueillent et les vilains
Tüent et chacent par les plaignes.
4040 Totes fremissent les montaignes
Des sergans et des chevaliers.
Devant les autres tout premier
Vient Anchisés li seneschaux.
4044 Tant ont coru que lor chevaux
Sont estanchié ; de tant sont il
Millour a desconfir, et chil
Quy s’atendent au gués lor saillent,
4048 Lances levées les assaillent
Moult fierement. Quant Anchisés
Choisist lor gent, quy fu sy pres
Qu’il n’i a ne mais del ferir,
4052 Se dist que milx voudra morir
Que par euls soit li chanps gerpis.
Anchisés, quy moult fu hardis,
S’arreste et assanle ses gens.
4056 Entre chevaliers et sergens

272
 Ot bien trois cens en son conroy.
Lors assanlent par grant desroy
Anchisés et Belchis li Lais.
4060 A l’encontrer fu grans li frais
Des lances dont il s’entredonnent
Telx cols dont s’entredesarçonent
Des chevaus, et par my les pis
4064 S’entredonent des fers brunis
Sy durement qu’il s’entreversent.
En my le camp tel cent enversent
De cuy les ames sont issues.
4068 En l’estour des espees nuez
Veïssiéz maint cop departir
Et tex cent de l’estour partir
Qui sont feru jusqu’as cervelles.
4072 Il s’entretrenchent les böelles [end 108b]
Et les espaules jusqu’es flans.
Tant en trebuscent que li sans
Sort com un dois aval les plains.
4076 De bras, de tiestes, et de mains [108c]
Jonche tous li païs autour.
Moult aclaroient en l’estour
La gent Anchisés et tant sont
4080 Afebloié que cil lor font
As espees guerpir les rens.
Ja mais n’y iert venuz a tens
Gorvains, quy vient pour elx secorre.
4084 Une liue le covient corre
Anchois qu’il soit a la mellee
Ou sa gent est si desmellee
Qu’il s’en fuient cha uns, cha dels.

273
4088 Li Laiz en prist, dont c’est grans dels,
Tex dis qui tout sont de haut pris.
Avuec ceus a des autres pris,
Tant com luy ploit, tout a son chois.
4092 Mais or voit hors issir d’un bois
La baniere Gorvain quy vient.
Del pueple quy a luy se tient
N’est mie gas, que tant i ot
4096 Chevaliers que de loing samblot
Que tous ly mons i vient ensanle.
Tant i a gens que Belchis sanle
Qu’onches mais tel pueple ne vit.
4100 Moult redoute Gorvain et dist
En fin quë il n’atendra pas.
O son eschec plus que le pas
[ S’en vait, et quant cil de l’ost voient ]
4104 Quë il s’en va, s’il nel convoient,
Ce dïent, jamais n’aront joie.
De l’ost se metent a la voie
Tex quatre cens qui tuit le sevent,
4108 Mais pour noient, que tant nel sevent
Chacier que jamais les ataignent.
Lors chevals chieent et estaignent
Par cez bruiieres, et Belchis [end 108c]
4112 S’en va — qui bien set le païs —
Par my la forest et tant fuit
Qu’a Rapadone jut la nuit, [108d]
Un sien chastiel qui moult est fors.
4116 Gorvains Cadrus et ses esfors
Remest enz plainz de Hardentin.
Ly chastiax sist sor un chemin.

274
 Iluec se loge, sy assiet
4120 Le blanc chastiel, quy trop bien siet.
Il n’ot plus bel en Engleterre.
Moult ot Belchis li Lais grant terre
Iluec entor, mais cil de l’ost
4124 Ly ont le païs assés tost
Essillié. Et cil de la tor
Voient qu’il sont assis entor,
Sy se garnissent de desfendre.
4128 Et Gorvains Cadrus pour ex prendre
Fist faire escellez plus de vint.
Au matin dé que li jors vint
Les assaillent, et cil d’amont
4132 Lor vienent au mur, o il s’ont
Lor eschelles eneslepas
Drechies. Moult estoient bas
Li mur, et moult se deffendirent
4136 Cil dedens, mais moult s’esforcierent
Cil de l’ost quy monterent sus
Par tans lius que ne porent plus
El baille cil dedens durer.
4140 Par force les covint monter
En la tour, et Gorvains demande
Le feu et es sales comande
Quë on le mete. Sour le vent
4144 Le metent, et li feus se prent
A un palais devant la porte.
Sy com li deables l’emporte
Sailli del palais en la tour,
4148 Et elle estoit hordee entour
De cloies et de hireçon.

275
 Del hordeïs en la meson [end 108d]
Dedens la tour sailli li feus.
4152 C’est uns tormens qui moult est feus,
Que riens ne puet a luy durer,
Ne le pueent plus endurer [109a]
Cil dedens, ains metent lor cors
4156 A bandon et s’en saillent hors
Del palais par unes fenestres.
Cous et espaules, bras et tiestes
Se pechoient au saillir jus.
4160 Cil furent pris, il n’i ot plus.
Lors trés destendent, lors s’esmuet
Gorvains Cadrus, et li os muet
Droit au chastiel de Rapendone.
4164 En la riviere d’Autetone
Corent et ardent tout entour.
Belchis li Laiz fu en la tour
De Rapendone. Quant il vit
4168 Sa terre ardoir, sempres a dit
A ses parens : <<Montés, montés ! >>
De Rapendoine en my les prés
S’en issent tout, prest de mal faire.
4172 Belchis, coy que soit del repaire,
Dist qu’il ira lor gens veoir.
Pour ce qu’il veut l’ost sorveoir
Issy del bois en une angarde.
4176 Mais onques ne se dona garde
Devant que Gorvains ly sailly
Del bois ou il s’ot assailly
A un chastelet qu’il ot pris.
4180 Sor les bons coreors de pris

276
 Lor acorent. Quant Belchis voit
Gorvain Quadrus, qui ja estoit
Entre luy et le bois a destre,
4184 Pour ce quë autre ne puet estre
Li vient encontre, et la mellee
Comence. Mais n’i ot duree
La gent Belchis : s’en pié tornerent
4188 Les dos, et cil les atornerent
As espees moult ledement. [end 109a]
Quant li Lais vit certainement
Que sa puissance estoit outree,
4192 Fuiant s’en va lanche levee [109b]
Devant et si parent aprés.
Cil de l’ost qui sivent de pres
En ont une merveille ocis.
4196 Onques un seul n’en i ot pris
Devant ce qu’il vont a Monhaut,
Un sien chastiel qui moult fu haut
Assis en un regort de mer.
4200 De tant se puet Belchis vanter
Qu’il ne crient siege de nul home.
Se tous li empires de Rome
Estoit entour, n’avroit il garde,
4204 Car la mer de coste le garde
D’une part. Se fu bien seant
Par derriere, il n’ot par devant
Plus bel chastiel en Engleterre.
4208 Devant la porte devers terre
Avoit une riche trenchie
Dont la faloise estoit trenchie
Plus de cent toises en parfont.

277
4212 Desus l’ariere, d’euve amont,
Avoit murs et tourneles teles
Qu’en tout le mont n’avoit auteles.
Monhaut, cest chastiel que je di,
4216 Avoit Belchis devant garni
De quan qu’il pot el mont avoir.
La fu li miex de son avoir,
La fu sa feme et sa maisnie
4220 A sejor, la fu envoïe
Lydoine qui par mesprison
Fu prise. La fu en prison
Maint chevalier preu et courtois,
4224 La fu Belchis oltre son pois
Entréz pour paour de morir.
Or voit la gent Gorvain venir,
Mais ne ly chaut, car poy les doute. [end 109b]
4228 Et Gorvains vient a sy grant route
Com il mainne devant Monhaut.
Moult le vit riche et fort et haut,
Sel doute moult a asseoir. [109c]
4232 Mais pour ce quë il set de voir
Que Lydoine est lassus amont,
Dist que jamais nul jour del mont
N’en partira devant qu’il l’ait
4236 Par forche pris. Tout son ost fait
Logier contreval la riviere.
Devers la mer, par de derriere,
Ne pooit il pas avenir ;
4240 Par devant fist sa gent venir.
Ensy fu en Monhaut assis
Li Lais quy ja n’i sera pris

278
 Pour riens. Mais de c’est il seürs
4244 Qu’il n’a de terre fors des murs
Plain pié que Gorvains ne li ait
Essillié. Or fait son atrait
Devant le chastiel quë il a
4248 Assis. Par tout le mont manda
Agigneorz ; moult en i vint.
Engins tant onques ce n’avint
Lors fist faire. Quant il les orent
4252 Fraisnés, au plus tost quë il porent
Les drecent as murs, sy assaillent.
Et cil qui furent dedens saillent
Encontre, quy hardiement
4256 Les reçoivent et moult sovent
Issent contr’els hors del castiel
Sy qu’il lor portent le cenbel
Trois fois le jor jusquë es tentes.
4260 Cil de l’ost, qui ont leur ententez
A els mal faire, les encontrent
Sy mortelment qu’il s’entrafrontent
Et s’entrocïent et mehaignent.
4264 Un jor perdent, autre gaaignent [end 109c]
Cil del chastiel, qui grant deport
Ont en ce quë il ont le port
Des nés qui vont et qui revienent,
4268 Que gens et viandes lor vienent. [109d]
Yssy assaillent et desfendent.
Cil ont asséz ou il entendent.
Et Meraugis, que devint il ?
4272 Karole il encorë ? — Oïl,
Yssy com la matere conte.

279
 Raols, quy romance le conte,
Trueve qu’onques ne s’en mua
4276 De karoler, ains karola
Dis semaines tant qu’il avint
Qu’uns autres chevaliers i vint
Quy entra ens par aventure.
4280 Ly castiax est de tel nature
Que toz jors en i avoit un.
Illuecques s’oublioit chascuns
Tant qu’uns autres y revenoit.
4284 Ly chevaliers chante orendroit,
Et Meraugis vint au destrier
Quy onquez puis n’ot de mangier
Talent qu’il entra en la porte.
4288 Lors monte et li chevaus l’en porte
Horz del chastiel. Et quant il fu
La hors, si vit le tref tendu
Devant la porte, dom il ot
4292 Moult grant mervelle. Sempres ot
Le rossinoil chanter et voit
L’erbe vert dont la flor estoit
Freschete, et li bois fu floris.
4296 Meraugis quy fu esbahis
S’areste et dist : <<Deus, dont viengié ?
Suy j’enchantés ou j’ay songié ?
Ne say, par foy ! Mais j’oy merveilles
4300 Car j’oy chanter a mes oreilles
Ce rossinoil : <<Oci, oci>> !
Et orendroit que je fui ci [end 109d]
Erent les nois par cest païs
4304 Plain pié d’espés. Or m’est avis

280
 Del roissinol que j’oy chanter, [110a]
Qui le fait por moy enchanter. —
Non fait ! — Si fait, que que nus die.
4308 Raison ne ly aporte mie
Qu’il chant si tost ; ce n’avint onquez. —
Pour coy ne chanteroit il donquez ?
Est il estés ? — Nenil, par foy ! —
4312 Que dont ? — Yvers ! — Yvers ? Je voy
L’erbe si vert, il est estés. —
Non est. Li noiz a ci esté :
Je l’i vi par tot que sivi.
4316 Par foi, a poy que je ne dy
De moy que ce ne suy je mie. —
Sy suy ! Dom ne quier je m’amie ?
Ne suy je Meraugis ? — Oïl,
4320 Ce suy je. — Mais ne sui pas cil
Qui ore vy les nois ? — Si suy !
[ Ce suy je qui en cest jour d’uy ]
Les vy. — Non suy, ce ne puet estre
4324 Qu’en prest les nois peuïst ci nestre
L’erbe sy tost pour nul pooir.
Ce que je duy orains veoir
Fu fantosme. — Non fu, par foy !
4328 Mais c’est fantosme que je voy,
Car je say qu’il n’a mie un mois
Que Nöel fu. Sy ert anchoiz
Avrilz, que ly roissinolz chant. —
4332 Je n’ay pas doute qu’il m’eschant.
Par mon ciés ! je croy mielx encore
L’iver d’orains que l’esté d’ore.
Je vy les nois et say sans doute

281
4336 Que par les nois tienge la rote
Del chevalier que je sivoie.
Deus, ou est il ? Or le voudroie
Trover ! — Ja mais nel troveray ! —
4340 Quel part va il ? Quel la feray ?
Il n’est pas loing ! >> Lors ceurt au tref.
De plain eslés, non pas söef, [end 110a]
Se fiert dedens, mais il n’i voit
4344 Home ne que pas n’i estoit
L’Outredouté. — Ou estoit il ? —
Orains s’en parti comme cil [110b]
Quy ert anuiiéz de gaitier
4348 Au tref et est alés cerchier
El bois savoir s’il troveroit
Mellee, quy moult en seroit
Plus liés së il pooit mal faire.
4352 Més ou qu’il voist, tous jors repaire ;
Au pavillon sempres vendra.
Meraugis, quant il ne trova
Nul home el tref, sy s’en parti.
4356 Tos dervés et tos esbahis
S’en va poignant par my la voie
Sy com la rage le convoie,
S’a tant coru quë il trova
4360 Un carrefour. La s’arresta
Et vit quatre homes qui baissoient
Une crois et moult se hastoient
De baisier la, puis l’ont drechie.
4364 Cil dist qui voit la crois baissie :
<<Dex, que voy je ? Ou ay esté ? —
Ou ? El chastiel ou j’ay chanté

282
 A la tresce. Li roissinouls
4368 Me disoit voir. J’estoie fox
Quy de son chant le mescreoie.
Je voy Pasques, et qu’en diroie ?
Bien m’a li deables d’enfer
4372 En poy de tans gieté d’iver.>>
Lorz se demente et plainst s’amie
Et dist : <<Je ne m’en merveil mie,
Douce amie, se je vous ay
4376 Perdue, quant je vous laissay
Come fox, sy say bien sans faille,
Quant vous veïstes la bataille,
Que voz i cuidastez ma mort.
4380 Or n’y voige mais nul confort
En vous trover ; trop ay lonc tens [end 110b]
Karolé ! >> Ensy hors del sens
Se part d’iluec, mais tel duel a
4384 Pres qu’il n’esrage. Tant ala [110c]
Qu’il encontra en une lande
L’Outredouté, quy ne demande
De luy se la mellee non.
4388 De Meraugis connut le non
Tantost com il vit son escu,
Car Laquis, quant il l’ot vaincu,
Ly devisa quelz il estoit.
4392 Sy tost com Meraugis revoit
Le rouge escu au serpent noir,
Sy dist : <<Je n’en quier plus savoir :
Je voy la celuy qui Laquis
4396 Honny pour moy. Ja en ert pris
Ly droiz. Je n’en prendroie mie

283
 Concorde.>> A l’encontrer li crie :
<<Cuvert, assés avés alé !
4400 Voire, quant je t’ay encontré,
Ja n’iras plus, c’est sans merchy,
Ainz t’avrai mort. Quant je t’ay chi
Trové, ja plus ne te querray.>>
4404 Dist Meraugis : <<Ja en verray,
Del quel que soit, morir l’orguel.
Tu demandes ce que je vueil :
La bataille est moult bien seant.
4408 S’ele te plest, je la vueil tant
Qu’onques de rien si liés ne fuy.>>
L’Outredoutéz respont : <<Je suy
Plus liés qu’onques ne fuy nul leu.
4412 Ja concorde, ce veu a Deu,
N’en ert pour chose qui aviegne,
Car il m’est tart que je te tegne.>>
Lorz n’i ot plus, le parler lassent,
4416 Lors chevax hurtent, si s’eslessent
Fier et hardy plus que lepars.
Des fers des lanches et des dars [end 110c]
S’entrefierent sy quë il font
4420 Escu croisier. Ly hauberc sont
Par force rot sy que les fers
Boivent es pis. Trestout envers [110d]
S’entrevienent ly duy vassal.
4424 Quant il chaïrent, li cheval
S’en fuïrent plus tost que foudre,
Sy qu’il remaignent en la poudre
Et sont blechiéz. L’Outredouté
4428 Fu par my le destre costé

284
 Ferus en haut, c’est el vibu.
Bien garira. Meraugis fu
Ferus el pis sor la mamielle
4432 Sy en parfont que l’alemelle
Del glaive isseue par deriere
De luy. Ne say en quel maniere
Il puist garir, car trop seroit
4436 Fors a garir. Més orendroit
Ne le sent il ne cil ne fet,
Ne cist ne cil pour mal qu’il ait
Ne s’esmaient : en piés revienent.
4440 Les escus, quy moult lor avienent,
Metent avant. Espees traites,
S’entrevont et gietent retraites,
Sourmonteez, et entredeus,
4444 Que nus ne peuïst entr’eus deus
Veoir fors les espees nues
Quy vont et vienent vers les nues
Et moult sont cleres et trenchans.
4448 Et il fierent uns cous sy grans
Que trestous as premerains cous
Font des hiaumes croisier les clous
Sy qu’il descerclent et pechoient.
4452 Les hauberks, que pour fors tenoient,
Ne valent rien; tout sont desrot.
As espees quy trenchent tot
Font des tiestes le sanc saillir.
4456 Tout cop a cop sans cop faillir [end 110d]
S’entrevienent sy aïré:
<<Tu m’as feru, je te ferré ! >>
Ne say ly quelx le fist noaux,

285
4460 Mais ains que fallist ly assaux [111a]
Qui premerains fu comenchiés,
Ot des plaies ly mains charchiés.
N’i font pas longue demoree :
4464 Sempres revont a la mellee.
Reconmenchent, de chaut en chaut
La deduient. Au tierx assaux
S’entresont moult entrempirié.
4468 Par tantes fois sont repairié
A la mellee quë il sont
Pres de la mort, més s’il en ont
Assés, encore en vuellent plus.
4472 Lors dist l’Outredouté : <<Mar fus,
Bataille ! tu es la millour
Qui onques fust jamais nul jour
[ Par deus homes. Tel ne sera !>>
4476 Dist Meraugis quy l’escouta : ]
<<Pour coy mar fu ? >> — <<Qu’ele est perdue.
Ja par nous n’ert avant seüe.>> —
<<Pour coy ? >> — <<Je conois bien et voy
4480 Que tu m’as ocis et je toy.
Sy est domages, car tu es
Ly plus hardis qui onques més
M’encontrast; s’en ay encontrés
4484 Assés. Je nes ay pas contés,
Més moult en ay et mors et pris.
Et sor tous je t’en doins le pris,
Car tu es ly plus merveilleus.
4488 Ne t’en fay pas plus orguelleus
Que je te pris : ja pour cest lox
Ne te cherra some de dox

286
 Que tu ne muires sans respit.>>
4492 <<Avoy ! >> fait Meraugis qui dist :
<<Bien say que maltalent et ire
Te fait ceste parole dire.
Certes, bien croy que je morray.
4496 Mais ja tant come je durray
Ne me tendras pour recreant.
De ce que tu me prises tant [end 111a]
Dis tu com boins, et je pris toy.
4500 Puis n’il n’ert pas tel duel de moy
Come de toy se je muir, non ! [111b]
Car je ne suy de nul renon,
Mais tu es ly plus renomés.
4504 Seul del non dont tu es noméz
Puet l’en une paour avoir,
Car tes nons fait a tous savoir
Que l’en te doit outredouter.
4508 Ce ne fait mie a redouter
Que maint chevalier ne te dot,
Et je meïsme te redot
Plus qu’onques mais ne dotay homme.
4512 C’est ly nons quy plus droit se nomme
Que ly tiens. Mais se chy estoit
Ly rois Artus, il ne porroit
Noz acorder ne metre y pais.
4516 J’ay a Laquis de Lampadaiz
Promis la main dont tu crevas
Son oeil. Ou tu la me lairas
La main, ou je lairay la vie.>>
4520 <<Est ce chou dont tu as envie,
Meraugis ? >> — <<Oïl ! >> — <<Tu es fox,

287
 Que de ma main prendras les cox
Dom tu morras. Trop avon chy
4524 Esté en paiz. Je te renvy
Au geu ou nos metrons chascun
Cop contre cop. Tot ert a un.>>
Ne dirent plus. Eneslepas,
4528 Espees traites, a grant pas
S’entrevienent, mais il ne fierent
Hors es cors, car de dessus ierent
Ly hauberc rout et desmaillié,
4532 Tant ont dessus les cors maillié
Des espees quy vont et vienent.
Mervelle est com les ames tienent
Es corps, qu’eles ne sallent hors,
4536 Qu’il n’y a nul quy n’ait el cors
Dis plaies par my la menor
Porroit une ame sans demor
Issir s’ans, les eles tendues.
4540 Moult s’y sont les ames tenues [end 111b]
Et tant se tienent que des sans
Lessent tant qu’il perdent le sans
Et les forces, que ly plus fors
4544 N’a tant pooir pour nul esfors [111c]
Qu’il puisse s’espee tenir,
Non pas tant d’escu soustenir
Com il ont, ains les ont laissiéz.
4548 Des braz se sont entrabrachiés
Par les testes ; ilueques sont
Entrapoié, quë il ne font
Rien ne dïent, në il n’i a
4552 Celuy des deuz qui un esta

288
 Feïst par luy, qu’il ne porroit,
Que se cist n’estoit, chil cherroit.
Yssy ont une pieche esté
4556 Tant qu’en la fin l’Outredouté
Morut. Et il kaient andui,
Meraugis sus et cilz sos luy,
Qu’il n’a pooir de faire plus.
4560 Un poi s’escrie au kaioir jus
Meraugis, quy encor n’est mie
Mors. Lors li menbre de s’amie
Et de la main quë il promist
4564 A Laquis. En cel pensé prist
Forche et vigour, sy s’est drechiés
Par forche et tant s’est efforchiés
Qu’il a prise une espee et voit
4568 L’Outredouté quy s’y gisoit
Tous envers, les palmes tenduez.
Meraugis dreche vers les nuez
L’espee et fiert desus le poing
4572 Contre terre. Deus piés en loing
Vole la mains, et il le prent.
Quant il le tient, tout erraument
Sospire ; en cel sospir qu’il fait
4576 Ly faut la forche et il s’en vait
En my la lande tous envers.
Dessus son pis tint a travers
A deus bras la mans embrachie
4580 Dessus son hauberc et lachie
Contre son pis par tel pooir [end 118c]
Que bien pert qu’il la veut avoir.
Yssy en my la lande jurent

289
4584 Ly chevalier, et tant i furent
Que par iluec vient une rote
De chevaliers. La estoit tote [111d]
La forche Meliant de Lis,
4588 Un chevaliers preus et hardis
Quis conduist. Seroges estoit
Belchis le Lait, qui li avoit
Mandé qu’a Pasques fust a luy.
4592 Cil quy nel laisse pour nuluy
I vient. Ensanble o luy estoit
Espinogres, ses niés. Cuidoit
Prendre Lydoine et estre rois,
4596 Mais ly valléz sera anchois
Chevaliers que l’en la li doigne.
A Pentecoste sans aloigne
Sera chevaliers a Monhaut.
4600 Tant ont erré par my le gaut
Truevent les chevaliers gisant
Quy combatu s’estoient tant
Ensanble qu’assés en avoient.
4604 Cil de la route quy les voient
Vont celle part, si s’arresterent
Sor euls et tant les esgarderent
Qu’il connurent l’Outredouté.
4608 Mais il ne sevent, verité,
Qui ichiulz est quy mort l’avoit,
Ains dïent tuit : <<Deus, quy estoit
Cil quy ert tant bons chevaliers ? >>
4612 Dist Melians de Lis ly fiers :
<<Qu’est ce ? >> — Sire, cil est ocis
Quy ert doutés en tous païs.>> —

290
 <<L’Outredouté ? >> — <<Voire, sans faille,
4616 Onques maiz ne fu tel bataille,
Que cil est mors ! >> — <Quy l’a ocis ? >>
<<Ne say li qex en a le pris,
Maiz chascuns a sa mort vengie.>>
4620 <<Cil quy li a la main trenchie,>>
Fait il, <<en a le pris par droit.>>
<<Ice qu’il la tient orendroit
Contre son pis, que senefie ? [end 111d]
4624 Bien pert qu’il ne la lessast mie
El champ s’il euïst le cuer sain.>>
<<Coy que soit li forfist la main,
Seignor,>> fait Melians de Lis. [112a]
4628 Lors descent la belle Odelis,
Une dame qui ert amie
Meliant de Liz. Mais n’ert mie
Vilaine, ains est preus et courtoise.
4632 A Meraugis, dont moult li poise,
Mist sa main blanche sor le pis
Et taste s’il estoit froidis.
Nenil, ains sent quë il estoit
4636 Chaus et encore li batoit
Li cuers, qu’il fu de grant esfors.
Et fait elle, <<Cist n’est pas mors.
Li cuers li bat et jel sent chaut.
4640 De l’Outredouté ne me chaut
Se Deus en a le mont vengié.
Cil qui li a le bras tranchié
Est de grant cuer. Se jel pooie
4644 Garir, un present en feroie
A Belchis, si li ederoit

291
 Contre Gorvain. Nus n’oseroit
Proece a la soy ajouster.
4648 Së il jamais pooit joster
De lanche, grant joie en avroie.>>
Dist Melians : <<Gë en seroie
Liéz s’il tornoit a garison.
4652 Un lit ou nous l’en porteron
Nos covient faire.>> Sempres vont
Cueillier deus perches dont il font
Le lit sy bel qu’onques nus plus.
4656 Muguet i ot, et par desus
Jonchent violete novelle.
Li vallet et la damoiselle
Desarmerent le chevalier.
4660 Mais el point qu’il senty laschier
La main que celle li osta,
Ouvry les ielz, sy l’esgarda
Moult fierement, et en poy d’ore [end 112a]
4664 Li retorna li blans desore.
Un plain giete, si s’en revait.
La dame dist : <<Mal avons fait [112b]
Quy ly avons la main toloite.>>
4668 Lors li remest ausi estroite
Sour le pis come ele ert devant.
La dame dist au sien sanlant
De la main, qui la li tauroit,
4672 Tant la veut quë il en morroit
De duel. Pour chë il ont remise
Dessus le pis. La dame a prise
Un cuevrechiet novel büet
4676 Dont elle li a essüet

292
 La chiere quy de sanc fu tainte ;
Mainte plaie li a estrainte
La dame, quy grant paine i met.
4680 Sour tous les autre s’entremet
Espinogres de luy bien faire.
Ly damoisiax de bon afaire
Le bende et restraint en maint leu
4684 Et prie de bon cuer a Deu
Qu’il le respast. A tant l’ont pris
Entre lor bras, el lit l’ont mis
Sor deus chevaus qui n’erent pas
4688 Bradis. A tant en vont le pas
Cil quy laissent l’Outredouté
Mort desconfés. Tant ont alé
Que sus mer vienent a un port.
4692 Es nés entrent a grant deport.
Ont tant singlé qu’il ont veü
Monhaut, qui sor la roche fu
Assis joste la mer parfonde.
4696 Tant singlent qu’au giet d’une fonde
Arriverent pres de la tour.
Hors des barges a grant ator
S’en issent et Belchis apoint
4700 Encontre. Sy fu a cil point
Liéz et joians ce ne fait pas
A demander. Eneslepas
Baise et acole ses amis.
4704 Cil de l’ost quy moult i ont sis [end of 112b]
Voient bien le secors venir,
Mais il ne pueent avenir
Devers la mer pour nul mal faire.

293
4708 A enviz lor porront forfaire [112c]
Jamais, trop sont creü de gent.
Li Lais demanda erraument
Del chevalier quy ert el lit
4712 Quy il ert, et cil ly ont dit
Qu’il ne sevent, mais mort avoit
L’Outredouté, cil quy estoit
Par tout le monde redoutéz.
4716 <<Quoy ? >> fait li Lois, <<est il outrés ? >> —
<<Oïl, sire, c’est sans resort,
Cist l’a ocis.>> — <<Quant cil l’a mort,
Moult a ci courtoise novelle,>>
4720 Fait Belchiz qui la damoiselle
Merchie et dist, s’elle li a
Bien fait, ne s’en refraigne ja
Mais plus l’en fache pour s’amour.
4724 En une chambre les la tour,
Loing de la noiz et mis par soy
Ont descendu en un recoy
Le chevalier qui au descendre
4728 Parla un poy. Et lor fist prendre
La main trenchie et commanda
Qu’en li gardast. On li garda
Et emboista en une aumaire
4732 Come se ce fust saintuaire. —
Quant li chevaliers vint el lit
Par my la sale, dont nel vit
Lidoine, la courtoise dame
4736 Quy chascun jour prie pour s’ame ? —
Vit ? Nenil, n’elle n’en set mot.
Mais l’amour dont elle l’amot

294
 N’est pas menre, si le tient pres
4740 Qu’ele ne set s’ele vit més
Ne que devigne ne ly chaut
De riens quy viegne ne qui aut,
Ne ja n’en quiert oïr novelles.
4744 Lasus est o les damoiselles,
Mue et pensive. Nus n’en puet
Avoir bel oeil. Del cuer li muet [end 112c]
Un doel qui tel l’a atornee
4748 Que jamais n’en ert retornee
De cel duel que tous jors nel maint. [112d]
Se ne muert, en ly ne remaint,
Tant het sa vie. Et ses amis,
4752 Ly navrés quy orains fu mis
En une chambre, ne set mie
Chiéz cuy il est ne que s’amie
Soit el chastiel. S’il le seüst,
4756 Sol de la joie qu’il eüst
Fust il garis. Mais il n’entent
A ce n’a el, ne nus n’atent
Noient en luy fors ja morra.
4760 S’il ne garist, dont ne porra
La damoiselle, quy tel paine
I met qu’a mains d’une semaine
Le respasse si qu’il parla
4764 A li et qu’il li demanda :
<<Dame, ou suige ? >> — <<Biax dous amis,
En un chastiel quy est assis.>> —
<<Quy l’a assis ? >> — <<Gorvains Quadrus.>> —
4768 <<Gorvains ? Pour qu’est Gorvains venus
Sy loing cest chastel asseoir ? >> —

295
 <<Pour Lydoine qu’il vuet avoir,
Une dame quy est lassus.>>
4772 Lors ly conte sans metre plus
De Lydoine comme il le prist,
Et com Gorvains Quadrus enprist
Pour li la guerre. Quant cil l’ot,
4776 De la joie quë il en ot
Ly furent tout si mal passé.
Lors sospire et en cel pensé
Li dist la pucelle a estros :
4780 <<Dans chevaliers, dirés me vos
Qui vous estes ? >> — <<Dame, je non.
Jamais ne quier dire mon non
Devant ce que j’aie josté
4784 A Gorvain Quadrus, car jel hé.
Pour ce le hé, sy n’ay pas tort,
Quë il het moy comme de mort.>>
Quant la franche pucelle oÿ [end 112d]
4788 Le chevalier, moult s’esjoÿ
De la parole qu’il ot dite.
D’iluec se part, sy la recite
En plaine court que tout l’oïrent
4792 Li chevaliers, qui moult en firent
Grant joie et grant parole tindrent [113a]
De ce qu’il dist. Devant ly vindrent
En la chambre, sel conforterent.
4796 Ly Lois et cil quy o luy erent
Ly prometent que tous est siens
Ly chastiaus a fere ses biens
Se garir puet. Et il respont
4800 Que bien garra, mais mal li font

296
 Pour la noise, car trop li delt
Ly chiés. Et cil, quy moult li velt
Servir a gré, ne l’ose plus
4804 Anuier. El palais lassus
S’en vont arriere, et cil remaint
Mus et dolent quy moult se plaint. —
Se plaint ? De coy ? De ses dolors ? —
4808 Non pas, anchois se plaint d’amors,
Dont il n’a riens que ses cuers vueille
Ne jamais n’iert qu’il ne s’en dueille
Par my le cuer devant qu’il voie
4812 S’amie. Or dist : <<Or la verroie
Volentiers ! Se j’en ay envie,
Je n’ay pas tort, car c’est m’amie,
C’est mes deduiz, c’est mes confors,
4816 C’est ma joie, c’est mes depors,
C’est mes escus, c’est ma richece
C’est mes desirs, c’est ma proeche,
C’est ma hautece, c’est mes pris :
4820 C’est tous li mons, c’est mes avis.
C’est ma terre, c’est mes tresors,
C’est ma douçour, c’est mes biax cors,
C’est ma main destre, c’est ma dame,
4824 C’est moy meïsmes, car c’est m’ame,
C’est mes chastiax, c’est quan que j’ay,
C’est la santé dont je garray. —
Garray? — Voire, se je la voy. —
4828 Verray la ge ? — Nennil ! Par foy,
Qu’ai ge forfet ! Ja la verroit [end 113a]
Uns autres, et je quy clain droit
En li, ne verray pas m’amie ?

297
4832 C’est tors.>> Or ne pensë il mie [113b]
Comment il la porra avoir,
Ne qu’il n’en quiert fors le veoir
Orendroit : ou il le verra
4836 Hastivement, ou il morra.
En tel dolor et en tel ire
Est longement, qu’il n’ose dire
Son buen, ne nus ne l’aperchoit
4840 De son pansé. Par tant dechoit
La damoiselle, quë il dist
Qu’il muert d’anuy : riens ne l’ocist
Ne ne destraint fors le sejour.
4844 L’endemain de Pasques, le jour
Qui est de joie et qu’en se doit
Esjoïr, icel jour tot droit
Se leva cil sans conseil prendre
4848 Qui milx venist encor atendre,
Que trop se dieut. Mais pour savoir
S’il porroit s’amie veoir
S’est esforchiés. Quant celle voit
4852 Celuy lever quy se doloit,
Sy l’en pesa et dist : <<Biax sire,
U irés ? >> — <J’ai eü bon mire,>>
Fait li chevaliers. <<Garis suy.>> —
4856 <<Garis ? >> fait elle. <<Ce n’ert huy
Que vos levés ! Seéz vous jus.>>
Et cil respont : <<Se je gis plus,
Ja n’en liége. C’est grant vilté
4860 De tant gesir, trop ay esté
En cest reclus. Tant avéz fait
Que je me sent que bien m’estet.

298
 Or n’i a plus : je weil aler
4864 Lassus amont moy deporter
Entre ces gens, la sy orray
Tel chose ou je m’entenderay.>>
Celle, quy n’osa a celuy
4868 Veer son bon, s’en ist o luy
Hors de la chambre; lassus vont.
Ly chevalier quy dedens sont
Vienent encontre et li font joie [end of 113b]
4872 Moult grant. Mais de riens quë il oie
Ne li chaut, quant ce qu’il demande
Ne voit. Devant le feu commande
A faire un siege, et on ly fait. [113c]
4876 Sor un tapis seoir se vet
Li chevaliers, més je vous dy
Qu’onques tant laide rien ne vy.
Moult est il lais, més ce ly vient
4880 De ce que trop ly mesavient
Sa tieste, que l’on a tondue.
Il ne li faut fors la machue
A sanbler fol le plus a droit
4884 Del mont. Fox est il orendroit. —
Pour coy? — Je dy, que que nus die,
Que cilz est fox qui fait folie.
Dont est il fox quy en cest point
4888 Ne veut il pas que Dex ly doint
Sens de sa folie haïr.
Ains ly plaist tant son fol desir
De ly veoir qu’il en cuide estre
4892 Garis. Mais de ch’a il fol mestre.
Que vos diroie ? Iluec se sist,

299
 Son chief covert, tant c’on ly dist
Es chambres que levés estoit
4896 Ly boins chevaliers quy avoit
Par forche ocis l’Outredouté.
De luy veoir ot volenté
La dame, quy ses damoiselles
4900 Apelle. Moult en ot de belles,
Et moult s’atornent cointement.
La dame yssy premierement
Des chanbres, et joste ly vient
4904 Lydoine, quy bien i avint.
Tantost com Meraugis le voit,
Le conut. Pour ce qu’il voloit
Qu’elle le conneüst sans doute,
4908 Sa tieste a descouverte toute
Jusqu’as espaules. Lors le vit
Lidoine, qui penssa et dist :
<<Deus, qu’est ce ? Je voy Meraugis! [end 113c]
4912 C’est il ! C’est mon, c’est mes avis !
Deus, dont vient il ? >> Dont s’aperchut
Meraugis qu’ele le conut. [113d]
Por ly faire connoistre mielx
4916 La fiert d’un douch regart es ielx.
Celle l’esgarde et esgarda
Quë en l’esgart ne se garda
Devant qu’es ielx ly fiert la pointe
4920 D’amours quy ens el cuer l’a pointe
De sa meure que elle tressaut.
Ly cuers le serre a cel assaut.
Vaut sospirer, elle ne pot
4924 Del cuer traire ; el talent qu’elle ot

300
 De sospir faire s’est pasmee.
Vit la cil quy tant l’ot amee
Pasmer, si dist : <<Or est el morte,
4928 M’amie ! >> En l’ire quil tresporte
Le fiert un duel par my le cors
Jusqu’au cuer. El cuer ly est clos
Li diex. — Par coy ? — Ly sans eslieve
4932 Par tout le cors si qu’il escrieve
De ses plaies comme uns estans
Quy soronde si que li sans
Quy de luy ist saut jusqu’au feu.
4936 Pasmé s’est, mais de celuy leu
Ne se meüst, quant la acorent
Cil de la sale quil secorent.
En la chambre la dont il vint
4940 L’ont reporté. Quant il revint
De pasmison, sy esgarda
La gent, et on li demanda :
<<Sire, qu’est ce que vous avéz ? >> —
4944 <<Que j’ay ? >> fait il. <<Vous nel savéz ?
Ly fex m’a mort. Deus, que feray ?
Jamais a feu ne chauferay.>>
<<Dans chevaliers, se Deus me gart,
4948 Telz se cuide chaufer qui s’art,>>
Fait sa mestresse. <<Onques por moy
Nel vousistes laissier. Or voy
Avenir ce que je cuidoie.>>
4952 <<Dame, li fex que desirroie
M’a mort.>> A tant l’ont mis arriere
El lit. S’il fu de grant maniere [end 113d]
Destrois, encor n’est ce noiens

301
4956 Avers s’amie quy laiens
Se pasme et pasme et repasma
Tante fois que grant duel en a [114a]
La dame quy pour verité
4960 Dist qu’elle muert. Moult a esté
La damoiselle en cel tourment.
Quant elle revint, erraument
Li demande : <<Qu’avéz eü ? >> —
4964 <<Que j’ay? Lasse, jë ay veü
Le fol. Gardéz que je nel voie
Jamais ! Se jamais le veoie,
Le fol chevalier, de mon sen
4968 Me geteroit. Diex, gardés m’en
Que je nel voie ! >> — <<Avoy, amie,>>
Fait la dame, <<fox n’est il mie,
Ains est uns chevaliers navrés
4972 Moult preus et quy moult est löéz
De tout le mont.>> — <<Dame, ne say,
Mais tant est laiz que je morray
De paour. Tel paour me vient
4976 Che m’est avis quë il me tient
Orendroites.>> Lors se repasme.
Au revenir d’un poy de basme
Ly ont fait une crois el front.
4980 Par celle crois en creance ont
Que deables pour nul porpens
Ne la puet mais geter del senz.
Moult ont esté en grant tourment,
4984 Mais de tant l’ont fait sajement
Que riens nee ne l’aperçoit
De lor amour. Bel les deçoit

302
 Cele del fol et il de feu,
4988 Sy sont lor amours au droit neu
Nöees, qu’il n’en ont anduy
Qu’un pensé : celle pense a luy
Et cil a ly. En tel pensé
4992 Ont grant pieche el chastiel esté.
Del chevalier et de s’amie
Vous lais. Drois est que le vous die
Ou mes sires Gauvains ala
4996 Et qu’il devint et s’il trova
Celle espee qu’il ala querre. [end 114a]
Il la trova et en la terre
La cinst. Aprés, quant il ot çainte
5000 L’espee et l’aventure atainte, [114b]
Sy s’en retourna au plus tost
Quy l’ot, et s’en vint a Bratost
Le jour de Pasques. Iluec tint
5004 Ly rois sa court. A la court vint
Mes sires Gauvains li courtois.
Tout en sont liét. Onques ly rois
N’ot sy grant joie com il oit
5008 De sen neveut quë on cuidoit
Qu’il fust ocis. Grant joie en firent
Ly chevalier de ce qu’il virent
Qu’il fu biaus et haitiéz et sains.
5012 Yssy fu mes sire Gauvains
De tout et de toutes servis.
Quant li services fu oïs
Sy hautement com a cel jour,
5016 Del mostier revient sans sejour
Ly rois Artus quy demanda

303
 L’ewë, et on ly aporta.
Tout ont lavé. De grant maniere
5020 Fu celle cors riche et pleniere.
Ly rois s’assiet, tout sont assis,
Mais n’i ont mie granment sis
Quant une damoisele vint
5024 Desus un mulet. Ele tint
Une corgie en sa main destre. —
Celle dame, quy puet elle estre ? —
C’est Amice quy herberga
5028 Lydoine, quy puis l’envoia
Querre Gorvain. Icele Amice
Descent. Elle ne fu pas niche ;
Devant le roy dist tot en haut :
5032 <<Rois Artus, boins rois, Diex te saut,
Toy et tote ta compaignie
Fors Gauwain ! Luy ne digié mie
Que jel salu, car je nel doy
5036 Salüer.>> — <<Pucelle, pour coy ? >>
Fait ly rois. <<Que vous a il fait ? >> —
<<Quoy ? Sire rois, il a mesfait [end 114b]
Que dame nel doit salüer.
5040 Gauvains, l’en te devroit hüer,
Car tu sieus estre sour tos pris [114c]
Prisiés ly plus. Or est sorpris:
De pröece mal t’est venut,
5044 Qu’en toy sont tot li bien faillut.
Tu es vaincuz, tu es noienz.
Tu es ly pires de çaiens
S’il estoient cent mille a conte ! >>
5048 <<Pucelle quy tant me dis honte,>>

304
 Fait mes sires Gauvains, <<por coy
Le me dis ? Quë as tu en moy
Trové ? >> — <<Gauvains,>> fait la pucelle,
5052 <<Je te diray pour quel querele.
Uns chevaliers de cest païs —
Mors est, il ot non Meraugis —
Mut de chy et s’amie o luy
5056 Pour toy querre. Tant par anuy
Te quist Meraugis qu’il passa
En l’Isle Sans Non. Jel vi la
Ocirre, et quant il fu ocis,
5060 S’amie remest el païs
Sole et dolente et esgaree.
Pour ly mener en sa contree
M’esmuy o ly, et tant errames
5064 Que par aventure trovames
Belchis ly Lais, cil quy nous prist
Par traïson. Moult i mesprist.
Ly Lais le tient et le tendra
5068 Par force, et dist qu’il le donra
A un sien fil. Elle vauroit
Mielx estre morte, s’aroit droit.
Se del chastiel issir peüst,
5072 Sors tous chevalier li pleüst
Uns siens amis, Gorvains Quadrus.
Pour luy est Gorvains esmeüs
De guerre, et tant s’est entremis
5076 De guerroier qu’il a assis
Belchis le Lais dedens Monhaut.
La est Lidoine : ce que vaut ? [end 114c]
Monhaut est fors, nuls nel prendroit

305
5080 Par force. J’en vieng orendroit.
Gauvains, ce n’est mie novelle : [114d]
Tot sevent que la damoiselle
Perdi par toy en ton servise
5084 Son amy. Or sez qu’elle est prise
Par toy. Quant tu ne la secors,
Tu es honis en toutes corz.>>
Mes sires Gauvains sans respit
5088 Demande se celle a voir dit.
Tout respondent eneslepas :
<<Voir dist ! >> Pour ce ne l’enquiert pas
S’elle dist voir ou s’elle ment
5092 Qu’il ne saiche veraiement
Le voir. — Pour coy l’enquiert il donques ? —
Pour ce qu’il ne veut que ses oncles
Ne nus saiche de Meraugis
5096 Qu’il ne soit mors. Il est tos vis,
Mais il nel vuet faire savoir. —
Pour coy ? — Pour ce qu’il sait de voir
Se Gorvainz et Belchis savoient
5100 Qu’il ne fust mors, tel plait feroient
Ou Meraugis perdroit. A tant
Li est menbré del couvenent
Qu’il ly promist a Handiton.
5104 Au couvenent pensa adon
Mes sires Gauvains, aprés dist :
<<Pucelle, quant ce garandist
Ly rois quë il est mors pour moy,
5108 Je suy vaincus, ce vos otroy,
Se je s’amie a mon pooir
N’aide. Itant saichent de voir

306
 Cil quy m’aimment que je movray
5112 A tant de pooir que j’avray
Demain sans terme.>> Lors parlerent
Ly chevalier, quy moult l’amerent :
<<Sire, moult dites que vaillans !
5116 Vostre pooir sera moult grans.
Nos irons tout : nus quy vos aint
N’y remaindra. Quy chy remaint,
Honis soit il ! >> — <<Venrés y vos ? >> [end 115d]
5120 Font cil a ceus. — <<Oïl.>> — <<Et vos ? >> — [116a]
<<J’iray au siege.>> — <<Et gié ! >> — <<Et gié ! >>
Yssy se sont trestout gagié
Qu’il iront demain sans aloigne.
5124 Bien a Amice sa besoigne
Faite. Ly rois la fist mengier
Devant luy, et cil chevalier
Ly demandent et ont enquis
5128 Comment ly chastiaus fu assis.
Et la pucelle lor devise
Le siege et le chastiel lor prise
Quy moult est fors et siet sour mer ;
5132 Nus ne ly puet le port veer
[ Par force. Lors dist Agravains :
<<Par mon chief, mes sire Gauvains, ]
C’est por noient ! Nus nel prenroit
5136 Quy par force ne lour tauroit
Le port des nés ou chascun jour
Vont et revienent sans sejor
Ly marinier. Mais faites querre
5140 Par tous les pors de ceste terre
Nés et galïes, ses menés

307
 Droit a Monhaut, sy l’aseés
Devers la mer. Ou autrement
5144 Ne porroit nus veoir comment
On le presist.>> Lors dïent tuit :
<<C’en est ly mielx ! >> — <<Voire, je cuit,>
Dist mes sires Gauvains. <<Par foy,
5148 Jel lo issy endroit de moy.>>
<<Niés,>> fait ly rois, <<comment qu’aviegne,
A estrine que bien vos viegne !
De cest siege vos fay un don.
5152 De mes tresors vos abandon
L’or et l’argent et les deniers.
Donéz en tant as mariniers
Et par trestot tant qu’il en aient
5156 Tout sans conte qu’il ne s’esmaient
Hors del conter, jel vos en pry.>>
<<Biaus oncles, la vostre merchy !
A vostre los le vuel je faire.>>
5160 Yssy devisent lor afaire [end 115a]
Sor table. Quant les tables furent
Levees, ly baron s’esmurent
En my la sale. Sans demeure
5164 Mes sire Gauvains en celle eure [115b]
Fait faire ses lettres et mande
Par tos les pors jusqu’en Illande
As mariniers qu’il ne remaigne
5168 Nés ne galïe qu’on n’amaigne
Contre luy a Estreveline.
Ne remest jusqu’a Duveline
Nef qui ne viegne sans delay.
5172 Le premerain lundy de may

308
 Fu tote la flote assanblee.
Cel jour sans plus de demoree
Mut mes sire Gauvains et ot
5176 O luy si grant gent com il pot
Mander ; moult i ot chevaliers.
Il fist chargier as mariniers
Armes, viandes ; moult en orent.
5180 Tot cil quy de la mer riens sorent
Fait mes sire Gauvains entrer
Es nés. A tant sans demorer
Drechent les voiles, si s’en vont
5184 Droit a Monhaut. Es voiles sont
Ly vent si droit que plus ne puet.
Et mes sires Gauvains s’esmuet
Par terre et chevauche au plus tost
5188 Qu’il puet. Et oirre a tout son ost
Qu’il vient au siege, més anchois
Qu’il i venist, deus jours ou trois,
Orrent ses nés tolu le port
5192 A cels dedens, que nul aport
Ne lor puet par la mer venir
Pour rien quy lor puist avenir.
Moult fu joians Gorvains Quadrus
5196 De che qu’au siege fu venus
Mes sire Gauwainz luy aidier.
Gorvains et tot sy chevalier
Vienent encontre et le merchïent
5200 De s’aïdë et tant ly dïent
Qu’il sont a luy outreement.
Mes sire Gauvains erraument [end 115b]
Descent et fait sa gent traver

309
5204 Entre l’ost Gorvain et la mer
En une plaine. Et quant il furent
Logié, pour assaillir s’esmurent [115c]
Or as armes, et chascuns saut
5208 As armes. Puis va a l’assaut
Mes sires Gauvains ; o luy vont
Teus cent chevalier qui y sont
Coneü d’armes et seür.
5212 Ly assaus fu moult grans au mur,
Sy grans que ce ne fu pas geus.
Mais moult en ot dedens de ceus
Quy tant se dotent quë il n’osent
5216 L’uéz mettre hors, ains se reposent. —
Pour coy ? — Pour mon signor Gauvain.
C’est la paor dont il sont plain
Qu’il ont par luy le port perdu,
5220 Par coy il sont tout esperdu
Et mu et mat et entrepris.
Mais par tant ont hardement pris
D’ex deffendre que nus nes pot
5224 Torner del mur. A un seul mot,
Il se deffendirent sy bien
Le jour qu’il n’i perdirent rien.
Cil de l’assaut se sont retrait
5228 Arriere, qu’il n’i ont plus fait
A celle fois. Or vous diray
De Meraugis che que j’en say
Au droit conte. Meraugis fu
5232 Lassus. Moult a boin mire eü,
Qu’il est si sains comme une pomme.
Che fu gehuy ly premier homme

310
 As fenestres que Meraugis ;
5236 Il ot del deffendre le pris.
Or set que mes sires Gauvains
Est logiés contreval les plains,
Luy et ses gens ; de c’est il liés.
5240 Mais de s’amie est corochiés
Qu’il ne le voit. — Le vit il huy ? —
Nenil, ne elle ne vit luy [end 115c]
Pieç’a ; en a desir trop grant,
5244 Que trop. — Et quant il ly plaist tant
A le veoir, pour coy nel voit ? —
Pour coy ? La dame ne voudroit
Que jamais le veïst pour paine.
5248 Mourir en dut l’autre semaine
De paour quant elle le vit. [115d]
Jamais, sy com la dame dist,
Nel verra. Pour nulle hasciee
5252 Ne veut mie qu’elle renchiee
En tel dolour ; pour ce l’en garde
Et dist : <<Dame, vous n’avés garde
De luy.>> Issy l’en asseüre.
5256 Diex, com la franche creature
Pensse autre chose ! Et ses penssés
Que vaut ? Pensser i puet asséz,
Mais ne voit nullë ocoison
5260 Dom elle soille par raison
Parolle pour coy elle voie
Son amie, quy en autel voie
Est nuit et jor pour veoir la.
5264 <<Jamais ne venray jusqu’a la,>>
Fait il, <<ou m’amie est enclose !

311
 Venray ? Non voir, c’est nulle chose
De veoir la avuec mon oés.>>
5268 Or est li talens aussy noés
De veoir la com il estoit.
Ne say quel jor en tel destroit
Est pour s’amie que nus plus,
5272 Et dist : <<Së on me set chasus,
Je l’ay perdue et elle moy ;
Ne je ne voy raison pour coy
Je m’en parc, ne comme je l’aie.
5276 Diex, que feray ? >> Issy s’esmaie
Et demente qu’onques la nuit
Ne dormy tant qu’on euïst cuit
Un oef. Et quant vint l’endemain,
5280 Au lever de la destre main
Fist crois sour luy. Et quant il ot
Messe oïe, au plus tost qu’il pot
Commanda qu’en li aportast
5284 Unes armes et qu’on l’armast
Tost orendroit. Et erraument
Pour faire son commandement [end 115d]
L’armerent. A son armer vint
5288 Li Lais, quy a merveilles tint
Ce qu’il s’armoit sy a besoing.
Moult fierement li dist de loing :
<<Amis, se Diex vos beneïe,
5292 Dites moy que ce senefie
Que vos armés.>> — <<Senefianche,>> [116a]
Fait il, <<i a il sans doutance
Sy grant que pluisor le veront :
5296 Qu’au meillor chevalier del mont

312
 Me voel combatre cors a cors.
C’est a Gauvain quy est la hors,
Pour ce que toutes gens le löent.
5300 Je me vant, si voel que tot l’öent,
Que huy cest jour, s’il ne me faut,
Savra mes cors que li siens vaut.>>
<<Dans chevaliers, de la bataille
5304 Ne cui je mie qu’il vous faille,
Mais moult ay grant paour de vous.>>
<<De moy ? Ne soiiés ja jalous
De moy amer. Je ne vous suy
5308 Noient. Se je suy mors par luy,
Ce que vous coste ? Nulle coze.>>
Or plest au Lais, s’il ne ly ose
Loer, mais tous jors ly deslöe
5312 Et dist : <<Sire, moult vous amoie
Avuec moi. Quant yssy vous plest,
Je ne metroie nul arest
Sour vous, mais a Deu vous commant.
5316 Deus me doinst ce que j’en demant
Veoir. >> Tantost com Meraugis
Fu armés, un cheval de pris
Ly amainent en my la salle.
5320 Ly chevaus fu jusqu’en la rale
Covers d’un blanc diaspre chier.
Pour ch’ot non le Blanc Chevalier
Que toutes les armes qu’il porte
5324 Sont blanches. L’en oevre la porte
Et il s’en ist lanche levee.
A un gué vint, sy a passee
La riviere. Au plus droit qu’il pot

313
5328 S’adrece celle part qu’il sot
Que mes sires Gauvains estoit.
Tantost mes sires Gauvains voit [end 116a]
Le chevalier, sy dist : <<Par foy,
5332 Cel chevalier que je la voy
Demande joste. Moult est fiers.>>
Galogrenans, uns chevaliers, [116b]
A tantost dit : <<La joste est moie.
5336 Jë iray joster ; nel lairoie
Pour rien. Ça mes armes ! >> Tantost
L’arment et cil s’en ist de l’ost
Sor un cheval plus noir que meure.
5340 Quant il vint la, en esse l’eure
S’entrevienent pour encontrer.
Calogrenans brise au joster
Sa lanche, et cil au blanc escu
5344 Joste sy qu’il a abatu
Galogrenant en my la plaigne.
Jamais n’ert jors qu’il ne s’en plaigne
De che qu’il chaï sy a cas,
5348 Car au cheoir ly est li bras
Desliués ; tot fu debrisiés.
Nes que s’il fust par mi brisiés,
Ne se pot resordre de terre.
5352 Et ly Blans Chevaliers va querre
Son cheval et sy li ramaine.
Sor le cheval a quelque paine
Le monte, et quant il l’ot monté,
5356 <<Amis,>> fait il, <<ceste bonté
Te fais, sy te diray pour coy :
Se tu veus estre bien de moy,

314
 Un seul message me feras.>> —
5360 <<Quel message ? >> — <<Tu me diras
A Gauvain que pour luy ving chy.
Dy a Gauvain que je l’envy
De joste.>> — <Sy tres volentiers.>>
5364 Cil quy voient les chevaliers
Dïent que ly Chevaliers Blans
Est hardis et courtois et frans
Por ce que tel bonté ly fait.
5368 Issy Galogrenans s’en vait,
Honteus que tout ly mons le vit.
Et mes sire Gauvains li dist
Par contraire : <<Galogrenans,
5372 A voz il recreüs voz gans [end 116b]
Cil chevaliers ? Com a il non ? >> —
<<Ne say, mais ne quiert se vous non.
Mes sire Gauvains, il vous mande
5376 Bataille et dist qu’el ne demande
Hors vostre cors.>> — <<Quant il m’envie
De bataille, gié nel lais mie,>> [116c]
Fait mes sire Gauvains. <<Or cha
5380 Les armes ! >> On ly aporta
Ses armes. Issy erraument
Tos armés sor un sor baucent,
S’en vait toz prez com de joster.
5384 Cil quy a luy se vait joster
Vient encontre de plains eslais.
Des lanches, quant il furent pres,
S’entrefierent et lanches froissent,
5388 En cent pieces ly escu croissent.
Cil s’en passent, mais au retour

315
 Font as espees un estour
Sy estout que tout cil quil voient
5392 Dïent qu’onques veü n’avoient
Tel bataille. Moult a duré
L’estour et tant ont enduré
Tant qu’en la fin dist Meraugis :
5396 <<Mes sire Gauvains, biax amis,
Traiés vous sus, respousons nous ! >>
<<Sire, a cuy vos combatés vous ? >> —
<<A cuy>> fait il, <<je me combat ?
5400 A toy quy de moy faire mat
Te vantes.>> — <<Quy es tu ? >> — <<Je suy
Meraugis quy a tout l’anuy
Par vous, sy que bien le savés.>>
5404 <<A, Meraugis, conquiz m’avés !
C’estes vous qui del lait peril
Me gietastez ; voz estez cil
Quy hom je suy de mes deus mains ! >> —
5408 <<Non estez, mes sire Gauvains,
Maiz je suy vostre ! Il est yssy :
Së onques de rien vous servy,
Or m’en rendés le gueredon ! >>
5412 <<Meraugis, je vos doins le don
De faire quan que vous plaira. [end 116c]
Comandés. Ne me desplaira
Rien quy a commander vous plaise.>>
5416 <<Dont covient il pour moy faire aise
Que voiant tous vous rendrés pris
A moy, sy que j’aie le pris
De vous prendre.>> Tout erraument [116d]
5420 Ly rent s’espee et sy se rent

316
 A luy, et Meraugis l’en mainne
Tout pris comme le sien demainne.
Quant ly baron de la court virent
5424 Qu’il fu conquis, si grant duel firent
En l’ost qu’onquez grignor ne fu.
Et dïent : <<Gauvains a perdu
Son non, qu’onquez nul jor del monde
5428 Ne fu mais la Table Reonde
Deshonneree fors par luy !
La honteuse jornee d’uy
A tout hony quan qu’il fist onquez.
5432 Quant il est viz recreans, donquez
Somme nous trestout rereant
Se ja de chy alons avant
Plain pié devant que nous l’aion
5436 Ocis. Que nos en porterons
La teste son oncle, le roy ! >>
Tout ensanle, chascuns par foy,
Dïent : <<Jamais ne nous movron
5440 Dusquez adont que mort l’avron ! >>
Cil ont grant dueil ; grignor joie ont
Cil del chastiel. Tout chil quy sont
En l’ost ne porroient penser
5444 Sy grant duel quy peuïst passer
La grant joie que cil d’en haut
Font, et dïent que tous les vaut
Ly Blans Chevaliers. Contre luy
5448 Cent ensanle, non duy et duy,
Corent et tot le conjoïssent.
Lassus sont, issy s’esjoïssent.
Quant descendu et desarmé

317
5452 Furent, Blechis a demandé
Au chevalier quy l’autre a pris :
<<Sire, ou sera cis prisons mis ?
Commandés la ou vous plaira [end 116d]
5456 C’on le mete.>> — <<L’on nel metra,>>
Fait il, <<en prison n’en destroit
Par coy ma volenté otroit.
Gauvains,>> fait il, <<un gieu vous part.
5460 Vous choisirés, se Deus me gart.
Ou je vous metray en prison
En destroit comme mon prison, [117a]
Ou de vostre main me juerés
5464 Feüté et qu’o moy serrés
Contre tos hommes en aïe ! >>
<<Sire, en prison ne sui je mie
N’estre n’i weil. Je juray ains
5468 Feüté voiant tos sor sains,
Vos ederay contre tos hommes.>>
Lors dïent tout : <<Efforchié sommes
Plus qu’onques mais ! >> Del serement
5472 Fu Belchis liéz outreement.
Oiant mon seignor Gauvain dist :
<<Cest honor n’ain mie petit
D’estre hom a si boin chevalier.
5476 Pour ce que j’en cuit enchirier
Je voel son homme devenir.
Et plus je feray chy venir
Tous cex qui çaiens sont a moy,
5480 Et chascuns li jurra en foy,
Ausy com nous avons juré,
Qu’a luy en droite loialté

318
 Se tendront. Car je met sor luy
5484 Ma guerre et ne vuei que nuluy
Desdie chose qu’il commant.>>
<<Avoy, sire, je ne demant
De vos hommes nul serement.
5488 Par lor paroles seulement
Creray je bien quan qu’il diront.>>
Ly Lois respont : <<Il vos feront
Le serement puis que jel vueil.
5492 Or me sembleroit ja orgueil
Del desvoloir. Vous le prendrés
Pour ce que mielx vous fïerés
En elx, et mielx se fïeront
5496 En vous quant avuec vous seront [end 117a]
En besoigne.>> La feuelté
Ly font de bone volenté
Trestuit fors Melianz de Lis.
5500 Cil la jura trop a envis,
Mais en la fin tant l’en proia
Ses serouges qu’il la jura [117b]
De sa main, et tout la jurerent
5504 Sy compaignon quy o luy erent.
Quant li serement furent fait,
Li Blans Chevaliers entresait
Lor dist : <<Signor, vous m’avés faite
5508 Grant honnour, et pour ce me haite
Qu’il plaist a tous, ce m’est avis.
Or est de ce ly consaus pris
Que, se je vif jusqu’a demain,
5512 Je feray savoir a Gorvain
Comment ma force est chy creüe.>>

319
 Lorz ont trestout grant joie eüe
Et dïent tot : <<A demain soit !
5516 Cil seroient couwart revoit
Quy a demain vous en fauront.>>
Demain dïent qu’il assauront
Gorvain, comment que li plez aut.
5520 La nuis aproche et ly jours faut.
En l’endemain, sy com il l’orent
Devisé, au plus tost que porent
S’en issent cil quy desirrant
5524 Sont d’assanler. El chief devant
Fu ly Blans Chevaliers quis guie.
Joste luy fu de conpaignie
Mes sires Gauvains, ses amis.
5528 Plus tost que foudres se sont miz
En l’ost. — Et cil de l’ost, qu’il firent ? —
Armé furent des ce qu’il virent
Qu’il s’avalent encontrë ex
5532 Moult bien, et cil ont desconfex
Celx qui premier les encontrerent.
Par vive force les outrerent.
Espee traite, de plain frain
5536 Par my l’ost droit au tref Gorvain
S’en vont. Illueques les encontre
Gorvains. A l’assanler encontre
Ot maint chevalier abatu. [end 117b]
5540 Tant se sont iluec combatu
Que cil de la table le roy —
Plus de trois cens en un conroy,
Quy heent mon signeur Gauvain —
5544 Lors saillent des tentes au plain

320
 Plus tos quë oisiax ne puet rendre. [117c]
Pour mon signeur Gauvain sosprendre
Sont entre l’ost et le cauchie
5548 Corut devant une trenchie
Par ou cil el chastiel estoient
Issu. Par ailleurs ne pooient
Reperier en la forteresche
5552 Fors par my cex quy de proesche
Sont loés sor tos chevaliers.
Mes sire Gauvains tos premiers
Les voit et Meraugis les vit.
5556 Lors a mes sire Gauvains dit :
<<Retornons ! Nous sommez enclos.
Se par forche ne sont desclos
Cil quy la vienent, c’est noiens
5560 De retorner jamais laiens.>>
<<C’est voirs ! >> fait il. A tant s’entornent
Arriere, et cil de l’ost s’en tornent
Sor elz, ses convoient ferant
5564 Droit as autres quy par devant
Les encontrent. En cel estour
Furent estroit comme en presor
Cil del chastiel en tel maniere
5568 Que par devant et par deriere
Les fierent si qu’il ont des cox
De toutes pars cargiés les cox
En l’estor tant chascuns s’apresse.
5572 En la fin pour perchier la presse
Lors fist mes sires Gauvains pointe. —
Coment ? — Il lor first une pointe
A l’aïde de Meraugiz

321
5576 Tele qu’a force se sont mis
Par mi lor gens si qu’il les partent
Par force, et par force s’en partent
Si qu’il en prisent au retour
5580 Quarante et cil trente des lor. [end 117c]
Cil del chastiel en lor recet
S’en revont, et l’ost s’en revet
Arriere droit as pavillons.
5584 Meraugis a tout ses prisons
Descent lasus en un palais.
Devant Meraugis ot asais [117d]
Vallés. Quant il se desarma,
5588 Ly Lais, quy onquez bien n’ama,
Ly dist com homme sanz merchy :
<<De coy servent cil prison chy ?
Bailliés les moy, ses me nombrés.
5592 Ja mar en serés encombrés
De metre en boies n’en aniax.
J’ay bone cage a tex oisiax.>>
<<Avoy, sire, ja ne serront
5596 Mis en prison së il me font
Feuëté.>> Lors les a requis
Del serement. Il en ont pris
Lor conseil. Tex i ot quil firent,
5600 Et tex i ot qui l’escondirent
De jurer. Cil furent tantost
En la prison d’enfer repost.
C’est une cartre u on les maine.
5604 Savés qu’avient le jor demaine
Qu’il orent cel estour eü ?
Lydoine ot en l’estour veü

322
 Meraugis quy sy bien le fist.
5608 Toute jor en parla et dist :
<<Diex, quy est cil au blanc escu
Qui a tout le monde vaincu ? >>
<<Dame, c’est cil dont vous eüstes
5612 Paor. De paor en deüstes
Estre morte, ne say quel jor.>>
<<Onquez de cestuy n’oy paor,>>
Fait Lydoine. <<Ce n’est il pas. >> —
5616 <<Sy est ! >> — <<Non est. D’autre compas
Est cils. Cis ert un fous, un lais.
Cist est uns sages, uns bien fais,
Uns courtois. Cist ne semble l’autre
5620 Plus qu’escarlate semble fautre.>>
<<Damoiselle, merveille dites,>>
Fait la dame, <<quy nos desdites ! [end 117d]
Nous savon bien trestotes nous
5624 Que de cestuy eüstes vous
La grant paor, ne doutés point.>>
<<Dont le vy je en mauvais point
Quant j’oy sy grant paor de luy.
5628 Nus quil veïst lores et huy [118a]
Ne vous creroit s’il nel veoit
Desarmé. Jel vuel orendroit
Veoir, que talens m’en est pris.
5632 Aussy est mes talens espris
Qu’autresy com je duy morir
Del veoir, morray del desir
De luy veoir se je nel voy
5636 Orendroit.>> — <<Orendroit, par foy,>>
Fait la dame, <<vous y mainray

323
 Ains que muiriéz. Mais paor ay
De vostre mal.>> Lors ly ensaigne
5640 Qu’elle se saint. Elle se saigne
Plus de cent fois en un randon.
Par my l’uis totes a bandon
Se misent de la chambre hors.
5644 Voirs fu qu’il s’entrevirent lors.
Et sy tost com il s’entrevirent,
S’entrevindrent que tout le virent,
Les bras tendus, et s’entracolent.
5648 Cent fois et cent, ains qu’il parolent,
S’entrebaisent quant celle crie :
<<Biax amis ! >> et cil <<Belle amie ! >>
C’est tot quan qu’il pueent respondre.
5652 Lors ne pot plus ly Lais repondre
Ce quë il pense : poy s’en faut
Qu’il n’ist del sens. Celle part saut
Et prent Meraugis par les bras.
5656 <<A poy,>> fait il, <<je ne te fas
Une honte. Fuy toy de chy ! >>
<<Avoy ! Par la vostre merchy,
Tesiéz vous en, n’en parlés mie !
5660 Je suy Meraugis, c’est m’amie.
Par saint Denis, qui qu’en parout,
C’est Meraugis qui la vos tout
Par force se grocier volés ! >>
5664 Lors dist ly Lois, quy fu dervés :
<<Comment, vassax ? Es tu dont tex ? [end 118a]
S’estoies Meraugis et Dex
Tot ensanble, n’avras tu pas
5668 Lidoine, et mal t’en apenssas !

324
 Tu en morras ! Prenés le moy ! >>
<<Tu me prendras ? Mais je preng toy !
N’iés tu mes hom ? >> — <<Par foy, je non ! >> [118b]
5672 <<Dont t’apel je de traïson ! >>
Ferir le vaut ; Belchis s’eslonge.
Mes sire Gauvains sans aloigne
Hauce le poing, feru l’eüst
5676 Se Meliaus de Lis ne fust
Quy par force les departy.
Li Lois qui d’illuec se party
Crie or : <<As armes ! Traÿ somes ! >>
5680 Tot sy parent et tout ses homes
Saillent a lanches et a glaves
Quant Meliaus de Lis ly saives
Ly dist : <<Belchis, vous estez sos !
5684 Contre lui a moult poy des vos
Çaiens se traïson ne font.
Bien sachent cil quy mefferont
A mon siignour a cuy je suy,
5688 Que mes pooirs est devers luy
Contre vos se mellee i sort.
Vos meïsme en vostre cort
Me feïstez le serement
5692 Jurer. Sachiés certainement
Que jel tenray.>> Atant se teut
Li Lais, quy n’osa ne ne peut
Venir avant, car sy parent
5696 Ly pluisor dïent erraument :
<<Sire, c’est voirs ! Nos serions
Parjurés se nous alions
Contre luy. Rendés ly s’amie.>>

325
5700 Et pour ce nel dïent il mie :
<<Rendés ly ! >> que grant duel n’en aient. —
Pour coy dont ? — Pour ce qu’il s’esmaient
De ce qu’il voient Meraugis
5704 Et cex quy gehuy furent pris
Et Meliaus de Lis ensanle,
Et Gauvain garnis, ce me sanle,
Sy lor sanle de la merlee
5708 S’ele vient ensanle a merlee
Qu’il sont tot mort et mal bailly. [end 118b]
Pour ce ly prïent : <<Rendés ly
La dame, que c’est ses amis.>>
5712 <<Ja par mon chief,>> fait Meraugis,
<<Ne le me rendra, car je l’ay.
Mais s’il en groce, jel ferray
Sans manecier. De ly se tese,
5716 Qu’il n’est riens nulle quy me plese
Fors ly, ne terre në avoir. [118c]
D’autre chose pour pais avoir
Feroie je par tot ses biens.
5720 Il est mes hom ; je seray siens
S’il veut pour devenir amis.>>
<<Meraugis, or m’avés conquis.
A cest mot n’y convient plus dire,
5724 Je la vous cuic.>> — <<Grant merchy, sire ! >>
De pais se vont entrebaisier.
Ly Lois, quy plus n’osa grochier,
Nel baise mie de bon cuer :
5728 Non peüst il faire a nul fuer. —
Pour coy ne le baisast il mie
De bon cuer ? Dont fusse mestrie

326
 S’il en baisast home ne fame ? —
5732 Cuy chaut ? Meraugis a la dame.
Mais a la terre a il failly.
Un de lor prisons s’en sailly
Par dessus le mur, quy tantost
5736 Ala dire a Gorvain en l’ost
Issy est. Quant Gorvains entent
La verité, plus n’y atent :
Ses trés destent, a tant s’en vait
5740 Vers Cavalon. Celle part fait
Tos son ost aprés luy venir,
Car il vuelt la terre tenir.
Gorvain s’en vait comme a besoing
5744 Et fu pres de dex liuez loing
Que li autre quy sont remés,
Ne cil de l’ost ne cil des trés,
Sachent pour coy Gorvains retourne.
5748 Maiz or le sevent tot a orne. —
Quy lor dist ? — Mes sire Gauwainz,
Quy del chastiel tot premerains
Issy fors pour parler a elx. [end 118c]
5752 Luy et Meraugis entr’elx delx
Lor disent tot. Et quant il sorent
Que c’est voirs, le grant duel qu’il orent
Lors fu a grant joie tourné.
5756 Le blasme qu’il orent tourné
Sor mon signour Gauvain sy grant
Devint honor a tant pour tant
Cent tans que nus ne porroit dire. [118d]
5760 Tot cil de l’ost sans contredire
Jurent el chastiel celle nuit.

327
 Belchis a joie et a deduit
Les honnera de quan qu’il pot :
5764 Onquez la nuit el chastiel n’ot
Clef sor celier ne sor despense.
Che ne sai ge que ses cuers pense,
Maiz quan qu’il a lor abandonne.
5768 Sy les rechoit que trestout donne
Celle nuit quan qu’il lor convient.
A tant es vos qu’a la cort vient
Une pucelle preus et sage :
5772 La damoiselle estoit message
Gorvain Quadrus. Oiés que dist.
Oiant tot a Meraugis dist :
<<Meraugis, cha m’envoie a toy
5776 Gorvains, quy te mande par moy
Qu’il est de Cavalon saisys.
Mais se tu eres tant hardys
Qu’en camp lo vossisses conquerre
5780 Corps a cors, en seroit la guerre
Departie, qu’il ne quiert el.
Il fu forsjugiés au Nöel
Par ton plait a la cort le roy.
5784 Jamais ne plaidera a toy,
Mais il demande sa bataille.
L’avera il ? >> — <Oïl, sans faille,>>
Dist Meraugis. <<Ce me plest bien
5788 Que par mon corps et par le sien
Soit ceste guerre desmellee.
Or soit la bataille ajornee.
Je movray demain sans sejor.>>
5792 Celle respont : <<Il te met jor

328
 A Pentecoste et sy te mande
Qu’en autre cort il ne te mande
Fors en la cort le roy Artu. [end 118d]
5796 De ce que forsjugiés i fu
Veut contre toy prover la cort.>>
Dist Meraugis : <<A coy qu’il tort,
Dites Gorvain que j’i seray.>>
5800 Celle qui dist : <<Bien ly diray.>>
S’en vait et Meraugis remaint.
Come cil qui en joie maint [119a]
Fait joie, et ly baron trestuit
5804 Font joie. A joie ont cele nuit
Passee. Que vos en diroie ?
Au matin se met a la voie
Meraugis, joste luy s’amie.
5808 Moult maine noble compaignie :
Ly baron quy o luy estoient
Vont o luy et tout le convoient
A sa bataille. Tant ala
5812 Quë a Pentecoste trouva
Le roy, qui tint a Cantorbire
Sa cort. On sot par tot l’empire
Que la bataille devoit estre.
5816 Laquis i vint sans l’oeil senestre
Que l’Outredoté ly creva.
Meraugis, quant il le trouva,
Ly rendy — ce fu veritéz —
5820 La main dont ly Outredoutéz
Le fist borgne par son orgueil.
Ce fu en cange de son oeil.
Meraugis fu a cort venus. —

329
5824 Et que devint Gorvains Cadrus ?
Vint il ? — Oïl, le jor demaine.
A sy grant gent com il amainne,
Amainne dames plus de cent.
5828 Gorvains tantost com il descent
Demande sa bataille au roy.
<<Sire,>> fait Meraugis, <<ves moy
Tot prest comme d’aler ensanle.>>
5832 Dist ly rois Artus : <<Ce me sanle
Que ceste bataille est jugie.
Ja par moy n’ert jor respitie.
Alon el champ ! >> A tant s’en vont
5836 En my les pres ; illuecques sont
Ly chevaliers ensanle mis.
Sy come mortelx anemis
S’entrevienent plus tost que vent.
5840 Des lanches au comenchement [end 119a]
S’entrefierent sy a un fes
Que tot brise. Et de plains eslés
S’entrabatent, mais en poy d’eure
5844 S’entrevont as espees seure.
Que diroie ? La lor bataille
Fu la plus estoute sans faille [119b]
Qui onquez fust en camp deduite,
5848 Et tant qu’en la fins de la luite
Meraugis a Gorvain conquis.
Pour ce que ja fu ses amis
Ly dist : <<Amis, par compaignie
5852 Te pry que me quites m’amie.
Pour ce que tu fus mes compains,
Je suy pres de jurer sor sains

330
 La compaignie de requief
5856 Anchois que tu perdes le chief
Par moy, qui pesance en aroie.>>
Cil quy ne puet par autre voie
Passer fors par sa volenté,
5860 Li a le roiaume quité
Et la pucelle et quan qu’il ot.
De la compaignie tantost
S’entrasseürerent. Yssy
5864 Tout de rechief, sy com je dy,
Sont compaing et amy certain.
Se Meraugis aime Gorvain
Et Gorvains luy plus qu’il ne selt,
5868 Or a Meraugis quan qu’il velt.
Ly contes faut, ci s’en delivre
Chius quy de luy fist icest livre.

Explicit de Meraugis

331
 TRANSLATION OF MERAUGIS DE PORTLESGUÉZ

LORDS AND LADIES, in the time of

the most valiant King Arthur,
there lived in Great Britain
4 a king of mighty estate.
He was the king of Cavalon,
a man fairer than Absalom,
as the story of the Grail relates.
8 This bold and loyal king,
rich both in friends and in strength,
had a daughter of great worth.
Lidoine was this young lady’s name.
12 As far as the ports of Macedonia
there was no woman so beautiful as she,
for the face of any other young woman
would have seemed quite coarse next to hers.
16 And so it pleases me to
make a fine description of her.
This lady was the noblest shoot
within which God had ever set nature to work.
20 May God grant that I may well accomplish
my description of such a creature.
For this young woman had a most
beautifully shaped head, with hair
24 more golden than an oriole’s wings
and a high forehead, radiant and well formed.
And there was no flaw whatsoever

332
 in her dark eyebrows,
28 which were so beautiful
that they could have been painted by hand.
They tapered perfectly upwards
and were spaced well apart.
32 I shall tell the full truth about her eyes,
which were of such keen intelligence
that her gaze would have
pierced right through five shields
36 and quite overcome and defeated
the hearts within the breasts behind them.
I tell you, it would be wise to protect oneself
from such a gaze as might enter thus,
40 for no one could have seen her
without being set aflame by her.
I have heard such high praises of her
that I wish to recount something wonderful:
44 her complexion was fresher and redder
than the rose in the meadow.
Whoever framed such a creature showed
a most balanced and refined intelligence.
48 Nature had truly never shown greater
largesse than when it made her.
She had a well-formed, straight nose,
a lovely mouth, and brilliant white teeth.
52 When the tongue spoke within her mouth,
her teeth seemed to have the sheen of silver.
And, to give strength to this illusion,
she had a throat of heavenly beauty,
56 whiter than snow or crystal,
and her neck was long and fair and straight.

333
 If I beheld her now,
right here before my eyes,
60 I could not better describe
her beauty, not at all.
None who beheld her with his own eyes,
no matter how long he gazed at her,
64 could ever describe her
perfectly, this I tell you truly!
If she was fair of face
and pleasing to everyone,
68 she was also fairer in body
than even Lorete de Breubras.
The young woman had beautiful shoulders
and arms, and lovely hands
72 that were certainly not idle
when there was occasion for giving.
The young lady was so full
of all good qualities that
76 anyone who had once been held
within those noble arms would
nevermore suffer rheumatism in his side.
If there was beauty in this young lady,
80 there was in her even more intelligence and goodness,
for she was in every way so courtly
that for two yards distance all around her
nothing but courtliness could exist.
84 She was a young woman of great renown
and a school at which others could learn.
In her presence one could grasp
by the fistful all things honorable,
88 and young women came from far away,

334
 from Cornwall and from England,
to seek her out so that they
might see her and hear her speak.
92 People from everywhere should have made
such pilgrimages of courtliness!
And the young woman had such good sense
that no courtly man who spoke with her
96 failed to be more so when he left,
provided he chose to retain what she had said.
She was in those days held to be
the most noble of young women.
100 But if she was noble and worthy and fair,
she was above all filled with grace,
for no one who had feasted his sight on her
would on the day he did so suffer any mischance.
104 None at all, I swear it! Even if he fell
from the height of a church tower,
he would not even have limped
if he had that day seen Lidoine.
108 Everyone eagerly gazed on her
because of the great grace she had in her.
But in truth, it so befell the young
woman that her father died.
112 This indeed brought her no pleasure,
for she almost despaired,
although this did not lessen in any way
the goodness of her thoughts.
116 After her father had passed away,
she ruled his kingdom, for the truth was
that he had no other heirs
and so she inherited it from him.

335
120 And I tell you that she was
able to govern her land so well
that no war ever came to her,
for no one caused her harm or trouble,
124 and she had no need to fear anyone.
By the time she had ruled for three years,
she had so conducted herself
that everyone praised her for it.
128 And the desire entered her heart
to go to Lindesoires, for that
was where the lady of Landesmores
had announced a tournament
132 where at her command many a banner
would be unfurled and many a blow struck.
The one to whom the honor fell of being
declared the best in the tournament
136 was to take as his own a swan
which was to be in the pine tree,
and would, I tell you, also kiss
the young lady of Landesmore,
140 who was neither ugly nor of swarthy complexion.
When the time came for the swan
to be awarded, a horn would be sounded
by the fountain under the pine tree.
144 On a perch made of pine
there would be a molted hawk,
which would be taken or removed
by no one but the lady
148 who was recognized
as the most beautiful of all.
As for her gown, even were it worn at the elbows,

336
 provided that she was the most beautiful
152 she would be the only young lady
who could receive the hawk,
for it was to be awarded to no other
than the one who would be chosen
156 as the fairest of all to behold.
Thus was the tournament arranged.
All the young men who were in love
brought their beloved ladies with them.
160 The tournament would be a success,
for all the young knights errant
of Logres wished to go
to the tournament to win the prize.
164 And Lidoine sent for as many as
thirty young ladies to accompany her,
the noblest and the fairest
that could be found in her land.
168 Because she expected to be well received,
she had herself richly attired.
She did not fix a time for her return,
but she had her young companions clothed
172 in the richest fabrics of Tyre
that money could buy.
Then the young lady had her men
and all the ladies mount their horses.
176 I would not know how to number all those
who set forth on the road with her that day,
but they rode until they had reached
the plains before Lindesores,
180 where everything was nearly ready
for the tournament to begin.

337
 They rode forward at a gentle pace
until they arrived at a clearing.
184 They saw a herald who held a javelin
with a very sharp steel point.
He took pleasure in hurling it among
those who were assembling for the tournament.
188 But he was so ugly that he seemed
to have been fashioned with an ax,
for his head was long and pointed
and his entire body ill formed.
192 But I shall not further describe
this body in whom God had no part,
and indeed I could not give a full description
of the man’s great hideousness.
196 He looked and saw the ladies
who were riding slowly toward him.
Although he recognized them he made no sign
that he had seen them, but hurried over
200 to where the lady who had charge of the court
was seated on a raised platform.
He made no long delay. When
he had found her there he said,
204 “Lady, you may know beyond any doubt
that the lady to whom will fall
the honor of taking the hawk
for her own has arrived.”
208 She said, “And I certainly wish to know
who this most beautiful lady is.”
“My lady,” he said, “she is the young
daughter of the king of Cavalon.”
212 The lady replied, “Then let us descend

338
 from this platform to meet her.”
Lidoine, in whom nothing that might be
considered a fine quality was lacking,
216 met at the foot of the platform
the lady who was presiding,
who stopped and greeted her,
saying, “My lady, you are most welcome!
220 I pray you, please take
this platform here before us.”
“I thank you, and may God keep you,”
replied the well-mannered Lidoine.
224 “I accept the place most willingly,
provided that you also come up.
We shall take it and you shall as well,
and it shall belong to both of us.
228 Let it be entirely mine and entirely yours,
for all of us can easily share it.”
Then all the ladies went up
together onto the platform.
232 But among them all Lidoine
was as the rose and the fleur de lis.
Fenice, the wife of Alis,
was never so beautiful as she.
236 Nature was so devoted to her that
she had placed in her all that was fitting.
When Lidoine took her place on the platform,
where many ladies were already seated,
240 I tell you that the fairest among them,
the one most perfect in body,
seemed next to her as February to May.
As soon as they had taken their places

339
244 on the platform, those knights who wished
to be the first to joust came forward.
Then they began to arrange themselves
into troops and under banners.
248 There were arms and knights
of many different sorts,
and any knight who had recognized Lidoine
showed himself to be no slacker
252 but would spread the news throughout
the ranks and make it known everywhere,
and so would be certain soon to encounter
and overpower many a knight.
256 All the noble lords of the tournament
were overcome with joy
once they knew for certain
that Lidoine was there.
260 They grew so eager and anxious
to exchange fine blows and to joust
that they rushed to encounters
wherever they chanced to meet.
264 Then the knights would advance,
their lances at the ready, toward the platform.
Before the ladies, through the wood,
they spurred their horses, jousting and clashing
268 until the noise of their lances made it seem
as if two armies were coming together,
and the ladies thought it was
an excellent joust, as indeed it was,
272 for many well-known knights were there,
and many a battle-hardened prince.
The tournament lasted two

340
 full days and into the third.
276 I shall not spend a great deal of time
telling of the knights’s prowess,
for I want to tell you the story
according to the source that I know
280 and employ all my ingenuity and
intelligence to tell the truth of it.
Nothing shall be related here
except the truth as I know it.
284 Now I shall tell you exactly
who received the swan and the kiss:
Taulas it was, a knight most
valiant in arms, who took the prize.
288 For most agreed with this judgment,
not because there was no knight there
better than he who might have had it
but because the presiding lady loved him
292 and he loved her so much that he went
everywhere seeking adventures.
So all bore witness in order
to lend support to her judgment,
296 nor was she herself so disagreeable
that anyone would have wished to do her wrong.
All agreed with her decision
and bestowed the swan on Taulas.
300 But it was only because his friends wished it
that he received the swan and the kiss,
for anyone who sought to reason clearly
could have found a better knight.
304 The lady had a horn sounded
under the pine by the fountain.

341
 I shall not take great pains
to describe the splendor of the proceedings,
308 for one may easily guess
that Lidoine was the most beautiful there.
There was not a single knight
or young lady who did not declare
312 that it was right for her to have
the hawk. She went to take it.
Then everyone wished to know her name
and asked who she was.
316 While she was standing under the pine tree,
Meraugis of Portlesguez,
a knight of much renown,
came riding up along with a
320 companion of his, Gorvain Cadrus;
these two were the dearest of friends.
They were the two finest knights
that one could ever hope to find,
324 for no tournament was held in any land
that they did not attend.
Among those not bound by other ties
there had never been such great love
328 as the friendship they had long shared.
They were such true friends
that they shared all that they won
or lost and all that they possessed.
332 They rode up to the pine tree, where both of them
were seized with wonder when they saw Lidoine,
and this was indeed not surprising
considering her great beauty.
336 And when Gorvain Cadrus beheld her,

342
 he loved her for her beauty
with all the faithfulness
with which a heart may truly love a body,
340 so that with his whole heart he loved her.
And as soon as he saw her he said,
“If that young woman had not received
the hawk, I do not know who would have,
344 for I do not believe that anyone could find
in this world a more beautiful woman.
On her behalf I would dare to assert
that she is the most beautiful in the world
348 and the most worthy and the fairest of hair.
I declare that she is the noblest
of all and the fairest of face
that was ever created.”
352 The more he saw her and gazed upon her
the more it pleased him to enumerate her virtues.
At once the two companions
dismounted and greeted her,
356 and she courteously rose
and returned their greetings.
She had that day seen, when
blows were being given and received,
360 that these two were indeed the ones
who had performed the best in battle
and had most pleased her that day.
An so she rejoiced and received them graciously.
364 Gorvain Cadrus, who already loved her,
held back, quite overwhelmed,
for he did not know how he might
dare to tell her what was on his mind

343
368 and so remained lost in wonder and pondering
whence this thought had come to him.
And he said, “What has happened to my heart?
Where is it? — I do not know. — What is this? Who now
372 has my heart? That young woman — behold her there —
has this day taken it away from me.
It has certainly been joined to a beautiful body! —
Beautiful? — Indeed, that is true!
376 I do not know who else might have my heart.
How could it be otherwise? But she does not know she has it,
and so I would like to let her know
how firmly it is now anchored in her. —
380 Should I not have what I desire
if I tell her right at this moment?
I can tell her now, for there she is! —
But what shall I tell her? That she ought to love me?
384 She has enough such idlers about her!
I shall be taken for a fool.
I wish to be received into her service
soon, I who first loved her today,
388 and so I wish to tell her
at once what I desire.
I have not borne this burden for long:
this she may tell me in response.
392 And the love that is within me can make
no answer, for it is hidden.
And so, by Saint Peter, I think
that I will make it known to her,
396 and so I believe I shall tell her
that I love her. If she did not know of it,
another would learn of it first. —

344
 Learn of it? How so? — Indeed, at once.
400 If I do not speak, the great love
that is in me will burst its banks
so that all and sundry will know of it.
It is better for me that she who has drawn
404 such love from my heart should know it
than that I should make it known to another
who could be no use to me in this.
I shall tell her. — No, I shall not. —
408 Yes, I shall, truly. I shall speak to her
two words that will let her know
that I love her. If I told her the whole
truth of how things stand with me,
412 I believe she would think it
my folly and worthy of condemnation. —
Why? — Because she would not believe me. —
Not believe me? And should she not?”
416 Gorvain could no longer keep silent,
and so he went to her at once and said,
“Sweet friend, I commend you to God.
I shall now depart. But wherever you may go,
420 I wish you to know from my own lips
that I am entirely yours.
I shall never tell you how or why
or whence this has happened to me,
424 unless it transpires through fortune,
until you will have come to know me better
and seen me in other places
than this one, if it pleases you to do so.”
428 “Fair knight, I heartily thank you!”
said Lidoine. “And you may be certain

345
 that to know you and see you
pleases me greatly, as well it should,
432 for I have heard it said that you are
an excellent knight, and I do believe it.”
“Lady,” said Gorvains, “in faith,
this has made me the happiest of men!”
436 He said no more, and departed.
Thus it transpired for Gorvain Cadrus.
As for Gorvain’s companion,
Meraugis, who loved him dearly,
440 it also happened that, after he had
spoken only a little to Lidoine,
as Gorvain had loved her for her beauty,
Meraugis so loved the other part of her,
444 her worth and courtliness
and her excellent, cheerful conversation,
that he was a hundred times more captivated
by love than was his companion.
448 Thus was each tormented
by a particular kind of love for her.
Love is most skillful for the manner in
which it surprises and deceives people.
452 Lidoine mounted her horse, and
the knights rode up from all sides
to accompany her. Thus did she
depart, while Gorvain remained behind.
456 Many of the knights came to
ride with her, a great number of them.
Meraugis, who found it in no way
displeasing to look on her, followed after.
460 He placed himself among the others

346
 so that he and the lady would be near each other.
But as they rode along speaking together,
his suffering only grew greater. —
464 Why was this? — With each word
he took on yet a greater burden of love.
Now he loved her more than a moment before,
Now he loved her, and his burden grew
468 until love struck him through the eyes
and his face and all his body
so that it began spilling out of him,
so much love did he have inside.
472 He had indeed drunk at a sweet fountain
to become so quickly filled.
In truth, he was so full of love
that there was nothing more to be said.
476 So help me God, he could not speak
even so much as to ask leave to go,
but like a man who has been dreaming
remained transfixed in the middle of the road.
480 He escorted her with his heart and his eyes,
for he had no power to go further.
Then he tuned his iron-gray horse
and rode slowly away.
484 At once Gorvain Cadrus
remounted and rode toward him.
When he had met him he said,
“Now tell me, my friend and companion,
488 have you seen how God has heaped
together all forms of beauty that there are
upon this young woman, who seems
to be of such great worth?”

347
492 “Her beauty can be of no importance,”
Said Meraugis, “unless she is of worthy character.
For even if she were much more
beautiful than she is but lacked honor,
496 the man who loved her would
be expending himself for nothing.
For anyone whom his love had induced
to love a fair body but not its courtliness
500 could feel much bitterness because of it:
Indeed he could, if his love is true.”
Gorvain Cadrus at once replied,
“But why, my friend?
504 It seems to me, and so I believe,
that even if she is a devil or a dragon
or a phantom or a serpent within,
that all the world ought to love her body
508 for its exterior beauty.” “No, they should not!”
“Yes, they should; that is my opinion!”
Gorvain said to Meraugis,
“I shall tell you my inmost desires,
512 for I love you and know beyond doubt
that you love me in true faith.
For that reason, friend, I must in no way
conceal from you that which is within me.
516 Many times, in truth, have you
given me counsel, as I have you.”
Meraugis answered, “The friendship
between us needs no proving.
520 If I can find some counsel to give you
regarding the matter you wish to tell me about,
I shall do so.” “Will you, fair lord?”

348
 “Yes, beyond doubt, if I know of any.”
524 Gorvain said, “And I shall tell you
something I would tell no other. Give me
your counsel, for here is the essence of the matter:
I love Lidoine with all my heart,
528 and I shall never renounce
that love. That is the truth.
And why do I love her? For her beauties!”
“For her beauties?” “In truth, for these only.
532 I have no interest in any of the rest,
for her beauties alone have made me love her.
If God has given her other good qualities,
I am neither happy nor sad because of them.
536 Whether she be courtly or coarse,
or even a woman of quite wicked behavior,
I am so deeply in love with her beauty
that I am quite astonished by my love.”
540 “It is easy to give you counsel,”
said Meraugis. “And what is your advice, my lord?”
“Since it cannot be otherwise,
then love her. Thus do I advise you.”
544 “I have never failed to follow your advice,”
said Gorvain, “nor do I desire to now,
for in this matter you have indeed
counseled me according to my wishes.”
548 As they rode along, Meraugis said,
“My dear friend, I do so for your welfare.
Now counsel me in turn for mine
on a like matter, for if you do not,
552 the two of us shall never
leave this place as friends.”

349
 Gorvain answered, “May God never permit
that there be ill will between us!
556 Unless the wrong be from you, such
ill will shall never come from me.
May God never bring me to good
if I did not willingly
560 offer you all the good counsel
I could in your difficulty!
Why is that so? Because I know beyond any doubt
that you offer me the best you can.”
564 “Then give me your counsel in good faith,
my friend, if you know the answer,
for I love the same lady as you
with a great and steadfast love
568 that is quite different and other
than your own. For the nature
and origin of my love is such that
I love her for her courtliness,
572 for her goodness in which there is nothing base,
for her fine reputation, and for her worth.
Just as your love is such that it
concerns itself only with her beauty,
576 I tell you in all good faith
that I love her only for her courtliness,
and truly, if she were spotted or black
or brown — what shall I say? —
580 even then I would love her no less
or ever be turned from that love.”
Gorvain answered, “You are joking with me!”
“No, indeed.” “Yes, I believe you are.
584 But if this is the truth you have told me,

350
 it greatly grieves and astonishes me.
And my true counsel to you is
never to think of this again,
588 for if you do, our friendship is over
and you will never again be dear to me.”
Meraugis answered, “It is as I said:
you do not wish to counsel me
592 as I wish you to. Ill will now
divides us, and this is a great sorrow,
for there is great love between
us two. And if I truly break with it —
596 for you love the lady for one quality
and I another — it seems to me,
for the reason I have given,
that still we should never quarrel.”
600 Gorvain answered, “I can clearly see
that such a quarrel will indeed arise.
Take care to make no further declaration!
You have said too much; now be gone!
604 There is no further peace between us, for I
challenge you and wish henceforth to prove
that you have no right to her love!”
“And I maintain that I do!” “You do not,
608 for you do not claim to love her for her body.
This argument puts you in the wrong.
What is the rest worth without the body?
Nothing, this I dare to affirm.
612 And if you choose to contradict me in this,
then you must take up arms.”
“I am prepared to defend myself,”
said Meraugis, “and to show

351
616 that there is a better argument
that she should be my beloved
than yours, for you care nothing about
her courtliness and her fair reputation.
620 You can have no part of her!
I am quite prepared to argue this point.”
Thus did war spring up
between these two knights.
624 When they had prepared themselves
to do battle and were ready to begin
exchanging blows, the knights
who had been escorting Lidoine
628 returned. They were amazed
when they heard the dispute,
for they had never seen
such spite between these two,
632 for there had been only great friendship.
And so in amazement they asked
what was wrong, what each required of the other,
who was in the right, and who in the wrong.
636 And the two of them gave evidence
of the truth about their battle,
that they both were determined
to fight and kill each other over Lidoine.
640 The others, wanting to calm the quarrel
and astonished at what they heard,
blamed them and tried to
dissuade them from their mad intent,
644 saying it was great foolishness
that led them to undertake such a thing.
But they could bring no end to the affair,

352
 not at all, for Gorvain declared at once
648 that none had the power to prevent
him from undertaking this battle.
Meraugis said, “That will never be,
for in my opinion we would be dishonored!”
652 Having failed to end the quarrel,
the others allowed the two to go off together.
And they left the main road and
positioned themselves in the middle of the field,
656 filled with fierce anger and ill will and
eager for battle. And you may be certain
that not once on that field for their sins
did they bow down toward the east.
660 Instead they bowed and made gestures of adoration
toward the direction where Lidoine had gone.
Now that all was ready, they let
their horses charge, and so they came together
664 to strike each other’s shields. With their lances
they struck so furiously
that the wood of their shields
shattered against their chests,
668 causing both of them to drop
the reins, so strong were their lances.
These noble lords were so eager
that when they clashed head-on
672 the horses and riders were all
knocked to the ground together in a heap.
But the knights were, I believe,
back on their feet at once
676 and again attacking
each other with their swords.

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 Each held his shield up to protect his head
as he advanced toward the other.
680 I do not know which of them struck first
nor who struck more blows,
but the swords in their hands
moved more swiftly than the wind.
684 When one would strike, the other
at once returned blow for blow.
They stretched out their arms
to strike at each other, but blows were struck
688 with great impact to their arms, their sides,
their backs, and even their faces.
Gorvain was a valiant fighter and Meraugis
fierce and bold as a lion.
692 No fiercer champions had ever
come together in any land.
Neither of them could gain a farthing’s
worth of advantage over the other,
696 but like valiant knights
they received and struck great blows.
In the end they had cut and hacked to bits
each other’s helmets and hauberks and shields.
700 I do not know which of them would have been
defeated once their strength had begun to fail.
But Lidoine heard from the
knights who were riding with her
704 how these two knights were
doing combat for love of her.
This deeply grieved her, and so she
hurried back at once. When she arrived
708 the knights had already been fighting

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 for so long that between them not a single
sword remained intact. And when they saw
the young woman coming toward them,
712 they started toward each other with raised fists,
each of them enraged and out of his senses. —
Why was this? — Neither believed he
had yet been able to defeat the other.
716 Lidoine arrived and requested that they
make peace, saying, “My lords, cease
this battle, for you may be certain
that it greatly displeases me. And despite
720 how matters stand, I desire that the two
of you do each other no further harm.”
The two knights drew back at once,
for they could not oppose her will,
724 but they were so full of rage
as they did what she wished
that each one nearly died
of shame for having
728 fought so long to no avail.
Then they cried out, “Lady, have pity!
You see all the people here
assembled from throughout the realm.
732 They may truly call us dishonored
if things remain as they are, for we will
both have been defeated while still able to fight.
For the love of God, if it seems right
736 to you, let us resume our battle
until one of us is forced to yield.”
“Come, my lords, put away such thoughts!
This I tell you truly: I do not wish

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740 that battle be fought for my sake
unless a judgment has first been offered.
Come instead at Christmastime to the place
where the king shall hold his court.
744 If the noble lords decide that a battle
should be fought at that time,
then I shall be most pleased to see
which of you proves the stronger.
748 But if it is the opinion of
the court that there should be
no battle, then I do not desire
that there be one, and none shall take place.
752 But once judgment has been reached,
so that I may rightly know which
of you is in the right and which in the wrong,
I tell you that, so may God save me, whether
756 it be decided through battle or deliberation,
it shall please me to end the matter then and there.
Whichever of you gains the upper hand
will then have my leave to love me.
760 This is what I desire, and so
I wish to postpone this battle.
This does no harm to your honor.
And so I pray and command you
764 that there be no war or ill will
between you two henceforth until that day.
Were I to learn that there had been,
you would irrevocably lose my love.
768 But let each of you take his own path
and go forth to seek adventures.
I beg of you to do your best

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 and win renown, and this you should do,
772 for it would bring you joy if I
heard good things spoken of you.”
“There is nothing to add to what you have said,”
said Meraugis. “Since this is what you wish,
776 you may now be certain that I will go to the court
as soon as the time to do so has come.
And Gorvain may know that if
he goes he will certainly find me there.”
780 Gorvain said, “I shall most definitely
leave at once if my lady should wish it.
And you may be certain that, whatever
should happen, I shall be there
784 and that until that time I wish to have
no rest nor joy nor any dwelling place.”
And so all three of them vowed to go
to King Arthur’s court on the appointed day.
788 With that they parted and left that place.
Lidoine returned to her own land,
while Gorvain Cadrus and Meraugis
pursued their separate paths.
792 Just as their lady had directed them,
they went everywhere as they journeyed home.
They found many adventures
and took part in many enterprises.
796 But as to all their efforts during that time
I do not wish to tell you anything further,
for there is so much to say of the other matter
that all that may easily be left out.
800 The two knights labored and suffered greatly,
and matters turned out so well for them

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 that wherever either of them went
he always proved to be the best of all.
804 They defeated and captured
more than sixty knights during that time.
Each wandered and traveled around
until the appointed day arrived. Lidoine had
808 already arrived at King Arthur’s court
to request a judgment.
It was known for certain
that the king would be in Carlisle
812 at Christmas, for all the lodgings
had long since been arranged.
The queen was there
with a goodly number of ladies.
816 The king, as I have told you,
held his court, and his nobles joined him there.
And what had become of the knights
who were to do battle? They had
820 returned from their travels so that
they could without fail appear on the
appointed day quite ready for battle.
As soon as they had arrived at court,
824 Lidoine at once went
to tell the whole story
before the king concerning
the love the two knights had for her.
828 And when King Arthur heard this
he was astonished and ordered
that she be given the judgment
she had requested, for she wished to know
832 which of the two better deserved her love.

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 When the noble lords had heard this
they all without delay
turned their attention to the judgment.
836 Kay was the first to speak, and he said
in front of everyone, “Sire, I believe that
each of them should have her for a month at a time.”
“Noble Kay,” said count Guinable,
840 “That is no reliable judgment.
There is no end to your jesting.”
“My lord, I do not say this in jest
but rather to make peace between them,
844 which no one will be able to do for a long while
unless they both get what they desire.
And so, if this solution pleases them,
I advise them to settle the matter that way.”
848 “Kay,” said the count, “I assure you
that they will not accept this solution.”
“I do not know how this will turn out,”
said Kay, “but I shall now hold my peace.”
852 After this the others spoke in turn,
each stating the outcome he wished.
And when they had spoken a great deal
the queen arrived and asked to
856 hold her own court. The king ordered
her to keep silent, but she would not do so.
She made her request most strongly
and said, “Sire, it is well known
860 that all judgments concerning love are
my concern. You have nothing to do with this matter.”
And Kay, who could no longer hold his peace,
said, “My lady speaks rightly.”

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864 The nobles all sided with Kay
in this and declared as one that it seemed
right and just to them that the queen
should have Lidoine appear in her own court.
868 And when the king had clearly understood
that the court was now the queen’s, she
took charge of it. Then she said to the king,
“Sire, let us have this hall to ourselves!
872 The many young women who are with me
will render their judgment here.”
Then the noble lords withdrew
from there and the ladies came in.
876 Just imagine how their gowns became them,
each one more beautiful than the one before!
What shall I say to you? No one
could ever describe the tenth part of it. —
880 Why? — Because nothing that could ever be said
about beauty was absent from that hall.
Anyone who beheld that sight could
tell a great tale about it if he wished.
884 More than two hundred ladies
came forth from the upper chambers
in groups of ten or twenty, sometimes more,
sometimes less, all arriving in groups.
888 The queen stood before them
and spoke first, as was fitting,
declaring to them and then repeating,
“Ladies, listen and consider!
892 All of you have heard
what is to be decided here.
From you must come a judgment

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 that can be heard by everyone.”
896 And at once there arose a great
deal of quiet talk and debate.
The ladies went to discuss the matter in groups
of two or three, or sometimes five or ten.
900 First one would say what seemed best to her,
and then the next would give her opinion.
And when one had spoken in detail
another would put forth a more lengthy argument.
904 This one would be silent and that one would not.
Thus they were all in disagreement,
for none of them was in accord
with what another had said.
908 Then the lady Amice, who was the beloved
of the young knight of Galloway,
said to them, “Ladies, the judgment
you are deciding here troubles me,
912 for each of the knights loves only the half
of her yet still wishes to have all.
I cannot see that either of them is right,
no indeed, for I say in truth
916 that her worth and beauty
are all part of the whole. She has all
within her, so how can a division be made?
I do not know, nor does anyone.
920 This is the main point of the judgment.
For consider this: of what worth is the body
if there is in it no courtliness?
Why, nothing, nor would courtliness
924 be worth anything without the beautiful
body which illumines all.”

361
 “Indeed,” said the queen, “I do
not see how such a thing can be!”
928 Then the countess of Gloucester
replied, “Amice has spoken well:
each is worth nothing without the other.
That is true, but that is not the essential point.
932 We must consider and understand
the matter in a specific rather than a general way.
Lidoine says she wishes to know
which of the two loves her more rightly.
936 This I tell you, and let us judge as follows:
the one who loves her for her beautiful body
does not exclude himself from anything else
but wishes to have all the rest of her as well.
940 And the other one, who loves her
for her courtliness, wishes to prove that
she should for that reason be his beloved,
and so he claims the rest of her.
944 From these arguments I can see only
that we should consider the question of
which love should be the more pleasing,
the one that stems from a better origin.
948 This point will decide the right choice,
and will award her entirely to one of them
by means of a judgment rather than a battle.”
“In faith,” said Lorete the Fair-Haired,
952 “from first to last you have spoken
the essential truth of the matter,
for it is from this that the judgment must
originate and be decided upon. But we may easily
956 consider and arrive at a judgment as to

362
 whose love is the more worthy.
And why is this? Because I can in no way see,
according to what the two have said,
960 that the one who loves her for her
beauty should have any part of her. Indeed not!
I cannot accept as the better of the two
the one who wishes to argue
964 that this is the truest love,
no more than if he loved crucifixes.
For what is beauty? It is a word that is spoken,
a mere name that comes about by chance.
968 Beauty sits lightly as she rides along,
Beauty goes there though here would be better,
Beauty wounds people through their eyes.
Beauty, what is born from her?
972 Truly, nothing but pride! I say
that she bears an ignoble name.
Therefore Love is born of Courtliness
and is her daughter; that is my true belief!
976 Love bears a most courtly name.
Indeed, unless Nature makes her worse,
Love, who is like her mother,
ought to be entirely courtly. —
980 Why? — Because Courtliness grieves
when that which is born of her is not
entirely courtly in all worthy places.
And so I declare and wish to show
984 that Love should love Courtliness.
And if Love loves as is fitting,
then Meraugis loves rightly,
for he loves the lady for her courtliness.

363
988 This is the truth. I can by no means say
that Gorvain, who loves her for
her beauty, loves her as faithfully
or with so natural a love.”
992 “In faith, he does not!”
said Soredamor. “And I agree that
according to these proceedings she may
certainly not be awarded to Gorvain.”
996 Had you been there you would have heard
ladies speaking a great deal, but I believe
that in the end they all agreed
with one voice to side with Meraugis.
1000 And when the queen had heard this,
she said no more but had the king
summoned and the judgment
declared before the entire court.
1004 And when Gorvain Cadrus heard
that they had rejected his claim,
he was deeply saddened and said to them,
“I do not accept this judgment
1008 but instead wish to
do battle here and now.
I did not come here for
a judgment but for combat.
1012 And I declare that I wish to overturn
this judgment, for it is a false one!
I shall prove it to be unjust
if Meraugis dares to take the part of
1016 those ladies who have told him
that Lidoine should be his because of it.”
And Meraugis at once replied,

364
 “So help me God, Gorvain,
1020 you shall not fail to have your battle!
You may find me here, my shield
at the ready and eager to prove
that you are in the wrong and I in the right.”
1024 “And I am quite prepared to do
battle with you at once,” said Gorvain.
And without further ado they
advanced toward each other with raised fists.
1028 They would have held back no longer
nor waited for their arms or horses,
and all would have clearly seen
which of them was the most valiant knight
1032 had the king not declared that none
should be so bold as to strike a blow
nor begin a fray in the court,
for he did not desire it.
1036 And the queen went at once
to the two knights and said,
“My lord knights, as God is my witness,
this is of no use. Think no more on this,
1040 for there shall be no battle.”
“But why, my lady?” asked Meraugis.
“So help me God, this troubles me!
I tell you truly that I would
1044 most certainly prefer a battle
and to fight for Lidoine with my sword
than to have her by doing nothing.”
“But why?” “Because that would win me renown.”
1048 “I do not know which of you would boast of the victory,”
she said, “but I shall tell you this much:

365
 since you are so eager for battle,
and so that this may not bring shame to you,
1052 you may go somewhere other than
this court to begin your fray.”
“What?” said Gorvain. “Is this court
under some spell to prevent any battle from
1056 taking place here?” “Indeed not, my lord,
if there were some other reason for it.
But this one may not take place here
because the judgment has already been given.”
1060 “I did not come here because I wished to,
my lady,” said Gorvain Cadrus,
“but to prove that Lidoine
should take me as her beloved.
1064 If Meraugis wishes to continue this war,
he will find me a fierce opponent.
It shall not be broken off for the sake of
the king who turned his court over to you.
1068 You certainly have him under your control.
But it grieves me less — since everything
here is the reverse of what it ought to be —
that judgment has gone against me in this place.
1072 But I wish you to know that
you have misjudged my argument.
You would surely take me for a child
if I were so easily appeased.
1076 That would mean I was satisfied with nothing.
And so it is right that I make my complaint,
for in this court justice walks with a limp.”
With that, Gorvain departed at once.
1080 But Meraugis remained above

366
 in the hall, full of joy, for the king now
told Lidoine that she should
bestow her love on Meraugis because
1084 there was in him no unworthiness.
The other knights then said, “Sire,
it is fitting that the lady should
bestow her love on him with a kiss.”
1088 When Meraugis heard this,
how much he rejoiced!
If he was happy, he had reason to be,
nor do I believe the news troubled Lidoine.
1092 “In accordance with the king’s command
and as the queen has counseled,”
said Lidoine, I shall in this manner
bestow the kiss on him as you advise,
1096 but this shall be all he receives
until a year from today,
for I shall draw near him with any
of love’s consolation only this one time
1100 until a year has passed. And you may know
that I wish to have such acquaintance with him
that, provided he does what is fitting
that a knight do for his lady,
1104 I do not say that, the year being up,
he will receive no further consolation
from me. I pledge him my faith
that it will be thus for now:
1108 that I shall give him the name of beloved
and take him as my knight.
For the present he will receive
only the name and the kiss.

367
1112 And when the year is over,
according to the good things
I have heard spoken of him, I declare that
he shall be rewarded accordingly.
1116 Either I shall give him a beautiful gift,
or else he will have lost me forever.”
When Meraugis had heard this
he answered before them all,
1120 “I receive the sweet penance
that you have here imposed
on me, and I thank you
for so pleasing to command me.
1124 For no command of yours could
ever possibly displease me!
From the mere joy of being
named your knight I have
1128 received a great deal.” Then the kiss
was sweetly given with no delay.
Lidoine said, “I bestow on you my love
in the manner I have set forth.”
1132 Then she tilted her sweet face
and sweet smiling mouth toward him.
Meraugis leaned forward and
took hold of her beautiful chin,
1136 and you may know that I do not lie
when I say he kissed her very sweetly. —
Was it then with his mouth alone that he kissed her? —
Indeed, this was certainly not the case
1140 because his heart followed immediately
after, for it deeply desired her. —
And do you know what he took from the kiss,

368
 and with what manner of behavior he was filled? —
1144 In a word, he was filled so entirely
through this kiss with all the qualities
that a good knight should have
that none was now lacking to him.
1148 You may be certain that this kiss,
because it brought to light such great valor,
must have contained much healing power. —
Healing power? — Truly, I do affirm it!
1152 One may often hear worse homilies
spoken. I would give you one now
regarding Lidoine if I were not afraid
that such a homily would be too
1156 boring for you. And because I am
in haste to recount the story
I shall leave out the homily,
although I do wish to tell you of the kiss. —
1160 And what is there to say of it?
That it was precious and sweet? —
Not at all, for it wounded two people as they
came together ! — Wounded them? How so? —
1164 Lidoine came very softly forward.
It happened that from the knight
a dart of love came forth between them
and went toward Lidoine,
1168 so that when the moment came for the kiss
it thrust itself into her heart.
This love did not injure
her teeth when it was released. —
1172 But dear God! with what was the love
that flew into her baited? —

369
 I do not know, but her heart swallowed it
as eagerly as a fish swallows the hook.
1176 And when her heart told her, “I love him,”
she had no choice but to do so.
And she did not know from whence
this came, but she certainly took care
1180 at the moment when she gazed.
For love is born in looking, and therefore
she wished to keep herself from doing so.
For a long time she stopped herself
1184 from looking in his direction. —
Stopped herself? — Yes, truly! But it was against
her will, for her heart, which was straining
to look at him, exerted its power over her.
1188 Then her heart won out and
told her, “You may indeed look at him.”
Then gently, as if feeling her way,
she wounded Meraugis just once in the eyes,
1192 and love rushed into the net.
Net? What do I call the net? The eyes.
And have I nothing better to call them?
No indeed. — And why is this? — Because one can
1196 readily see that the eyes fish for love.
So you may learn that the eyes
are the net which captures love.
This is true, and I wish to show you
1200 how through the net of the eyes the heart
went fishing, for it desired the gaze
from which Lidoine thought to protect
herself. But this I said before. —
1204 And what did it receive? — So much love

370
 that another would be well satisfied with less.
And then, when her boat was full,
Lidoine was amazed and said,
1208 “I love him. — No, I do not. — Yes, I believe I do. —
But how so? If I loved him, I would not
have imposed this delay in giving him
my love. In truth, I do not love him!”
1212 Lidoine took one step back
and then two steps forward,
but in the end, in accordance with her promise,
she accepted that she was his beloved.
1216 But then she was not at all joyful
at having set him a term of one year,
but instead lamented the coming year.
And you may be certain it would have greatly
1220 pleased her to shorten the year if she could,
for never had she yearned for anything so much
as to change this year into a day.
After this there was no delay.
1224 The king called for water and said
to his noble lords, “Come wash yourselves.”
Then you would have seen young men
and finely attired young women coming forward.
1228 It was the custom on this solemn day
for the young ladies to serve
before the king, and so the noblest
of his household were there.
1232 The young gentlemen of good reputation
did service before the queen.
And then all was in readiness.
The king took his place, and the food began to arrive.

371
1236 All the tables were fully laden
with more than twenty dishes.
What shall I tell you about it? The king
was served as befitted a king.
1240 But before the company was ready to rise —
not much time had passed —
there came riding in on a piebald horse
the ugliest dwarf imaginable. —
1244 What was he like? — He had a snubbed nose. —
Snubbed? — This made him ugly indeed,
for God had never before made
such a snub-nosed creature.
1248 This dwarf, who was always pulling faces,
went and stood before the king and said,
“King, hear me a moment.
Listen to me, and tell your people to be quiet!
1252 King, how can you make merry?
Is your nephew Gawain here in the hall?
Indeed he is not! Now there is no
reason for anyone to fear your court,
1256 none at all, for the greatest knight
in the world has been taken from it.
King, you are going downhill when
you should be going upward. —
1260 Why is this? — I would like to tell you why.
Will it be to your good? Not at all.
Tell me, king, do you not remember
when my lord Gawain departed
1264 this past year just before Ascension day
in order to win honor for your court?
King, you know well that he went to seek

372
 through your urging and advice
1268 the wonder of the Sword of the
Strange Hangings. And I myself wonder
that you do not take new counsel.
I know — for he told me this himself —
1272 that he told you he would be here today
provided he was sound and at liberty.
King, you may be certain that he is
no longer free because he has not come.
1276 And so I am amazed that there
should be any joy in this court.”
“Alas!” said the king, “you speak the truth,
dwarf: he was indeed to be here today!”
1280 The king could not keep himself
from sighing and changing his expression,
for he was filled with such sorrow
for his nephew that no tongue could describe it.
1284 And all the others, who had been
full of joy and good cheer, now grew troubled.
The king, whom the matter grieved most deeply,
spoke to the dwarf saying, “My friend,
1288 tell me this: is Gawain alive
or in prison? Do not conceal the truth!”
“As to whether he is alive or dead,
you will learn nothing from me,”
1292 said the dwarf, “except for this alone:
If there is in this court but a single
knight who would dare hold himself of such
worth as to go in search of Gawain,
1296 he would hear news of him.”
“Where?” “At Merlin’s dwelling place.

373
 If not, then there is no hope, for never
will you hear him spoken of again.
1300 But before any knight boasts that
he will undertake this quest, I say this to him:
if he does not feel himself to be brave indeed,
then I advise that there be no thought of this.”
1304 “Why?” “For this reason: Even if we suppose
him to be the greatest knight in all
the world, I would not dare to pledge
that he will ever return to this land,
1308 only that he will win praise
and that good things will be said of him.
Now let it be heard who will choose
to go forth and seek for news
1312 of the Knight of the Ladies.”
After the king had listened to the dwarf
he saw that all the knights around him
were silent, and this grieved him,
1316 for in response to what the dwarf had
said, none reacted in any way except
for Meraugis. It was he who then said,
“Sire, if it were pleasing to
1320 my lady, her knight would go forth on
this quest. Please request this of her.”
She answered, “Beloved, I thank you.
I am already quite persuaded,
1324 for this greatly pleases me and I am very
happy that you have undertaken it.
And because I now esteem you all the more
there has come to my heart the desire
1328 to go with you on this journey,

374
 provided you grant me the agreed
conditions until we return.”
The knight then answered,
1332 “You have all your conditions.
And what more might you ask?
You need only request it,
for in nothing will I contradict you.”
1336 “These words are most fitting,”
said the king, who was in no way displeased.
“The lady speaks in a most courtly manner,
and he as befits a noble knight.
1340 Because they do this so willingly,
good will come to them from it.”
“Never because of me will he fail
to do what is good,” said Lidoine.
1344 “And yet his prowess may
please me more if I see it for myself
instead of hearing of it from another.
This is a truth that cannot be contradicted:
1348 knowing a thing is much better than hearing about it.
For this reason I am pleased to go with him.”
When the dwarf had heard what the lady said,
he tugged his horse’s bridle to turn him around.
1352 And Kay, turning to look at the dwarf,
said, “Come here, you snub-nosed
creature. Dismount and rest yourself
while you wait for your companions.”
1356 The dwarf, who took no pleasure at this,
turned and said, “My lord Kay,
you have always been thus,
and you always will be.

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1360 Your tongue is always sharp
and has delivered many a cutting word.
But your railleries have grown
so cowardly and treacherous
1364 that no one takes any account of you.
I shall give you a choice: which would you prefer to do?
If you would rather trade words than hold your peace,
you see me quite ready to quarrel with you.”
1368 Kay did not dare continue his mocking
and so fell silent, and the dwarf rode away.
Truly, even though the king called out to him
to return, he refused to come back.
1372 And Meraugis made himself ready
to leave as quickly as he could.
What shall I say about all this? In truth,
they mounted their horses and took their leave.
1376 It was a chilly day, for it had snowed
that morning, and so Meraugis
rode forth from the castle
along with his lady,
1380 following the freshly trodden path
which the dwarf had made.
The knight rode quickly
along the road until, on the other
1384 side of the enclosed wood
beyond a clearing, there came the dwarf,
who was on foot and looked ashamed
as he made his way slowly along.
1388 The snow was high and the dwarf was little,
and so he could not move through the snow.
This dwarf had seemed a handsome fellow

376
 when he left the court, but now
1392 the knight beheld him as snub-nosed and short,
and disgraced by his humped back.
Meraugis called out to him
when he had drawn near,
1396 “What is this? Who has taken your horse?”
“Who indeed?” said the dwarf. “You who are noble
and honorable, now exchange shame for honor!”
“In faith,” said the knight,
1400 I would willingly make that exchange,
but there is in me nothing shameful.”
“No, but great shame soon
awaits you, and it will be such
1404 as to make knights feel ashamed
when they hear you spoken of!
If I do not save you from this,
you shall not escape it. But listen:
1408 in exchange for the shame which awaits you
I will give you just as much honor
if you return my hunter to me.”
“Then you shall have it. Tell me who has taken it.”
1412 “Who? It is that old woman there
by the entrance to the clearing who
has taken it from me.” Then the knight
asked him, “Do you know why she has done this?”
1416 “I do not, only that she came toward me
and attacked me. What shall I tell you?
The shame is mine for having been
the first to be knocked from my horse.
1420 As to my having been beaten,
I make no complaint nor will I recount it.

377
 But I am ashamed because of losing my horse,
and this I lament. Now go and bring him back to me!”
1424 And the knight galloped forward
at once after the old woman,
and when he had drawn near her, he looked
and saw that she was a peevish woman,
1428 quite large, big-boned and strongly built.
But she was of so fiery a nature
as anyone might wish her to be.
She rode very lightly dressed
1432 and wore a gown that was
better suited to summertime.
What shall I say? She had been beautiful
and carried herself most nobly and graciously.
1436 If old age had not affected her, there would
have been no more attractive lady to tell about.
Her hair lay gracefully loose, and she
wore a golden circlet on her head,
1440 but it was unfortunate that she had
placed the circlet there, for her hair
was blond, the color of rowen.
Yet she bore herself well for one of her age.
1444 She held the reins of her horse’s bridle,
which she had undone, in her hand and was
driving the dwarf’s horse with it
as she went along behind. And I tell you
1448 that she had used that bridle
to beat the dwarf until he yielded.
She stopped when she heard
the knight following after her.
1452 Meraugis rode forward,

378
 and the old woman, holding the bridle,
stopped and began beating
him full in the face with it.
1456 The knight grabbed the bridle and tugged on it
while the old woman held onto it.
“What is this?” she said. “What I now
behold has never happened before!”
1460 “How so?” “Would you strike me, then,
my lord knight?” “Indeed not, lady!
But in God’s name, you are not
behaving in a courtly manner toward me!”
1464 She answered, “If my manner offends you,
so much the better. Now be off!”
“Truly, my lady, for pity’s sake
do not be so unreasonable!
1468 For the shame that you have done me
I will freely pardon you
provided that you return
the dwarf’s horse to him at once.”
1472 “Do you desire my good will?” she said.
“I do.” “Then never speak of this again!
For you will never take this horse
unless you wrest it from me by force,
1476 although if you have such love for the
dwarf to do what I ask, then I shall return
the horse you see here to you,
and he will have to wait no longer.
1480 Do you see the tent set up beneath
the ash tree where that shield is hanging?
If you do only this small thing for me
as to go and knock down the shield,

379
1484 you will see me struggle no longer,
and the dwarf may take the horse as his own.”
And Meraugis, who wished to please
both the old woman and the dwarf,
1488 answered, “By the lady whom I love,
I shall not fail you in this!” He galloped
forward, and when he had reached the tent
he knocked down the shield. But as he was
1492 about to return he stopped, for he had
heard coming from inside the tent
the most dreadful sound of lamentation
that he had ever heard.
1496 He listened to this lamentation
and then saw that the old lady
was riding away from the dwarf,
having returned his horse to him.
1500 The knight set off on his own horse
at a gallop toward him.
To the dwarf, who was now mounted,
he said, “Now tell me, dwarf,
1504 how I may receive honor instead of shame.”
And the dwarf, in a foul temper,
answered, “I have no time today
for what you are asking of me.
1508 May God keep you, for all will
happen at the appropriate time.”
Then he cracked his whip and spurred away
as fast as the horse could carry him.
1512 The knight had no desire for such a delay
and commended him to the devil.
He rode back to the clearing where

380
 the tent was, for he wished to know the
1516 cause of the lamentation. When he got there,
he went into the tent and found
a young lady mounted
on a mule. She held a lance
1520 in her hand. In the tent stood
two more ladies lamenting so
sorrowfully that it seemed they wished
to die, although they did not do so.
1524 Lidoine arrived then and
joined them in their weeping.
When the knight saw his lady
weeping, it nearly drove him mad.
1528 “What is this?” he asked. “Why are you weeping?”
And the young woman answered,
“My lord, I am weeping for pity
of these ladies who are lamenting so.
1532 And I know that they do it
because of the sad business of the shield.
Woe to the lady by whose counsel
you have done this thing.”
1536 “But why was this was so great a misdeed?”
he asked, for he had intended no harm.
“Well then, let them weep no longer,
for the matter is easily remedied.”
1540 Then he picked up the shield and
hung it up in the place where it had been before.
And when the young woman
sitting on the mule saw this, she
1544 said, “Now the shield is more secure
than it was on the ground.

381
 No one can ask any more of you:
you have certainly done all that was needed!”
1548 Meraugis, who knew he was being mocked,
answered, “I understand nothing of all this.
I believed earlier that I was acting quite well.”
“Acting well? Oh yes, indeed you were.”
1552 Then she struck her mule and rode off,
lance in hand, without saying anything
more. And the ladies in the tent
wept and called out after her,
1556 “Go, and never return!”
The young woman rode away at an amble,
listening but giving no sign
that the ladies’s sorrow mattered at all to her.
1560 The knight, amazed at what he saw,
did not know what to say
but, deeply sorrowful, said
“Dear God, this troubles me! I am the cause of
1564 this lamentation, but I do not know
how I may learn anything about it.
Alas!” he said to the two young ladies
who were still there. “Please,
1568 my ladies! Before I leave this
place, tell me if you can
the reason for your lamentation,
and I swear to you that,
1572 however great a misfortune this may be,
if I am able to put it right
I will do so without delay
as far as lies in my power.
1576 For indeed your sorrow could not

382
 trouble me more deeply.”
And they then answered,
“My lord knight, this is a dreadful thing
1580 that cannot be made right
by any power you possess.
But do not be dismayed
that your lady is weeping a little
1584 for our sakes, for there will come an hour
when she will again weep, but for you.
The sorrow that moves her to pity us
will turn into something quite different for her.
1588 This is only the beginning
of weeping, for she will weep
for our sakes and we for hers.”
The knight grew full of anger
1592 and said, “I find myself threatened,
but I do not know by whom or for what cause.
Henceforth I shall not fail to act,
for that would seem like cowardice.”
1596 He took the shield that was hanging from the
ash tree and hurled it a long way off,
saying, “My ladies, I will grant you the boon
of staying in your tent tonight, whoever may not
1600 wish me to, provided that you do not object.
Then you will see what happens
as soon as my host arrives.”
And they answered, “Fair lord,
1604 we do not wish to deny you
such lodgings as we have here;
but we shall not thank you
whether you go or stay,

383
1608 nor do we wish to receive thanks.
Whether good or evil befalls you,
do not say it was because of us.”
“Indeed I shall not. I desire nothing
1612 but your consent.” Then he dismounted
and said, “Here shall I lodge tonight.
Now I shall see who is so
bold as to object to my so doing!”
1616 “Come,” said Lidoine, “fair lord,
calm yourself for our sakes.” “Lady, I shall.”
Then he sat down and said, “By my soul,
whatever this giant’s name may be,
1620 I ask for nothing but to do battle with him.”
And so Meraugis slept in the tent
that night. The two ladies
waited on him as well as they could.
1624 With all they had at their disposal they
did him honor, but it so transpired
that during the night no other knight
arrived from anywhere else at the tent.
1628 And then, when the night was over,
Meraugis was even more perplexed by it all
than he had been the previous day
and said that, since no one had come to the tent,
1632 he would stand guard there no longer.
And so he went to saddle his horse.
After Lidoine had mounted,
he went to take leave of the ladies,
1636 saying, “My ladies, I do not know
what to say, for no one has come
to this tent. I can do nothing

384
 but depart, but you may be certain
1640 that I am yours as far as is in my power
in whatever place I may be of service.
But once again I would ask you
to tell me the true story about
1644 the cause of this lamentation
and who is lord of this place.”
They answered, “It is useless to ask,
for we shall tell you nothing further at this time.
1648 You shall come to know a great deal about it.”
And when the knight heard this he said,
“I commend you to God,” and with no
further delay rode away with his lady.
1652 The two of them traveled
through the great dark forest
until they happened upon a ford
where they met a knight who was riding
1656 toward them saying, “Ho, there!” — Ho, there? —
Indeed, and I shall explain to you why.
Thus at the ford by an alder grove
the two knights faced each other.
1660 Our knight, Meraugis, was indeed
amazed at what he saw,
for the knight now leaving the ford
rode without bridle or spurs
1664 nor any stick or club at all
except the usual shield and lance.
But he was of such great beauty
that none could ask for a handsomer man,
1668 nor had any knight ever been
seen anywhere to whom

385
 arms were more becoming than
to him. He called out to Meraugis
1672 as he approached, “Knight, do not come
any nearer! If you do, you
will at once be obliged to joust.”
Meraugis, who had understood well, answered,
1676 “Come forward, knight, for that pleases me greatly!
You have challenged me and will have your joust.”
Once the knight had left the ford,
he lowered his lance to the position
1680 for jousting, and Meraugis gave his horse
free rein, for he had no fear of the knight.
With all his strength the knight
struck Meraugis on the shield
1684 with his lance so forcefully
that he broke the lance in two.
And the magnificent Meraugis
brandished his lance and struck him high up
1688 and so squarely that he knocked
horse and rider down in a heap
in the middle of the wood. But the
knight was unharmed and got at once to
1692 his feet. With his sword in his hand
so as to defend himself he
drew near Meraugis, who said,
“Hold! What do you intend? Do not come any
1696 closer! Get back on your charger,
for I willingly give you leave to do so.”
And he answered, “May God never love me
if I remount now that I am on the ground!
1700 I would be as as good as captured.” “Do you think

386
 that because I am mounted you will escape
this fight?” “Not at all. I call on you to
resume this battle. I shall not fail to give it to you.”
1704 “I shall not attack you while on my horse,”
said Meraugis. “That would dishonor me!”
He dismounted there on the road,
and the two attacked each other vigorously.
1708 The knight was quite strong and
struck Meraugis with a blow
so heavy that as it hit home
it shattered and bent what it touched.
1712 But Meraugis countered very well,
for he attacked and defended himself
so skillfully that he also shattered and bent
whatever his sword touched.
1716 This fray of theirs lasted for quite a long
while: indeed, there had never been such a fray!
The knight was most warlike
and brave, but Meraugis was even
1720 more valiant, and he fought fiercely. —
Indeed? And why? — Because he found his opponent
most brave, although in the end Meraugis so proved
himself that he outmatched and overcame him
1724 so completely that the defeated knight asked
for mercy, and Meraugis said to him,
“First tell me why it is that you
have no bridle or spurs. Tell me!
1728 You must do so, or you will never
leave this place!” And the other,
fearful for his life, answered, “I shall
willingly tell you the reason for this.

387
1732 Listen, and I shall tell you the story.
A year ago this coming Easter
King Patris of Cabrahan held
as elaborate a court as had ever
1736 been held anywhere, and all the knights
of his kingdom attended it. The king
had had the knights sought out and sent for
from everywhere, and so they came in great numbers.
1740 Before the court had come to an end,
at least twenty of the best knights
boasted to one another that they would
do certain things. Listen to the oaths they made.
1744 In the ladies’s hearing they boasted,
and you shall hear how each promised
whatever he wished to do for his lady.
Guivret made the first vow, saying
1748 that wherever he went he would
have nothing with him except his shield;
that was the only arm he would carry.
And after that Riolent vowed
1752 that he would not in any place
whatsoever sleep indoors until he
had defeated in battle the
first knight he encountered.
1756 The Valiant Ugly Knight of Cornwall
was also at this court, and he offered his service
to the ladies and vowed to them
that if any young woman from however far away
1760 sought him in her need he would go at
once without asking for advice on the matter.
Gaheris then made it known that,

388
 as he rode along all during that year,
1764 whenever he should encounter
a knight who was escorting
his lady, that knight would either allow him
to kiss the lady without challenge or else be obliged
1768 to do combat with him until one of them
was defeated and obliged to yield.
And the cruel Segurades
vowed that during that entire year
1772 he would kill any knight
he had defeated in battle.
What more shall I tell you? Each one made
his vow, and I being there as well
1776 decided to make a vow that
no other would dare to make.
They all fell silent when I then told them
that throughout the year I would use no bridle
1780 or spur nor carry any stick in my hand
with which I might guide
my horse or turn him from any
road to make him follow another,
1784 but that all this year I would travel
without turning back until I encountered
someone stronger than I. What shall I tell you?
I have thus kept to my path
1788 until reaching the end of it here.
I cannot say and I do not know
where I shall arrive this evening.”
The other gave him a just answer:
1792 “You have gone farther than any other
according to adventure and have not broken

389
 your vow, for I have now shown
myself to be a better knight than
1796 you,” he said. “But if you wish
to be shown mercy, you must
travel along the path I have taken
through the length of this deep wood.
1800 Once you emerge from the wood,
you will find two ladies in a tent
lamenting. You will make yourself
their prisoner, tell them the reason why
1804 you do so, and greet them in my name.”
When the knight had heard this he said,
“What? Have you been there?”
“Yes, I slept there last night.”
1808 “You did not touch the shield
hanging there?” “Yes, I knocked it down.”
“Truly, you have committed a great wrong!”
“And why is that?” “You do not know?
1812 The devil who was in
prison has now escaped.
Through this dreadful occurrence
the land is now given over to infamy.
1816 Do not go so far as to command
me to go to that tent. I would not go there
to save my life. No indeed, for I would
rather have my right hand cut off!
1820 In truth, it is hardly in your interest
to be here.” “My interest? Why?
You must tell me to whom
the shield belongs.” “You wish me to
1824 tell you? Willingly. Do you not know

390
 the truth of it? I know it all.
The Outredouté, who is afraid of nothing
and has vanquished so many knights,
1828 had that shield hung there; it is his own.
I shall tell you the true reason he did so.
This Outredouté of whom I must
tell you is the cruelest man
1832 who ever lived and so fearsome
in arms that no one dares face him.
It is a wonder to hear
of his deeds! But listen now
1836 and learn the manner in which
he uses his prowess and boldness.
You may be certain that, if he knew of a knight
from no matter how distant a land
1840 who was so valiant that all the world
knew of his prowess, the Outredouté would
never know joy until he had killed
or dishonored him without just cause.
1844 He would never wish to behave rightly,
for he so hates the right
that when he knows
a battle is to take place he asks
1848 which of the combatants is in the wrong
so that he can fight on the wrong side
because he desires that the wrong
should win out over the right so as to do it injury.
1852 And if he believed himself pledged to a just cause,
he would not come on the appointed day,
for he always wishes to change wrong into right.”
“Truly, he is always very much in the wrong,

391
1856 and yet he is rightly made. Is this not a great wrong?
“Yes, for it is neither reason nor right
that a man can be both wrong and right.”
“Yet it is possible, for his body is completely
1860 right on the outside, but his heart so deforms that
body that it makes his twisted reason
so wrong that in his wrong the
wrong does great harm. And so I say that the
1864 works of a man who is right are wrong.”
“This is true, but there is more to be said.
He is such a man that if he came upon
a knight who was escorting
1868 his lady, before the man could say a single
word to him he would rush at him at once.
And if he gained the upper hand,
he would dishonor the lady before
1872 the knight’s very eyes. This is no exaggeration.
He is truly a man of wicked behavior.
It once happened that the God of Love,
who bends the hardest hearts, so affected him
1876 that he was obliged to ask a lady
to bestow her love on him. This he did,
but the lady told him in answer
that she could never love him.”
1880 “Why?” “Because he was
so evil. But he was so overcome by love,
which has captured so many others,
that he pleaded with her, saying he would do
1884 whatever it should please her to command him.
What shall I tell you? She pledged to give him
what he desired, but only after he had sworn to her

392
 on holy relics that he would never kill
1888 a man nor do him any wrong
unless that man had first done a wrong to him.”
“Did she require anything else of him?”
“Yes, she had him go to
1892 her own country and then swear
on holy relics that he would never leave
for any reason unless it were to avenge
some dishonor that had been done to him.
1896 The Outredouté, who could bear
nothing but to do harm to whomever
he pleased, then left his shield to hang
there in the forest in the hope
1900 that someone would do him an affront
so that he would be set free from his prison.
You see now that, through this great sorrow,
his madness is now free to run amok,
1904 for no one who recognizes that red shield
with the black serpent is so bold
as to go within a hectare’s distance
of the pavilion or the shield.
1908 The mere sight of it is enough to
defeat all the knights of this land.”
Meraugis said, “I believe that another
young lady whom I met there has
1912 gone to seek him. She is the least beautiful
of the three and was carrying a lance
in her hand. What is the meaning
of that? Can you say anything about it?”
1916 “Yes, I know a great deal about it.
She is certainly going to inform the Outredouté.

393
 This is a woman God hates! There is much to say
of her. She was there to keep watch over
1920 the shield. The knight had
no squire but her when he traveled.
He carried the lance himself
until the time when he left
1924 his shield, and then entrusted
his lance to that woman in the hope that
someone would take it from her by force,
for such an event would free him.
1928 This is how things stand now: she is going
with the lance to tell him what has happened.
And when the Outredouté returns
he will be more wicked and cruel
1932 than ever. The ladies were lamenting
because of this.” “Why do they do so?”
“My lord, because they are
noble and hate wicked deeds.
1936 As much as the one who departed
hates what is good, these hate wrongdoing.
For an entire year they have stayed there
in order to prevent this harm from occurring
1940 while the other one was there to incite
evil, which she hoped could not
fail to transpire. And these ladies lament
because they will see the land
1944 fall into ruin when the knight
arrives. For he will let loose
his unreasoning madness and imprison
his reason.” “Who has taken away his reason?”
1948 “Fortune dealt the mortal blow

394
 by which his reason died.
Now everyone comes to tell the others.
No one will come out to fight him.
1952 Wherever he has gone, there is nothing to be done
and truly no one who does not say,
‘Flee! It is the Outredouté!’
I have now fully explained to you the reason why.”
1956 Meraugis said, “Since this has happened
because of me, if I believed
I would meet the knight there tonight,
I would certainly choose to go back.
1960 But I have undertaken another matter
because of which I can no longer
tarry in this land. To ease the ladies’
fears you must go to the tent yourself.”
1964 “There is no question of my doing that!”
“Indeed there is.” “No, there is not, for I shall not go!”
“Yes you will!” “I would not do it for
anything in the world!” “You will do it or I swear
1968 that you will die here and now! Which do you prefer:
to deliver my message or to die?”
The knight, fearing for his safety,
allowed himself to be persuaded and said,
1972 “My lord, I clearly see that I must perform
this dreadful action, and so I shall go.
But on whose behalf shall I present myself
when I arrive there? Who has defeated me?”
1976 “You are to present yourself to the ladies
as their servant in the name of Meraugis.
And who are you?” The knight in turn
identified himself, saying in answer,

395
1980 “My name is Laquis of Lanbeguez.
There is no more to be done. Now order me
to do what you wish. If you so command,
whether it be folly or good sense, I shall tell it
1984 to them without fail and with no falsehood.
And if what you send is an insult, then
whatever shame may be done to me there
shall fall on you, though the harm shall be mine.”
1988 “Go in safety, and do not be afraid.
If you find the knight there,
come back to me at once so that
I may quickly ride to encounter him.
1992 And if he is not there, wait until
he arrives. And in God’s name, reassure
the ladies and do them honor.
Good will come to you if you do.
1996 But once the knight has arrived,
you must not do battle with him!”
“What shall I do then?” “Tell him
my name and say on my behalf
2000 that I ask nothing other than
to do battle with him and that
it was to injure him and dishonor his name
that I threw his shield to the ground.
2004 And if he wishes to seek revenge,
then lead him to me at once.”
Laquis said, “And how shall I do that?
Your path lies in that direction, and
2008 mine in that. I would not know
where to find you.” “You will know.”
“How?” “You will always

396
 follow the path to the right.
2012 I will not for any reason
turn to the left before Tuesday.
You can trust what I say.”
“And so I do, my lord.” With that Laquis
2016 departed. Then in another direction Meraugis
took up his path again to the right.
He was now in search of Merlin’s dwelling place.
And so Laquis arrived at the tent.
2020 He turned himself over to the two ladies
and told them at once in whose name
he did so. The Outredouté, who feared
nothing, had still not come.
2024 And when Laquis had related
everything, he dismounted.
He told the ladies that he was waiting
for the Outredouté and would stay
2028 until he arrived, then explain to him
very clearly his purpose in being there.
These ladies already knew Laquis and,
wishing that no dishonor be done to him,
2032 begged him, “Fair friend, get back on your horse
and ride away! We know for certain
that if the Outredouté can succeed in
doing battle with you, he will kill you.”
2036 But Laquis would not leave
no matter what might happen to him,
and so he stayed until he saw the Outredouté
coming. In what manner did he come?
2040 He came with the angry air of a man
who seemed bent on destroying the entire

397
 world. As if it were but snow,
he laid waste everything in front of him
2044 in the mad fury with which he rushed toward
the tent. As he drew near,
he saw Laquis of Lanbeguez. Laquis was
his neighbor, and so he recognized him at once.
2048 He glanced at him and then galloped
straight to the ash tree. And when he saw
his shield lying on the ground
he picked it up and said,
2052 “By the devil, was Laquis the one who
came here and knocked down my shield?”
“I did not do that.” “Indeed you did! Now come and do
battle with me! Your pretending will do you no good!”
2056 Laquis answered, “I most strongly deny
that I have done this, for a knight with whom I fought
and who defeated me was the one who
knocked it down.” He told the Outredouté
2060 the entire truth, and added to the tale
a few things that Meraugis had not told him.
When the Outredouté heard the proud words
Meraugis had sent to him through Laquis,
2064 his own pride was piqued, and he asked,
“Which way is he going?” “I shall tell you.”
“But not until after I have defeated you
by force of arms. Get on your horse,
2068 for you must joust with me.”
“Truly,” said Laquis, “I shall not do so.
I make myself your prisoner and will lead you
to him.” “You shall not lead me
2072 anywhere nor even tell me the way

398
 until I know for certain
which of us two is the stronger
in battle. I shall tell you the reason for this:
2076 If you are stronger than I,
I know of no reason why I would go after
one stronger than you. But if I defeat you,
have no illusion that there is any question
2080 of mercy, and know that you shall lose some part
of your body.” Laquis answered, “I shall
defend life and limb as best I can.”
What shall I say? It was over at once.
2084 This battle was as nothing at all,
for the outcome was very soon decided.
The Outredouté, who killed everyone,
overcame and defeated Laquis.
2088 The two ladies cried out for mercy
for him, but to no avail,
for mercy had never entered into
this man’s heart, may God curse it!
2092 But because he wanted Laquis to tell him
what Meraugis had done, he struck him
and said, “Which way is he going? Tell me
what direction he took!” “My lord, to the right.”
2096 Then the Outredouté grabbed hold of him on his
left side and struck out his left eye,
saying it was to help him find the route
so that he would not forget which way to go.
2100 After wounding him so grievously he said to him,
“Laquis, I shall do you no further
harm until I have defeated Meraugis —
but then I shall kill you.

399
2104 And I shall consider myself happy
once I have had my revenge on the both of you.”
And Laquis said, “The sorrow I have
in my heart will never leave me
2108 until the hour that Meraugis
takes his revenge for me on you.”
“Until I have hacked him to bits,
you have nothing to fear. Now go along the road.”
2112 They then departed, Laquis leading him
along the path followed by his master Meraugis.
The ladies did not wish to remain
in the tent any longer, so they
2116 went away, weeping tenderly
for Laquis. And the ladies
who had heard the cry also departed.
Laquis led the Outredouté
2120 rapidly along, and they made great haste
to catch up with Meraugis.
They thus hurried after him.
And the knight was riding ahead
2124 of them, traveling very quickly
along the paths through the forest
until he arrived at the crossing of
four roads. When he got there
2128 he surveyed his route and thought
of Laquis whom he had sent
to the tent but who had now delayed
so long that Tuesday, the day
2132 Meraugis had designated to him,
was now past, and it was already Thursday.
And he said that, because Laquis had not come,

400
 he would not be doing him any wrong
2136 if he took whatever path he wished.
But then he said he would not do so, that
he would not fail to continue in the same way
unless he needed to do otherwise.
2140 He rode on, but had gone only a short distance
when that ill-mannered, snub-nosed dwarf
emerged from the woods and barred his path.
He said not a word to Meraugis but raised
2144 a club and struck the knight’s
fine charger on the head. He raised
his arm and struck again, but Meraugis
stopped and cried, “Dwarf, you had best take to
2148 your heels, for I am nearly ready to kill you!”
“You would kill me?” said the dwarf.
Trembling with fear he held out his
joined hands and said, “Now choose the better part:
2152 Behold on the one hand shame, on the other
the honor I can give you in exchange for it.
This is the promise I made to you
before. Which will you choose?”
2156 “Get out of here, dwarf! You will never change
my mind, nor do I ask anything whatever of you.
Be off. I commend you to the devil!
What do you want?” “That you turn around.
2160 If you continue in the direction you intend
to go, you will receive shame from it.”
“How so?” “I shall tell you plainly.
Now turn back at once,
2164 for if you advance one more step
you are dishonored. Merely having

401
 come this far has already brought
a tinge of shame to you.”
2168 The knight certainly preferred
honor to shame if he had the choice,
so he stopped and said he would go
where the dwarf wished.
2172 “Tell me, dwarf, where you wish to lead me.
Where is honor?” “I shall lead you to it.”
“Lead me, then, and I shall see it for myself.”
“Willingly, my lord.” They then
2176 returned to the crossroads
and took a different road. Dear God,
but the dwarf turned him away from
great shame! — How so? — If Meraugis had
2180 gone any further, he would certainly
have slept that night in the clearing
where the brave are more cowardly
than hares and the cowards braver
2184 than lions. That is indeed how it was.
They traveled a long way, and finally,
having taken a different road,
they saw beside a river a
2188 walled city. I do not know how
it had been constructed high on a rock,
but to cut to the heart of the matter,
it was the most beautiful of cities.
2192 Between it and the wood
they saw gathered in the meadow
the fairest company of knights and ladies
that had ever been assembled.
2196 King Amangon had summoned all

402
 his people there and was holding
as elaborate a court as was fitting
for the first day of the year.
2200 As had been done the year before, they
were gathered to hold a tournament.
The king had had his tent set up
there, and in front of it was
2204 a quintain. There the entire court was
assembled, and when Meraugis saw
all this he said to the dwarf,
“Who are these people?” “My lord, in faith,
2208 this is the honor I am giving you
in exchange for shame. Now you will have
so much honor that you will be honored
all your days. Let us now ride!”
2212 And so they approached the company.
In front of his tent they recognized
the king, who was sitting on a stone bench
with the queen beside him.
2216 All the king’s noble lords were assembled
there. There were a good thirty
armed men; Meraugis estimated
that there were certainly no fewer.
2220 The thirty knights were on foot,
their swords in their hands.
But one of them sat armed on a charger
and was truly well equipped
2224 with all manner of arms, as one
who lacked nothing and appeared
to be most eager for a joust.
The two approached, and when

403
2228 Meraugis was not far from the king, the dwarf
took hold of his reins and led him
before the king. He then said,
so that all the nobles could hear,
2232 “Sire, behold my champion.
Give me what is my due!” “Willingly, dwarf.”
At these words the mounted man
came forth from among the
2236 thirty knights and took his place
before the king, fully armed. “Dwarf,”
said the king, “this man stands here
mounted and ready to defend himself.
2240 What do you wish?” “I seek no advice on the matter,”
said the dwarf. “Let them do battle!
For I do not believe my champion
will make any peace or accord with him.”
2244 The king said, “Since things so stand
that you are without mercy
and this man desires no peace or accord,
then let them fight, for it cannot be otherwise.”
2248 At these words the knight
came forward and took up his shield
to joust. He readied himself
for the battle. When Meraugis saw
2252 that he was obliged to
exchange blows in battle
he said to himself, “I am a fool!
Truly the dwarf has me in a fine position,
2256 for he has presented me before this king
in order to win a battle of his own.
I do not know why or against whom I

404
 must fight, but this much I do know:
2260 if I do not wish to receive more shame
than honor, I am obliged to do combat.”
Then he said to the dwarf, who was coming toward him,
“Is this what you promised me?”
2264 The dwarf answered “I have deferred to you.
Do not be concerned, for I shall make
no peace or accord until I have
satisfied both my quarrel and your honor.”
2268 Hear how deceitfully the dwarf spoke,
for when one of them said something to him
he answered with something else entirely
and continued to say, “My champion,
2272 who is bolder than a lion,
has told me he will not make peace.”
Meraugis heard him but dared not say
“You lie!” If he had gone against the one
2276 in whose charge he was, many would have said,
“This man has been defeated without a fight!”
For that reason he kept silent, although he was
as furious as could be with the dwarf.
2280 This was indeed an unpleasant task.
But since he was obliged to go ahead,
Meraugis spurred his horse, and the other
rode forward for the encounter.
2284 When they clashed, the splinters
from their lances flew toward the skies.
In combat with drawn swords
they rushed at each other without warning,
2288 causing sparks to fly off of each other’s steel
helmets with the lively force of the blows.

405
 Prowess cannot be concealed.
The noble lords were amazed and wondered
2292 where the dwarf had found such a champion.
In the end — what more should I tell you? —
The snub-nosed dwarf’s champion
defeated his opponent by his greater strength.
2296 Meraugis forced him to the ground,
face down, on top of his shield.
“My lord, they are ready to be married,”
said the knight, no longer fighting back.
2300 Meraugis did not understand a word
of what he said and was prepared to kill him
then and there when the king said,
“Hold now, for you have done enough!
2304 The honor is now yours; he grants it
to you because you have defeated him.
Here is my glove. I bestow on you
both the honor and the young ladies.
2308 There are more than a hundred beautiful ladies
for you to give away in marriage.”
When Meraugis heard the king’s words,
he was astounded and said to him,
2312 “I do not know what you are giving me,
nor if it be to my honor or disadvantage,
only that it concerns the marriages
of ladies I know nothing about.”
2316 The king said, “Surely you know
the purpose of this festival.”
Meraugis said, “I know nothing of it, but
I would like to if it would please you to tell me.”
2320 The king answered, “I shall tell you

406
 the full and honest truth of it.
It has always been the custom
in this realm that on this day every year
2324 all my vassals and lords,
wherever they may be,
who have daughters should
send them to this festival.
2328 Just as they were here last year,
so must all the young ladies be here
next year.” “Why do fathers
send their daughters here each year?”
2332 “So that, once they are here
and all the knights have been
assembled from all sides,
as you can now see for yourself,
2336 the one who is seen to joust the best
and who can demonstrate
that he is the finest knight here
wins the very great honor
2340 of giving the ladies in marriage
in the manner that he chooses,
for he can bestow them on the
knights according to his wishes.
2344 But if he desires to do this rightly and in
a way that does not reflect badly on him,
he should not give them away in a manner
that will debase or disparage them.
2348 If he pairs them without being unjust
to them he will be esteemed for his courtliness.
And if the knight does not have a lady,
he may chose the one he wishes.

407
2352 This is the manner of my father’s
custom, and as I have set forth,
I bestow this honor on you before
all present, for it is proven right that I do so.
2356 And I do not believe that any knight
of my acquaintance will challenge you in this.
None of them would for any reason
have challenged this knight if you had
2360 not come, nor would any have dared
to present himself to joust with him.
Last year he received the honor without
being challenged or exchanging a single blow.
2364 That is what happened then. But now
you have won that honor yourself.”
After Meraugis had accepted the honor
by receiving the king’s glove,
2368 he thanked him and said,
“Sire, I will not release
this knight but will instead kill him
unless the dwarf receives all that he asks.”
2372 The king ordered that whatever it was be granted.
The dwarf came forward and said at once,
“My lord, it is in your power to grant that
which will bring me joy. I now have the consent
2376 of him whom I see here defeated,
a man who, in a word, lorded it
over everyone and was so proud because
of his strength that before the festival he
2380 was already bestowing the ladies
in marriage according to his wishes.
Last summer at Pentecost

408
 he attended King Amangon’s court.
2384 After dinner he made promises concerning
twenty of the most beautiful ladies.
And I, who am often in good company,
went before him quite confidently.
2388 There for his misfortune
I asked him for the hand of
a young woman, the only lady
who has no equal in this realm.
2392 No one but I would have wished to ask for
her hand, and I shall tell you why:
she is even shorter and more snub-nosed
than I, and she is also hunchbacked.
2396 Thus as a fool and his club
should always go together
I believe that we two should by
rights lay claim to each other.
2400 But when I asked this knight to
give her to me in marriage, he said,
“Get out of here, you dwarf!” I was furious
when he withheld her from me. I
2404 responded at once that he could not
yet be certain of winning the honor
and that the promises he was
making to people were worthless.
2408 Then this very proud man
approached me angrily. He did not
even in deference to the king refrain
from striking me in front of the whole court
2412 on my snubbed nose with one of his fingers.
The disdain with which he had done this

409
 deeply offended me, and I at once
proposed to prove that I had never
2416 been struck by the hand
of a knight. I therefore declared that
he had now so disgracefully
lowered his own worth and
2420 dishonored himself that he ought never
with that hand bestow a lady in marriage.
And the next day I gave
the king my pledge to find a knight
2424 who could prove to him in his court
that the knight who possessed that right hand
could not be a knight of true rightness.
And now you, Meraugis, have
2428 made this knight left-handed.
And since you have defeated him,
it is now within your power
to give me what I most want.
2432 My request is not an arrogant one
despite the lady’s noble lineage,
for I myself am of very high parentage.
To each his own. What shall I say?
2436 Dwarf or whatever else I may be, my
father was a member of the king’s family.”
“Dwarf, I am not at all ashamed of you,”
said the king with a smile.
2440 “Dwarf, it is true what they say,
that in every tall forest there grows a shrub or two.
My lord, let him marry his young lady, for she is
the creature who in all the world most resembles him.
2444 I do not know whether both were born at the

410
 same time, but each is so snub-nosed
that in that respect they are much alike.”
Meraugis answered at once,
2448 “My lord, it pleases me that your
command be fulfilled, but I ask
your favor regarding the other ladies:
If you yourself will bestow them this once
2452 you may know by my faith
that if I still live I shall return
a year from this day and remain here awhile,
provided this honor falls to me once more.
2456 On your advice, so that I may do no one injury,
I shall then bestow the ladies with my own hand,
but at present for no amount of persuasion would
I remain here even until tomorrow.”
2460 “Since you will in no wise
remain,” said the king,
“or do anything further here,
let us now know your name,
2464 and I will grant your request
to bestow the ladies in marriage this time
on your behalf, provided that you promise
to return here without fail.”
2468 “You have no need even to speak
of this, sire! My name is Meraugis
of Portlesguez. If I am still alive
a year from today, then I shall be here.”
2472 Then the king gave the dwarf his beloved
in marriage, and Meraugis took his
leave. With great rejoicing the knights
then escorted him along the way.

411
2476 Never have you seen such merriment
or heard such a din at any celebration
as followed Meraugis until he stopped
at the entrance to a forest and said
2480 to the king that, if it so pleased him, he
might now turn back. And so the king departed,
and Meraugis went along his road.
The Outredouté and Laquis,
2484 who had been seeking Meraugis
all that time, rode until they arrived
at the meeting of four roads where
Meraugis had been met by the dwarf,
2488 who then convinced him to turn back,
as you have already heard.
There Laquis was deeply troubled
when he saw so many roads,
2492 and he said, “My lord, this is the end,
for I do not know how to lead you
beyond this point. I cannot determine
which road we should take,
2496 for Meraugis, whom we seek,
told me that if I wished to find him
I should always take the path
on the right until Tuesday.
2500 That day is past, and here you see
four roads. I know nothing more to do.
But whether you take the descending road or
the ascending one, or that narrow one
2504 or that wide one, wherever you go from here
I shall follow.” Then the Outredouté
turned around, looked at him,

412
 and said, “So, Laquis, you do not know
2508 how to find any trace of Meraugis
from this point on?” “That is so.”
“Laquis, if I killed you here and now
with my sword, I would be in the right.
2512 But I shall postpone that for now,
for I want Meraugis to look upon
his own shame. Now go along that road.
This is what I wish. And do you know why?
2516 If you find him before I do, tell him
I am looking for him and explain to him how
I have done you this injury to spite
and dishonor him. But before
2520 you depart, tell me this:
what manner of shield does Meraugis carry?
For I wish to know him by his shield
in whatever land I may find him.”
2524 “My lord,” said Laquis, “I can easily
tell you about the shield.” And he described
how the shield was designed just as he had
seen it. They then set forth, each one
2528 taking his own way. Their parting was such
that they did not commend each other
to God. Laquis rode on until
morning, when near a grove
2532 before the plains of Blancloce
he caught up with Meraugis.
Lidoine noticed him first
and pointed him out to Meraugis.
2536 Turning toward him, Meraugis
could see at once that Laquis now saw

413
 with a single eye that wept for the other.
In truth, this deeply grieved Meraugis!
2540 He well knew that the Outredouté
had done this. He rode forward, greeted
him, and then said, “What is
this, Laquis? Who has done this to you?”
2544 And Laquis answered at once,
“You, my lord! It is of you that I make my complaint,
for you are the reason that I have been injured.
You sent me against my will
2548 to that tent from which I well knew
I would never emerge intact.
Now things have come to such a pass
that I wish I could die or go mad.”
2552 Meraugis was overcome with such sorrow
and shame that he truly did not know what
to say, but could only curse and despise himself.
And he said, “Laquis, I can see that you
2556 have been badly treated because of me.
What can I possibly say to you? I know
that the shame of this act falls on me.
Do you know what I wish to promise you?
2560 I cannot return your eye to you,
not even by giving you my own.
But if you know where this man is, come
and lead me to him. And I swear to you
2564 that, if I find him and unless he kills me,
I shall at once give you the hand
with which he plucked out your eye.”
“Ah!” said Laquis with a sigh,
2568 “Were I to live but long enough

414
 to see the two of you fighting
hand to hand in a field of battle,
nothing would ever have so delighted me,
2572 for I hate both you and him.
But this cannot be, for I left him
three days ago. I do not know
where he went or what befell him,
2576 but the road he was taking
would not have brought him to this land.
May a hundred devils seek him out!
I can follow on no longer
2580 but am going to stay for a time
in Lanbeguez, for I am an injured man.”
Meraugis said, “Never have I been
more sorrowful than I am for your sake.
2584 But I swear to you, and you may have faith
in me, that I shall never return
to my own land until I have
avenged you on the Outredouté
2588 by cutting off his hand.”
There was nothing more to be said.
Laquis went away suffering. Lidoine
wept tenderly over his great sorrow;
2592 indeed, who so much as she? But weeping was to no avail.
Meraugis rode quickly on in search of
Merlin’s dwelling place. In many lands
he asked directions to it until one morning,
2596 near a road that was by the sea,
he saw a most formidable-looking high rock.
The rock was hidden away in the mountains,
very high up and consisting of a single stone,

415
2600 and green in all seasons, for it was
on all sides completely covered with ivy.
On top of this round rock,
which was the highest in the world,
2604 Meraugis could see as many
as twelve young ladies.
These most beautiful ladies were seated
there in a little meadow beneath a laurel tree.
2608 They spent all their time in discussion. —
What did they talk about? Things that have happened? —
No, they would never talk of such things,
nor would they ever cease their discussion.
2612 Rather they were always talking
of what was to come.
Thinking how he might go up there,
Meraugis hurried to the base of
2616 the rock. He had soon gone
all around it, but he saw no way
to climb it, for there was neither
door nor window nor stairway.
2620 I do not know whether God had chosen to make
it so. It was very straight and of a great
circumference. Meraugis circled it
three times, then called out to them,
2624 “Ladies, how may I ascend?”
One of the ladies answered at once,
“Fair lord, it is not possible for you
to come up here. Tell us instead
2628 what you wish.” “I wish to speak
with you a little.” “Then tell us
what you wish.” Meraugis replied, “I have never

416
 been obliged to call out my requests
2632 for all to hear from such a distance.
Permit me to come up there instead.”
The lady was growing weary of talking
and so went to sit down, not wishing to argue.
2636 Meraugis called out three or four times
before anyone was willing to
answer him, then another lady spoke to him,
repeating what she said two or three times:
2640 “You must carry on your discussion from
down there, for no one ever comes up here.”
And Meraugis, who could do
nothing more, called out, “Tell me
2644 of Gawain, the king’s nephew.
Do you have any news of him?”
Then one of the ladies said,
“Come now, you irritating knight,
2648 if you choose to believe me, then take
the road that goes uphill to the right.
Beyond this wood at the foot of the
mountain you will find a chapel
2652 and the most beautiful cross that
ever was. Once you arrive at the cross,
you will learn what you wish to know.”
Meraugis answered in this manner:
2656 “Since you have not given me
the information that I asked for,
tell me, if you know the answer,
how I may travel most directly
2660 to arrive at Merlin’s dwelling place.
I believe I will hear something about Gawain there.”

417
 She answered, “Look on me. Behold
Merlin’s dwelling, for that is where I am.
2664 No matter how long you lark about there,
we shall tell you nothing further of Gawain,
whether to give you information or to say yes or no.”
Meraugis, who was not at all pleased at this,
2668 leaned back his head and called out,
“What? Young woman, is this a jest?
The dwarf told me more than a month ago
that if I were to find Gawain one day
2672 I would first hear someone speak
of him at this dwelling place.
But it seems I have come here to
idle about in the open air.
2676 By Saint Denis, if I had the strength
in my body to get up there,
I think I would learn something more.”
The lady answered quite proudly,
2680 “It is well that this rock was made
so high! But because you do not have the
power to get up here, you are calling out
and annoying me.” Then she sat down.
2684 Meraugis set off along his road
in that same angry state
and rode until he saw
the chapel with the cross in front of it.
2688 But he saw no living thing
anywhere around that marble cross.
On a level patch of ground beneath a tall tree
he dismounted and went into the chapel.
2692 He looked everywhere but found

418
 no one. Then he came back out
and said, “Now I know the lady
who sent me here has taken me for a fool.
2696 Dear God, what shall befall me now?
I see the cross, but what shall I do?
Who can advise me? I do not know.”
Thus he went about lamenting.
2700 But then his lady, standing in front of
the cross, looked up at it and noticed
on the upper side of one of its arms
some writing in gold letters.
2704 When she had read it, she grew
fearful and said aloud to him,
“My lord, on this arm of the cross
there are letters of reddish gold,
2708 and they tell of astonishing things.”
And the knight, who well knew how to read,
looked at the cross and saw
the letters, which read as follows:
2712 “Knight, you who have come here to see
if you can receive any counsel,
I shall give you a choice. Behold
three roads. This first one
2716 is called the Road of No Mercy,
and you may know that if you follow it
you will find no mercy there.
And if you wish to show any
2720 mercy at all, you may be certain
that there will be no question of returning.
And so, if you wish to go that way
and ever return home, then

419
2724 you must abandon mercy. —
And the second, what is it called? —
It is the Road Against Justice. —
Why is it so called? — That is easy to demonstrate.
2728 You must behave in a manner that is in every way
contrary to what is right if you go along that path.
No one who goes that way
will find anyone at all who will
2732 treat him in any manner that is fair.
And the third road, which leads to the right,
has no name, as is fitting. —
Why does it have no name? — I know
2736 only that no one who chose
that road has ever returned.
And because no one returns from there,
I do not know where it goes
2740 or what happens to those who take it or
whether they have returned home by another way.
And so it is the Road With No Name.
Now you may choose which of the
2744 three roads you wish to follow.”
Hearing this, Meraugis said,
“From the counsel I have received here I
do not know which to choose, indeed not,
2748 but rather am more astonished at what I see
than anything else that has happened.
What shall I say? I must at last
choose, for I am obliged to do so.
2752 Lady, what shall we do?” he said.
“I do not know.” “What? Do you not indeed?”
“Truly I do not,” she said. “But wherever

420
 it is that you go, I shall follow you.”
2756 And he answered, “Lady, I shall go along
the Road With No Name; that is what I prefer.
I do not like these two others, the Road Against
Justice and the Road of No Mercy.
2760 This writing has shown me that when we leave
this place no good lies on either path,
whereas this other tells me nothing of whether
or not I shall have a good road to travel.
2764 It seems reasonable to me, however,
that I shall travel more securely not knowing
where I am going than on an evil path.”
There was nothing more to be said. And so they
2768 set forth along the Road With No Name
and rode until they had passed
through the forest. They emerged near
a thicket into an open field. There
2772 in front of them, at the top of a mountain,
they beheld the City With No Name,
which later would become the Lost City.
They rode toward the fortress.
2776 Meraugis had never seen one of such beauty,
for it was elegantly constructed.
It was well situated because of the sea in
front of it, and there were many boats
2780 in its harbor; there was nothing to be said of it
except that it was indeed magnificent.
As he rode toward the city,
the knight met two ladies and
2784 a dwarf riding in front. There is no need
to ask whether these ladies were beautiful.

421
 Before them their dwarf was carrying
for them a ferret and four nets.
2788 The knight rode toward the two
young women and greeted them.
“You have passed the boundaries,”
they said, nothing more, except that
2792 as they passed they said, “Woe to you!”
so loudly that he could easily hear them.
The knight made no delay
but rode on at a gallop
2796 until he chanced upon
a young boy, whom he greeted.
The boy, who did not try to deceive him,
stopped, but only for a short time.
2800 He spoke to Meraugis as the ladies
had done but offered nothing more.
Astonished at this, Meraugis
stopped, and his lady said to him,
2804 “These people do not reassure me at all.”
“Why is that?” asked the knight. “My lord,
I do not know, except that I have
never been more afraid.”
2808 “Whom do you fear? Do not be afraid
of anything. You may be certain that,
unless through some mischance I am defeated,
our fear can do nothing to harm us.
2812 Be fully reassured. Come, let us go.”
“My lord, I am comforted.” Thus conversing,
they rode on and approached
the city until the inhabitants,
2816 the knights inside the city, became aware

422
 of them. — And what did those people do? —
What indeed? As soon as they saw them,
they sounded their horns as if for a hunt.
2820 If the city had been on fire, there would have
been no greater tumult than there was then.
And Meraugis, who was listening to this
din — why, he heard as much
2824 trumpeting and people running up
as if a wild boar had been taken —
had never in his own land known of this being done
unless the game had already been captured.
2828 He said, “I do not know how to find out
what this might be,” “No, my lord,”
said Lidoine, “we cannot tell what it is.”
The knight said, “Let it be what it may!
2832 Let them trumpet as much as they wish. What
does it matter to me?” he asked. “Not at all!”
The city gates had been tightly shut before,
but now they saw people coming through
2836 the gate, so that the whole area
outside was soon crowded with people.
There was no lady who failed to
come out, and all of them were singing.
2840 A large number of young women
came singing and performing
dances as elaborate as any you
have ever seen on May Day. The knights
2844 galloped in front of Meraugis
on swift, strong horses.
It was, however, correct to say that
their horses were both handsome and gentle,

423
2848 for they seldom went into battle.
Thus the people came forward. When
Meraugis saw them he said, “I believe
that they are coming to meet us.”
2852 “Fair lord, do you still not know
what this is about?” “Lady, I do not.
But in rejoicing there is nothing but good,
and so I like this better than what went before,
2856 and probably will continue to do so,
for I love nothing so much as being joyful!”
“God grant us such joy that I may hear
the reason they are rejoicing so much!”
2860 said Lidoine, who was not at all joyful. —
Joyful? — Indeed not, for all this troubled her.
Then, before they could say more, they were met
by those who were riding toward them.
2864 Meliadus, the seneschal,
was the first to greet Meraugis.
Then all the others came forward
and greeted him together, and he
2868 returned their greeting and went with them.
Thus they rode toward the city,
and the people surrounded Meraugis,
looking at him as if in wonder.
2872 Some were speaking, some talking amongst
themselves, and others merely gazing at him.
Meraugis took no heed of
anything they said, although
2876 from time to time as they rode along, he heard
pairs of them talking and saying,
“This one is certainly as tall as he.”

424
 This was all that he heard.
2880 Meraugis and Meliadus,
the seneschal of the city,
rode until they had reached
the town, then they went
2884 straight down toward the sea until
they had reached the port.
Here they made no delay but went
to the boat that was in the port.
2888 Meliadus then said this
to Meraugis: “Fair sir, get into
this boat so that you may go
over to the island.” “I shall not do so.”
2892 “Why not?” “In faith, I do not wish to.”
“You shall!” “No, in faith, I shall not!
Why should I go over there?”
“Because you are obliged to do so.
2896 It is the custom that anyone who comes
here must go across.” Meraugis replied,
“I wish to do away with this custom,
and may good come to me from doing so!”
2900 “You will certainly be obliged to go
across.” Then Meraugis said,
“Stand back! Am I a prisoner then?”
He drew his sword and said, “Know this:
2904 limbs will be severed if anyone here
stirs! Remain where you are, all of you.
Unless I learn the reason for it,
I shall not for anyone’s sake go over there.”
2908 “Will you go across?” “No.” “Then I shall explain.
You see the tower there in the middle

425
 of that island. Within it dwells
a brave knight. With him is
2912 a lady, and so there are two of them.
Two young women and a man at arms
who are there to serve the lady and knight are
the only other people on the island.
2916 If you can defeat the knight
who awaits you there,
you may know for certain that the
lady and the castle will be yours.
2920 But if he defeats you, you will be
ours to do with as we will.
Those ladies who are following us —
of this you may be certain — are singing
2924 only because they so desire this battle
and are rejoicing because of it.”
And Meraugis, who sought nothing
so much as jousts and battles, said
2928 as the refrain of the song was being sung,
“Now let all the women sing and the men as well!
This is the refrain: unless he runs away,
he will most certainly have a joust.”
2932 Then they all sang quite freely,
in voices strong and weak, high and low,
with the joy that was theirs in abundance.
Meraugis, delighted at the prospect
2936 of the battle, looked and saw
that the knight had come out
of the tower richly equipped
and was moving about on the island.
2940 He said, “Now I can see the knight.

426
 So let us go to the boat!”
The sailors quickly raised their sails
and headed the boat toward
2944 the island. As soon as Meraugis
had disembarked, he got back on
his horse. Then the boat
returned to the city, and Meraugis
2948 at once began to ride straight toward
the knight who was awaiting him.
And this knight, who was in no way
base or wicked or evil,
2952 stopped and waited patiently so that
Meraugis had plenty of time to equip
himself. And then they turned their
horses and spurred them forward.
2956 Both of these men were most worthy and valiant
knights. They struck hard with their excellent
lances, causing them to pass through
each other’s shields so that the tip of each
2960 struck the other knight in the chest with such force that,
although their hauberks had not been breached,
they felt as if their hearts had been pierced.
With blows that destroyed their horses’s harness,
2964 they slashed the girths and tore each other’s equipment
to pieces. Then they let go of their reins and leapt
to the ground for the most furious
exchange of blows you ever saw.
2968 They struck each other so hard that soon
they could scarcely see anything at all.
Each man lay for a time, propped up
on his elbow, taking the time he needed.

427
2972 When they returned to consciousness
they were astonished, for it seemed to them
that the tower was dancing and the island shaking. —
Why? — Because they were so stupefied by the blows
2976 that they believed there had been a thunderstorm
and did not know what to hold onto,
only that they were determined to keep on
fighting. Then they moved toward each other
2980 with their swords drawn and holding
their shields up to protect their heads.
They did not behave as friends do,
but rather attacked each other violently. The people
2984 in the city, who had never seen such a joust
as this, could see every move.
These people took great joy in the joust,
which greatly pleased them. But although the others
2988 were smiling, Lidoine took no joy in it at all.
No indeed, for the heart in her breast caused her
pain because of her fear, so much of which
entered her heart as she watched the joust
2992 that her hearing was transformed into sight. —
How could this be? Could she then hear nothing
at all? — Indeed not, for because of the fear
that so attacked her, her hearing and all
2996 her strength and all her senses at once
struck her through the eyes as she
beheld the man for whom she
could not help but suffer.
3000 And so the two knights were now
in the midst of fierce combat
on the island, so forcefully returning

428
 blow for blow with their naked swords
3004 that they caused fire to fly up
from their helmets toward the skies
and turned the sun blue and red. —
Why was this? — When the sunlight mixed
3008 with the fire from their helmets, from a distance
it seemed that the helmets had been set aflame
with Greek fire. Truly, these two knew
better than anyone how to strike blows!
3012 They attacked each other in this way
at least forty times until finally
there was no shield or helmet
left for them to destroy. —
3016 But since they were such excellent knights,
and now that both were now unprotected by armor,
why did not one of them kill the other? —
Why indeed? Any fool could understand this.
3020 If they had struck such forceful blows
then as they had at the beginning,
even if their shields had been made of steel,
the frames would have shattered.
3024 But now each man’s sword turned
and fell from his hands as he struck,
for the one who was least hurt was in such pain
that he had good reason for concern.
3028 They stood there quite unmoving.
Thus the battle went on
as I have described it until noon.
But once it was past noon, the other
3032 knight took new purpose and
moved forward to attack Meraugis.

429
 Meraugis leapt up to defend himself,
but the other pressed him hard. In truth,
3036 the knight attacked Meraugis more forcefully
and with stronger blows than he had before.
Meraugis, stupefied by the blows he had received,
moved away, saying, “I no longer know how to
3040 play this game, for the dice have turned
against me. For I said before and still say
that just now this knight was losing
and on the point of being defeated,
3044 but from that moment to this
his attacks have completely changed.”
And the other knight turned on him again at once,
having placed his shield on his forearm.
3048 Meraugis, deeply fearful of the knight,
moved some distance away and said,
“Brave knight, so may God aid you, tell me
your name.” “Do you wish me to tell you?”
3052 “I do.” “Then, so may God bless you,
I shall tell you: my name is Gawain.
That is what the Britons
call me.” Then Meraugis said,
3056 “What? Are you really and truly
my friend Gawain?” “In faith,
I am Gawain. Now tell me
in turn what you are called.”
3060 “I am your friend Meraugis of Portlesguez,
and I have come from the court in your
own land and have been seeking you
since Christmas. I thank God,
3064 so glad am I to have found you

430
 here, for everyone was saying
that my lord Gawain had been
lost. Neither the king’s
3068 fine company nor your lady
expects to see you ever again.”
“Nor will they, of that you may be certain!
The king will never again behold me.”
3072 “Why, fair lord, of course he will!
I see no sense in what you say.
Come, I make myself your prisoner. Let us go
back across the water. See, there stands my beloved.”
3076 “There is no question of doing that, Meraugis.”
“How so?” “The requirement is such
that the stronger of us two
must kill the other. For
3080 no knight has ever left
this island, nor will any ever do so.”
“But why?” “In faith, none can leave,
and I shall tell you the reason why.
3084 Do you see the lady there
at the windows of the tower?
I can tell you of no
fairer lady in this area.
3088 This fortress and this land
all belong to her. But it happened
one day that a very bold knight came
to her and asked for her love.
3092 In the course of events she
grew to love him and became his wife.
But then she grew jealous of him
and chose to love him in such a way

431
3096 that, in order to keep him with her,
she had this dwelling built here on the island.
The knight came here and stayed
a very long time with his lady,
3100 but when he wished to leave
he was quite unable to do so.”
“Why?” “Because from the tower my lady
gave orders to her men on the other side
3104 that no one should come here
for any reason unless she commanded it,
and further that no knight should ever
pass through her land
3108 without coming here to try
to win against her champion.
Thus, whether they wished to or not,
many knights came here
3112 and tried to cut off the knight’s head
but were defeated by
his superior strength, for he was very
strong and bold and warlike.
3116 This was how he lived for seven years.
He killed many knights until,
just as you have now done,
I chanced to come here.
3120 And the knight began
a ferocious battle against
me, and I fought back
as fiercely as I could. In the
3124 end I got the better of him
and killed him, but from this I received
the misfortune that in his place and against

432
 my will I have ever since had to guard this castle.
3128 My lady has resolved that I
shall be here until a stronger knight
kills me, and that when I am dead
he will in his turn stand guard here.
3132 Whether you kill me or I you,
however it may turn out, it is the custom
that one of us is obliged to remain
until a stronger one arrives.
3136 Thus you are forced to do
combat with me; I see no help for it.
But if you gain the upper hand
and my strength proves less than yours,
3140 you will be the chatelain
of this tower for the rest of your life.”
“I have no great desire for that,”
said Meraugis. “ I do not intend to be
3144 the chatelain of this place, no indeed, for I know
of no castle that so deserves to be hated.
But if no one dares come here,
who brings you food to eat?”
3148 “The answer to that is not difficult.
We are well provisioned, for we have
plenty of all the dishes that we
could ever think of asking for.”
3152 “How is this?” “Each morning before the noon
meal my lady comes down from the tower,
and once she has done so,
she signals to the boat to come in.
3156 And then she asks that all
we need be brought here.

433
 But if I were to go to the port
while that boat was there,
3160 it would raise its sails and depart,
for it would never wait for me at the port.”
“Why is that?” “My lady believes that
if I were in the boat and able to leave
3164 I would never come back.
Thus she holds me captive so that,
no matter how much time may pass,
I can never leave this place. This gives me
3168 such sorrow that whenever I think of it
I wish that lightning would strike
this place and that a storm would kill me.
Am I right to wish that? Indeed I am, for I see
3172 that you have come here to help me
and that I am obliged to kill you!
Dear God, what shall I do? I so hate my life
and desire my own death that if I could
3176 save you by doing so I would
kill myself at once with my sword.
But even if death were to take me
here and now, you would still not be free
3180 to leave this place but would have to guard
the island without joy or diversion
until the end of your days.
This troubles me so greatly that I
3184 do not know what to say.” “I shall tell you
the best thing to do.” “How so, Meraugis?”
“I can easily tell you what I have in mind.
If you choose to trust me and act
3188 according to my counsel, I believe I can deliver

434
 you from this island so that you will not die here.”
“I shall do it.” “What are you willing to do?”
“I do not know what to say to you
3192 except that there is no plan, however daring, that
could be suggested to me that I would not follow,
even if it meant jumping into the sea,
if you thought it was for my good.”
3196 “That is not at all what I advise.
We shall do something quite different.”
“In God’s name, tell me what it is.”
“We shall do battle until evening.
3200 Then finally we shall knock each other down,
there in that sloping area by the sea,
so that the people across the water
and the lady in the tower can easily see it.
3204 After that I shall not defend myself further
but simply lie there, and you will
put on a great show of striking me so that
there will be no doubt that you have killed me.
3208 And to better deceive those people
you will seize my helmet, yank it
from my head, and throw it
into the sea in front of everyone.
3212 This way they will all believe
that with your sword you have
killed me and cut off my head.
Afterwards, once you have
3216 done all this, you will go
into the tower. I shall remain
there pretending to be dead
until nightfall, and as soon as

435
3220 I see that it has grown dark
I shall join you and we shall consider
how we may get away from here.”
My lord Gawain said, “In faith,
3224 I praise and accept this plan,
for it pleases me greatly.” Then
they resumed fighting and did everything
exactly as they had planned.
3228 People on all sides talked of this,
saying that Meraugis had been
defeated. — And when Lidoine saw this
astonishing occurrence, what did she do? —
3232 She struck herself and cursed
the ground that held her up.
She would have drowned herself if she had not
been held back by force. What shall I tell you?
3236 Her sorrow was so great that I would not
know how to describe the tenth part of it.
I myself have heard people displaying great
sorrow, but there is no comparison with hers.
3240 For any sorrow would seem like joy
compared with the grief she showed
until a young woman named Amice
took her to an estate that she owned.
3244 Amice’s house was no more
than four leagues away, or even less.
And so, all the while comforting her,
Amice led Lidoine to where she was to stay.
3248 There they dismounted and everyone did
whatever they could to make her more cheerful.
But things became much worse,

436
 for Lidoine missed Meraugis and wept
3252 for him. From time to time she
jumped up and tore at her face,
crying, “Alas, Meraugis!”
more than a hundred times together.
3256 “Dear God, when shall I see him again?
I do not know, nor do I see any comfort.”
Meraugis had been left as if dead
on the island, but now he got up.
3260 He went to the tower, where he found
the lady and her household with her.
He stepped forward a little
and stood in front of the table.
3264 When the lady saw him, she was frightened
and jumped up from the table.
More than seven times she crossed herself
for fear of the devil and cried out, “Dear God,
3268 who can that be?” “The one who has come
to see the expression on your face.
You will most certainly die if
you utter a word.” Then he gathered
3272 them all together and
locked them in a room.
There they spoke among themselves,
but softly, for Meraugis had sworn
3276 that if they should so much as open
their mouths to cry out
he would set the place on fire.
Thus the ladies were locked up.
3280 After this the knight removed
his armor, and it pleased him

437
 to eat as much as he desired.
This delighted my lord Gawain.
3284 The two knights retired and
got up the next morning.
They did not go to church, indeed not,
for there was none on the island.
3288 Listen now to a courtly matter.
Meraugis considered and then took action. —
What did he do? — In faith, he took
the gown and garments the lady had been wearing
3292 and then he dressed and laced up
and decked himself out just like a woman.
Then, more prettily turned out than a doll,
he went down from the castle
3296 with his sword under his cloak.
What shall I tell you? He went down to the
harbor dressed in this outfit, which well became him,
for he was handsome and nobly made.
3300 From across the water the men saw
Meraugis moving about on the island
and signaling to them with his hand
just as the lady always did.
3304 They suspected nothing unusual,
for they believed it was their lady.
They went to the boat and at once sailed
straight across to the other side.
3308 When the sailor in charge and three others
had arrived on the island, Meraugis,
who had already laid out his plans,
at once leapt with all his might into the boat.
3312 All the vessel’s boards then

438
 seemed to swell and crack, and when
the sailors, who had been occupied
with their goods, heard this, they trembled with
3316 fear of Meraugis, for they believed they
were now prisoners. Indeed this was the case,
for from under the edge of his cloak
Meraugis drew out his naked sword
3320 and said, “Your lady has arrived!”
“Where is she?” “Right here in my hand!”
To show them he lowered the flap of his garment
and said to the sailors, “By my soul,
3324 this sword is your lady, and from
her will you receive damnation.
You will die unshriven
if you do not do as I wish.
3328 But I tell you honestly
that if you do so you will receive
a great deal, for never will you request
anything of me that I will not give you.”
3332 These men saw where necessity lay
and said they would not oppose him in anything. —
Why was this? — They said that they preferred
to live a long time and be well provided for
3336 than to die unconfessed in battle.
“My lord,” they said, “we will do
whatever you wish and go against
nothing that pleases you.” “Is that true?”
3340 “It is.” “Then take the boat out of here
and take me around that way to the
other side so that we have the tower
between the boat and the city.”

439
3344 The sailors, wishing to escape
death, sailed toward the tower.
There they stopped and waited
while my lord Gawain got into the boat;
3348 now they had the strength of a hundred men.
Both knights were armed, and before they set
out they told the sailors that if they found
land anywhere nearby they would
3352 sail beyond it at their peril, for they
must let them off at the nearest possible place.
And the sailors, fearing for their safety,
trembled and said they would
3356 put in to land as soon as they could.
This all being said, they set sail.
I shall not say what happened to
the ladies, for indeed I cannot. —
3360 And why not? — Because I was not there
at that time, nor was my lord Gawain.
Thus they journeyed rapidly
through the shallow waters along the coast,
3364 for they did not wish to cross
the sea but to stay near land
until they had passed the sea
and the whole of that country.
3368 I believe they went a great distance
before they reached land. —
Which country was it? — The land
of Handiton. — And who ruled this land? —
3372 Its lord was Count Gladoain, who ruled
a great deal more territory as well.
The sailors held their course

440
 to arrive at Handiton,
3376 but they were too hasty
as they were arriving. — Indeed? How so? —
They sailed into the harbor
so roughly that the ship went aground
3380 on a rock, where it broke up
and split into two parts.
But this was no matter, for all the men
got out of the ship safe and sound.
3384 Count Gladoain, who was
in Handiton at that time, went straight
down to the sea. As soon as he arrived,
he saw the knights and recognized them. —
3388 And what did he do then? — He ran
forward to greet and welcome them.
Like a noble and trustworthy man,
he put all he had at their disposal.
3392 He gave them a warm welcome, for he took great joy
in their presence. He was conducting them all
to his dwelling when Meraugis stopped and began
to lament. — Why? — Because of his beloved.
3396 “What is this?” he said. “Is she indeed not with me?
What? Have I left her behind? Where is she? —
Indeed, she is now far away.
And have I therefore lost her? —
3400 I have.” Then he struck himself and did himself injury.
If his lady had lamented for him, that was
as nothing compared to the way he lamented for her!
What shall I say? There never was such sorrow.
3404 My lord Gawain sustained him and,
along with all the others, comforted him.

441
 They nearly had to carry him
up the stairs and into a hall.
3408 That night the most courtly of counts
lodged them so well in every
respect that nothing any of them
might think of or ask for was lacking.
3412 But Meraugis was so full of torment that he
continually cried out and could not enjoy himself.
Like a man out of his senses
he grieved and made complaint for his lady.
3416 He so lamented and complained
that night that it almost
drove my lord Gawain mad
with irritation and annoyance, and he said,
3420 “You are behaving outrageously and
bringing shame to yourself by lamenting so much.”
They obliged him to be silent that night,
but they got no further pleasure from his company.
3424 After they had eaten, the knights
very soon retired for the night.
Meraugis, who could not sleep at all,
got up in the morning, as did they all.
3428 Afterwards, once they had washed,
they went to church to hear mass.
Meraugis, who could not stop thinking of
Lidoine, prepared to depart. He went
3432 to speak to my lord Gawain
and said, “Tell me, my lord,
will you hear what I wish to say?
I wish to depart, for never shall I
3436 take delight nor stay in any

442
 place until I have found
my beloved. For it is certain
that she believes I have been killed.”
3440 “That is indeed true. Meraugis, I know well
that this sorrow has come to you
because of me, for by your coming
I was set free from that sorrowful
3444 prison, so full of shame
that none should ever desire it.
What shall I say? I owe you my life,
and you may be certain that my
3448 help and all my strength belong to you,
for you have certainly acted to deserve them.
I must continue to seek the sword,
the adventure that I undertook.
3452 If I should return home without it,
my honor would be no more.
I shall never return there until I have girded on
the Sword of the Strange Hangings. That is
3456 where I must go. Lord God, direct me in this!
And you must go elsewhere to
seek Lidoine. Here must
we two part company.
3460 But I give you this counsel: it is in
no way good to continue lamenting.
Know well that, if I should come
to the place where your lady is,
3464 you may place your full trust in me
to defend your honor.
And if one day I should arrive
at the court before you do,

443
3468 I wish you to know that I
shall not remain there a single night.”
“What will you do then?” “I shall
set out at once to seek you.
3472 And if I should ever hear
that you have need of me,
wherever it may be, no distance will be
too great to prevent me from going to fight
3476 on your behalf.” Meraugis then answered,
“I thank you. And this I swear:
If I arrive at the court
before you, I shall stay for only
3480 one night, and the next day I shall go
forth to search for you until I have
found you.” Thus they swore.
When they had done this, they went to the count
3484 and took their leave of him, commending
to him strongly the four sailors.
And the count willingly granted
their request and answered thus regarding
3488 the sailors: “Let them travel no further,
for I shall treat them very well. I hereby
retain all four.” He rewarded them with fiefs
out of the esteem in which he held them. And afterwards
3492 he had brought to the two knights, whom
he dearly loved, two fine horses
which he gave them. They accepted the horses
with thanks and then armed themselves.
3496 When it was time to leave, they mounted,
then saluted and commended one another
to God. They were then given all the arms

444
 that they asked for. And with that they set out.
3500 Each went his way, and thus they parted.
Now each one followed his own road.
If I knew of Meraugis, I would
tell you what happened to him.
3504 He traveled to many places. —
What was he seeking? — The City
With No Name. He rode all around and
inquired everywhere how to reach it.
3508 But what use was this when there was no one
who knew how to tell him the way
or indeed anyone who heard him ask
about the City With No Name
3512 who did anything but laugh in his face?
What shall I tell you? Whoever seeks Paris
in England may spend a long time looking.
Thus did Meraugis search and wander,
3516 constantly seeking without finding a thing.
He swore and cursed the entire world.
Full of ill will he looked upward
and said — you will never hear the like —
3520 “Lord God, have you nothing at all
with which you might comfort me? —
Indeed not. — Yes, you do! Lord, you
should certainly either kill me or take pity
3524 on me! What? Am I not all alone here?
What mercy do I desire?
Paradise? I cannot go there, for I say in truth,
I shall not give her up. — But why? — Do those
3528 who are there not have all they desire? —
They do! — Then would I were already

445
 there. For unless Lidoine came,
those who were there would not
3532 have all that they desired. —
Would they not? — No, for I believe
that without her God has no paradise
that could please me. — Who could then? —
3536 My lady is what I desire. But to what avail?
God wishes someone other than me to have her.
Whoever leaves her should by rights lose her!
And I have left her.” Then he was stirred
3540 with anguish, and both sorrow and love
assailed him at once. All this touched him
to the heart. His heart stopped his mouth
and swallowed up his sorrow, which caused him great pain.
3544 Afterwards, when this sorrow burst forth from him,
he would sigh and let his horse run
freely, and by the time it had
run for a long time at a full gallop, he had
3548 once more brought his sorrow within bounds.
Thus as he rode he emptied himself of
sorrow. And he experienced such overpowering
feelings ten or twenty times that day
3552 until it happened that he reached
the entrance to an enclosed wood
where Maret of Escaldeïs, who had been
keeping watch there all that morning,
3556 saw that the knight was behaving
as if he were about to attack.
Then Maret said, “This man is coming at me.”
He galloped forward to joust.
3560 Meraugis was so deeply in the grip of his sorrow

446
 that he did not notice and continued on at a gallop.
And Maret, preparing to meet him,
lowered his lance and struck
3564 a resounding blow on his shield.
Alarmed, Meraugis returned to his senses
and stood his ground, so that Maret
broke his lance as he rode past him.
3568 Meraugis, who had regained his
composure, now drew his sword,
and Maret rode to the fray,
and at once there ensued a battle
3572 such as battles are supposed to be fought —
I never saw a fiercer one — which continued
until in front of them there came forth
from the forest a knight
3576 who would most gladly have killed
Meraugis had he recognized him,
just as Meraugis would have killed him if he could. —
Who was this knight? — The Outredouté,
3580 that cruel and lawless man
who had so long sought Meraugis.
But he did not notice
Meraugis and rode on right
3584 past him. Meraugis, his mind on
the Outredouté, said, “If I could only
leave this place, I would learn today
which of us two is the stronger.”
3588 Maret answered, “If I were dead,
would you go after him?” “I would.” “Why?”
“Because I hate him more than you,
as well I should, for he has done me a wrong.”

447
3592 Maret answered, “Since his actions
have provoked war between you two,
I will, if you wish, grant you a truce
subject to these conditions:
3596 that in the very next place
where you and I encounter each other
we shall seek no other arms than
such as we have with us at that moment
3600 and will ride forward to fight each other
like two mortal enemies.
Understand well: by this agreement,
you will nowhere have any truce
3604 from me, even if we are in a king’s court.
I shall attack you in front of everyone.”
“And I shall then defend myself
against you,” said Meraugis.
3608 “Let it be so. I swear it,”
said Maret, and he went back
to the wood, while Meraugis turned
to follow the knight whom he hated.
3612 There was a great deal of snow, and so he could see
where the Outredouté was going, for he followed his
tracks constantly, always threatening
to kill him if he caught up with him.
3616 What shall I tell you? He followed him
until he arrived in front of a castle.
The outer walls and crenellated battlements
were of marble all the way around.
3620 Meraugis rode straight up
to the tower. He stopped
in front of the gate, peered

448
 through it, and saw within
3624 the walls of the fortress a pine tree
that was as green as if it were summer.
There is no need to ask whether
that pine was of great beauty.
3628 Around the pine some young women
were singing and dancing in circles.
Joining in with their dancing
there was but a single knight.
3632 To increase their merriment he was
singing loudly for them. — And who was he? —
The Outredouté, whom Meraugis
had so long been pursuing.
3636 And when Meraugis saw
that he was dancing, his helmet on,
his shield hanging from his neck, and his sword
girded on as if to defend himself,
3640 he said, “Now shall Laquis
of Lanbeguez be avenged at once!”
He galloped straight toward the knight
at full tilt and called out,
3644 “Cease your singing, knight, and flee!
I challenge you, and you are about to die!”
But Meraugis soon altered his intentions. —
How so? — They changed completely, for just
3648 as strong as had been his desire,
while he was outside the gate,
to strike with his lance
the knight whom he hated,
3652 equally strong was the desire he now had
to dance, so that he forgot

449
 everything outside, even his beloved.
Thus Meraugis was forced to forget
3656 Lidoine. He then stepped forward to dance,
his shield hanging at his neck, and began to sing loudly.
The other knight, who had been singing
before, gave up the dance, mounted
3660 his horse, and then rode out
through the gate. And when he was
outside, he saw his enemy
inside and recognized him at once
3664 by his arms. There was nothing
under the sun he hated so much as Meraugis.
“What is this?” he said. “I see the man
who threw my shield to the ground.
3668 I have found him, but I dare not go after him
although he is there in front of me! God, what shall I do?
If I go in there, I shall begin
to sing and dance once more.
3672 I would do anything rather than resume that
miserable pastime.” Then he threatened Meraugis
and said that he would not budge
from the place where he stood
3676 until Meraugis came out of
the castle. But all this was to no avail,
for Meraugis, who was still inside,
paid no attention to what he said.
3680 He kept on singing and dancing for so long
that the Outredouté, who feared no
knight, stopped listening to him
and went away, compelled by hunger.
3684 He would never have abandoned that place

450
 for anyone’s sake were it not for hunger.
No one can live on firewood.
And so the Outredouté departed,
3688 but he did not stay away long.
He soon returned and brought
his tent and placed it in front of the gate
so that he could lie in wait for Meraugis.
3692 Thus he fiercely laid siege to him.
Then he declared that he would never move
his tent until he had by force
of arms avenged his shame.
3696 Why should I tell you a long tale?
Meraugis acted like a very happy man
as he sang and tapped his foot.
I can leave him at no better
3700 point. And now I shall tell you
what became of his lady Lidoine.
You have heard how she went
that first night to where Amice lived.
3704 Lidoine, who was no silly young woman,
promised and did so much for
her hostess that the latter agreed
to accompany her to her own land.
3708 Lidoine did not stay long
with Amice but departed in
the morning. They thus left that place.
They traveled together for a long while.
3712 I believe that Lidoine journeyed
until she was drawing near her own land.
It was then her misfortune to be met
by a knight called Blechis the Squinter,

451
3716 a man whose head was harder than wood.
He was the ugliest man that nature
had ever made, and no creature ever
so much desired to do evil.
3720 No worthy man could ever please him,
but all the wicked were his companions.
Blechis had a very long and pointed nose
and he was old and cross-eyed.
3724 His eyes touched together, and he was
tall and hard, thin and dried up,
yet he was most valliant and warlike
in battles and frays.
3728 He held many grand castles
and fine towers near Cavalon.
His domain was truly that of a great lord,
and his actions had everywhere been such
3732 as to make each of his neighbors afraid of him.
When Blechis had seen and recognized
Lidoine, he galloped to meet her,
then greeted her and said, “Lady,
3736 with all my heart, you are welcome here!
I put at your disposal my land and possessions
and all that I have, and will offer you
fine lodgings for the night if it so pleases you.
3740 Your father and mine were friends,
and I loved your father as well.” When Lidoine
heard Blechis say that he loved
her father, she thanked him for
3744 the offer of lodgings and said she would
accept them. Then Blechis said,
“Lady, tell me about Meraugis

452
 and what has become of him.”
3748 “My lord,” she said, “He is lost
to me.” “How is this?” “I left him
in the place where I had seen him
killed.” When Blechis heard this,
3752 treachery grew inside of him and
struck him in the heart, for he thought
of doing an evil thing, one that was to bring him
harm before the end of his life. With that they set out
3756 and rode until they had arrived
at a walled city that belonged to Blechis.
It was indeed a fine and excellent one.
They rode up to a hall inside the city
3760 and dismounted. As they did so they
were welcomed by knights who were
delighted to see Lidoine, whom
they recognized as being from
3764 that land, and she well knew
those who came to meet her.
Blechis had the horses taken
and stabled in great luxury.
3768 But no one should value the beginning
of something that will end badly.
Lidoine spent that night comfortably,
but in the morning, when she had arisen
3772 and asked the young woman with her
to have her horse saddled, Blechis
spoke to Amice and said, “Young woman,
there is no question of leaving this place.
3776 Lidoine is the mistress of those lands.
Since it has so transpired that Meraugis is dead,

453
 my son, the courtly Espinogres,
will now become her lord.
3780 Never in the realm of Logres
has a young man been so well brought up.
His uncle, Meliant de Lis,
has charge of him and says he will,
3784 in the noble manner that is fitting,
make him a knight at Pentecost.”
When Lidoine heard this, she was deeply troubled
and said, “My lord, if this should
3788 please you, I would be very happy
provided both you and he wished it.
You are of such worth that you should
indeed manage my estates. And yet I must
3792 nevertheless first return home
before I take a husband.
Do not delay for long the command
for your son to be made
3796 a new knight. If he were indeed
a knight, I would soon return here
to this march and receive him
as my lord so that he would become king.
3800 But before that I must depart.”
Blechis answered at once,
“Lidoine, things shall not transpire
at all in the manner that you have described.
3804 This is to no avail: you are a prisoner.
You shall not leave this place
until you have received
my son as your lord
3808 and he has become king

454
 of your domain, with you as queen.”
Lidoine said, “I am delighted that he shall thus
take possession of my land! Since that is how
3812 matters stand, I shall, God willing, remain here
as long as it suits your pleasure.”
She answered thus but thought differently.
Thus was Lidoine held captive
3816 in most unsuitable lodgings.
Filled with sorrow, she did not know what to do.
She wept from anger and wandered
through the palace giving way to her grief.
3820 When she looked upon Blechis the Squinter,
she trembled with fear and said,
“God has never seen such an
ugly man, nor ever knew of one!
3824 Behold,” she said “how God hates this man
with his whole heart! And should I love him?
Indeed I shall not do so, for I would be
going against God if I did.
3828 If only because of his sneering face
I hate his son with my whole heart,
for I will in no wise love Blechis
nor anything that comes from him.
3832 What shall I do then? I must find someone
to get word to Gorvain Cadrus
that if he lends me his aid he will have my love.”
In this way did she reveal her plan to Amice:
3836 “Amice, my rose, my sweet spice,”
she said, “by the grace of God,
I shall never leave this place unless
it is through you.” “Through me? How so?”

455
3840 said Amice. “You may be
certain that I would most willingly
gain your release if I could.
But I cannot.” “Indeed you can!”
3844 Amice answered, “Then there is nothing under
heaven I would not do!” “There is no
other way for you to help me but
by requesting leave to depart, saying
3848 that you wish to return home.
That is what I ask you to do.
Then you must go on my behalf to seek a knight
who loves me dearly and whose name is Gorvain.
3852 His dwelling is the castle
of Pantelion. Tell him of
the death of Meraugis and how
Blechis the Squinter has captured me
3856 and say that if he so loves or values me
that he is pleased to win me from Blechis
I will at once give him sovereignty over
my land so that he may wage war.
3860 If he can sustain my cause by force of arms
I shall be his; and if he cannot,
I wish to accord him the kingdom
that is mine and to make it his.
3864 For if Blechis imposes what he desires on me
then I wish never again to possess any land
nor riches nor anything that might give me joy.
Amice, my friend, all now depends on you.
3868 Say on my behalf to my seneschal,
Anchises the Red, that I order
and command him as his sovereign

456
 that he should receive
3872 Gorvain Cadrus as his lord the very day
that Gorvain comes to ask this of him,
and that he should do his utmost to help
Gorvain wage this war. If he does this,
3876 he shall have my love. But if he does not,
then my love shall turn at once to hate.
So that he may believe what you say,
take him this golden ring as a sign.
3880 He bought it for me from his treasury,
and so he knows it well. And I believe
that after this Blechis will be hearing
some news before the month is out.”
3884 The young ladies agreed upon
this plan, and Amice went
to ask leave of Blechis, who allowed
her to go without questioning her.
3888 Amice mounted her horse, commended
Lidoine to God, and set off
along the road to the place where
she expected to find Gorvain.
3892 She made a great effort to travel quickly
and cleverly managed to find him.
She gave him her message,
greeting him on behalf of Lidoine.
3896 And when Gorvain had heard what Amice had to say
you may be certain that he greatly rejoiced, for
indeed nothing he might ever hear could have
given him greater joy. And he said that
3900 Blechis would have war waged against him
because of this, for there was no place under heaven

457
 where he would not go to win Lidoine
now that he knew it would please her.
3904 Thus rejoicing he sent messages
asking all his friends to join him.
All the noblemen of the land
then came to Gorvain, so many
3908 that he was able to assemble
three hundred men of high rank.
Amice went to Cavalon
to find Lidoine’s seneschal.
3912 And when Anchises had heard the news
that his lady was a prisoner,
he blamed and derided Blechis
and said he would never again
3916 know joy or happiness until he had
stirred up such trouble for Blechis that
he would find himself exiled and chased
from his land unless he returned
3920 his lady to him. And he said as well
that he would do all that Lidoine had
commanded. And since she had ordered
that Gorvain be received in her land,
3924 he would certainly be welcome there,
for Anchises would gladly receive him.
Then he sent word to all the knights
in the kingdom that they would
3928 be defeated and betrayed if they
permitted their lady to remain a prisoner.
The knights, who held their lady
in great affection, learned that, even
3932 though they opposed it, Blechis desired to make

458
 his son their king. This sorely grieved them,
and they all said he would have war
because of it. And so it came to that.
3936 The entire country was roused
by the news that they heard.
In Cavalon all the noble lords
assembled for a council.
3940 They found no possible course
but war. They sent letters everywhere
to their men ordering all of them
to be there within seven days.
3944 The day that council was to take place,
Gorvain Cadrus arrived with a large company.
When those inside the city
heard that Gorvain was coming
3948 with so many men, they were
delighted and went out to meet him.
The townspeople, who loved their lady,
all came outside the walls of Cavalon.
3952 As soon as he had set foot there
Gorvain was received that same day
with a joyful procession.
And Anchises the seneschal,
3956 a most worthy man and a fine knight,
went before Gorvain to entrust to him
the lady’s domain, declaring
for all to hear that she had so ordered.
3960 So as to carry out Lidoine’s commands fully,
he put her treasury at Gorvain’s disposal.
Gorvain had the gold and silver
brought forth and distributed it.

459
3964 No knight who wished to take any
left there a poor man.
Gorvain thus proved to them
that he was neither base nor mean,
3968 so that they said, “This new lord
has made us all rich. He is most welcome
here!” Thus they praised him
for the largesse they found to be in him.
3972 Largesse is a quality from which good things
come. Beauty, good sense, and prowess
are worth nothing where largesse
is absent, for largesse causes prowess
3976 to shine. Largesse is the remedy
that raises prowess to its heights.
If largesse is lacking, no one can win
glory through the strength of his shield.
3980 Largesse quickly won the day and so
captivated those men that they loved
Gorvain Cadrus more than
any lord they had ever had, for at that
3984 moment they could have known of nothing
which might have pleased him that they would not
have done at once if they were able.
And so, as I have said, Gorvain was
3988 made lord and given full command.
He placed his own guards
over the castles, thus taking
into his hands the entire domain,
3992 and he declared that the next day he would
leave Cavalon with his entire army.
The news spread so swiftly

460
 and so far that the cruel
3996 and savage Blechis learned of
this expedition and could be in no doubt
that war was to be waged against him
for Lidoine’s sake unless he returned her.
4000 But if Blechis the Squinter spoke truly,
he would rather have been made an outcast
or burned to death or murdered or drowned
than to yield in any way to all these men.
4004 No matter what he saw coming, he declared,
he would not give back Lidoine.
This conflict was not undertaken
in jest but in deadly earnest.
4008 Regardless of who would pay the costs, Blechis
extended his commitments and sent for
his relatives, men who took great joy
in fighting and waging war.
4012 The countryside was roused as far as
the sea by this mad enterprise.
Blechis came from very high lineage
that was warlike and cruel as well.
4016 All his relatives were such as had
no love for peace or friendship.
Of Blechis’s lineage more than
three hundred were assembled, and even more
4020 came to the castle where he was staying.
Thus Blechis prepared for
war. Gorvain then sent word to him
that he should return his lady Lidoine.
4024 Blechis refused, and then the next morning
he received the news that Gorvain

461
 had set fire to his land. At this the Squinter
grew furious and full of ill will.
4028 With no further discussion he rode forth
from his castle with a large company of men,
saying that not for a thousand silver marks
would he fail to engage the enemy in combat.
4032 All his family followed his standard,
and they rode until, at a ford
that was near an enclosed wood,
they encountered the first of the attackers as they
4036 began to arrive in a disordered fashion in
groups of five, ten, twenty, or fewer.
Blechis’s men took booty, overpowering the peasants
and chasing them through the open fields.
4040 The very mountains trembled from the
movement of so many knights and foot soldiers.
At the very front, ahead of the others, rode
Anchises the seneschal. They had
4044 all been riding for so long that their horses
were exhausted, which made the men easier
to overpower, and those who were lying
in wait for them rushed at them
4048 with raised lances, attacking them
ferociously. When Anchises saw
that Blechis’s men were so near that
there was no choice but to fight,
4052 he declared that he would rather die
than abandon the field of battle.
The warlike Anchises
stopped to put his men in order.
4056 Between the knights and the foot soldiers

462
 he had a good three hundred in his company.
Then in great confusion the armies of Anchises
and Blechis the Squinter attacked one another.
4060 In this clash there was a great
cracking of lances, for the men dealt such blows
that they knocked one another from their
horses, striking them on the chest
4064 with the burnished iron tips with such
force that they were knocked to the ground.
In the battlefield perhaps a hundred of
those who fell gave up the ghost.
4068 You would have seen so many blows
exchanged as they fought with naked swords,
and a hundred men who left the field
with head wounds that left their brains exposed.
4072 These warriors slashed one another’s vital organs
and through shoulders to the other side.
So many of them fell that blood flowed
down through the fields like a brook.
4076 The land all around was littered
with arms, head, and hands.
Anchises’s men suffered many losses
in the fray and were so weakened
4080 that the others with only their swords
forced them to break ranks.
Gorvain was on his way to reinforce them,
but he could not possibly arrive in time.
4084 He was still a league’s distance
away from the battlefield where
his men were in such disarray
that they fled one by one or in pairs.

463
4088 There was great dismay when the Squinter
captured some ten men of great worth.
Along with those he captured others
of his choice, and as many as he wished.
4092 But then he saw Gorvain’s standard
coming forth from the wood.
The men with Gorvain were nothing
to laugh at, for he had so many knights that
4096 from a distance it looked as if
everyone in the world was coming that way.
To Blechis it seemed that he had never
seen so many people in his life.
4100 He greatly feared Gorvain and in the end
declared that he would not stay to confront him.
He hurried away with his spoils,
and when those in Gorvain’s army saw
4104 that Blechis was retreating, they declared that
they would never again know joy if they did not
provide him with an escort. Some four hundred men
took to the road to chase after him,
4108 but to no avail, for they could not
follow fast enough to catch up with Blechis’s
men. Their horses fell and perished
in the heathlands, and Blechis,
4112 who knew the country well,
fled through the forest until
he arrived to spend the night at Rapadone,
a very well-fortified city that belonged to him.
4116 Gorvain Cadrus and all his men
remained in the plains of Hardentin.
The castle there was near a road.

464
 There Gorvain set up camp and so laid siege
4120 to this gleaming and well-situated castle.
There was no handsomer one in all of England.
Blechis the Squinter had a great deal of land
in the surrounding area, but Gorvain’s
4124 host very quickly laid it waste.
When those in the tower saw
that they were besieged on all sides,
they prepared to defend themselves.
4128 In order to capture them Gorvain Cadrus
had more than twenty ladders prepared.
In the morning at first light the host
attacked, and those in the castle
4132 hastened to defend the outer wall where
the attackers had hastily erected their
ladders. The walls were quite low, and
although the men inside defended
4136 themselves very well, Gorvain’s men mounted
such a fierce attack that they were able to scale
the walls in so many places that those
inside could at last hold out no longer.
4140 They were then forced to go up
into the tower, and Gorvain
ordered that the halls be set
on fire. The wind was blowing while
4144 this was being done, and fire
broke out in front of the door of a hall.
As if carried by the devil himself
the fire leapt from the hall to the tower,
4148 for the latter was secured all around
with wattle and wooden stakes.

465
 The fire shot straight from the hoarding
into the house within the tower.
4152 Fire is a pitiless, raging storm against
which nothing can hold out for long,
nor could those within the tower
long endure it, for at the risk of
4156 their lives they flung themselves out
through the windows of the castle.
Necks and shoulders and arms and heads
were broken when those people jumped out.
4160 And so they were inevitably captured.
The tents were then taken down and
Gorvain Cadrus moved his army
straight to the castle of Rapadone.
4164 Along the river Autetone they
burned everything as they rushed along.
Blechis the Squinter was then in the tower
of Rapadone. When he saw
4168 his land burning, he at once ordered
his relatives to mount their horses.
They all rode out from Rapadone
to the fields below, intent on doing harm.
4172 Blechis declared that, whoever might turn back,
he would go and have a look at their men.
Wishing to spy on the invading force, he
left the woods and took up a lookout position
4176 on the hillside. He believed himself secure
until Gorvain rushed at him from
out of the woods, where he had attacked
and captured a small castle.
4180 On their fine, swift horses Gorvain’s men

466
 bore down on them. When Blechis saw
that Gorvain Cadrus was between him
and the woods to his right,
4184 he had no choice but to
advance and fight him, and so the
fray began. Blechis’s men did not
hold out for long: they soon turned
4188 their backs to the others, who attacked them
viciously with their swords.
Once the Squinter had clearly seen
that his forces were outmatched,
4192 he fled with his lance raised
and his relations following behind.
Those among Gorvain’s forces, hot
on their trail, slew an amazing number of them.
4196 They did not take a single prisoner
until they arrived at Monhaut, a walled
city belonging to Blechis that was built very
high up and overlooking a strait.
4200 For that reason Blechis could boast
that he feared no siege from anyone.
If all the forces of the Roman Empire were encamped
around him, he would not have been concerned,
4204 for the coastal sea protected Monhaut
on one side. And if it was well situated
in the back, from the front it was as
handsome a castle as any in England.
4208 Before the gate that faced
inland was a magnificent moat
the sheer face of which dropped down
more than six hundred feet.

467
4212 On the other side of the city, overlooking
the water, were walls and turrets that
had no equal anywhere in the world.
Blechis had furnished Monhaut,
4216 the castle of which I speak, with
everything he could obtain anywhere.
There he kept most of his wealth,
there his wife and household
4220 lived, and there Lidoine had been
sent after she was wrongfully
captured. Imprisoned there as well
were many worthy and courtly knights,
4224 and there in great distress Blechis
entered in fear for his life.
He saw Gorvain’s men coming after him,
but he did not care, for he little feared them now.
4228 And Gorvain arrived with his great company
and led them before Monhaut. When he saw
how fine and well fortified and highly placed it was,
he had grave doubts about laying siege to it.
4232 But because he knew for certain
that Lidoine was up there,
he declared that he would never leave
that mount until he had
4236 captured it by force. He had his entire
army set up camp beyond the river.
He could not reach the city
from behind, by means of the sea,
4240 so he placed his men in front of it.
Thus the Squinter was besieged in
Monhaut, where he could by no means

468
 be captured. Yet he could be certain
4244 that he had no bit of land outside the walls,
however small, that had not been laid waste
by Gorvain. The latter now set up his equipment
in front of the castle to which he had laid
4248 siege. He sent to all corners of the world
for engineers, who came in great number.
He had them make more siege machines than
had ever been assembled. Once the machines were
4252 ready, they were set up as quickly as possible
near the walls, and the attack began.
Those who were inside hurried to mount
a counterattack, fighting back
4256 boldly and quite often coming
out of the castle to fight them,
so that they carried the challenge
three times that day to the attackers’s very tents.
4260 The besieging forces, intent on causing
them damage, waged such deadly war
on them that when the two groups clashed
there were many dead and wounded.
4264 On some days those in the castle would lose,
on others they would win, but
they were delighted to have
the port, where ships came and went,
4268 bringing them food and reinforcements.
Thus Blechis’s men both attacked and defended.
They now had a great deal to keep them occupied.
As for Meraugis, what had become of him?
4272 Was he still dancing in a circle? Indeed
he was, so the story relates.

469
 Raoul, who is composing a romance
from the story, finds that Meraugis did not
4276 cease dancing until ten weeks
had passed, when it so happened
that another knight arrived
and chanced to enter there.
4280 The nature of this castle was such that
there was always one man within it.
That man would forget himself
until such time as another arrived.
4284 Now this new knight began to sing,
and Meraugis went to his charger,
who had not needed anything to eat
since he had passed through the castle gate.
4288 Then Meraugis mounted and the horse carried
him out of the castle. Once he was
outside, he saw the tent standing
in front of the gate, which caused him
4292 great amazement. Then he heard
the nightingale singing and saw
the green grass freshly grown
and the woods in full bloom.
4296 Astonished, Meraugis stopped and said,
“Dear God, what has happened to me?
Am I under a spell or have I been dreaming?
In faith, I do not know! But I hear wondrous
4300 things, for with my own ears I can hear
that nightingale singing, “Oci, oci”!
But when I was here just now
there was snow a foot deep
4304 in this land. Now I believe

470
 that the nightingale I hear is
singing to cast a spell on me. —
Surely he is not. — Yes, he is, whatever anyone
4308 may say. It is not reasonable that he would be
singing so early; this never happened before. —
But why should he not sing?
Is it not summer? — Indeed not, in faith. —
4312 What season is it, then? — Winter. — Winter? I see
the grass is green, so it must be summertime. —
But it is not summer, for there was snow here:
I saw it everywhere I passed.
4316 In faith, I almost say that I
am not really myself. — But
I am myself! Am I not seeking my lady?
Am I not Meraugis? — Yes,
4320 I am he. — But am I not the same one
who just now saw the snow? — Truly, I am!
I am the one who looked at it this
very day. — But I am not, for it cannot
4324 possibly be that so soon after the snow
the grass could be growing here.
What I thought I saw earlier must have been
an illusion. — But no, in faith, it was not!
4328 Rather, what I am seeing now is an illusion,
for I know that less than a month has passed
since Christmas. — No, it was April then,
for the nightingale is singing now. —
4332 I have no doubt that he is enchanting me.
I swear that I more readily believe that it was
winter before than that it is summer now.
For I saw the snow and know for certain

471
4336 that by means of it I kept on the trail
of the knight I was following.
Dear God, where is he? How I would like to
find him now! — But I never shall! —
4340 Which way is he going? What shall I do?
He is not far away!” Then he rode up to the tent.
Not quietly but with full force
he rushed inside, but he saw no
4344 one, for the Outredouté was
not there. — Where was he? —
He had only just left, because
he was tired of lying in wait
4348 at the tent and had gone out to
search the wood to see if he could find
a fray to take part in, for he would be
much happier if he could cause harm.
4352 But wherever he went he always returned,
and so he would soon come back to the tent.
When Meraugis found no one
in the tent, he went away.
4356 Astonished and beside himself with rage,
he spurred his horse along a path
just as his fury led him,
riding until he arrived at
4360 a crossroads. There he stopped
when he saw four men who were hastily
decorating a cross with branches
of boxwood, after which they raised it up.
4364 When he saw the cross thus decorated, he said,
“Dear God, what do I see? Where have I been? —
Where indeed? In the castle where I was

472
 singing and dancing. The nightingale
4368 told me the truth. I was a fool
to mistrust his song. I see
it is Easter, and what can I say to this?
The devil from hell must have
4372 quickly plucked me out of winter.”
Then he grieved and lamented for his
lady, saying, “I do not wonder,
sweet, beloved lady, that I have
4376 lost you, for like a mad fool
I left you, and I am certain
that when you saw the battle
you believed I was dead.
4380 Now I see no further hope
of finding you, so long have I
been dancing!” Thus quite beside himself
he left that place, his great sorrow
4384 almost driving him mad. He rode
until in a clearing he met
the Outredouté, who wanted nothing
but to do battle with him.
4388 He knew who Meraugis was
as soon as he saw his shield,
for Laquis had described the shield to him
after the Outredouté had defeated him.
4392 And as soon as Meraugis saw
the red shield with the black serpent
he said, “I do not need to know anything more,
for I see there the one who mistreated Laquis
4396 because of me. Justice shall now be
done. I shall certainly make no peace with him.”

473
 On meeting Meraugis, the Outredouté called out,
“Villain, you have gone far enough!
4400 Truly, once I have fought you, you will
go no further, for I shall most certainly
kill you. Now that I have found
you, I shall never need to seek you again.”
4404 Meraugis said, “Now shall I see the pride
of one of us be brought to an end.
What you demand is what I desire,
for this battle is most welcome to me.
4408 If this pleases you, then nothing will ever
have made me so happy.”
The Outredouté answered, “I am
happier than ever I was before in any place.
4412 I swear to God that there will be no peace
between us now no matter what may happen,
for I grow impatient to have you at my mercy.”
At this, they left off talking,
4416 spurred their horses, and rushed forward,
fiercer and bolder than two leopards.
With the tips of their lances and javelins
they struck each other so hard that they
4420 shattered each other’s shields. Their hauberks
were breached from the force, so that the iron tips
drew blood from their chests. The knights were
thrown backwards out of their saddles.
4424 When the two fell, their horses
fled away with lightning speed,
and the knights lay injured
in the dust. The Outredouté
4428 had been wounded in the right side

474
 high up on his body. He would
fully recover from this. But Meraugis
had been so deeply wounded
4432 in the upper chest that the point
of the lance was sticking out the
other side. I do not know how he could
ever recover, for the wound would be
4436 a most difficult one to heal. But at that moment
he did not feel the wound, nor was the other aware of his,
nor did either lose heart from any injury he had
sustained, for both got back on their feet.
4440 They raised their shields, of which they had need,
in front of them. With swords drawn
they executed so many ripostes
and high hits and head blows
4444 that no one could have seen anything
of them but their naked swords
as these struck down and upwards toward the
heavens, gleaming bright and sharp.
4448 The knights struck such heavy blows
that with the first ones they shattered
the nails in each other’s helmets, so that
the rings came loose and the helmets fell apart.
4452 The hauberks, which they had thought sound,
proved useless and were completely destroyed.
With their sharp swords the knights
caused blood to flow from each other’s heads.
4456 They returned each and every blow,
coming together full of fury as if to say,
“You struck me, now take this in return!”
I do not know which of them did more

475
4460 damage, but before the very first assault
had ended, the one who was
the least hurt had certainly sustained wounds.
They did not pause for any length of time
4464 but returned at once to the fray.
They began again, with the fight growing ever
more hot-tempered. During the third assault
they injured each other much more severely.
4468 So many times did they return
to the fray that they both drew
near to death, but they were not yet
ready to withdraw and wanted still more.
4472 Then the Outredouté said, “O most
ill-fated battle! You are the greatest
that has ever been fought between
two men. There will never be such another!”
4476 Hearing this, Meraugis said, “Why do
you call it ill-fated?” “Because it will be
lost. We shall never make it known.”
“But why?” “Because I can readily see
4480 that you have killed me and I you.
That is a great pity, for you are
the boldest knight who ever fought
against me, and I have fought a great
4484 number. I have never counted them,
but I have killed many or taken them prisoner,
and to you I give the greatest prize,
for you are the most wondrous of them all.
4488 But do not let your pride increase because of my
esteem for you, for my praise will not take
this burden from your back and prevent

476
 you from dying here and now.”
4492 “Come now!” said Meraugis. “I know
quite well that ill will and anger
have made you say these things.
Indeed, I do believe that I shall die.
4496 But as long as I am alive you may
not think you have defeated me.
You speak as a good knight by esteeming
me so, and I esteem you as well.
4500 But if I die there will be no such
sorrow for me as for you, indeed not!
For I am not a knight of renown,
but you are the most renowned of all.
4504 The mere name you bear
can provoke great fear,
for your name tells everyone that
they should fear you above all others.
4508 There is no doubt whatever
that many knights fear you,
and I myself fear you more
than I have feared any other man.
4512 You are the most rightly named
of anyone. But even King Arthur,
if he were here, could not bring us
to accord or make peace between us.
4516 I have promised Laquis of Lanbeguez
the hand with which you plucked out
his eye. Now either you must give up your
hand to me or I must give up my life.”
4520 “Is this what you desire,
Meraugis?” “It is.” “You are mad, for

477
 from this very hand you will receive the blows
that will kill you. We have stood here quietly
4524 for too long. I now call you back
to the contest wherein we shall trade
blow for blow, and the winner shall have all.”
They said no more. At once,
4528 their swords drawn, they rushed toward
each other, but they struck nothing but
each other’s bodies, for the hauberks
that covered them had been torn and the
4532 rings undone from the many heavy blows they struck
with their swords as they slashed back and forth.
It was a wonder that their souls
did not leave their bodies,
4536 For each of them had at least
ten wounds in his body, through the least
of which a soul might issue forth
at once with its wings unfurled.
4540 But their souls proved quite tenacious
and held on even when the knights had lost
so much blood that they lost consciousness
and their strength failed, for the stronger of them,
4544 despite all his efforts, did not have
the power to hold onto his sword
nor could they continue to hold up
their shields, and so they let them drop.
4548 They wrapped their arms around each
other’s heads and stood there,
simply leaning against each other without
doing or saying anything, and neither
4552 of these two could have managed

478
 even to stand up by himself, for each
was all that kept the other from falling.
They remained this way for some time
4556 until in the end the Outredouté
perished. Then they both fell over, and
Meraugis landed on top of the other,
for he had no power to do otherwise.
4560 Meraugis cried out a little as he
fell, for he was not quite dead.
Then he thought of his lady
and of the hand he had promised
4564 to Laquis. From this thought he
drew strength and vigor, and so with
a very great effort he got up and
took hold of a sword, and he saw
4568 the Outredouté lying on his back
with the palms of his hands extended.
Meraugis raised his sword toward
the sky and struck down on
4572 the wrist. The hand then flew two feet
away, and Meraugis picked it up.
When he had taken it, he at once let
out a sigh, and as he did so
4576 his strength failed and he fell back
down face up there in the glade.
Across his chest he grasped
with both arms the hand
4580 of the knight, holding it
so tightly against his chest that it could be
clearly seen that he wished to hold onto it.
Thus the two knights lay there

479
4584 in the middle of the glade
until a company of knights
passed that way. With them were
the full host of Meliant de Lis,
4588 the worthy and valiant knight who
led them. He was the brother-in-law
of Blechis the Squinter, who had sent word
to him to join him at Easter. Meliant
4592 would have allowed no one to stand in the
way of his doing so. With him came
his nephew Espinogres, who expected to
marry Lidoine and become king,
4596 but the young man had first to be made
a knight before she was given to him in marriage.
It had been confirmed that at Pentecost he was
to be made a knight at Monhaut.
4600 They traveled through the forest until they
found lying on the ground the two knights
who had done combat until each
had reached the limit of his strength.
4604 When those in the company had noticed
the knights, they went to where they lay
and looked down at them until they
had recognized the Outredouté.
4608 But they had no idea who the
knight who had killed him was,
and they all said, “Dear God,
who was this most excellent knight?”
4612 The warlike Meliant de Lis said,
“What is this?” “My lord, this knight
who was feared in every land has been slain.”

480
 “The Outredouté?” “Yes indeed, and surely
4616 there was never such a battle as this,
for he is dead!” “Who has killed him?”
“I do not know to whom belongs the glory,
but each of them has avenged his own death.”
4620 “The one who has cut off the Outredouté’s hand
rightly deserves the glory,” said Meliant.
“But what does it mean that he now holds
the hand so tightly against his chest?
4624 It seems clear that he would never have left it
on the battlefield unless his heart had given out.”
“Whatever happened, my lords, this hand must
have done him injury,” said Meliant de Lis.
4628 Then the beloved of Meliant
dismounted, the fair Odelis,
a woman who was in no way vulgar
but rather a worthy and courtly one.
4632 She was greatly troubled for Meraugis’s sake
and placed her white hand on his chest
to see if he had grown cold.
But he had not, for she could feel
4636 that he was still warm and that his heart,
which was so very strong, was still beating.
“Dear God,” she said, “this man is not dead.
His heart is beating, and I can feel that he is warm.
4640 It does not trouble me that God has avenged
the many who were wronged by the Outredouté.
The one who has cut off his arm
is a man of great courage. If I could
4644 heal him, I would offer him as a gift
to Blechis so that he might aid him

481
 against Gorvain. No one would dare
attempt to match this man’s prowess.
4648 If he could ever again joust with
his lance, it would bring me great joy.”
Meliant said, “I would be very
happy if he could be healed.
4652 We must make a stretcher on which
to transport him.” They at once went
to cut two branches from which they made
him as fine a stretcher as had ever been seen.
4656 On it they placed lilies of the valley,
and they strewed fresh violets on top.
The vassals and Odelis then
removed Meraugis’s armor.
4660 But as soon as he felt himself losing his grip
on the hand as she took it from him,
he opened his eyes and gave her
a very fierce look, but only briefly, for
4664 the whites of his eyes soon reappeared.
He let out a cry and again lost consciousness.
The lady said, “We have done wrong
by taking the hand from him.”
4668 Then she replaced it as securely
on his chest as it had been before.
She said it seemed to her that after the way he had reacted
regarding the hand that no one would take it
4672 from him unless they wanted him to die
of sorrow. And so they replaced it
on his chest. The lady then took
a clean, new kerchief
4676 and used it to dry his face,

482
 which was stained with blood.
The lady managed to staunch the flow of
many wounds through the great care that she took.
4680 More than all the others Espinogres
undertook to help Meraugis.
This noble young man bound and
staunched his wounds in many places
4684 and prayed with all his heart to God
to cure him. Then they took Meraugis
in their arms and placed him on the stretcher
set upon two horses that were not at all
4688 skittish. Then they quickly rode away,
leaving behind the Outredouté, who had died
without confession. They rode until
they reached a port beside the sea.
4692 Joyfully they boarded the ships
and sailed along until they could see
Monhaut perched on top of
its rock beside the deep sea.
4696 They sailed to within the striking distance
of a catapult from the tower.
They came forth from the barges
in great state, and Blechis hurried to
4700 meet them. There is no need
to ask whether he was happy and joyful
then. At once he embraced
his friends and made them welcome.
4704 Those in the long-besieging host
clearly saw this help arriving,
but they could not get there
through the sea to attack them.

483
4708 They could scarcely have done them any harm,
so many reinforcements had they received.
The Squinter at once asked
who the knight on the stretcher was,
4712 and they replied that they did
not know but that he had killed
the Outredouté, who had been
feared throughout the world.
4716 “What?” said the Squinter. “Has he been defeated?”
“Yes, my lord, and he is beyond help,
for this man killed him.” “If this man has killed
the Outredouté, that is indeed good news,”
4720 said Blechis, who thanked the lady
and said that, as she had already been caring
for the knight, she should not cease to do so
but rather do all the more for his friendship’s sake.
4724 To a chamber near the tower,
a quiet place away from noise,
they brought the knight so that he could
be by himself, and he spoke a little
4728 as they descended. He gave them the
severed hand and ordered
that it be kept safe for him. It was taken
and placed in a box in a cabinet
4732 as if it were a holy relic. —
But while the knight was being taken through
the hall to his bed, was he not seen
by Lidoine, the courtly lady
4736 who prayed every day for his soul? —
Indeed not, for she knew nothing of all this.
But the love she had for him

484
 had not diminished; rather, it so troubled her
4740 that she scarcely knew if she still lived
or what befell her, nor did she care
about anything that happened or that she heard,
nor did she seek to hear any news.
4744 She remained upstairs with the other ladies,
silent and pensive, and none received a
kindly glance from her. For the sorrow
that troubled her heart had so affected her
4748 that nothing ever distracted her
from maintaining it. If she did not die,
it was not because she did not wish to,
for she hated her own life. And her beloved,
4752 the wounded man who had just been
taken to a chamber, did not know
in whose house he was nor that his lady
was in the castle. If he had known these things
4756 his joy would have been enough to
cure him. But he heard nothing of all this
nor anything else, nor did anyone expect him
to do anything but die soon. But if he
4760 failed to improve, it would not be the fault
of Odelis, who in fact took such fine
care of him that in less than a week
she had cured him well enough that
4764 he spoke to her and asked,
“Lady, where am I?” “Fair sweet friend,
in a castle that is under siege.”
“Who has laid siege to it?” “Gorvain Cadrus.”
4768 “Gorvain? Why has he come such a
distance to lay siege to this castle?”

485
 “For the sake of Lidoine, whom he wishes
to marry and who is now upstairs.”
4772 Then she told him with no additions
how Blechis had taken Lidoine prisoner
and how Gorvain Cadrus had gone to
war for her sake. When Meraugis
4776 heard this, the joy it brought him
put an end to all his sufferings.
Thinking these thoughts, he sighed, and
the young woman at once asked him,
4780 “Fair knight, will you tell me
who you are?” “Lady, I shall not,
for I do not wish to reveal my name
until I have jousted with
4784 Gorvain Cadrus, for I hate him.
And I am not wrong to do so,
for he bears a mortal hatred for me.”
When this noble young woman heard
4788 what the knight said, she greatly rejoiced
at the words he had spoken.
She left the chamber and told the story
before the whole company so that
4792 all the knights heard it. They were filled
with joy at the news and discussed at length
what Meraugis had said. They then went to
visit him in his chamber to bring him cheer.
4796 The Squinter and the others who were
with him assured him that the castle
would be entirely at his disposal if he
were cured. And he answered that he would
4800 certainly be cured but that the noise they made

486
 was causing him pain, for his head hurt a
great deal. And Blechis, who greatly desired
to do as Meraugis wished, did not dare trouble
4804 him further. The knights went back upstairs
to the hall while Meraugis remained silent
and sorrowing and making great complaint. —
Making complaint? Of what? Of his hurts? —
4808 Not at all; rather he made complaint of love,
for he had nothing that his heart desired,
nor would he ever cease to grieve
in his heart until he beheld his lady.
4812 And he said, “How happy I would be
to see her now! If I so much desire to see her,
I have good reason to, for she is my beloved,
my delight, my comfort,
4816 my joy, my pleasure,
my shield, my wealth,
my desire, my prowess,
my nobility, my renown:
4820 she is all the world, this I believe.
She is my land, my treasury,
my sweetness, my fair body,
my right hand, my lady,
4824 my own self, for she is my soul,
my castle, all that I have,
and she is the health that will cure me. —
Cure me? — Indeed she will if I but see her. —
4828 But shall I? — No indeed! In faith, I
have done great wrong. Another
might see her, but I who have true claim
to her, shall I not see my beloved?

487
4832 That is unjust.” At that moment he was not
thinking how he might win her for himself,
for all he desired was to see her
as soon as he could: he had to see her
4836 very soon, or else he would die.
In such sorrow and turmoil he remained
for a long time, for he did not dare
express his desires, nor was anyone aware
4840 of his thoughts. He managed to deceive
Odelis by telling her that he was dying of
boredom and that what was killing
and tormenting him was staying in bed.
4844 On the day after Easter, that
joyful day when everyone ought to be
celebrating, Meraugis got right out of bed
without seeking advice, which would have
4848 been that he ought to wait a while longer,
for he was still in great pain. But in order
to find out if he might see his lady
he put forth a great effort. When Odelis saw
4852 him getting up in such pain, she was
very troubled and said to him, “Fair lord,
where are you going?” “I have had a good doctor,”
said the knight, “and I am now cured.”
4856 “Cured?” she said. “Today is not the day
for you to get up! Now sit back down again.”
And he answered, “If I stay in bed any longer
I shall never get up. It is a most ignoble thing
4860 to lie so long in bed, and I have spent too much time
in this isolated place. You have tended me
so carefully that I now feel myself to be well.

488
 There is nothing more to be done, and I wish
4864 to go upstairs and enjoy the company
of the people there, where I shall
certainly hear something of interest.”
Odelis did not dare to keep him
4868 from his desires, so she left the
chamber and went upstairs with him.
The knights who were there
went to meet him with great
4872 rejoicing. But nothing Meraugis heard there
mattered to him, for he did not see what
he desired. He asked that a seat be prepared
for him by the fire, and this was done.
4876 The knight sat down there on
a rug, but I can tell you that
I never saw anything so ugly as he.
He was indeed ugly, but this was
4880 because the wounds to his head had been
so severe that it had been shaved.
If he had only had the club, he would
have seemed the greatest fool in the
4884 world. At that moment he was indeed a fool. —
Why? — I say, whatever anyone’s opinion may be,
that he who does folly is a fool.
Meraugis was a fool because at that moment
4888 he did not wish God to give him
the good sense to hate his folly.
Instead, his mad desire to see Lidoine so
pleased him that he believed that doing so would
4892 cure him. But in that he had a foolish master.
What shall I tell you? There he sat

489
 with his head covered until the news reached
the chambers that the good knight who
4896 had had the strength to kill
the Outredouté had arisen from his bed.
The lady of the castle then desired to
see him and so summoned her
4900 ladies. She had many beautiful ones with her,
and they attired themselves most becomingly.
The lady herself was the first to issue forth
from the chamber, and at her side came
4904 Lidoine, who much deserved this honor.
Meraugis recognized her as soon as
he saw her. Because he wished to
ensure that she would recognize him,
4908 he uncovered his head down
to his shoulders. When Lidoine
saw him, she said to herself,
“Dear God, what is this? I see Meraugis!
4912 It is he! I am certain of it!
Dear God, whence has he come?” Then
Meraugis saw that she recognized him.
To make himself even better known to her
4916 he struck her in the eyes with a sweet look.
She gazed and gazed at him
in such a way that she did not shield herself
from the arrow of love that struck her in
4920 the eyes and fixed its point within
her heart, causing her to jump.
Her heart closed in on her at that attack.
She wanted to sigh but could not
4924 draw the sigh from her heart, and so with

490
 her great desire to sigh she fainted.
When the one who had loved her so much saw her
fainting he said, “Now my lady is dead!”
4928 In the distress which then transported him
a sorrow struck him straight through the body
and into his heart. This sorrow then lodged
in his heart. — Why? — The blood rose up
4932 throughout his body so that his
wounds burst open like an overflowing
pond and the blood spewed out
from him and into the fire.
4936 Meraugis fainted and could not have moved
from that place until the people there
in the hall came running up to help him.
They took him back to the room
4940 from which he had come. When he had
recovered from his faint, the people
looked at him and asked,
“My lord, what is the matter?”
4944 “The matter?” he said. “Do you not know?
That fire has nearly killed me. Dear God, what shall I do?
I shall never again warm myself at a fire.”
“God help me, noble knight, sometimes a man
4948 who thinks to warm himself gets burned instead,”
said his guardian. “Never by my counsel
would you have chosen to get up. Now I see
that just what I expected has happened.”
4952 “My lady, it was the fire that I desired which
has nearly killed me.” Then they got him back
into bed. If the knight was terribly
distraught, that was nothing when

491
4956 compared to Lidoine, who was still upstairs,
fainting and fainting again and again
so many times that the lady of the castle grew
deeply sorrowful and said she truly believed
4960 the young woman was dying. Lidoine remained in
this dreadful state for a long time. When
she returned to herself, the lady at once
asked her what had happened to her.
4964 “What happened to me? Alas! I saw
that fool. Please prevent me from
seeing him ever again! If I should again
behold that mad knight, it would cause me to
4968 take leave of my senses. Dear God, please keep me
from seeing him.” “Come now, my friend,”
said the lady of the castle, “he is most certainly not
a fool but rather a wounded knight, a
4972 very valiant man and highly praised
by everyone.” “Lady, I know nothing of that,
but he is so ugly that I shall die
of fright. I am gripped with such a fear
4976 that I believe I am still in
its power.” Then she fainted again.
When she revived they took a little balm
and made a cross on her forehead.
4980 They believed that if this cross were there
no devil’s plot could cause her
to take leave of her senses again.
The two lovers had been in great torment
4984 for a time, but they had acted so prudently
that not a soul had been made aware of
their love. They skillfully deceived the others,

492
 Lidoine with talk of the fool and Meraugis with
4988 the fire, for their two loves were bound with
such a tight knot that each had but a
single thought: she was thinking of him
and he of her. In this thought
4992 they remained for a long time in the castle.
I shall now leave off telling you of the knight
and his lady. It is fitting that I tell you
where my lord Gawain went,
4996 what happened to him, and whether he found
the sword he had gone forth to seek.
He did indeed find it, and in that same land
he girded it on. When he had done that
5000 and so achieved his adventure,
he returned as swiftly as he could with
the sword so that he arrived at Bratost
on Easter day. There King Arthur
5004 was holding his court. To this court came
my lord Gawain, the courtly knight.
All were delighted at his arrival. Never had the king
known such great joy as he now felt over
5008 his nephew, whom they had all believed
to have been killed. The knights greatly
rejoiced when they saw him
bright and cheerful and in good health.
5012 And so my lord Gawain was honored
by all the lords and ladies there.
After high mass had been celebrated
with such splendor as befitted the day,
5016 King Arthur at once returned
from the church and asked for water,

493
 which was then brought to him.
All then washed. This was a noble
5020 and brilliant court, richly attended.
The king took his seat, as did all after him,
but they had not been sitting long
when a young woman arrived,
5024 riding upon a mule. The lady held
a whip in her right hand. —
Who could this lady be? —
It was Amice, who had once given lodging
5028 to Lidoine, and whom Lidoine had afterwards
sent to seek Gorvain. This lady Amice
dismounted. She was no silly young woman,
and she spoke out loud before the king:
5032 “God keep you, good King Arthur,
you and all your company
except for Gawain! To him I give
no greetings, for it is not right
5036 that I do so.” “Young woman, why is this?”
said the king. “What has Gawain done to you?”
“What indeed? My lord the king, he has done
such wrong that no lady should give him her greeting.
5040 People should hiss at you, Gawain,
for you are held to be the most worthy
of all knights. Now what a surprise:
from knightly valor you have fallen into decline,
5044 for all your good qualities have failed you.
You are dishonored and of no consequence now.
You would be the worst of the knights here
even if they numbered a hundred thousand!”
5048 “Young woman, you who accuse me of such shame,”

494
 said my lord Gawain, “why do you
say this to me? What fault have you found
in me?” “Gawain,” said the young woman,
5052 “I shall give you the reason for my quarrel with you.
A certain knight of this land—
Meraugis, who is now dead—
left this place with his lady in order
5056 to seek you. He took such trouble
to find you that he at last arrived
on the Island With No Name. There I saw
him killed, and after his death
5060 his lady remained in the country
alone, sorrowful and lost.
So that I might acconpany the lady to her
own land I journeyed forth with her
5064 until we happened upon Blechis
the Squinter, who treacherously took us
prisoner. This was a grave offense.
The Squinter is holding her by force and will continue
5068 to do so, for he says he is going to give her
in marriage to a son of his. She would
rather die, and she is right to feel that way.
If she were able to leave the castle,
5072 one knight above all others would find favor
with her: a friend of hers named Gorvain Cadrus.
For her sake Gorvain has now gone
to war, and he has undertaken it
5076 in such a way as to lay siege to
Blechis the Squinter at Monhaut. That is
where Lidoine is, but of what use is this siege?
Monhaut is well fortified, and no one will succeed

495
5080 in taking it by force. I have just come from there.
There is nothing new in this, Gawain, for
everyone knows that the lady lost her beloved
because of you and while he was doing you
5084 service. You may now know that she is a captive
because of you. Because you do not lend her
your aid, you are dishonored in all courts.”
My lord Gawain at once inquired
5088 as to whether she had spoken the truth.
Everyone immediately answered
that she had. But Gawain did not ask whether
Amice was telling the truth or lying
5092 because he did not know the full
truth of the matter. — Why then did he ask? —
Because he did not wish his uncle or
anyone else to know that Meraugis was not
5096 dead. Although Meraugis was very much alive,
Gawain did not wish to make this known. —
Why? — Because he was quite certain
that if Gorvain and Blechis knew that
5100 Meraugis was not dead then they would form
an alliance that would be the worse for Meraugis.
Then he thought of the oath he had
sworn to Meraugis at Handiton.
5104 My lord Gawain pondered
this oath and then said,
“Lady, since the king affirms
that Meraugis died because of me, I am
5108 in agreement with you that I am dishonored
if I do not help his lady as far as lies in
my power. Those who love me may

496
 know for certain that I shall go with
5112 as great a force as I can muster
tomorrow without delay.” Then the knights,
who loved him greatly, spoke up: “My lord,
you are truly speaking like a valiant knight.
5116 You shall have a very great army with you.
All of us shall go, for no one who loves you
will stay behind. May anyone who remains
be covered with shame!” “Will you come?”
5120 they asked one another. “Yes indeed.” “And you?”
“I shall go to the siege.” “And I also!” “And I!”
Thus all of them pledged
to leave the next day without delay.
5124 Amice had well accomplished what she
needed to do. The king invited her to
dine with him, and his knights
asked her questions and inquired of her
5128 how the castle was situated.
The young woman told them about
the siege and the excellence of the castle,
that it was very strong and stood by
5132 the sea so that no one could cut off the port
by force. Then Agravain said,
“I swear, my lord Gawain, it is
all to no avail! No one will take the city
5136 unless he first wrests from them
the port where every day the sailors
constantly come and go in their
ships. You should give orders to
5140 seek out ships and galleons from
the ports of this land, then sail

497
 straight to Monhaut and lay siege to it
from the sea. No one could
5144 devise any other way to
capture it.” Then they all said,
“This is the best way.” “Indeed, I believe
it is,” said my lord Gawain. “In faith,
5148 for my part I advise this as well.”
“Nephew,” said the king, “whatever may be the
outcome, may good fortune go with you!
To help with this siege I shall give you a gift.
5152 I will turn over to you the gold,
silver, and coins from my treasury.
Distribute it to the sailors and all
the others without counting it out
5156 so that they may have no other concern
but trying to count it, this I pray you.”
“Fair uncle, I thank you!
I shall do as you advise.”
5160 Thus they laid out their plans
while they were at dinner. Once the tables
had been cleared, the nobles went
into the great hall. Without delay
5164 my lord Gawain then had
his letters prepared and sent
word to the sailors in all the ports
as far as Ireland that all
5168 ships and galleys should be brought
to meet him at Stirling.
All ships from as far away as Dublin
were to set sail without delay.
5172 By the first Monday in May

498
 the entire fleet had been assembled.
And on that selfsame day
my lord Gawain arrived there
5176 with all the men that he had been able
to muster, with many knights among them.
Gawain had the sailors provided with
arms and food in great abundance.
5180 My lord Gawain had all the men
who had knowledge of the sea
board the ships. Then without delay
they raised their sails and set their course
5184 for Monhaut. The wind in their sails
blew them straight toward their destination.
As for my lord Gawain, he traveled
by land, riding as quickly as
5188 he could. He traveled with his entire army
until he reached the place of siege, but
two or three days before he arrived there,
his ships had blockaded the port
5192 so that no provision could reach
the inhabitants of the city by ship
no matter what might befall them.
Gorvain Cadrus was delighted
5196 that my lord Gawain had come
to help him with the siege.
Gorvain and all his knights
went to meet him and thank him
5200 for his help and went so far as to say
that they were entirely at his disposal.
My lord Gawain then dismounted
and had his men set up camp

499
5204 on the plain between Gorvain’s host
and the sea. Once they had
done this, they prepared to mount
an armed attack, and each man leapt
5208 to arms. Now my lord Gawain
went forward to attack, and with him
went some hundred knights, all
trustworthy and skilled in arms.
5212 Their assault on the city walls was nothing
to be laughed at, but a very forceful attack.
And many of those inside were
so frightened that they did not dare
5216 cast even a glance outside but remained idle. —
Why was this? — Because of my lord Gawain.
The fear that now filled them
after they had lost the port to him
5220 left all of them dazed and
silent, downcast and crushed.
But nevertheless they found the courage
to defend themselves so that no one succeeded
5224 in driving them away from the wall. In brief,
they defended themselves so well
that day that they sustained no losses.
The attacking force pulled back
5228 and made no further assaults
on that occasion. Now I shall tell you
what I know of Meraugis from
the true story. He was there at Monhaut.
5232 He had had such an excellent doctor
that he was now sound as an apple.
That day Meraugis was the

500
 first one at the windows, and he
5236 proved to be the castle’s very best defender.
He now knew that my lord Gawain
had set up camp in the plains below
with his men, and he was happy this was
5240 the case. But he was troubled at not
seeing his lady. — Did he see her that day? —
Indeed not, nor had she seen him for
a long while despite her immense desire
5244 to do so. — Since it would have pleased her
so much to see him, why did she not? —
Why? The lady of the castle did not wish
her to see him because it would cause her suffering.
5248 The previous week Lidoine had almost died
of fright when she saw Meraugis.
The lady declared that Lidoine would never
again behold him. She did not wish
5252 Lidoine to experience any such suffering again,
and for that reason she protected her,
saying, “Lady, you need not be afraid because
of him.” Thus she tried to reassure her.
5256 Dear God, how different the noble creature’s
thoughts really were! But what good were
these thoughts to her? No matter how much
she thought, she could see no pretext
5260 whereby she could reasonably say
anything that would allow her to see
her beloved, who was also seeking day
and night to find a way to see her.
5264 “I shall never gain access to the place
where my dear lady has been confined,” he said.

501
 “Shall I do so? Indeed not, for there is
no question of my being able to see her.”
5268 He was knotted up with desire to see her
and find out how matters stood. One day—
I do not know which it was—when he was
as distraught as could be over his beloved,
5272 he said, “If I am recognized upstairs,
then I have lost her and she has lost me.
Nor do I see any reason I might give
for leaving this place or taking her with me.
5276 Dear God, what shall I do?” He was thus so
troubled and sorrowful that he did not sleep
that night for the time it would take to cook
an egg. When the next day arrived,
5280 he arose and with his right hand made
the sign of the cross. And after he had
heard mass, as soon as he could
he ordered that arms be brought to him
5284 and that his armor be put on him
then and there. And they at once
hurried to do as he had ordered
and armed him. The Squinter watched
5288 Meraugis being armed and held it a wonder
that he was arming himself with such care.
With great assurance he spoke from some distance,
“My friend, so may God bless you,
5292 tell me the reason why you are
arming yourself.” Meraugis said, “The reason
I do so is certainly such an important
one that many here will witness it:
5296 I wish to do battle face to face

502
 with the greatest knight in the world.
That knight is Gawain, who is outside
these walls, for he is praised by all.
5300 I wish everyone to hear my boast: that today,
provided that Gawain does not fail to fight me,
I will learn just what his strength is worth.”
“Noble knight, I do not believe
5304 he will fail to give you that battle,
but I am very much afraid for you.”
“For me? Do not be too eager
in your love of me. I am of no
5308 consequence to you. If I die by his hand,
what will this cost you? Nothing at all.” Although
this plan pleased the Squinter, he dared not
approve but continued to advise against it,
5312 saying, “My lord, I would very much like to have
you with me. Since this is what you wish,
I shall do nothing to prevent
you but only commend you to God.
5316 May God truly grant me what I
desire.” As soon as Meraugis
was armed, an excellent horse
was brought into the hall for him.
5320 The horse was covered down to its hooves
with a fine cloth of white silk. And so
Meraugis was called the White Knight,
because all the armor and arms he bore
5324 were white. The gate was opened
and Meraugis rode forth with his lance raised.
He came to a ford and crossed
the river. As soon as he could get there

503
5328 he went to the place where he knew
that my lord Gawain was encamped.
As soon as my lord Gawain saw
the knight he said, “In faith,
5332 this knight whom I see approaching
desires a joust. He appears most warlike.”
The knight Calogrenant at once
replied, “This joust belongs to me.
5336 I shall do battle with him. Not for anything
would I fail to do so. Bring me my armor!” He was
armed at once, and then he left the ranks
on a horse that was darker than a mulberry.
5340 As soon as he reached the place where
Meraugis was, they rode toward each other to fight.
In the joust Calogrenant broke
his lance, and the knight with the white
5344 shield managed to knock him
from his horse in the middle of the field.
There would never be a day thereafter when
Calogrenant would not complain of having
5348 thus fallen down in a heap, for his arm
was dislocated and completely broken.
Just as if he had broken every bone in his body,
he was quite unable to get up off the ground.
5352 Then the White Knight went to get
Calogrenant’s horse and brought it back to him.
With some difficulty Meraugis helped him get back
on the horse, and when he had done this he said,
5356 “My friend, I shall tell you the reason
I have done you this kindness:
if you wish to be on good terms with me,

504
 you must deliver for me a single message.”
5360 “What message?” “You must tell
Gawain on my behalf that I have come here
because of him. Tell him that I desire
to joust with him.” “I shall do so gladly.”
5364 Those who had seen the two knights
declared the White Knight a bold
warrior and a courtly and noble man
because of his kindness to Calogrenant.
5368 Thus Calogrenant rode away, having
been shamed in front of everyone.
And my lord Gawain said, in
order to tease him, “Calogrenant,
5372 has this knight overcome
your challenge? What is his name?”
“I do not know, but he is seeking no one
but you. My lord Gawain, he requests
5376 battle and seeks to fight with you
alone.” “Since he desires battle
from me, I shall not fail to give it to him,”
said my lord Gawain. “Now bring me
5380 my arms.” His arms were brought
to him, and he quickly mounted
a tawny spotted horse and rode
away like a man ready for a joust.
5384 The knight who was coming forward to joust
with him rode forward at full tilt.
Once they had drawn near each other,
they struck with their lances, which then broke,
5388 shattering their shields into a hundred pieces.
They rode by each other, but then they

505
 turned back and fought with their swords
so fiercely that all who saw it
5392 said they had never seen such
a battle. The fight lasted a
very long time, and both were still
holding firm when Meraugis finally said,
5396 “Fair friend, my lord Gawain,
leave this place now and let us rest.”
“My lord, for whose sake are you fighting?”
“For whose sake am I fighting?” said Meraugis.
5400 “For yours, for you who boast of
defeating me.” “Who are you?” “I am
Meraugis who have had such trouble
for your sake, as well you know.”
5404 “Oh, Meraugis, you have defeated me!
You are the one who released me from
terrible danger, and it is to you that I
pledge my allegiance with joined hands!”
5408 “Indeed you are not, my lord Gawain — rather
I am yours! This is how matters stand:
if I have ever been of service
to you, then repay me for that today.”
5412 “Meraugis, I grant you this boon:
that I shall do anything you wish me to do.
You need only give the word, for nothing it
pleases you to command will bring me displeasure.”
5416 “To give me what I desire you must
in front of everyone surrender yourself as
my prisoner, so that I receive the glory
of having captured you.” And at once
5420 Gawain gave him his sword and surrendered

506
 to him, and Meraugis led him away
as if he were his own prisoner.
When the nobles of the court saw that
5424 Gawain had been defeated, there was greater
lamentation among the troops than had ever
been seen. And they said, “Gawain has lost
his good name! This is the very
5428 first time that the Round Table
has ever been dishonored.
On this shameful day he has brought
utter disgrace on all that he once was.
5432 Now that he is a proven recreant,
we are all of us recreants as well
if we take even a single step
away from this place without
5436 killing him. We shall carry his
head to his uncle the king.”
Each of them gave his pledge
to this and said, “We shall not leave
5440 this place until we have killed him!”
Their sorrow was great, but those in
the castle knew joy that was greater. None of
those in the besieging host could have imagined
5444 any sorrow that was greater than
the tremendous joy that those above
now felt. They declared that the White Knight
was worth all of them together. A hundred came
5448 to meet him, not two by two but all at once,
and they all galloped out to ride in with him.
When they had gone up, everyone joyfully honored him.
Once the knights had dismounted and

507
5452 their armor had been removed, Blechis asked
the knight who had taken Gawain prisoner,
“My lord, where shall this prisoner be put?
Give the order as to where you wish him
5456 to be held.” Meraugis said, “He will not
be put in any prison or cell
provided he does as I wish.
Gawain,” he said, “ I shall now give you
5460 a choice, so may God keep me.
Either I shall lock you up
in a narrow cell as my prisoner
or you shall raise your hand and swear
5464 fealty to me and promise that you
will aid me against all and sundry.”
“My lord, I am in no prison here, nor have I
any wish to be in one. Instead I shall swear
5468 fealty to you on holy relics and before everyone
and promise to aid you against all and sundry.”
Then the knights all said, “We are now
stronger than ever before.” Blechis
5472 was delighted with this oath
and said in my lord Gawain’s hearing,
“I hold it as no small honor to be
the vassal of such an excellent knight.
5476 And so, because I believe my worth will
gain thereby, I wish to become his vassal.
And I will have all those in this castle
who owe fealty to me come forward
5480 and each swear faith to him
as we have done, so that all
will be bound to him by the ties of

508
 true loyalty. For to him I give over
5484 the conduct of my war, and I desire that
no one should go against his commands.”
“Come, my lord, I do not ask
any oath from your men.
5488 Their words alone will suffice
for me to believe what they say.”
The Squinter replied, “They will swear the oath
to you because that is what I wish.
5492 For them to desire otherwise would seem like
pride to me. You will receive their oath
so that you may have greater faith
in them and that they may trust
5496 you all the more when necessity shall
bring you together.” All the men
willingly swore fealty to Meraugis
with the exception of Meliant de Lis.
5500 He was most reluctant to take the oath,
but his brother-in-law so strongly
urged him that in the end he raised
his hand and swore, and so did all
5504 his companions who were with him.
After the oaths had been sworn,
the White Knight at once said
to them, “My lords, you have done me
5508 a great honor, and I am delighted
because I believe this pleases all of you.
And so I have now made the decision
that if I live until tomorrow
5512 I will make known to Gorvain
how my strength here has grown.”

509
 Everyone greatly rejoiced at this
and said, “Let it be so tomorrow!
5516 They will be proven cowards
who tomorrow fail in their duty to you.”
They said that they would attack Gorvain
the next day, whatever might be the outcome.
5520 Night drew near and the daylight failed.
The next day, as they had planned
and as early as they were able,
all the knights, eager for battle, rode
5524 forth from the castle. At their head
was the White Knight who commanded them.
At his side as his companion
was his friend, my lord Gawain.
5528 Swifter than lightning they rushed against the
enemy. — And those in the attacking host, what did they do? —
As soon as they saw the others bearing
down hard upon them they armed themselves,
5532 and they were able to mow down the first ones
who rode forward to encounter them.
But the others outmatched them with their tremendous
force. With drawn swords and at full tilt
5536 they pushed straight through the army toward
Gorvain’s tent. There Gorvain met
them, and during the clash he
knocked many knights from their horses.
5540 The two forces fought there until
those of King Arthur’s Round Table—
a group of more than three hundred knights,
all of whom hated my lord Gawain—
5544 rushed out of their tents and onto the

510
 plain, faster than any bird.
In order to surprise my lord Gawain,
they rode in between the host
5548 and the road in front of a deep trench
along which those from the castle had come out.
There was now no other way for them
to get back into the fortress except by
5552 going through these men who were renowned
above all other knights for their prowess.
My lord Gawain was the first to
see them, followed by Meraugis.
5556 My lord Gawain then said, “We must
turn around, for we are now surrounded.
If we do not break through the ranks
of those who are advancing there, we will
5560 never be able to get back inside.”
“That is true,” said Meraugis. And so they
turned around, and Gorvain’s army turned
to attack them, driving them straight
5564 toward the others, who attacked them
from the front. In this fray
the men from the castle were
caught as if in a vice, as
5568 from both the front and the rear
their attackers dealt them blows
from all directions and the combatants
constantly jostled one another.
5572 Finally my lord Gawain gave his men
the chance to break through this press. —
How? — He mounted a pointed attack
with the aid of Meraugis in which they

511
5576 hurled themselves forward with such force
through the ranks of their attackers that
they parted and thus divided them, so that
during their retreat Gawain’s men captured
5580 forty men, while the others took thirty
of theirs. Those from the castle retreated
back inside, and the besieging host
went straight back to their tents.
5584 Meraugis with all his prisoners
dismounted in a hall within the castle.
Servants now arrived at once to wait on
Meraugis. While he was being disarmed,
5588 the Squinter, who had never loved what is right,
said to Meraugis like a man of no mercy,
“What use are these prisoners here?
Count them out and hand them over
5592 to me. You should not be burdened
with clapping them in fetters and irons.
I have a fine cage for such birds as these.”
“Come now, my lord, these men shall
5596 not be put in prison if they swear
fealty to me.” Then he asked them
for their oaths. Each man made his
own decision. There were some who
5600 swore the oath and others who
did not. The latter were at once
imprisoned down below. It was
the lower dungeon to which they were taken.
5604 Do you know what happened the
very day they had fought this battle?
During the fray Lidoine had seen

512
 how well Meraugis was doing.
5608 She spoke of it all day long and said,
“Heavens, who is that knight with the
white shield who has defeated everyone?”
“Lady, he is the one of whom you were
5612 afraid. You almost died of fright
then, I do not remember what day it was.”
“I was never afraid of that man,”
said Lidoine. “He is not the same one.”
5616 “Indeed he is!” “He is not, for this one is altogether
different. The other was a fool and quite ugly.
This one is well-mannered and fine-looking,
a most courtly man. This one no more resembles
5620 the other than fine scarlet a horse blanket.”
“My lady, it is quite amazing,” said the
lady of the castle, “that you contradict us so!
All of us know very well that it was
5624 that man who gave you such a
fright; do not be in any doubt of it.”
“Then I must have seen him in a very
bad state to have been so afraid of him.
5628 No one who saw him then and now
would credit what you say unless they saw
him with his armor off. I wish to see him
this moment; indeed, I have been seized by a great
5632 desire to do so. My desire is so great
that, just as I almost died from seeing him
before, I shall die of this desire
to see him if I do not do so
5636 at once.” “In faith,” said the lady,
“then I shall take you to him rather

513
 than allow you to die. But I am afraid that you may
suffer from this.” Then she advised Lidoine
5640 to make the sign of the cross, which she did
more than a hundred times in a row.
Then all the ladies hurried out
through the door of the chamber.
5644 And so at last the two lovers saw each other.
And as soon as each had seen the other,
they went toward each other before everyone,
their arms outstretched, and embraced.
5648 A hundred times and a hundred more before
they spoke they kissed each other, and then they
cried out, calling each other “Fair beloved!”
This was the only answer that each could make.
5652 At this the Squinter could no longer hold back
what he was thinking, for he was nearly
out of his mind with rage. He leapt up
and grabbed hold of Meraugis’s arms.
5656 “I am nearly ready to do you an
injury,” he said. “Get out of here!”
“Come now! I shall thank you to
hold your peace and say nothing more of this!
5660 I am Meraugis, and this is my beloved lady.
And by Saint Denis, whatever anyone may say,
it is Meraugis who will take her from you
by force if you choose to grumble about it.”
5664 Then the Squinter, beside himself with rage, said,
“What, vassal, are you the man to do that?
If you were Meraugis and God rolled
into one, you would never have Lidoine,
5668 and woe to you for having thought you would!

514
 You shall die for this! Take him prisoner!”
“You take me prisoner? I shall take you as mine instead!
Are you not my vassal?” “In faith, I am not!”
5672 “Then I declare you a traitor!” Meraugis
tried to strike Blechis, but he moved
away. At once my lord Gawain raised
his fist and would have struck Blechis
5676 if Meliant de Lis had not been there
to separate them by force.
The Squinter then left the hall
crying, “To arms! We are betrayed!”
5680 All his relatives and his men
leapt to their lances and javelins,
but the level-headed Meliant de Lis
said to him, “Blechis, you are a fool!
5684 You will have very few men to fight
against this man unless they are traitors.
Those who intend injury to this
lord whose vassal I am may be certain
5688 that my entire force will be on his side
and against yours if there is a fray.
You yourself in your own court
had me swear the oath of
5692 fealty. You may be certain that I will
keep it.” At this the Squinter fell
silent. He dared not nor could not
take the matter further, for most
5696 of his relatives said without hesitation,
“My lord, this is true! We would be
forsworn if we fought against
him. Return his lady to him.”

515
5700 They did not, however, tell him to return Lidoine
out of any great distress at these events. —
Why then? — Because they grew fearful
when they saw Meraugis together
5704 with those who had been taken prisoner
that day alongside Meliant de Lis,
and Gawain, fully armed, so I believe.
And it seemed to them that if it came to a battle
5708 against all these together they would
all be killed or in a very bad position.
That is why they pleaded with Blechis thus:
“Return the lady to him, for he is her beloved.”
5712 “Now, by my head,” said Meraugis, “he shall not
be returning her to me, for she is already mine.
But if he grumbles, I will strike him without
making threats beforehand. Let him speak no more
5716 of her, for no living creature pleases me
but her, nor any land nor any possession.
To make peace with him I will grant
everything else that he desires.
5720 He is my vassal, but I shall do all else
that he wishes so that we may be friends.”
“Meraugis, you have won me over. At this
I must be silent and renounce in your favor
5724 all claim to Lidoine.” “I heartily thank you, my lord.”
They then exchanged a kiss of peace.
The Squinter no longer dared grumble, but
he certainly did not kiss Meraugis with a willing
5728 heart, for this he could never have done. —
But why could he not have kissed him with
a willing heart? Would it have been a sham

516
 for him to kiss anyone in these circumstances? —
5732 What does it matter? Meraugis now had Lidoine.
He did not, however, have possession of her land.
One of their prisoners jumped over
the walls and went straight to the
5736 besieging host to tell Gorvain what
had happened. When Gorvain learned
the truth, he at once with no hesitation
had his tents taken down and
5740 hurried off toward Cavalon. He had
all his host follow after him, for he
wished to retain possession of Lidoine’s land.
Gorvain rode quickly, as urgency demanded,
5744 and was nearly two leagues away
before those who had remained behind,
either with the army or on the ships,
knew why he was going back.
5748 But now they learned the true reason. —
Who told them? — It was my lord Gawain,
who was the first to come out of
the castle to speak to them.
5752 Between them he and Meraugis told
them the full story. And once the truth
of it was confirmed, the great sorrow they
had had before turned to great joy.
5756 The infamy they had heaped
on my lord Gawain was at once quite
transformed into honor a hundred
times greater than could possibly be described.
5760 Every single man from the besieging host
willingly lodged in the castle that night.

517
 With gladness and joy Blechis
honored them as much as he was able:
5764 in the castle that night there was no lock
on any cellar door nor were any expenses spared.
I do not know what Blechis thought in his heart,
but he offered them everything he had.
5768 He received them in such a way that he provided
them that night with everything that was fitting.
But then there arrived at the court
a wise and worthy young woman,
5772 who came as messenger from Gorvain
Cadrus. Now listen to what she said.
She addressed Meraugis before everyone, saying,
“Meraugis, Gorvain has sent me
5776 so that through me he may inform you
that he has taken control of Cavalon.
But if you are so bold as to attempt
to win it from him hand to hand in the
5780 field of battle, then the war between you shall
be at an end. This is all he desires.
He was given a false judgment last Christmas
from the case you presented at the king’s court.
5784 He will never again bring a case
against you, but he does ask for his battle.
Will he have it?” “He will indeed, without
fail,” said Meraugis. “I am delighted
5788 that through the strength of our bodies
this war shall be brought to an end.
Now let the day of the battle be fixed,
and I shall leave tomorrow without delay.”
5792 She answered, “He fixes Pentecost as

518
 the day of battle and informs you that
he summons you to no other court
but that of King Arthur. He was given
5796 an unfair judgment there and so wishes to
prove himself against you before the court.”
Meraugis said, “Whatever may be the outcome,
tell Gorvain that I shall be there.”
5800 She answered, “I shall indeed tell him.”
With that she left, and Meraugis remained.
He made merry like one who is
truly joyful, and the nobles all
5804 did the same. They passed that night
in celebration. What shall I tell you?
In the morning Meraugis set off
along the road with his lady beside him.
5808 He took with him a most noble company,
for the noble lords who were now his vassals
all accompanied him to the place
of his battle. Meraugis journeyed
5812 until at Pentecost he found the king
holding his court at Canterbury.
It was now known throughout the realm
that this battle was to take place.
5816 Laquis arrived at the court, missing his left eye,
which the Outredouté had plucked out.
When Meraugis found Laquis,
he gave him—and this is the truth—
5820 the hand with which the Outredouté
had in his pride made him a one-eyed man.
The hand was in exchange for his eye.
Thus Meraugis arrived at the court. —

519
5824 And what about Gorvain Cadrus?
Did he come there as well? — Yes, on the appointed day.
Besides the large host he had with him,
there were more than a hundred ladies.
5828 As soon as Gorvain had dismounted, he asked
permission of the king for his battle.
Meraugis said, “Sire, you see me
quite prepared to go and fight him.”
5832 King Arthur said, “It seems to me that
this battle has already been decided upon.
I will do nothing to delay it further. Let us
proceed then to the field.” They then went out
5836 to the open meadows, where the
two knights faced each other in combat.
Like mortal enemies they rushed
toward each other faster than the wind.
5840 They struck at once so forcefully
with their lances that all shattered
at a single blow. Riding at full tilt
they knocked each other from their horses but
5844 were soon attacking each other with their swords.
What shall I say? Their battle was
without doubt the most fiercely contested
that was ever fought on a field
5848 of combat, but by the end of it
Meraugis had defeated Gorvain.
Because he had once been Gorvain’s friend
Meraugis said, “My friend, I ask that for
5852 friendship’s sake you give up all claim to my lady.
Because you were once my companion,
I am prepared to swear on holy relics

520
 to restore that friendship rather
5856 than be obliged to cut off your head,
for that would bring me heavy sorrow.”
Gorvain had no course open to him
but to do as Meraugis wished,
5860 and so he bestowed on him Lidoine’s kingdom,
the young lady herself, and all he possessed.
The two knights at once exchanged pledges
of friendship, and I assure you that,
5864 just as before, they were once again
companions and true friends.
Now that Meraugis again loved Gorvain
and Gorvain loved him more than he had before,
5868 Meraugis had all that he desired.
Here ends the story, and the work of
him who based this book upon it.

Here Ends Meraugis

521
 NOTES

(For a list of abbreviated titles used for frequently cited texts and editions, see the
introduction, pp. 1-3.)

preceding 1 Manuscript W is the only one that contains the 32-line prologue.
Mathias Friedwagner chose to edit the passage as part of his edition
(see his notes, pp. 231-32); it has been edited here separately, as in the
edition of Michelle Szkilnik (see her notes, pp. 447 ff.). The passage
does treat some themes that appear in the works of Chrétien de
Troyes, as, for example, 1-26 of Erec and Enide; this does not, however,
necessarily attest to its authenticity, for it could also have been
inserted by a later scribe to lend authority to the text. (See the notes
to the prologue following the list of variants.) (All citations of the
works of Chrétien de Troyes are from the Pléiade edition of his
Œuvres complètes unless otherwise stated.)

1 Decorated capital TVW. (Decorated capitals in all the manuscripts, as

well as the miniatures in W, are listed here for comparison purposes.)
Through this immediate establishment of the Arthurian context,
Raoul follows the example of Chrétien de Troyes and takes on some
of his authority. With the exception of Le Conte du Graal (whose hero
has no contact with the Arthurian court during his early years), all of
Chrétien’s Arthurian romances quickly establish this context: Erec and
Enide mentions Arthur in line 29, the third line after the opening
prologue; in Cligés, the first mention is in line 10; the first word of Le
Chevalier au Lion is Artus; and in Le Chevalier de la Charrette, Arthur is
mentioned in line 31, the second line after the prologue.

5 Escavalon (or Cavalon, as throughout W and also the Friedwagner

edition of Meraugis) appears in many Arthurian texts, for example, Le
Conte du Graal, the First and Second Continuations, and prose texts
including Perlesvaus (William A. Nitze and T. Atkinson Jenkins, eds.,
2 vols. [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932-1937]). In Le
Conte du Graal, the city is described as built with walls and a tower
“Si forz que nule rien ne dote” (5757), filled with “mout bele gent” (5759),
and as a place where numerous different trades are practiced and
goods exchanged (described in rich detail, 5763 ff.). It is, then, a
strong fortress and a place of great wealth. Friedwagner (p. LXXIII)

522
 tentatively places it near Lammermuir, south of Edinburgh (see note
130). (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for examples from
other texts.) Because Cavalon is the more common spelling in T, this
form has been used throughout the translation.

5-6 This rhyme also appears in Le Conte du Graal: Devant le roi

d’Escavalon, / Qui est plus biax que Ausalon / A mon san et a mon avis
(lines 4791-93). The king, Lidoine’s father, is a young man when
Gauvain visits the city to answer a charge of murder through
treachery. The reference to li Graaus in the following line is evidence
of the terminus a quo of Meraugis. (See the discussion on the dating of
the text in the introduction above.)

11 Lidoine (Lydoine, Lindoine, Lyndoine) is not a common name in

French medieval Arthurian texts. The name is mentioned in Galeran
de Bretagne (Jean Renart, Galeran De Bretagne: Roman Du XIIIe Siècle,
ed. Lucien Foulet [Paris: É. Champion, 1925]) (see Szkilnik, p. 37) and
could perhaps refer to the same character. A character named
Lidoine (var. Lidaine and others), clearly not the same as the Lidoine
of Meraugis, plays an important role in Claris et Laris (see West,
Flutre, and Christopher Bruce, and also Friedwagner, p. LXXV).

12 This is one of various lines in which Gaston Paris considered T to

have the best reading, against V and W. He saw these as evidence
that T belonged to a different family than V and W. (See his review
of Meraugis, p. 310.) The reference to Macedonia, which suggests
Byzantine splendor, is the only one noted by West in either verse or
prose Old French Arthurian romances.

14 T’s reading ne aute, clearly visible in the manuscript, may be intended

as a form of the word nïenté, noienté, neanté, etc. (although these forms
are all of three syllables), meaning worthless or of low quality. I can,
however, find no attested form neauté in either Godefroy or Tobler-
Lommatzsch. It is not impossible that veauté was the intention, which
would make the word a form of vilté, as in V. However, the letter v at
the beginning of a word usually contains an ascender, as in the word
vaillans (11).

18 ff. For a discussion of the portrait in Chrétien de Troyes and other

romances of the same period, see Alice Colby, The Portrait in Twelfth-
Century French Literature. Her work is closely allied to the
methodology of Michael Riffaterre.

19 See note 234.

523
23-24 As Szkilnik (p. 75 of her edition) points out, the same rhyme appears
in Huon de Méry’s Tournoiemenz Antecrist (1741-42 of Bender’s
edition, p. 104).

41 Friedwagner transcribes Que here, but the symbol following Q

appears to be i, though it is difficult to read.

51 As noted by Friedwagner (his line 83, p. 6), deves is almost certainly a

misreading for cleres. The word dent can be either masculine or
feminine. It is interesting to note, as Friedwagner points out (his note
83, p. 233), that it is feminine here but masculine in l. 53.

69 Lorete or Lore is a common name throughout medieval French

Arthurian verse and prose romance (see West, Flutre, and
Christopher Bruce for examples). It is of some interest that a
character named Lore de Branlant, who appears in the Livre Artus
(vol. 7 of The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, ed. H. Oskar
Sommer [Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1913]) is also
known as the Dame du Gaut Destroit and is similar to the beautiful
but vengeful character of the same title in the Vengeance Raguidel.

73 The theme of largesse is a very important one in this text, as it is

throughout Raoul’s works. In Le Roman des Eles, for example, it is
said to be the “right wing” of proece, the left being cortoisie. (See Keith
Busby’s edition of Le Roman des Eles, pp. 34 ff.) Doners is an
important allegorical figure in the Songe d’Enfer. When the narrator,
“Raoul,” is speaking to Tolir in the city of Foimentie, he reports that
Doners is “las et mendis, / Povres et nus et en destrece” (118-19) as a
result of the activities of Tolir’s son.

74 ff. This passage is a good example of anacoluthon, a change from one

syntactic structure to another.

79 Decorated capital TVW.

82 A toise was a measure of length equal to six feet.

86 Both peüest and peuïst appear in the manuscript. To correct the

hypermetric line, I have corrected to peuïst as being the scribe’s
preferred form (cf. l. 40).

92 Gaston Paris (p. 309) considers TW’s devroit superior to V’s soloit,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 124).

95 There is frequent confusion in the manuscript between qui and que, as

in this example. Also, as Friedwagner has noted (see, for example,
the note to his line 670 [638 this edition], p. 237), it is often difficult to

524
 distinguish between the abbreviations for the two. In passages that
are illegible in T I have generally accepted Friedwagner’s
interpretation and corrected to que or qui in cases where confusion of
meaning might arise.

108 Friedwagner read lavoit instead of savoit, but I am unable to confirm

that from the manuscript. Because of the similiarity of l and s, it is
very possible that lavoit was a misreading, but I have accepted it
because l’avoit also makes sense in the context.

110 Friedwagner corrected VT’s La pucele to W’s reading A la pucele; there

is, however, no need for the correction because this structure is
perfectly acceptable (see the section on syntax, above, for additional
examples of the direct expression of an indirect object in the text).

115 The possessive adjective sen, one of many Picard forms in this
manuscript, appears to represent a confusion of case since ses would
be the expected nominative form.

119 To correct the meter, la terre has been changed to si, a workable but
not altogether satisfactory solution.

121-24 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers T to have the best reading here,
against V and W.

125 Decorated capital TVW.

129-30 Lindesoires (Lindesores) has been variously identified. Friedwagner, in

his edition of La Vengeance Raguidel (Raoul de Houdenc, Sämtliche
Werke, vol. 2), identifies Guinesore with Lindores in Fife, northern
Lothian. Lindesores appears in L’Estoire de Merlin as a walled city in
Broceliande. The work’s editor, H. O. Sommer, as well as J. D. Bruce
(The Evolution of Arthurian Romance, vol. 2, p. 203), identifies it with
Windesores, or Windsor, and Poirion also accepts Guinesore in Le
Conte du Graal as Windsor. (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce
for further examples.) Regarding the general question of geography
in Meraugis, Bruce disagrees with Friedwagner’s identification of
northern Britain as the general setting (see Friedwagner’s
introduction, pp. LXXIII-LXXIV), finding it unlikely that Raoul “had
any definite region in mind” and suggesting that he “merely adopts
the usual fanciful geography of the romances” (2:207). Cf. the rhyme
Lindesores / Landesmores in the Vengeance Raguidel (3179-80 in
Roussineau’s edition).

130 Landesmores appears here with an s, but without it in l. 139, aparently

as a function of the rhyme.

525
 Friedwagner (LXXIII), following Ernst Martin in his edition of Fergus
(Halle: Waisenhauses, 1872, p. XXI), identifies Landemore
(Landesmores or Landes Mores) with Lammermuir in Scotland (as
do West and others) and suggests that Cavalon seems not to be far
away. The name appears in other texts, including Gliglois. Because
of this common identification, it has been written as one word here,
though it is separated in the manuscript.

131 ff. This tournament is reminiscent of the one in Erec and Enide, but with
important differences, especially in the way the outcome is decided.
See, for example, Szkilnik’s discussion of Raoul’s transformation of
the hawk episode (pp. 25 ff. in her edition).

137 The curious reference to el pin, although no pine tree has been
mentioned before, is taken by Szilnik as evidence of “la présence
sous-jacente d’un autre texte, peut-être le Chevalier au lion où figure
en effet la pair fontaine-pin” (p. 27 of her edition). (See her following
discussion and the introduction above.)

139 See note 129.

145 This would refer to a one-year-old hawk that had had its first
moulting, at which time the color of its plumage would have
changed to brown or dark gray.

150 This is a direct echo of the description of Enide: Et tant estoit li

chainses viez / Que as cotes estoit perciez (407-408).

157 Decorated capital TVW.

159 La mainne creates a hypometric line and so must be corrected. L is

possibly a misreading for I. Chascuns can take either a singular (as in
TW) or plural (as in V) verb, so the reading adopted here is similar to
W’s but retains T’s spelling.

162 Logres is a general name for Arthur’s kingdom, used in Le Chevalier de

la Charette and Le Conte du Graal, as well as many other texts, and
perhaps derived from Welsh Lloegyr (modern Lloegr). (See West,
Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for further details and numerous
examples.)

164 The reading li is perhaps due to a misreading of si.

184 The ugly herald is reminiscent of several ugly characters that appear
in the work of Chrétien de Troyes, for example, the cowherd in Le
Chevalier au Lion, described as Leiz et hideus a desmesure, / Einsi tres
leide criature / Qu’an ne porroit dire de boche (287-289).

526
193 Manoit does not appear to make sense in the context and is probably
due to a misreading of n’avoit.

196 Friedwagnar marks T’s reading Il se regarde et si voit as hypometric

(his line 228); it is, however, acceptable with hiatus understood.

197 Ses dames, which makes no sense in the context, is another case where
L was most likely mistaken for S, either by this scribe or his source.

199 Gaston Paris believes the original reading here to have been Ques
veïst, mes ainçois s’en cort, with T being the only one to have retained
més (310). This line has been corrected according to his
recommendation.

201 The word bretesche normally refers to a brattice, that is, a gallery or
balcony at the top of a castle. In this case, however, it appears to be a
raised platform set up for spectators to watch the tournament. That
is how Friedwagner has interpreted it (cf. his glossary, p. 268),
although Szkilnik translates it as balcon (p. 87) and a miniature in W
preceding line 243 also shows a brattice.

202 The expression faire longue tresche can be seen as a foreshadowing of

the use of the word later in the text (3659, 4367), when the hero
spends six weeks dancing in an enchanted castle. I have retained the
single-syllable verb form fait, given the scribe’s preference for this
form, and so have added Il to correct the hypometric line.

214 Friedwagner marks this as a hypometric line, but of course it is likely

that Li was intended as an abbreviation for Lidoine or that the scribe
transcribed such an abbreviation.

215 Couree is possibly a misreading of contee, which makes much more

sense here.

224 Friedwagner (p. XXVI) gives TW’s si le (+1) as an example of a

common fault in the two manuscripts (his line 258, a claim that
Gaston Paris (p. 308) refutes.

226 Gaston Paris (p. 308) suggests prendrai as a better reading than
prendrons here, but T does make sense and has been accepted as it
stands.

234 This is Fenice, from Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés, described thus by the
narrator: Fenyce ot la pucele a non : / Ce ne fu mie sanz reison, / Car si con
fenix li oisiax / Est sor toz les autres plus biax, /Ne estre n’an pot c’uns
ansanble, / Ausi Fenyce, ce me sanble, / N’ot biauté nule paroille. / Ce fu

527
 miracles et mervoille / C’onques a sa paroille ovrer / Ne pot Nature recovrer
(2707-2716). The reference to nature is of particular interest here,
with nature figuring prominently in the descriptions of Lidoine (19,
48, 236). The name has not been capitalized here (nor in Friedwagner
or Szkilnik), but it could be, as in Walter’s edition of Cligés.

241 To correct the hypometric line I have used veray (W verai). Although
the form veray does not appear in T, veraiement does (for example, in
line 2964).

243 Decorated capital TVW preceded in W by a miniature.

244 The manuscript reads les ch’rs, another example of the use of the
oblique form of the masculine plural where the nominative would be
expected.

245 If Cil is understood as the subject of the verb, as seems most likely,
then voirent does not make sense here. However, given the difficulty
of distinguishing que and qui, as well as the frequent mixing of cases,
it is perhaps possible to understand the ladies on the tribune as the
subject; therefore, “Those whom the ladies first saw jousting.”

252-53 Gaston Paris (p. 309) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his lines 284-85).

259 Friedwagner was uncertain as to whether the manuscript read Qui or

Que, and I am unable to determine it from the manuscript.

262 This is one of various lines in which Gaston Paris considered T to

have the best reading, Qu’il, against VW’s Qui. This is, of course, a
very minor point and does not support the claim of a relationship
between V and W.

265 T’s reading is Li ch’rs (see note 244). As here, the use of the
nominative article with the oblique plural is potentially a source of
confusion.

278 ff. Here the narrator poet emphasizes his role as a conveyor of the truth,
his responsibility to use his intelligence and skill in order to relate the
truth of the “matter” that has been entrusted to him.

286 Taulas (with variants including Caulas) appears in many Arthurian

texts as a secondary character. He appears, for example, in Erec and
Enide (in the list of knights of the Round Table, 1705); Le Chevalier de
la Charette; Le Chevalier au Lion; Escanor, by Gerart d’Amiens; and the
romance Jaufré (ed. Clovis Félix Brunel [Paris: Société des Anciens

528
 Textes Français, 1943]). (See Flutre, West, and Christopher Bruce for
further examples.)

295 Since estable is clearly adjectival here, I cannot see that T’s tout son
estable makes sense; a noun is needed, and lacking evidence for any
other, I have accepted VW’s reading.

296 The difference between T’s reading contrariable and V’s covoitable (and
also W’s covenable) is significant. V’s reading implies that the reason
the knights do not argue with the lady’s judgment is that they do not
find her especially desirable and so do not mind Taulas’s getting the
prize, whereas T’s implies that they find her agreeable and do not
wish to do her injury. Szkilnik’s analysis of the ways in which this
scene undermines the idealism of the tournament in Erec and Enide is
therefore somewhat less applicable if this reading is accepted. There
might, however, be grounds for arguing that V’s reading is perhaps
closest to the author’s intention because it appears to be the most
difficult.

299 Friedwagner accurately describes T’s ont jugié sor lui le mis as
“sinnlos.” I have suggested a reading closer to W’s than to V’s
because it is not impossible that jugié is the result of a misreading of
cygne or vice versa.

317 T’s reading is Meraugins de Pos les Gués. I have, however, kept the
traditional spelling of the hero’s name as established by earlier
editions despite variations in the manuscript. The name Meraugis
seems not to have appeared before this text, although an Irish king
named Merauguins appears in the First Continuation. See
Friedwagner’s discussion, pp. LXXIV-LXXV, as well as Philipot, “Un
Épisode d’Érec et Énide,” p. 286, where Meraugis is linked to the
name Meriadoc. Gaston Paris suggests in “Romans en vers du cycle
de la Table Ronde,” p. 223, that Portlesguéz refers to Lesguez
(Légué), the port of the Breton city of Saint-Brieuc. The line Malaugis,
cil de Porlesgués occurs in the Vengeance Raguidel (1267, with the
variant Meraugis; see Roussineau, p. 23). The character appears in
various French medieval Arthurian texts in prose, including the Prose
Erec (ed. Cedric Edward Pickford [Geneva: Droz, and Paris: Minard,
1968]), the Estoire de Merlin (Gorvain also appears in this text) and the
Livre d’Artus (vols. 2 and 7 of The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian
Romances, ed. Sommer), the Prose Tristan (ed. Renée L. Curtis, 3 vols.
[Woodbridge, Suffolk: D.S. Brewer, 1985]), the Post-Vulgate Queste del
Saint Graal and Mort Artu (ed. Fanni Bogdanow [Paris: Société des
Anciens Textes Français, 1991]), and the Post-Vulgate Merlin
Continuation (Suite du Merlin) (ed. Gilles Roussineau, 2 vols. [Geneva:
Droz, 1996]). See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce, as well as
Szkilnik’s discussion “Postérité de Meraugis” in the introduction to

529
 her edition of the work (pp. 37-39) and also her “Méraugis, l’homme
sans père” for additional details and bibliographical information. As
Szkilnik well demonstrates in her analysis of the transformation of
the character, the Meraugis of this text and that of the Post-Vulgate
Cycle “n’ont plus guère en commun” (“Méraugis, l’homme sans
père,” p. 39).

320 The usual spelling of the name in the text is Gorvain Cadrus or
Cadruz, nominative Gorvains Cadrus or Cadruz. Therefore, it is the
first name alone that is normally inflected, although elsewhere it is
sometimes spelled Cadrut (see, for example, Christopher Bruce, p.
230). For the Welsh origin of the name, see Ferdinand Lot, “Celtica,”
p. 326. Lot believes the surname to derive from cadr, meaning
“brave, héros.”

321 Gaston Paris considers the original second half of this line to have
read et icil lui, with T’s et il cil luy being “une mauvaise graphie pour
la bonne leçon” (p. 311). I have corrected the line according to this
suggestion.

323 It seems likely that the repetition of nulle terre is an error. Lacking
any additional evidence, I have accepted VW.

326 The implication is that the devotion shared by the two is unusual for
those not related by blood or bound by feudal ties.

330 Gaston Paris (p. 309) considers TW’s reading Que lor ga(a)ignes
superior to V’s, which Friedwagner adopts (his line 362).

334 It is possible that VW’s reading gieus de vielle is the better one because
it is perhaps the more difficult. I have, however, accepted T because
the two uses of merveille are sufficiently distinct in meaning to make
the rhyme acceptable.

338 This apparent error could result from a misreading of lëauté, as well
as another possible confusion between l and s.

340 T’s reading Aime son cuer d’amer d’amours appears to be an error.
Finding no other obvious way to solve the problem, I have accepted
V’s reading.

363 This is one of a number of lines in T which Gaston Paris (p. 311) felt
to have the best reading of the three manuscripts, ses conjoit being,
according to him, the only acceptable reading. I have not, however,
changed the form of the imperfect here and in the following line to -
ot, as he suggested, because although this probably represents an

530
 earlier reading, it is not in accordance with the linguistic habits of the
T scribes.

367 Gaston Paris (p. 309) considers TW’s reading ost (ose) superior to V’s
voist, which Friedwagner adopts (his line 399).

368 This is another case where Gaston Paris believed T had the original
reading, against V and W. He also remarks on the relationships
between the three manuscripts: “W, ici comme ailleurs, est la
transition entre T et V” (p. 311).

370-416 Some of the rhetorical devices used in this and other interior
monologues in the text are reminiscent of those in Cligés (see Haidu,
Aesthetic distance in Chrétien de Troyes, and Dembowski, “Monologue,
Author’s Monologue and Related Problems in the Romances of
Chrétien de Troyes”), and they also appear in the Roman des Eles. See
Szkilnik’s discussion (p. 24) and Keith Busby’s introduction to the
Roman des Eles.

394-404 The order of these lines in T results in a lack of coherence; however, if

they are rearranged as in V they make perfect sense, as Friedwagner
points out (see his long note, p. 236 of his edition), although he does
not consider these to be the “original” lines.

412 It is certainly possible that forfet instead of sorfet (V’s reading) results
from another misreading of s for l; the reverse could, however, be the
case, and the reading makes sense as it stands.

413 There is some slight disagreement among the three manuscripts at

the beginning of this line. I have chosen simply to add V’s Et and
keep the rest of T’s reading to correct the hypometric line.

437 Decorated capital TVW.

450 Instead of a misreading of durement, it is possible that a form of

doucement is intended.

452 This is another line for which Gaston Paris believed T to have the
only correct reading.

458 Qui is to be understood as cui.

460 This line, the second of the couplet, is missing in T. The other two
manuscripts do not differ significantly, but I have accepted V’s
reading.

531
462 The manuscript seems to read mes rather than mais here, one of a few
such cases. (For other examples see the introduction above.)

464 I have corrected to cargant because it appears that cantant, although it

does make sense, is almost certainly due to a misreading, given line
467.

485 Friedwagner accepted V’s reading revint instead of TW’s remonte

because no mention has been made of Gorvain’s having dismounted
(his line 517); Gaston Paris (p. 309-10), however, considers TW
superior.

491 Because the scribe almost always uses elle instead of el, I have chosen
to correct the hypermetric line by eliminating the pronoun.

508 Dont is probably a copying error for doit.

527 Je aim li de is another case where li may have resulted from a

misunderstanding of an abbreviation for Lidoine.

545 I believe that Friedwagner correctly interprets T’s reading as quiert; it

is possible, however, that the Picard form quierc was intended.

558 This is probably a copying error for m’avant. The mood is

subjunctive.

560 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 592).

563 In order to correct the hypermetric line, I have changed the form of
the verb rather than removing Qu’an vo pooir, which is not found in
VW. Since Meraugis has already given Gauvain his advice, it seems
reasonable that the indicative rather than the conditional might have
been intended here.

566 ff. This discussion begins the jeu-parti regarding the two kinds of love, a
central theme in the work. See María del Mar Fernández Vuelta,
“Meraugis de Portlesguez: el jeu-parti y la ficción novelesca,” Anuari de
Filologia: Filologia romanica XIII (1990): 51-68; she finds that the two
heroes represent two kinds of lovers as described by Andreas
Cappellanus. Also for the influence of Andreas Capellanus in the
text, see Gianfelice Peron, “Il dibattito sull’amore dopo Andrea
Cappellano: Meraugis de Portlesguez e Galeran de Bretagne,” Cultura
Neolatina 40 (1980): 103-120.

532
572 Biauté must surely be corrected to bonté; otherwise, the point
Meraugis is making, the central one of the debate, would be lost.
Biauté could perhaps be a copying error.

582 For a discussion of the nuances of the word gab, associated with
boasting as well as the usual meaning of mockery or joking, see John
L. Grigsby, The Gab as a Latent Genre in Medieval French Literature,
especially pp. 7-29. See also note 1363 below.

589 T contains a decorated capital here.

599-600 The use of tenchier and tenchon in the sense of quarrel or argument
creates a play on words in this context.

611 This is one of a number of lines in T which Gaston Paris (p. 311) felt
to have the best reading (ce os) of the three complete manuscripts.

620 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 652).

627-28 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his lines 659-60).

657 Szkilnik (note 20 to her line 665, p. 115) points out the similarity
between the knights’s action here and that of the hero in the Prose
Lancelot, when he commends himself to his lady before a perilous
adventure. Unlike Meraugis and Gorvain, however, Lancelot first
commends himself to God, which underlines “l’attitude légèrement
sacrilège” of the knights’s gesture.

664 VW’s qu’il is perhaps the better reading (see Chênerie’s edition of
Gliglois, p. 29, regarding the omission of final l), but que is also
acceptable. There is hesitation in the manuscript in the use of, and
abbreviations for, qui and que.

675 Yet another use of the oblique plural ch’lrs instead of the nominative.

683 In this expression, found also in line 5903, the oblique is used in all
manuscripts.

687-88 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his lines 719-20).

692 The oblique form fiers campions is used here despite the rhyme.

533
697 I think it likely that s’entracapent is due to a simple misreading, partly
because of the rhyme and also because the emphasis here is on the
use of weaponry.

729 W contains a decorated capital and miniature here.

743 Christmas is not mentioned as frequently in the works of Chrétien de

Troyes as Petecost and Easter (both of which figure importantly in
this romance); it is, however, the day on which Arthur crowns Erec
and Enide in Nantes.

762 The first word in T appears to be Qu’elle, though Friedwagner did not
note this.

766 This is one of a number of cases where the scribe has produced a
hypermetric line by not using the enclitic (see the section on enclisis,
above, for other examples).

772 Because T differs here from the other manuscripts, it is not obvious
how to correct the problems in this line. The verb deveriés would
seem to be an error, so I have changed avoir deveriés to averiés,
consistent with the verb in line 767, which also corrects the
hypermetric line.

776 According to Friedwagner, the second scribe works from here

through line 1567, which makes it likely that this was, in fact, the first
line of folio 87, although 815 (783 this edition) is penciled in. See
Friedwagner’s note to his line 808, p. 33. Very little of this and the
next several folios is legible.

778 I have corrected to saiche because Gorvain is not being addressed

here.

780 It is possible that the verb could be intended as a conditional.

Otherwise, this may be considered an example of what is sometimes
called a “système hypothétique asymétrique” (see the section on
syntax in the introduction, above).

782 Sachié seems to be a simple second person plural imperative, as VW,

with the final consonant omitted.

789 Decorated capital TVW.

794 I have corrected to ont for clarity.

799 All lines supplied from other manuscripts, as here, have been placed
in brackets.

534
 The scribe may have skipped this line because of two consecutive
lines beginning with Que. The line has been supplied from V rather
than W because the former contains less authorial invention, which is
more characteristic of T.

810 Rather than adding je, as in V, I have corrected vraiement to

veraiement, as per line 2964. (See note to line 241.)

812 Carduel is generally considered to be the modern Carlisle, frequently

mentioned in Arthurian texts (for example, in Yvain, which opens
there) as a place where Arthur holds court. (See West, Flutre, and
Christopher Bruce for numerous examples.)

814 Guinevere is not mentioned by name in the text but referred to only
as “la reïne” (roïne).

816 This hypermetric line could also have been corrected by replacing
yssi with si. However, com does appear alongside come in the
manuscript.

823 Decorated capital TVW.

829 VT’s demande may be a copying error for comande (as in W), but the
difference in meaning from line 830 is sufficient for it to stand.

831 I have corrected to savoir because avoir does not appear to make sense
given the following line. I have kept the third elle because it makes
sense either that Lidoine would wish to know the answer or that the
king would.

836 The role of Keu, a limited one in this text, is consistent with his role in
other Arthurian texts as someone known for his useless advice and
caustic tongue. (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for
numerous examples, as well as the introduction above.)

839 Quinables (Guinable) appears elsewhere in medieval French

Arthurian texts, for example, in Charrette (213), where he overhears
the queen’s secret thoughts, apparently addressed to Lancelot. (See
West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce.)

857 Once again, the scribe’s preference for elle over el is clear. To avoid
producing a hypermetric line, I have not corrected fra.

859 See Gaston Paris’s “Études sur les romans de la Table Ronde:
Lancelot du Lac” (1883) and P. G. Walsh’s introduction to Andreas
Capellanus’s On Love (De Amore) (London: Duckworth, 1982), p. 5, for

535
 the presumed role of women at the court of Champagne. Marie de
Champagne is, of course, the person to whom Le Chevalier de la
Charrette is dedicated.

865 It is uncertain whether Au qun is intended to refer to Keu or to the

count (unless some other meaning is intended), but VW’s A Keu has
been accepted here as the most likely.

867 The reading of VW is perhaps the better one, but T makes sense if la
is understood to refer to Lidoine.

882 Friedwagner accurately characterizes T’s Sour de voier qui y pleust as

“verdorben,” but it is easily corrected along the lines of V.

894 Rather than correct to nestre, as in VW, I have left estre, which may be
understood as istre, i.e., “This judgment must come from you.”

905 Decorated capital TVW.

908 There appear to be two Amices in the text, this one and the one who
later befriends Lidoine (West, for example, treats them separately),
although Friedwagner seems to have treated them as one. (In W, the
“second Amice” is actually given a different name, Avice.) A
character of this name appears in Galeran de Bretagne as the daughter
of the king of Ireland and wife of the hero.

909 Friedwagner identifies Galoaige (V Gauloie, W Gorvoie) with Galloway

in Scotland, which seems reasonable given T’s reading. It might also
be Galway in Ireland. (See West and Flutre for examples and
variants.)

917 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 949).

928 I have accepted T’s reading and corrected it to Clöecestre, Gloucester

(Gloëcestre in Friedwagner’s edition) for the meter. Gloucester
appears in various French medieval Arthurian texts, including Erec
(1899, Colescestre). (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for
additional examples.)

934 Again, the feminine pronoun has been omitted in order to correct the
hypermetric line rather than changing elle to el.

936 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 968); W does, however, differ
substantially from T in this case.

536
941 I take the meaning to be “And he who loves her for her courtliness
wishes to prove” rather than “And he wishes to prove that he loves
her for her courtliness” because the fact of the two loves is not under
debate, only which one is the better. I have therefore corrected Qu’il
to Qui.

942 As in line 934 and elsewhere, elle has been omitted here.

947 Because the scribe prefers laquelle to la quel, I have corrected the
hypermetric line by omitting Et.

948 This is one of a number of lines in T which Gaston Paris (p. 311) felt
to have the best reading of the three manuscripts, literally something
like “through the rule (right) of the game (choice).” The translation
provided, though structured actively, means essentially the same
thing.

951 This Lorete may or may not be the same character as the one
mentioned in line 69, although Friedwagner does not believe so (p.
LXXXVI) (see West’s entries for various characters named Lore or
Lorete).

958 The question could be punctuated separately as if asked by another

lady.

965 This line is problematic, to say the least. Friedwagner thought that
the correct reading might be cutefis, as in W, perhaps meaning
something of little importance, although he did not accept it in his
edition. For a consideration of how it might be possible to
understand “loving a crucifix” in a profane way, see May Plouzeau,
“Amour profane et art sacré.” She finds that it is not surprising to
see an image of the crucified Christ used in this way but does find
Raoul guilty of “mauvais goût” here and elsewhere (p. 549).

966 ff. I have chosen to capitalize these personifications because of the

extended mother-daughter imagery, which lends them particular life.
This has not, however, been done in previous editions or with similar
personifications in Keith Busby’s edition of Le Roman des Eles, though
he states that a case could be made for doing so (see p. 19 of his
introduction). The personifications of the Dit have been capitalized
by Thorpe but not by Livingston. The personifications of the Songe
d’Enfer, which are more developed than those in any of Raoul’s other
works, have been capitalized by the work’s principal editor, Mihm.

968 ff. The left side of this column has been burned away, and Friedwagner
does not give the spelling of Beauté for these lines. I have therefore
used the spelling he gives for line 966.

537
974 As Friedwagner points out (note to his line 1996, p. 238), this could be
a question asked by one of the ladies.

977-79 This passage seems to have caused difficulty for the scribes.
Friedwagner hesitated over the choice of reading and graphic (see his
note 1009-11, pp. 238-89), but Gaston Paris (p. 314) recommended the
graphic empere (rather than empire) to rhyme with mere. The idea is
that love, the daughter of courtliness, is expected to be like her own
mother, and so must herself be courtly in every way. It is possible
that the T scribe did not understand the passage in this way: Paris
writes that “mire de T est dû à ce que le scribe avait écrit empire pour
empere et a voulu rimer sans s’inquiéter (comme il lui arrive souvent)
du sens que cette forme pouvait avoir” (p. 314).

978 Se is to be understood as a possessive (sa), not a reflexive pronoun.

981 T’s reading does not seem to make sense here, so I have corrected to
n’est, as in VW.

985 The masculine pronoun is surprising here, but I have left it because
of the occasional confusion between feminine Amors and the
masculine god of love.

992 Soredamor is the sister of Gauvain; in Chretien’s romance, she is the

beloved of Alexandre, later his wife and the mother of Cligés. As a
character who embodies beauty, courtliness, and love, her presence
adds considerable weight to the arguments in favor of Meraugis.

1000 I have corrected to W’s reading because there is no other way to add
the direct object pronoun, which seems needed here, without creating
an extra syllable.

1009 V’s reading has been used to correct the hypometric line, but W’s
would work equally well.

1014 This is another line for which Gaston Paris felt T had the best
reading, the original, according to him, having read Sil proverai a
desloiaus (311) and V having altered the line the most. I have
corrected the hypometric line and amended the beginning according
to his suggestion, which improves the sense.

1015 To correct the hypometric line, I have accepted VW’s Meraugis,

although aucuns also makes sense. And even though all three
manuscripts contain the direct object pronoun l’, I have followed
Friedwagner in removing it (his line 1047) because I think that celes in
the following line must be understood as the direct object here.

538
1017 The change of word order following V is the simplest solution to the
hypermetric line.

1018 Friedwagner notes that a correction has been marked following pié,
but I cannot confirm this from the manuscript.

1043 The omission of two syllables appears to be a simple copying error,

perhaps because of the resemblance between fin and faille.

1045 The repetition of bataille is perhaps unlikely, and VW’s conquerre

probably the better reading.

1051 Friedwagner (note to his line 1083, p. 239) points out that atort is less
common with honte than tort, and that it tends to be paired with
certain positive expressions (see, for example, line 2388, but also
5819).

1054 The notion of possible enchantment—the suggestion here being

reminiscent of the traditional Irish geis, or prohibition (see John
Revell Reinhard, The Survival of Geis in Mediaeval Romance [Halle:
Niemeyer, 1933])—is a reminder of the continued presence of the
supernatural despite its reduced use in this romance as compared to
those of Chrétien. (See the introduction, above.)

1056 According to Gaston Paris (p. 311), non au is a form of nenil. I have
not, however, corrected according to this interpretation. See note
1195 below.

1064 T’s reading has been corrected to VW purely to correct the meter;
tenir is equally valid.

1079 Decorated capital TVW.

1082 To correct the meter, I have accepted VW’s reading as the more
likely, given the subjuntive mood; qu’il le could be due to a
misreading of qu’elle. With the indicative, it could be understood that
Arthur, not Lidoine, is the one doing the bestowing.

1092-95 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his lines 1124-27); the differences are,
however, not substantial. The punctuation suggested by Gaston
Paris has been adopted here, although that used by Friedwagner and
Szkilnik is also satisfactory.

1108 This is one of several places where the enclitic appears alongside the
direct object pronoun in the manuscript (see the section on enclisis,

539
 above). The latter has been omitted here. This tendency may reflect
the scribe’s lack of comfort with certain enclitic forms.

1120 Jean-Charles Payen, citing this passage, notes that the word penitence
can be ambiguous, meaning “épreuve” or “souffrance” (Le Motif du
repentir dans la littérature française médiévale, p. 456), and it could
indeed have been translated that way here.

1128 Ain is here the first person singular present of avoir (ai).

1141 Because Lidoine appears to be the direct object here, I have accepted
V’s reading to correct the hypometric line.

1156 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 1188). I have corrected to W’s
reading to correct T’s hypometric line, which may have been
produced through “correcting” the double por ce.

1162 This is one of several examples of fry, which has been corrected here
because of the meter.

1166 Gaston Paris discusses this line in connection with line 5514 (see p.
314, reference to Friedwagner’s line 5578, and note 2 referring to this
passage). He believes the original reading was poinz rather than poi,
and I have corrected according to this suggestion. The pronoun ly is
to be understood as lui.

1169 The structure il li lança, with the suppression of the accusative

pronoun la, is a common one. See also Il m’achata de sen tresor (3880)
and other examples listed in the introduction, above.

1170 For the imagery of this passage, see Peron, “La rete dell’amore: la
retorica dell’innamorato nel Meraugis de Portlesguez,” as well as
Friedwagner’s note 1202, p. 240.

1178 Friedwagner (his line 1210) notes that d’ou could also be don for dont,
as in VW.

1180 Because of the similarity between s and l, this could be le resgarde, as

in VW, but the meaning is clear either way.

1184 Again, li is to be understood as lui.

1192 It is not obvious how encore could make sense here, since this is the
first mention of anything rushing into a net, so I have accepted VW’s
amor to correct the meter.

540
1192 ff. I have followed the example of previous editors of Raoul’s works in
separating the rhetorical questions and answers (see, for example, p.
20 of Busby’s introduction to Le Roman des Eles) in passages such as
this, where the author appears to be dialoguing with a fictional
interlocuter. Micha finds this an example of poor style and uses it as
evidence of the relatively early dating of the text (“Raoul de
Houdenc est-il l’auteur de la Voie de Paradis et de la Vengeance
Raguidel?”).

1193 To preserve the feminine forms preferred by the scribe, I have simply
left out Quelle. The eyes referred to are those of Meraugis, not
Lidoine.

1195 According to Gaston Paris (p. 311), T’s nenal, which Friedwagner
marks with (!) (his line 1227), is perfectly acceptable and also found
as non au at line 1056 (Friedwagner’s 1088). I have not, however,
corrected the latter.

1198 T’s ly roiz seems to be a confusion of gender rather than an intended

difference in meaning, and so it has been translated as “net” but not
corrected.

1199 C’est voirs could be punctuated separately.

1201 Unlike Friedwagner (his line 1233), I take ly cuers to be the subject
and l’esgart the object: his heart wants her to look at him. Gaston
Paris also accepts T’s reading but punctuates (and so understands) it
differently (p. 311).

1203 The three manuscripts disagree on the second half of this line, and it
is not obvious which has the best reading. I have accepted T, which I
take to mean something like “But I said as much before.”

1208 To correct the meter, the form ain has been used because it is the most
common one-syllabled form of this word in the manuscript.

1211 T’s d’amour seems nonsensical in the context, and lacking any other
obvious solution, I have accepted W’s reading; V’s would work
equally well.

1213 Again, because T’s reading l’aime does not seem to make sense, I have
accepted V’s as the most logical.

1218 This is another line for which Gaston Paris believes T has the best
reading, encoan, which “convient parfaitement ici.” (See p. 311 for his
critique of the other readings, including V’s, which he finds to be
“refait, comme d’habitude.”)

541
1223 Decorated capital TW.

1243 In Chrétien’s romances, dwarves are often wicked or at least

malicious, as for example the one in Erec and Enide “Qui de felenie fu
plains” (164) and the one in Le Chevalier de la Charrette who is
“cuiverz de pute orine” (354). There are exceptions, however. This
dwarf, although he deceives the hero to get what he wants, is
portrayed in a fairly positive light. There is in this dwarf, as in most
others, a hint of the supernatural because of the information he is
able to convey. (See the discussion of the role of the dwarf, as well as
bibliographical references, in the introduction, above.)

1248 The expression faire la muse can mean to waste time, lark about, or
pull faces. As Szkilnik points out (her note 41 to her line 1250, p.
153), it seems to be used here mainly for the rhyme rather than to
provide any insight into the dwarf’s character.

following 1252 Here V and W contain four lines not in T. Because this does not
appear to be a bourdon and the passage makes sense without them,
they have not been included in the text.

1253 Gauvain, the son of King Lot and Arthur’s nephew and presumed
heir, is of course ubiquitous throughout Old French Arthurian
literature (see West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for numerous
examples). Seen as a model of courtliness throughout the works of
Chrétien de Troyes and in many of the epigonal romances, he
sometimes serves as a foil or measuring rod for the hero and is often
a good friend, as is the case in Meraugis. In later texts he is
sometimes a figure of ridicule or even viewed in a negative light. For
the portrayal and development of the character, see especially
Busby’s Gauvain in Old French Literature (see also the discussion of
Gauvain in the introduction, above).

1254 Because oienz does not seem to make sense here, I have corrected to
VW’s reading. The first two words could also be understood as
spoken by Arthur.

1255 Again, the scribe’s preference for elle over el creates a hypermetric
line, and to correct it I have omitted the pronoun.

1256 Estornee could easily be a copying error for escornee, which seems
more logical here.

1258 T’s d’aval a mont has been corrected for clarity. It would also have
been possible to correct this line to read del mont, in agreement with

542
 the previous line (V has dou mont in both lines), but I can find no
other example of del mont used this way in the manuscript.

1260 I have accepted VW’s reading since the line makes no sense without
the omitted word.

1261 Since the first person singular future Serai is obviously not a
possibility here, I have accepted VW’s Sera. It is, however, possible
that the verb is intended as a conditional.

1264 The Minor Rogation Days are the three days preceding Ascension.
The Major Rogation Day, or Rogation Sunday, corresponds to St.
Mark’s Day, April 25. The latter is of Roman origin, the former of
French, and both are associated with prayers for the harvest. It is
unclear which of the two is meant here.

1268 The Espee as Estranges Renges, or Sword of Strange Hangings,

appears in a number of medieval Arthurian texts, including the
Queste del Saint Graal (ed. Albert Pauphilet [Paris: É. Champion,
1923], pp. 220-210 and 226-227) and various other prose texts, as well
as the Conte du Graal (4712), in which Gauvain takes up the quest for
it. In the long First Continuation (vol. 2, 2516-2707) Gauvain is
reproached by a dwarf (Szkilnik, p. 155, suggests that this may be the
Meraugis dwarf) for having forgotten his quest. (See Christopher
Bruce for additional details.)

1276 Por che mervel seems simply to be a copying error involving the
omission of one syllable (mes-).

1279 I have accepted V’s reading to correct the meter. Alternatively, hui
could have been omitted.

1286 Haut appears to be a simple scribal error, en haut of course being a

common expression.

1297 The form and meaning of l’esplumeor (les plumeors, etc.) Merlin has
been the subject of discussion. The name appears in the Didot
Perceval as the place where Merlin goes after the downfall of the
Arthurian world; it is also mentioned in the Livre d’Artus. Merlin
does not appear in this text, nor is it entirely clear whether it is
accurate to call it a “dwelling place” (see the note to line 2714 ff.
below). Gaston Paris says that the word more precisely means “mue,
cage où les oiseaux sont enfermés pendant la mue” (p. 309 of his
compute rendu), so it would have been possible to call it something
like “Merlin’s birdcage.” See also Nitze, “The Esplumoir Merlin,”
Speculum 18, no. 1 (1943): 69-79; Arthur C. L. Brown, “The Esplumoir
and Viviane,” Speculum 20, no. 4 (1945): 426-321; and Loomis,

543
 “L’Esplumeor Merlin Again,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the
International Arthurian Society/Bulletin Bibliographique de la Société
Internationale Arthurienne 9 (1957): 79-83. See also Friedwagner’s note
to his line 2703, p. 246 (2663 this edition). Because of the hypometric
line, and because the intention of the scribe is clearly that the word
should be plural here (it appears elsewhere in the singular, as noted
in the Glossary), plumeors has been corrected to esplumeors even
though that form is not attested elsewhere in the manuscript (but
l’esplumeoir 2594). There is, however, no other obvious way to correct
the meter.

1307 Gaston Paris (p. 311) considers T’s rentre the best reading.

1312 Szkilnik mentions (p. 157, note 45) that an explanation for Gauvain’s
title “Chevalier as Damoiseles” is found in the Post-Vulgate Merlin
Continuation, or Suite du Merlin (ed. Gilles Roussineau, 2 vols.
[Geneva: Droz, 1996]): Gauvain, having unintentionally killed a lady,
vowed thereafter to help all ladies who needed him. This and similar
titles (e.g., Blanc Chevalier) have been capitalized throughout,
although they are generally not capitalized in the Friedwagner and
Szkilnik editions.

1314 I have followed Friedwagner’s correction of T, which he accepts

against VW. (See his note 1350, p. 241 of his edition).

1319 Meraugis appears to be addressing the king here rather than the
dwarf.

1331 Decorated capital V. T contains the nominative plural li ch’lr.

1335 Decorated capital T.

1337 Qui is to be understood as cui.

1343 Friedwagner notes (his line 1379, p. 135) that Lindoine is the most
common spelling of the name in T; he does not, however, usually list
the variant spellings of the name and so most cannot be confirmed.

1348 Raoul’s use of proverbs such as this follows Chrétien’s practice; Erec
and Enide, for example, opens with a proverb from “Li vilains.” (For
a complete listing and discussion of Chrétien’s proverbs, see Margery
Alice Ellis, “A Catalogue of the Proverbs of Chrétien de Troyes with
an Introduction.”) T’s reading needs no correction despite the
absence of a verb because the verb is implicit.

1356 To correct the hypometric line I have corrected to se jouer, which

appears several times in the text to mean, as Friedwagner defines it,

544
 “lustig sein, sich freuen.” This is closer in meaning to the readings of
V and W. However, it is also possible to understand the meaning as
joer, i.e., was not joking, and in fact T shows the dwarf as rather more
angry and cutting than do the other two manuscripts.

1361 I have corrected T’s trop to V, because it seems to me to make more

sense and because trop could perhaps be a misreading.

1362-64 These lines are difficult and may indicate a problem with the source.
Reboisié, grown lazy or cowardly, makes perfect sense, but creates a
problem with the rhyme. I am uncertain as to the meaning of a boisy,
and in any case it also creates a problem with the rhyme. Gaston
Paris admits difficulty with this line. He rejects W’s a pou fi, which
Friedwagner retained in his edition (his line 1399) (and also Szkilnik,
her line 1369), saying the manuscripts “remontent à une leçon
originaire que je ne sais pas restituer” (p. 315), a past participle
ending in fi being required. He believed that the T scribe “paraît
avoir lu s pour f.” Lacking an obvious satisfactory solution, I have let
T’s readings stand.

1363 As Grigsby notes in The Gab as a Latent Genre, the word gaber is
associated with Keu by Chrétien and later romancers “whenever the
seneschal commits one of his infractions against the social code”
(157).

1365 Here the dwarf explicitly uses the language of the jeu parti. The
challenge is, of course, a verbal one: Keu retreats because he fears he
cannot tencier as well as the dwarf. See Rémy, “Jeu parti et roman
breton,” in Mélanges de linguistique romane et de philologie médiévale
offerts à M. Maurice Delbouille, vol. 1 (Gembloux: Ducolot, 1964): 545-
561, for a discussion of this and other examples of how the
expressions jeu parti, un jeu vous part, etc., are used outside of their
original context of lyric poetry, particularly in various examples of
the “roman breton.”

1368 The word grouchier seems to be used here with the relatively
uncommon meaning of “to mock,” as also in the Vengeance Raguidel
(4049; see Roussineau’s note to this line, p. 387).

1376 This appears to be a scribal error for qu’il ot negié.

1380 T’s chevauchant cannot stand here because it must act as the main
verb, which is plural because it includes both Meraugis and Lidoine
(entre lui et sa damoisele).

1384 Szkilnik considers Bois Plessié a proper name, along with Bois Trenchié
(lines 1390 and 4043 in her edition). In T, however, the latter is

545
 referred to as un bois plaisié, and I do not consider it necessary to treat
either as a name.

1384-87 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his lines 1420-23); nonetheless, these
lines are somewhat problematic in T (Friedwagner describes the
passage as “verderbt” in his note 1420, p. 421). They read as follows:
Qu’il vint outre le bois plaisiet / Le nain a piet oultre un essart / Li nains
qui de hente a sa part / Eirre mes ce est le petit pas. Because of the close
correspondence between T and W, I have used some of W’s readings
to resolve the difficulties. I do not see that Le nain at the beginning of
1385 makes sense if il vint is accepted, since Li nains at the beginning
of 1386 must be the subject of this verb. I have therefore used W’s
reading voire but retained T’s word order. This is a coherent, if not
perfect, solution. Alternatively, vint in 1384 could be read as vit, with
slight modifications to the following lines.

1396 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 1432).

1401 Friedwagner notes (his note 1437) that the use of the article is
unusual with honte.

1402 To correct the meter and still respect the scribe’s preference for elle, I
have omitted ci, which slightly alters the meaning and is not an ideal
solution. An alternative would have been to omit te from t’atent, but
this is no better.

1404 Again, the oblique form of the plural has been used, by both T and
W.

1412 Le as the feminine singular accusative pronoun is not uncommon in

the manuscript.

1415 This half of the missing couplet has been supplied from V, with
modifications according to the scribe’s usual spelling. The line may
have been skipped because of two consecutive lines beginning with L
(Le/Li).

1423 As in several other places, a hypermetric line has been produced by

the scribe’s not using the enclitic (see the section on enclisis in the
introduction).

1427 T’s reading cornue shows the lady in a different light from that of the
other manuscripts. Whereas guernue focuses on her appearance,
specifially her hair (see note 1442), this seems to focus on her
temperament. However, it is also possible that a form of crenue is

546
 intended. For a close analysis of this passage, see May Plouzeau,
“Une Vieille Bien Singulière (Meraugis 1463-1478).”

1430 This reading of T seems somewhat problematic. It is the case,

however, thet the old lady does appear more attractive, though no
less ill-tempered, in T’s version of the story than in V’s, which
describes her as “hisdeuse.”

1442 Regaïn, rowen, is the second crop of hay in a season. The variants in
the three manuscripts are interesting. In V, the old lady’s hair is
blanc, whereas in W it is blonc, and in T it is blont, making her sound
more attractive and more like a heroine. Gaston Paris, in fact,
believed that T had the correct reading and that it was possible that
the scribe of V, “choqué par les chevex blonds de la vielle, a mis blans
à la place” (318). There is the question of why the gold circlet does
not look well on her if she is, in fact, a blond. Szkilnik (note 49 to her
line 1447, p. 165) thinks that she perhaps dyes her hair, so that it is
white at the roots. I think it more likely, given T’s reading, that her
hair is pale, like the second crop of hay, so that her hair is not the
same shade of blonde as a younger woman’s. In any case, the lady
who is being described is, as Gaston Paris puts it, “une vieille femme
très bien parée” (317).

1444 This is another line in which Gaston Paris (p. 311) believes T to have
the correct reading, an main rather than au nain. That is, she held the
bridle of her own horse and was driving the dwarf’s horse along with
it. Szkilnik (her line 1453), like Friedwagner (his 1480), accepts V’s
reading.

1444 ff. See Szkilnik’s note 50 (p. 165 of her edition) and her introduction (pp.
17 ff. and 35-36) for an important discussion of the similarities
between this incident and one in the Prose Lancelot. Both involve a
dwarf and an old lady who convinces the hero to knock down a
shield, with devastating consequences. In Lancelot’s case, the action
leads to the arrival of a giant named Maduit. There is evidence that
Raoul knew this incident because in line 1619 Meraugis professes his
readiness for battle “Coment que li gaains ait non,” although there had
been nothing to indicate that the Outredouté was a giant. This and
other evidence that Raoul knew this text has implications for the
dating of Meraugis, which Szkilnik places between 1225 and 1235.
(See also the introduction to this edition.) A common source for both
is, however, a possibility.

1457 Friedwagner was uncertain of the reading Sy, and I cannot confirm it
from the manuscript.

1460 The first word could, of course, be spoken by the lady.

547
1461-62 Friedwagner notes that these two lines are in reverse order in the
manuscript but marked for change of order; this cannot be confirmed
from the manuscript.

1469 I have corrected the meter according to VW but with tout, the
preferred spelling of T.

1477 Gaston Paris (p. 313) believes that this line contains in all three
manuscripts a common error, ge vos for j’os, arrived at independently
by the scribes and producing a hypermetric line. I have, however,
accepted the correction of Friedwagner (his line 1513).

1486 ff. Szkilnik (p. 14 ff.) accurately describes Meraugis here as “Meraugis le
nice” because of his foolish and thoughtless decision to knock down
the shield without asking to whom it belongs or what will be the
consequences of his action. Like Perceval, he causes great harm by
failing to ask a question and must later attempt to make up for it.

1488 The form aim has been corrected to ain, also common in the
manuscript, for the rhyme.

1494 The first half of this line does seem to make sense if leez is understood
as liez, “Any sorrow seemed joyful,” but the line still does not
function as a coherent whole; I have therefore corrected to V.

1506 The dwarf seems to be saying that this is not the proper time for him
to do what Meraugis is asking, that is, to give him an explanation.
Gaston Paris (p. 315) sets out the legal meaning of avoir jour, to be
assigned to a particular day, as for example a day in court.

1513 Literally, of course, “to devils.”

1513-14 Friedwagner notes (p. 61, his line 1550) that in T “der Schreiber
verdarb hier den Reim!” That is not the case, however, if the ending
of 1513 is taken to be a passé composé. The usual form deables would
have created a hypermetric line, but that is not the case with the form
diablez, so T’s reading may be accepted as it stands. There is,
however, a somewhat awkward mixture of tenses, as well as the
problematic rhyme tre / comandé, so the other reading is perhaps the
better one.

1520 Friedwagner (p. 61, his note 1556) transcribes juz as inz.

1522 Friedwagner describes this line as “verdorben,” and it is difficult to

see what may have been intended. I have accepted VW’s reading but
retained T’s spelling.

548
1530 To correct the meter and avoid changing the scribe’s preferred form
pleure to a one-syllable form, I have changed the wording slightly and
used por as it appears elsewhere in the text (for example, in line 1533).

1548 Friedwagner notes that there was an “Abkürzungszeichen durch ein

Versehen hinter quil”; this, however, is no longer visible in the
manuscript. I think it likely that T’s reading is intended to be the
same as VW’s.

1559 I have corrected to a riens to correct the hypermetric line.

1561 This is a case where capital S seems to have been mistaken for D.
The reading would, however, be quite acceptable with the removal of
et, which also makes the line hypermetric.

1568 A different scribe, in all probability the original one, begins work
here.

1572 Because of the mixture of case forms, it is uncertain whether the

singular or plural of meschiéf is meant here. I think the singular more
likely, so have corrected the verb to W’s reading.

1583 In the manuscript, petit has been corrected to pour, a correction

which, as Friedwagner notes (his line 1619, p. 64), may have been
original. Pour elle would make sense but would not correct the
hypermetric line, so I have accepted W’s reading.

1584 I have corrected to V as being the more likely reading, given the
following line and 1586.

1591 Decorated capital TV.

1594 Although it is possible that croy is a misreading (or perhaps a

correction) for coy, which appears in the other manuscripts, I have
retained T’s reading, which does make sense.

1619 This is one of a number of lines that, according to Szkilnik, seem to

indicate that Raoul knew the Prose Lancelot and which may therefore
affect the dating of Meraugis. (See her edition, pp. 35-36, and note 54,
p. 177, as well as the introduction above.) Friedwagner, however, has
taken the line to mean “Wie der Gewinn auch immer heisen möge”
(note 1655, p. 242). Neither interpretation is definitive.

1621 Decorated capital TVW.

549
1628 The difference between se depart, here, and le depart, in VW, is
probably another case of confusion between s and l.

1633 There may have been a scribal error here because often closed e is
presented as ai so that met could have been taken for m’ait.

1634 Friedwagner notes the rhyme sielle / damoiselle here, although

damoisielle does appear elsewhere in the manuscript (2307).

1636 This has been corrected to VW because of the rhyme.

1638 The unusual form pus (p + abbreviation; see the section on

abbreviations) could perhaps be due to a copying error. It appears
just before the word plus, written out rather than abbreviated, as it
often is.

1646 The rhyme laiens / noient gives evidence for the pronunciation of the
diphthong and the effacement of the final consonant.

1649 Decorated capital VW.

1654 The ford, though here not obviously a place of transition into another
world, as in Celtic tradition, does nonetheless mark an important
point in Meraugis because the defeat of Laquis will set in motion a
chain of events whose consequences the hero will spend much of the
rest of the romance undoing (see the literary discussion in the
introduction, above). See Roger Sherman Loomis, “The Combat at
the Ford in the Didot Perceval,” Modern Philology 43, no. 1 (1945): 63-
71 for possible Celtic antecedents of such combats.

1655 The reference to le chevalier on his first appearance is surprising,

rather like the reference to el pin, 137. As Szilnik points out (p. 27),
the latter seems to imply a reference to known material. It is also
possible, of course, that this is a copying error.

1660 This is one of numerous examples of apparent case confusion for the
word chevalier(s), usually involving the abbreviation. This part of the
line is no longer visible in the manuscript, so it cannot be determined
whether the abbreviation was used here.

1663 All three manuscripts have ne esperon, but because of the meter,
hiatus is possible only in V.

1668 I have corrected to VW because of the meter. The expression en nule

terre appears elsewhere in the text (693). Friedwagner notes that sur
was written in as a correction.

550
1672 All three manuscripts have Chevalier, for which Friedwagner has
corrected the case.

1675 Quil l’entent could be corrected to qui l’entent, which appears in VW,
but T’s reading also makes sense.

1676 See note 1672.

1677-78 T has room left for a decorated capital here.

1679 La lance is probably a misreading for sa lance. L’abaisse, clearly visible

in the manuscript, may well be the result of a misreading of s’eslesse;
although it makes sense, it repeats the previous idea and omits
mention of the knight’s forward charge.

1687 La lanche is perhaps another example of la for sa.

1695 Vous is from voloir.

1697-98 There is an apparent problem with the rhyme because the order of
the first line is reversed from that of the other two manuscripts.

1698 I have followed V’s beginning of the line to correct the meter.

1698 ff. It is not entirely obvious which of the two characters says what in the
next few lines. I have interpreted and punctuated the passage slightly
differently from both Friedwagner (1734 ff.) and Szkilnik (1703 ff.).

1702 Grever does not seem to make sense in the context and is perhaps due
to a copying error.

1707 Decorated capital and miniature in W.

1720 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 1756).

1723-24 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
although Friedwagner did not consider the former reading valid (see
the note to his lines 1759-60, p. 242). Que, though unexpressed, is to
be understood. (See the discussion of syntax, above, for other
examples of the suppression of que.)

1730-31 Friedwagner noted the superiority of T’s reading here (his note 1766-
67, p. 242).

1733 Decorated capital VW. There is a reference in the Vengeance Raguidel

(5135) to the forest of Tabroan, which Roussineau identifies as a

551
 “forêt d’Écosse fréquenté par Yder” (p. 411). Friedwagner tentatively
identifies the V variant Cabrahan, which he uses in his edition (his
line 1769) as Cabrach (meaning “antler place” in Gaelic) in
northeastern Scotland (now Moray). There are various references to
characters named Patris (Patrise, Patrice, etc.) in West, Flutre, and
Christopher Bruce, but no obvious identification with this character.

1735 The s in riches seems to be an example of analogy, although the

oblique case would still have been expected.

1740 The reading of VW seems to be the better one because T’s would
have vint as a verb, with therefore the same meaning as in 1739.

1740 ff. The passage recounting the boastful vows made at the court of King
Patris is one of several that Szkilnik believes give evidence that Raoul
de Houdenc knew the Prose Lancelot. See her note 56, p. 183, and her
discussion on p. 35. Such boasting, of course, appears in other Old
French works and is a common theme in Celtic texts. Cf., for
example, Perceval (4718 ff.), when various knights, including Gauvain
and Guiflet (perhaps the same as Guivret; see note 1747), declare in
King Arthur’s presence their intentions to undertake certain
adventures. It is perhaps of interest that the quest that Gauvain vows
to undertake is expected to lead him to the Espee as Estranges
Renges (1268 and 3455 in this edition of Meraugis). For the
association between this passage and the traditional gab, see Grigsby,
The Gab as a Latent Genre in Medieval French Literature.

1747 Guivret, with various spellings, is a name that appears frequently in

Arthurian romance. He is, as West notes, perhaps to be identified
with the Irish king Guivret, called le Petit, in Erec, who fights with
Erec on their initial encounter but thereafter becomes his friend. (See
West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for additional examples.)

1751 M begins approximately here, with the second half of the line as in
VW. It is perhaps possible that Riolent is to be identified with a
Saxon king Roolant or Roolent who appears in the Vulgate Merlin
Continuation (Estoire de Merlin). (See West, Flutre, and Christopher
Bruce.)

1753 I have corrected qui to qu’il, although que would also be possible.

1756 Li Lais Hardis, with various spellings and sometimes named Acanor
or said to be from Cornwall, appears frequently in Old French
Arthurian verse and prose romances as a knight of the Round Table.
The verse texts include Erec and Enide; the First and Second
Continuations of Li Contes del Graal; the Gerbert de Montreuil
Continuation (Mary Williams, ed. [Paris: H. Champion, 1922]); Claris

552
 and Laris; Le Bel Inconnu; Rigomer; L’Âtre périlleux (Brian Woledge, ed.,
CFMA 76 [Paris: H. Champion, 1936]); Durmart li Galois (Joseph
Gildea, ed., 2 vols. [Villanova, PA: Villanova Press, 1965-1966]),
where he is presented as the nephew of Keu; and others. (See West,
Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for additional details and examples,
including the numerous prose texts in which the character appears.)
For the thematic importance of this character in Meraugis, see Alfred
Adler, “The Themes of the ‘Handsome Coward’ and of the
‘Handsome Unknown’ in Meraugis de Portlesguez,” Modern Philology
44, no. 4 (1947): 218-224.

1762 Gaherïet (with variants including Gaheris), is the brother of Gauvain

and a knight of the Round Table who appears in numerous other
Arthurian texts, both verse and prose. He figures prominently in the
Vengeance Raguidel, where he is imprisoned by the Lady of
Gaudestroit in order to lure Gauvain to her castle (1714 ff.). Other
texts in which the character appears include Erec, Perceval, the First
and Second Continuations, and also that of Manessier (Marie Noëlle
Lefay-Toury and William Roach, eds. [Paris: H. Champion, 2004]),
Hunbaut and other verse romances, and various parts of the Vulgate
and Post-Vulgate Cycles. (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce
for additional examples and details.) T is the only manuscript of
Meraugis that uses this name, which Friedwagner used in his edition.

1765 Coi has been written in above the line.

1770 Seguradés, spelled in various ways, is a character that appears

elsewhere in Arthurian texts, notably in the romances of the Vulgate
Cycle, the Prose Tristan, and other prose texts. (See West, Flutre, and
Christopher Bruce for details and examples.) It is also possible that
he is to be identified with a character named Segurés in Le Bel
Inconnu.

1774 Que vouz diroi je may simply be a copying error for the common
formula Que vous diroie rather than intended as a future form; diroie je
would, of course, create a hypermetric line.

1786 The apparent case confusion of fors noted by Friedwagner cannot be

confirmed in the manuscript.

1791 Decorated capital W.

1794 Porté is almost certainly a copying error for por ce.

1796 T’s fait il seems unlikely because of Li dist in line 1792, and C’est tot is
probably the better reading.

553
1805 Decorated capital V.

1818 See Friedwagner’s note to his line 1852 (pp. 242-43), as well as the
discussion of metathesis of -re and -er above, regarding the Picard
form sofferroie.

1823 ff. It is not always obvious what is meant or who is saying what in these
lines. This edition differs slightly from Friedwagner’s and Szkilnik’s,
which are perhaps equally valid. As Friedwagner notes (his line
1857, p. 243), the subjunctive die suggests that the end of 1823 is a
question.

1830 A character named the Outredouté also appears in the Livre d’Artus.
(Christopher Bruce indexes this character as the “Formidable
Knight.”)

1835 Gaston Paris considers nequedent the best reading (although

Friedwagner marks it with [!], his line 1869, p. 73) and notes that the
rhyme nequedent / hardement removes any indication of an and en
having rhymed in the original (p. 311).

1848 ff. The wordplay on droit and tort does not translate well into English. I
have insofar as possible translated droit as right even when the
meaning would more accurately be translated otherwise, for
example, straight (as in line 1860). Raoul also plays with the
meanings of droit and tort in the Songe d’Enfer (544 ff.); see Mihm’s
line note (545-547, p. 130) and Kundert-Forrer’s comments (pp. 13-
14).

1850 To correct the hypometric line, I have added ce rather than following
VW, which makes the first part of the line a question.

1851 I have followed Friedwagner’s interpretation of par son outrage as

meaning “in order to do right an injury,” though it could also mean
something like “in his excessive pride.”

1852 The word gage is written with a capital g.

1853 The phrase a son jor (on his apointed day) is a legal expression
pertaining to the date fixed for a court appearance.

1854 Gaston Paris (p. 311) considers TM’s reading tort to be correct against
VW’s tot, as demonstrated by line 1862.

1855 ff. See Friedwagner’s comments on the word play here (his lines 1889
ff.).

554
1858 To correct the meter I have used VWM against T’s reading, which
does not really seem to make sense here: since the Outredouté has
already been shown to be both tors and drois, it does not follow to say
that he is neither.

1859 The case confusion in the nominative plural, where an s has been
added to membre, is common in this manuscript. The M fragment
ends with this line.

1862 See note 1854.

1863 VW’s reading Le droit seems perhaps more likely than T’s Li tors and
creates less ambiguity because it is then clear that son tort refers to the
Outredouté rather than li tors. I have not, however, corrected T,
which does make sense.

1872 Novele may be understood either as something new or as something

invented. Friedwagner understands it as “Märchen,” whereas
Szkilnik translates the phrase as “Tout cela est bien connu.” The
translation adopted here, “exaggeration,” though more mundane,
leans more toward Friedwagner’s interpretation.

1874 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading (the first word of which
he interprets as Antan) superior to V’s, which Friedwagner adopts
(his line 1908). It is, however, difficult to be certain whether some
form of autant or antan is intended in T (and also in V). I think antan
is not unlikely because of the similarity between u and n. I have
chosen to consider li Diex d’Amours as a personification and thus to
capitalize it, though it is quite possible to believe the phrase should
be interpreted as “sorrow of love,” as Friedwagner did. (Szkilnik’s
reading, her line 1877, is taken from V.) The spelling of T gives no
clue as to which is intended here. Friedwagner did hesitate between
“Liebesgott” and “Liebesschmerz,” but decided on the latter. (See
the note to his line 1908, p. 242.)

1897 Quy is to be understood as cuy.

1906 Duy may be a misreading of d’un (or, of course, the reverse may be
true).

1916 See Friedwagner’s note to his line 1950 (pp. 243-44) regarding this
and other examples of the suppression of a direct object pronoun, as
well as the section on syntax, above.

1918 Gaston Paris (p. 311) considers T’s reading moult a que redire (written
a querre dire as transcribed by Friedwagner, his line 1952) the correct

555
 one. It seems possible that the scribe did not understand his source
here.

1922 Gaston Paris believes this line originally read La lance au chevalier
portot (p. 311); I have not, however, corrected T because it does make
sense as it stands.

1931 Essera, attested by Friedwagner, is probably to be understood as en

sera, as in the other manuscripts, rather than as an alternative future
form of the verb.

1937 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 1971); he proposes els for celx.

1943 I have accepted VW’s readings to correct both the meter and the
rhyme.

1950 The first half of this line is no longer visible in T. According to

Friedwagner, the verb was vieut, making the meaning of this part of
the line the same as in the other manuscripts. If so, and given the
repetition of or, it is possible that the second half of this line in T is
the result of a misreading and should be corrected to VW. If,
however, the verb was vient, then T seems to me to make sense as it
stands.

1951 The rhyme nuls / plus shows that the l in these cases was not
pronounced, and also gives evidence of the scribe’s habits; he at
times seems to have been more conscientious in putting in the
“correct” form than in the visual accord of the rhyme.

1955 Decorated capital VW.

1980 The character Laquis is not known to appear elsewhere in medieval

French Arthurian texts, and his name seems to have troubled the
scribes, as witness the number of variants for Lanbeguéz.
Friedwagner suggests the Welsh Llan Beddery in Glamorgan, or the
more common name Llanbedr (Church of St. Peter) (for example,
Lampeter or Llanbedr Pont Steffan in Ceredigion, where a Norman
fortress stood) as possibilities (p. LXXIV); the prefix llan seems not
unlikely in any case. See Adler, “The Themes of the ‘Handsome
Coward’ and of the ‘Handsome Unknown’ in Meraugis de
Portlesguez” for a discussion of the character’s thematic significance.

1986 Although T’s reading does make sense, it could also be the result of a
misreading of VW’s se l’en la (le) me fet.

556
2010 I have accepted Friedwagner’s transcription of this line, though it is
difficult to confirm in the manuscript because the line is very difficult
to read. The first letter of the word does appear to be an f or s, so it is
unlikely, though not impossible, to think that a form of suivre was
intended. It is quite possible, of course, that the repetition of the end
of the previous line is simply due to a copying error.

2010 ff In Yvain, Calogrenant relates how he took a path to the right into the
forest of Broceliande (180 ff.).

2019 Decorated capital VW.

2033 Decorated capital T.

2041 W’s reading qu’il doit has been used to correct the hypermetric line
and because of T’s missing subject pronoun.

2058 Quy is to be understood here as cui.

2081 Decorated capital TV.

2101 ff. This passage is somewhat problematic. It will be noted that the
differences between TW and V, which Friedwagner has accepted (see
the note to his line 2143) but interpreted differently from Szkilnik, are
significant. Whereas Friedwagner gave the passage from 2101
through 2111 to the Outredouté, so that he expresses his intention to
be “avenged” on Meraugis, Szkilnik gives that section and the
corresponding sentiment to Laquis, lending increased but
understandable bitterness to Laquis’s feelings toward Meraugis.
According to TW, however, Laquis looks forward to a time when
Meraugis will avenge him, a difference that perhaps contributes to a
sense of unity in the work as a whole. On the other hand, it is
surprising that Laquis would dare to say such a thing to the
Outredouté and that the latter should not react angrily to it, which
might support Friedwagner’s rejection of TW here. Elsewhere,
Laquis does not hestitate to tell Meraugis that he hates both him and
the Outredouté (2568-72). Gaston Paris, in fact, seems to accept
Friedwagner’s version of this passage but attributes part of it to
Laquis (see his comments on Friedwagner’s lines 2136-37, p. 315).

2117-18 Friedwagner considered these lines (see his note 2151-52, p. 244) as
an unnecessary repetition that was probably added later, though the
lines appear in all the manuscripts.

2119 Decorated capital TVW.

557
2128 Friedwagner corrects esgarde to the past tense, believing it must have
been so originally. (See the note to his line 2162, p. 244.) The verb is,
however, in the present in all manuscripts, and the mixture of tenses
is common practice, even though the shifts are particularly striking
here.

2138 T’s reading, though perhaps somewhat less obvious in meaning than
VW’s, does make sense, and so it has not been amended here. It is
possible, however, that it represents a misreading.

2142 The word goz is somewhat problematic, especially in translation. It is

used in Erec (794) and elsewhere to refer to a dwarf, and normally
has a disparaging connotation, but it may also have come from the
term for a dog. (See Raphael Levy, “Old French Goz and Chrestiiens
li Gois,” PMLA 46, no. 2 [1931]: 312-320, especially p. 315, for the
history of the meanings of the word.) In Foerster’s edition (Halle:
Niemeyer, 1909), the word is glossed as pertaining to a dwarf and
related to the Italian word gozzo, goiter. The word is translated as
“nabot” in Peter Dembowski’s edition of Erec. It is tempting to
translate the word as something like “filthy dwarf” to distinguish it
from the term “nain.” (Translating both as “dwarf” becomes
problematic in lines 2436-40.) The use of the word here is interesting
because it is in this passage that the dwarf, by beating Meraugis’s
horse, behaves most like the wicked dwarf in Erec, who is a much less
nuanced character than the dwarf of Meraugis. The use of the word
goz here seems to set up a learned reference that might be understood
by those familiar with the earlier text.

2151 Szkilnik (p. 479, her lines 2152-54) has transcribed the first word of
this line of T as Et, but I have followed Friedwagner is believing it to
be Sel, which I have corrected to Ses. Only part of the final stroke of
the word remains visible.

2179 ff See Adler, “The Themes of the ‘Handsome Coward’ and of the
‘Handsome Unknown’ in Meraugis de Portlesguez,” for a discussion of
these themes, which the author considers to be well developed in the
text.

after 2184 This passage is slightly problematic in T, but I have chosen not to
correct it. In V and W, the next two lines are reversed, then followed
by two additional lines that show Meraugis and Lidoine coming out
of the wood. Even if these lines were supplied, however, the article
for Chastiel in line 2188 would still be missing unless more extensive
corrections were made.

2190 A tant en trenchiés la broche, literally “once you have cut away the
undergrowth,” means something like “when all is said and done” or

558
 “the long and the short of it is . . . .” See Friedwagner’s note to his
line 2226, p. 244, and Szkilnik’s note 77, p. 211, which points to the
usual meaning of the expression as in Ci an soit la broche tranchiee
(Erec, 5650, p. 138), “Que la chose soit décidée sur-le-champ.”

2197 A king or knight named Amagons (Amauguins, Amangons, etc.)

appears in a number of the verse romances, including Erec, Le Bel
Inconnu, the First and Second Continuations, Rigomer, and the
Elucidation. In this last text, he is a wicked king who ravages maidens
and steals their golden cups; Szkilnik suggests that his role as one
who arranges good marriages for young women is therefore a
parodic one (note 78, p. 213) if Meraugis was written after the
Elucidation.

2223 Godefroy cites this line in his entry for porfil, defining it as bordure
(vol. 6, p. 290).

2227 Decorated capital VW, with room left for one in T.

2280 See Friedwagner’s note to his line 2316 (pp. 244-45) for additional
examples of the use of this expression, which he translates as roughly
the same as “Muss ist eine harte Nuss.”

2281 Decorated capital V.

2286 Friedwagner marks this apparent inconsistency of number with (!). I

think it perhaps more likely that the plural was intended, especially
given that W’s reading is As chaples.

2287 As Friedwagner points out (his note 2323, p. 245), it is surprising that
manechier (manecier) is used in both T and V although the more
common manachier or menachier would create a better rhyme.

2291 Decorated capital V.

2293 Decorated capital TW.

2297 This line is one of several in which T’s reading appears somewhat
less violent than the others. (See the introduction for additional
examples.)

2298 Gaston Paris (p. 313) believes that this line contains in all three
manuscripts the same error, eles (V el) for els, arrived at
independently by the scribes and producing a hypermetric line.
However, in order to maintain the two-syllabled elle preferred by the
scribe, I have done as Friedwagner has (his line 2336) and omitted the
dative pronoun. (In T, this appears to be nos rather than vos, which I

559
 take to be due to an error, as nos would hardly make sense here.)
There are, however, sound arguments for considering Gaston Paris’s
correction as the best reading and closer to the original text.

2312 Devés seems unlikely and possibly results from a misreading of donéz
or donés.

2329 Friedwagner transcribes T as quen co en issoient and marks it with (!)

(his line 2367, p. 91), which is not needed, this being simply an
alternative graphic for qu’encoan i soient. The double s perhaps
reflects the tendency to double consonants, especially s, in Middle
French, rather than the Picard tendency toward confusion between
intervocalic s and ss (Gossen § 49) (see the discussion on consonants,
above).

2346 For the negative use of convient here and elsewhere in the text, see
Friedwagner’s note to his line 2384 (p. 245). Here it means “should
not” rather than “do not need to,” as in 3464.

2351 Although tel may represent a misreading because of the frequent

similarity between the two letters, I have corrected the hypometric
line by changing to telle rather than celle, as in VW.

2352 The repetition of veut rhyming with vuet likely represents a copying
error and so has been corrected here, with the spelling veut/seut to
correct the rhyme. This solution is not ideal, however, because the
latter spelling cannot be confirmed in the manuscript, although both
veut and vuet are common.

2353-54 T differs substantially from VW here, and it is possible that the latter
represents the better reading. I have, however, not corrected T
because it does appear to make sense.

2357, 2360 These represent additional uses of chevalier for the nominative
singular.

following 2372 Two lines appear here in V only, and Friedwagner (p. XXVI) gives
their absence (his lines 2411-12) as a possible example of a common
fault in TW. Gaston Paris, however, refutes this, finding the two lines
“inutiles” and V’s version farther from the orignal than the other two
(p. 308).

2382 Pentecost is a common day for the convening of an Arthurian court,

for example, in Yvain and Perceval.

2398 Friedwagner accepted T’s reading as the best here (his line 2438), and
it is the only one that contains the reciprocal pronoun.

560
2399 The form l’un represents a weakening of the case system.

2407 A form of ceus would be expected rather than cil.

2412 Friedwagner transcribed the end of this line as mon escourch, “on my
upper leg,” which, though it makes sense, might easily be the result
of a misreading of mon nes court, as in VW, which seems more likely.
This section is badly damaged and at present illegible.

2426 Another example of case confusion for the word chevalier, as well as
its adjective.

2435-36 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers these two lines, contained in TW but
not in V and omitted in Friedwagner’s edition (following his line
2474), as original. The expression A oés son oés seems to carry the
sense of a popular or proverbial expression.

2441 This apparent proverb does not appear in Morwaski’s list. The word
brotile seems to be a form of the word brocille, related also to broche
(2190, 2531).

2446 The word laïs is an adverb of place that can also refer to manner, so
that it probably means something like “in that respect” here.
Friedwagner, however, interpreted it as “Hässlichkeit.” See the note
to his line 2484.

2447 Decorated capital V.

2449 Decorated capital T (marked with [!] by Friedwagner, his line 2487
because of its unexpected placement).

2477 This has been corrected for the rhyme.

2483 Decorated capital VW.

2484 The B fragment begins with this line.

2491 The singular construction tant chemin, as in VW, is more common

than the plural, as here and B. See Friedwagner’s note to his line
2529.

2492 Livingston, in his edition of the Dit, notes that c’en est la fins is “a
favorite ‘cheville’ of Raoul’s” (p. 300, note 34 to line 63 of the Dit).

2498 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2536).

561
2532 Friedwagner (p. LXXIII, note 4) suggests that V’s Bacloche might be
identified with Bucklow, a former division of Cheshire, and Szkilnik
suggests Bulkeley, also in Cheshire (see her entry for Bacloche, p. 502).
Buckley (Welsh Bwcle) in Flintshire could also be a possibility (Old
English bok means meadow or field, and a castle was built near
Buckley in the thirteenth century), although neither Blancloce nor
Bacloche sounds convincingly like any of those names. Blancloce,
which in T rhymes with broche, sounds as if it could refer to a white
bell tower.

2538 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts. The main verb here is somewhat
problematic, for in T it could be the present tense of vivre or the past
of voir, while in V it comes from aller. Friedwagner had no hesitation
in accepting the latter as the best (see his discussion, his line 2576). I
see no reason for a correction, however.

2540 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2578).

2552 Because very little of the bottom half of 98a remains, it is difficult to
estimate on what line it might have ended.

2561 The word neïs (or nes) appears in this manuscript as either a one-
syllable or two-syllable word. (See lines 3194 and 3604.)

following 2570 The absence of two lines that appear at this point in the other
manuscripts, in which Laquis expresses the hope that Meraugis and
the Outredouté will cut each other’s heads off, is an example of how
T occasionally seems somewhat less violent in tone than the others.

2578 It is interesting to note that all four manuscripts here show the same
case confusion with the form of deables.

2589 Decorated capital V.

2592 It is possible that VWB represent the superior reading here;

nonetheless, I have chosen not to make a correction because T’s
reading, though rather choppy because of the lack of a connector,
certainly does make sense. T’s is also a somewhat “softer” reading
that emphasizes Lidoine’s gentleness of heart.

2593 Decorated capital T, decorated capital and miniature W. Space has

been left in B for a capital.

562
2594 Although les plumeoir seems to be written as two words, as earlier in
the manuscript, the lack of a final s in the oblique argues that this is
to be understood in the singular here.

2597 ff. The word roche (rochier in V) is somewhat problematic here because it
could mean either a high rock or a fortress built on one.
Friedwagner chose to consider it a fortress, and was apparently
confident enough of his choice not to see the need for a note
explaining it. Szkilnik, on the other hand, translates rochier as
promontoire (see note 83 to her line 2605, p. 237). Her reasons for this
are that Raoul normally uses chastel to designate a fortress and also
that the miniature in W shows what appears to be a round rock
rather than a castle. (See Keith Busby, “Mise en texte and Mise en
image,” p. 113, for the miniature.) These reasons, though compelling,
are not entirely conclusive because various elements in Raoul’s
description seem to raise the possibility that a building is envisaged.
(For example, Meraugis sees no huis ne fenestre ne degré, 2619). It is
obvious that something fantastic and scarcely imaginable is meant
because, for example, Meraugis from his vantage point would hardly
be able to see that the ladies are seated En un praiel sor un lorier (2607).

2616 T is the only manuscript that mentions a tor here instead of a roche.
This might lend some support to the idea that an edifice of some kind
rather than simply a promontory is intended, although of course the
word tor is ambiguous.

2619 The lack of Huis ne fenestre ne degré could be a further argument that
this is an edifice rather than a promontory.

2620 The direct object pronoun le, also contained in B (VW la), seems
simply to be the Picard feminine form, since it must refer back to tor
(or roche, in the other manuscripts).

2625 Decorated capital VW, preceded in W by a miniature.

2626 In order to rhyme with the line that has been supplied from V, T’s
oeus has been corrected to oés, which is, in fact, the usual spelling in
T.

2634 Quy is to be understood as cuy.

2655 Decorated capital V, with space left for one in B.

2663 T’s reading appears to imply that the young woman is declaring
herself to be the plumeors, which seems most unlikely. See
Friedwagner’s note to his line 2703, p. 246, on the form and original
meaning of the word esplumeor, and Gaston Paris’s discussion, p. 309.

563
2671 Friedwagner transcribes the direct object pronoun, which refers to
Gauvain, as li (meaning lui); however, it appears in the manuscript as
if le may have been intended. The form li would be unusual, but
might perhaps have been used for emphasis (cf. Moignet, p. 135).

2673-74 Friedwagner (p. XXVI) gives TW’s rhyme here (his lines 2713-14) as
an example of a common fault in the two manuscripts, a claim that
Gaston Paris (p. 308-9) refutes, affirming the -oer form of the first verb
to be the original: “Bien loin que TW aient une faute, ils ont seuls
conservé la bonne leçon” (309). I have not corrected T’s spelling juer.

2679 Decorated capital V.

2680 Friedwagner was uncertain whether T’s first word in this line was
Buer or Ruer, and it is no longer visible in the manuscript. In any
case, Gaston Paris (p. 311) considers Buer the correct reading, and it
has been accepted here.

2683 The beginning Quant ele has been corrected because VB seems more
likely than T’s reading. T would make sense only if ele referred to the
young woman, which would mean a sudden shift of speaker; this
seems unlikely given the second half of the line. Asisse has in this
case been corrected for the rhyme.

2684 Vois enprise has been corrected according to the other manuscripts
because it seems likely that the intended meaning is the same.
Friedwagner’s transcription cannot be confirmed from the
manuscript.

2685 Decorated capital T, which Friedwagner marks with a (!). There

seems no obvious reason for this odd placement because line 2699, a
more logical place where both V and W have placed an initial, comes
near the top of the column.

2694 Because very little of the bottom half of 99a remains, it is difficult to
estimate on what line it might have ended.

2699 Decorated capital VW.

2703-06 These lines were almost certainly omitted from T because of the
beginnings of lines 2703 and 2707, A unes letres d’or, and they have
been supplied from V. There are only minor differences in the other
manuscripts, as noted in the list of significant variants.

2712 Unusually, T is the only one of the four manuscripts that shows the
expected nominative singular form of chevaliers here.

564
2714 This is, once again, the language of the jeu-parti. Rémy points out
(see note 1365 above) that this example demonstrates a forced choice,
in this case between three alternatives.

2722 T’s reading makes sense here if se is understood to be omitted. Pour

coy could also be taken as a question.

2724 The fiction of an interlocutor seems to be maintained even in the

writing on the cross. These questions and answers have been marked
simply with dashes because they cannot reasonably be attributed to
any of the characters.

2726 The name has been corrected to la Voie Contre Raison, in agreement
with the other manuscripts, because it is elsewhere so named in T.
Che est (or Ch’en est, if a mark in the manuscript is taken to be a bar)
has been corrected to Ch’est.

2732 VWB’s reson is perhaps the better reading, but it has not been
corrected because nul droit certainly makes sense. It lends a moral
tone and greater danger to the choice, whereas reson could mean that
the road leads to a place where people behave merely unreasonably
rather than unjustly.

2741 Repairiéz represents a confusion of case.

2745 Decorated capital TVW, with space left for a capital in B.

2750 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2790).

2758 The two roads named in 2759 are to be understood as the subject of
the singular verb.

2762 Gaston Paris (p. 311) considers TB’s reading Ne ceste to be the original
one, as against VW’s Mes cele.

following 2766 Friedwagner added the two lines that follow in V only despite
considering that they were probably not original and that T was “am
deutlichsten” (his note 2804-6, p. 247). This passage seems to have
caused difficulty for the scribes because there are significant
differences in the variants.

2773 Decorated capital T. The Cité Sans Non appears in the Livre d’Artus
and the Vulgate Merlin Continuation (vols. 7 and 2 of The Vulgate
Version of the Arthurian Romances). The latter is of special interest here
because it states of a character called Guinebaut, “Car il fist puis

565
 torner le chastel & les karoles que meraugis trova puis a la cite sans
non” (246/13-14) (cited by West, French Arthurian Prose Romances, pp.
78 and 150).

2774 There is a reference to a Cité Perdue in the Second Continuation (see

West).

following 2774 The four lines that follow in all the manuscripts except T do not seem
essential and so have not been supplied here. Telling as they do of
how Meraugis later searched fruitlessly for the Cité Perdue, they
have the character of an explanation and so might represent a later
interpolation.

2778-79 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2824-25). See, however,
Friedwagner’s note (p. 247).

2787 The ferret and nets are presumably to be used in the hunting of
rabbits.

2798 This line was clearly problematic for the scribes, as is evident from
the various readings. However, once again, Gaston Paris believes
that T (with B, in this case) has the correct reading, falue, from faluer,
to deceive. W’s saluer would seem less than satisfactory here
(although Friedwagner does use that reading, his line 2844) because
it would not differ substantially in meaning from its rhyming word.
Szkilnik accepts V’s n’ellue (her line 2809), translating elluer as
s’esquiver, to skirt around. See also the review of Michelant’s edition
of Meraugis by Natalis de Wailly, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartres 30
(1869), p. 224.

2799-2800 These two lines, which are not found in T, seem necessary for the
sense, so I have supplied them from V. It is not obvious why there
would be a skip in the manuscript at this point.

2813 The verb could mean either “I am” (reassured) or “I follow.”

2819-20 The order of the lines in T does not seem to make sense, so the lines
have been reversed in accordance with the other manuscripts.

2821 The scribe has corrected to noise, perhaps indicating that he had
difficulty reading his source. The simplest solution has been to
correct to tumolte to rhyme with escolte.

2823-24 The apparent problems continue through here, and it seems possible
that the scribe either had difficulty reading his source or did not

566
 thoroughly understand it. A simple solution has been to reverse the
ending words of the two lines and follow V for line 24.

2825 Friedwagner (his line 2871) transcribed the next-to-last word in T

here as port; though it is difficult to tell for certain given the current
state of the manuscript, it appears to be porc, as in VB. In any case,
as Gaston Paris noted (p. 312), porc is the best reading, referring to a
hunt for boar. To correct the hypermetric line com has been
substituted for comme, both being well attested in the manuscript.

2833 This is another example of case confusion for the word chevalier.

2841 Szkilnik suggests (see the note to her line 2852, p. 253) that the caroles
danced here may be seen as a foreshadowing of those danced in the
enchanted castle (beginning with line 3616).

2844 Because very little of the bottom half of 100a remains, it is difficult to
estimate on what line it might have ended.

2847-48 T’s reading here is perhaps less subtle than those of the other
manuscripts, but it conveys essentially the same meaning. Given the
variants for line 2847, it seems to have caused problems for the
scribes.

2849 Decorated capital TVW.

2859-60 The order of these lines has been changed to conform to the other
manuscripts; although the two lines themselves work perfectly well
in T, it is better that 2860 end with joï because of the beginning of the
next line.

2864 The name Meliadus (Melyadus, etc.), is a common one in the prose
romances, and a Meliadus also appears in the Gerbert de Montreuil
Continuation (see West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce).

2869 Decorated capital V.

2870-71 Li peuples here takes both a singular and a plural verb.

2887 The reference to la nef when no boat has been mentioned before is
reminiscent of the examples of notes 137 and 1655, above. This vessel
seems to be a small ship that functions as a ferryboat.

2894 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2940).

567
2902 According to Friedwagner, sus was added as a correction to the
manuscript.

2909 Decorated capital TW, with space for a capital left in B.

2925 This line is problematic in T because of the adjective lie and the
pronoun il, which make it appear that the subject is masculine when
it seems as if it must be the ladies, as is the case in the other
manuscripts. Simply adding an s to lies would create a hypermetric
line, so the subject pronoun has been removed, as in B.

2929 This is a rare example in T of the form tuit. Clearly visible in the
manuscript, it is apparently spelled this way because of the rhyme.
(See the discussion of tuit in the morphology section, above.)

2935 Decorated capital VW.

2937 Another apparent example of case confusion for the word chevalier.

2948 Although T’s reading does make sense, it most probably results from
a misreading of l for s and so has been corrected.

2961-62 Friedwagner believed that T had the original reading here and used
it for his edition. (See his note 3007-8.) This passage seems to have
caused difficulty for the scribes because of the considerable variation
in readings.

2971 Although perhaps less satisfactory than VWB, T’s reading does work
well enough through the simple correction of the hypermetric line.

2985 Friedwagner transcribed tels joste, which could simply be an error,

although tele (+1), as in W, would be expected from this scribe. The
reading cannot be confirmed from the manuscript.

2992 ff. Friedwagner (his note 3038, p. 248) compares this notion of
concentration of all the senses into one to the expression “Ich bin
ganz Ohr,” English “I’m all ears.”

2993 Dont has been omitted to correct the hypermetric line.

3001 Another example of apparent case confusion for the word chevalier.

3009 Li hiaumez is another example of case confusion.

3022-23 T’s reading, rather more esoteric than that of the other manuscripts,
certainly makes sense, and could therefore perhaps be the more
difficult reading.

568
3026 ff. Although there is essential agreement among the manuscripts here,
Friedwagner believed that the passage might have originally read
differently. See his discussion in the note to his line 3072 ff., p. 248.

3029 Decorated capital TVW.

3031 ff. The waxing and waning of Gauvain’s physical strength according to
the cycle of the sun is a common one in Arthurian literature. See, for
example, Frappier’s Amour courtois et Table Ronde (p. 166), for
Gauvain’s “privilège merveilleux” in the First Continuation, where the
motif first appears.

3048-49 Miniature and decorated capital in W.

3052 ff. It is Gauvain’s custom always to reveal his name when asked but not
to do so without being asked. Cf., for example, Le Conte du Graal:
Sire, Gauvains sui apelez, / Onques mes nons ne fu celez / An leu ou il me
fust requis / N’onques ancores ne le dis / S’ainçois demandez ne me fu
(5521-25), and similar lines in the short version of the First
Continuation (2654 ff., vol. 3). This motif appears twice in the
Vengeance Raguidel (see Roussineau’s note to his lines 1931-32, p. 367,
and 2714-6, pp. 374-75).

3054 Cf. Erec, Erec m’apelent li Breton (652). V’s reading, Einsi m’apelent li
Breton is even closer.

3068 The reference to a supposed amie of Gauvain’s, unexplained in the

text, is perhaps surprising. Busby, in Gauvain in Old French Literature,
(p. 266), suggests that this might be the Pucelle de Lis from the First
Continuation.

3075 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 3121). Friedwagner chooses V’s
la navie over TWB’s m’amie (see his note p. 248), believing that the
latter three shared an error. Although there is no reason to think
there is a common error here, one argument against TWB is that
Meraugis seems to forget about his lady once the plan is put into
effect, which seems less likely if he can see her clearly at this point.

3081-82 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 3127-28). This line contains
another example of apparent case confusion with chevalier.

3084 ff. The episode on the Isle Sans Non (not named as such until much later
in this text, 5058) is related to the “Joy of the Court” episode in Erec.
For the latter, also discussed in the introduction above, see for

569
 example Nitze’s “Erec and the Joy of the Court”; Dembowski’s
introduction to Erec, especially p. 1056-57 and note 1 to p. 134, p.
1104; and Philipot’s “Un Épisode d’Érec et Énide.” See also Busby,
Gauvain in Old French Literature (pp. 266-67), for the recurring motif of
Gauvain’s imprisonment by ladies.

3092 As Szkilnik points out (see her note 95, p. 269), en decors can imply
decline, as in the waning of a celestial body, so that it could mean
that it was the beginning of the end for the couple in question. I
think, however, that in this case it simply means something more like
“in due course” and have translated accordingly.

3107 Nul chevalier represents a confusion of case.

3132 The final verb has been corrected for the rhyme, although it would
also have been possible to change chi in the previous line to chis.

3165 Decorated capital V, with space for one in B.

3168 Veul has been corrected to vuel because of the rhyme.

3171 Friedwagner transcribed the beginning of the line as Hai je instead of

N’ai je, as in VWB, but that is difficult to confirm in the manuscript. It
is possible that the H could be intended as the exclamation He, alas,
or it might be the result of a simple copying error. Oïl has not been
punctuated as a separate utterance here because it seems to me
unlikely coming from Meraugis, even though it does appear that way
in Friedwagner’s edition (his line 3217) and in Szkilnik’s (her line
3182).

3184 ff. The incident in which Meraugis dons women’s clothing has been the
object of critical attention. See, for example, Keith Busby’s “‘Plus
acesmez qu’une popine’: Male Cross-Dressing in Medieval French
Narrative,” in Gender Transgressions: Crossing the Normative Barrier in
Old French Literature, edited by Karen J. Taylor (New York: Garland,
1998); as well as Kristin L. Burr, “Defining the Courtly Lady: Gender
Transgression and Transvestism in Meraugis de Portlesguez,”
Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian Society / Bulletin
Bibliographique de la Société Internationale Arthurienne 53 (2001): 378-92.
As Busby points out, here and elsewhere (see also Gauvain in Old
French Literature, p. 267, cited in the introduction above), the hero’s
highly unusual solution to a difficult problem shows his cleverness in
comparison to the apparent helplessness of the traditional courtly
hero Gauvain. The incident does, of course, contain an element of
humor that points to a change of tone in this part of the romance. It
is also part of the important theme of prudent concealment and
disguise that runs throughout the text.

570
3195 The simplest way to correct the hypermetric line was to add mon, in
accordance with V.

3197 Decorated capital T.

3216 The repetition of ice seems likely to be an error, and so I have

corrected the second one to Yssy in conformity with the other
manuscripts and using T’s most frequent spelling.

3223 Decorated capital VW, with space left for one in B.

3237-38 The passage does not seem to make sense with the order of these two
lines as T has them, so I have reversed them to agree with the other
manuscripts. It would also make sense to place dashes around Jë ai
assés dielz oïz faire and add Et to the beginning.

3243 See note 908 regarding the probable two Amices.

3256 Friedwagner transcribed the beginning of this line as E rather than

Et, so I have translated it as the exclamation He (which also agrees
with W) rather than a conjunction. The reading is difficult to confirm
in the manuscript.

3259 Decorated capital TW.

3272 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 3318).

3279 Intial TVW, with space left for one in B.

3285 Another example of case confusion with chevaliers.

3287 The second scribe, who transcribed lines 776-1567, takes up work
again here.

3294 The form acesmé presents a confusion of case.

3308 This line seems to have caused difficulty for the scribes, given the
variety of readings, but the meaning seems clear enough, soi quart
being a common expression. See Friedwagner’s note 3354, p. 249.

3312 T’s toute ly aiz, which is clearly not satisfactory, may represent a
hesitation over gender. Although the word aiz or es was usually
masculine, it appears to be feminine in at least some of the
manuscripts of Meraugis, and that is how it is treated by both Szkilnik
and Friedwagner (see the note to his line 3358). To treat the word as

571
 masculine here would create a hypometric line, and so I have
followed the lead of the other two editors.

3314 It is difficult to tell from the manuscript whether the penultimate

word is marchiet or marchier, and either word makes sense in the
context. Friedwagner transcribed it as the former (though he
believed marchier was the original and correct reading), whereas
Szkilnik transcribes it as marchier. The latter would mean something
like “Those who heard his presence through his footsteps.”

3315 It is possible that T’s se perchurent represents a misreading of

s’aperchurent, but the reading is satisfactory either way. It is not clear
whether Se is intended reflexively or with the meaning of si, which is
written sy in the same line.

3318 Godefroy cites this line in his entry for porfil, defining it as bordure
(vol. 6, p. 290).

3322 The word frain is not attested elsewhere (and not in W) with a
meaning other than as equipment for a horse; it is, therefore, difficult
to be certain exactly what item of clothing is meant. Friedwagner
translated it as Gürtel (his glossary entry, p. 276) and Szkilnik as pan
du vêtement, ceinture (?) (see her note 100, p. 283, and her glossary
entry, p. 519).

3329 ff. Another example in this text of gaining the loyalty of others through
largesse, reminiscent of the Roman des Eles.

3331 Donne has been corrected because of the rhyme.

3332 This line seems to have caused difficulty for the scribe. Friedwagner
noted that part of the line was auf Rasur, although this is not easy to
confirm by looking at the manuscript. Though close to T and without
a problem of meter, B does not provide a satisfactory solution, so the
simplest way to correct the problem was to follow VW.

3333 Rienz is capitalized in the manuscript here, as elsewhere (1549).

3345 I have corrected this line in acordance with the other manuscripts as
the easiest way to fix the meter; however, T’s derriere la tor seems in
some ways the better reading because the instruction is, in fact, to
move behind the tower.

3348 The two additional lines contained here in B offer an apparent

explanation of this hyperbole, but they may well be be a later
interpolation.

572
3354 Colz instead of cors perhaps results from a misreading of r for l, but it
does make sense and has been corrected only because of the rhyme.

3357 Decorated capital TV.

3359 Part of the line (lez dames) seems to have been added above it as a
correction. Only the beginning of the line is visible.

3363 See Szkilnik’s note 102, p. 285, regardng V’s reading l’autre mer,
which, because of the identification of Handitou with Haddington in
East Lothian (near Edinburgh), she identifies with the opposite bank
of the Firth of Forth. She believes that the scribes may have corrected
haut mer to basse mer, realizing that the former did not make sense in
the context. Although this is an interesting and plausible argument,
basse mer, shallow waters, seems to me a satisfactory reading, and I
have not corrected it.

3371 The scribe appears to have understood the name as Handiton rather
than Handitou, as witness the rhyme at 3375-76 and 5103-04, and so
that has been used here and elsewhere, including the translation,
even though Friedwagner sometimes transcribes Handitou. There is,
in any case, no way to tell which one is meant, even when the
manuscript is clear, except when the name is used in a rhyme since
the two letters are easily confused. This form of the name is, of
course, the most similar to Haddington of any found in the three
manuscripts (see note 3363).

3372 A character named Gladoain (various spellings elsewhere) appears in

the Second Continuation (vol. 4, 29,040) in a list of knights who go in
search of Perceval. Others in the list include Quinables, Taulas,
Amaugins, Guivrez le Petit, Espinobles (var. Espinogres), Le Laiz
Hardiz, and Agravain (see line notes 839, 286, 2197, 1747, 3779, 1756,
and 5133 as well as the Index of Proper Names for these characters).
As Szkilnik points out (her note 104, pp. 287-289), this is a substantial
number of the characters from Meraugis, and it may well suggest that
Raoul knew this text. A character of this name also appears in
Rigomer and Perlesvaus, and a Gladovainz in Escanor (see West, Flutre,
and Christopher Bruce for additional details).

3375 See note 3371.

3387 The oblique les chevalier here is an unusual confusion of case.

3393 Decorated capital TW.

3396 Gaston Paris (312) believes T’s je n’en ay mie to have been altered by
the V and W scribes.

573
3396-3400 ff. These lines clearly posed problems for the scribes, as indicated by the
wide differences in the variants. Although the order in T is perhaps
not entirely satisfactory (for example, Oïl in 3398 does not seem to be
a logical answer to the previous question), perhaps indicating a
problem with the source, it does work reasonably well.

3398 To correct the hypermetric line, the simplest solution was to remove
the indirect object pronoun me, though this is not entirely
satisfactory.

3399-3400 These two lines are in all the other manuscripts. Although T’s
reading makes sense without them, their absence is likely due to a
saut because of the two oïl’s and repetition of par tant, and so they
have been supplied.

3410 Here as in several other places, rienz is apparently treated as

masculine, though there is no evidence of that except the ending. I
have here corrected to rien for the rhyme.

3411 Gaston Paris (p. 313) believes that this line contains a common error
in all three manuscripts, the verb peüst having been changed in
various ways. In order to correct the hypometric line, I have altered
the verb to peuïst, a form used elsewhere in T.

3413 The difference in the readings of TB, meaning “who cries out”
(referring to Meraugis) and VW, “whoever may laugh,” is an
important one, affecting the audience’s understanding of the extent
to which Meraugis is to be seen as a figure of fun here.

3434 The manuscripts differ substantially here. To correct the hypometric

line, I have followed Friedwagner’s example (his line 3480) by adding
ce, which was the simplest solution.

3439 As elsewhere, ele has been removed to correct the hypermetric line.

3456 It is evident from the rhyme that conselles is the subjunctive rather
than the imperative.

3464 In other words, Meraugis does not need to be present because

Gauvain will defend Meraugis’s interests as if they were his own.
(See note 2346 above.)

3468 The form vueie seems to be an example of enclisis between the verb
and following pronoun (see the section on morphology, above, for
other examples in the text).

574
3470 Both movray and moveray are attested in the manuscript, so the former
has been used to correct the meter.

3476 Friedwagner noted the following: “In T folgt hierauf eine leere,
radierte Zeile, doch fehlt nichts” (note to his line 3522, p. 137). Some
parts of this erased line are visible but not enough to be legible.

3480 See note 3470.

3483 Decorated capital TV, with space for one left in B.

3499-3500 Friedwagner declared these lines to be “eine nichtssagende

Wiederholung und kaum ursprünglich” (note to his lines 3545-46, p.
250) even though they appear in TVW. Rather than omit them
entirely, however, he placed them in brackets.

3501 Decorated capital VWB.

3505-06 The verb ciert is probably from querre, or perhaps from cherchier, or it
could possibly be c’iert, the past tense of estre. The verb in the next
line is probably not from cherchier, but rather cerchier, meaning to go
all around.

3515 Decorated capital T.

3519 The third person plural form of the verb does not make sense here, so
it has been corrected to T’s most common spelling of the future
second person plural.

3521 ff. Although this passage is not a dialogue, it is similar to others in the
text in which the authorial voice speaks to a supposed interlocutor
(see the introduction, above, for additional examples). Like the
previous editors, I have included dashes to show the movement of
thought, though of course the placement of these is subject to
interpretation. This passage is a rather difficult one that obviously
proved problematic for the scribes, as can be seen by the varieties of
readings and substantial number of corrections needed. The
difficulty here is increased by the fact that much of the passage is no
longer legible and Friedwagner’s transcription cannot be confirmed.

3526 This is a problem line which Friedwagner described as “verdorben”

(note to his line 3572, p. 129). He transcribed the beginning of the
line as Car ny or possibly “Parvy für Parviz” (as in line 3534, his 3580).
Being unable to confirm either reading, I have accepted the latter
suggestion, although this solution has required further correction.

575
3535-36 T’s reading does appear to make sense here, and the problems with
meter indicate that the scribe perhaps had difficulties with his source.
There being no obvious way to correct the meter, and given the
essential agreement among the other manuscripts, V has been used
for the necessary corrections.

3544 Friedwagner noted (line 3590, p. 140) a hole in the manuscript that
made part of the last word illegible; V has been used to supply the
reading as is seems the most likely possibility.

3548 Friedwagner did not believe that bone here had the meaning of borne
and translated the line as “Durch das ungestüme Laufen lässt der
Schmerz nach” (see his note 3594, p. 251).

3549 Decorated capital W.

3552 ff. This passage is, as Friedwagner points out, “eine starke Anakoluthia”
(note to his line 3598, p. 251). He considers ly avint to be a copying
error for il avint, but the former is acceptable and has not been
corrected here. On the other hand, if 3552 ended with il vint, or even
il avint, as in V, the syntax would be considerably simplified and the
meaning more immediately obvious.

3554 Maret d’Ezgardeïz does not seem to be readily identifiable.

Friedwagner (p. LXXXVI) suggests identification with a character
named Hector des Mares who appears in a number of verse and
prose texts, but the names are not similar enough to warrant
confidence. Maret seems to be the oblique form of the name
(although the nominative would be expected here), but it is
apparently used interchangeably with the nominative Marés or
Maréz. This line was left blank in W, which suggests, as Friedwagner
notes, that the scribe probably found his source illegible or
incomprehensible (note to his line 3600, p. 140).

3572 This proverbial expression, which apparently comes from the

stonecutting trade, appears in a prologue to a lost work edited by
Paul Meyer, “Prologue en vers français d’une histoire perdue de
Philippe-Auguste,” Romania 6 (1877): 494-98, in which the composer
speaks of his task: “. . . vaille que vaille, / Ausi com par ci le me taille, /
M’en irai outré par la letre / Sans riens oster et sans riens metre (95-98, p.
498). Gaston Paris gives a number of additional examples in
Romania 18 (1889): 288-89, stating that the expression means to cut
the stone perfectly straight, in accordance with the line traced by the
master mason. (See Szkilnik’s note 109, p. 299, and Friedwagner’s
note 3618, p. 251, both of which cite Meyer and Gaston Paris.)

576
3589-92 These four lines were skipped because of the two lines beginning
Maréz respont. V has been used to supply them, with alterations to
make them more in accordance with T’s usual spellings.

3593-94 The repetition in the second line, which creates a hypermetric line, is
most likely due to a copying error, as is nous for vous in 3593. The
spelling velz has been used for the rhyme, although it is not attested
elsewhere in T except with the meaning “old” (3723).

3599 Gaston Paris (p. 313) believes that this line contains a common error
in all three manuscripts, tels (teus) having been changed to celes or
ciaus independently by the scribes and producing a hypermetric line.
This line has been corrected according to his suggestion. To correct
the meter, Friedwagner eliminates the pronoun nos (his line 3645),
contained in all three manuscripts.

3604 Because nez is one syllable here instead of two (see note 2561),
Friedwagner marked the line hypometric (his note 3650, p. 142). The
meter could have been corrected by substituting the two-syllabled
form, but that is not necessary if ci ert (as in ci est in line 920, for
example) is understood instead of c’iert, ert being frequent in T for
both future and preterit forms.

3614 The first three words were skipped in the manuscript because of the
repetition of words.

3615 For a discussion of the castle of carols, especially its relationship to

Celtic and other folkloric material, see Alexander Haggerty Krappe,
“Über Die Episode Des Château Des Caroles Im Méraugis De
Portlesguez,” Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 57 (1933):
156-162. J. D. Bruce is, however, generally sceptical with regard to
Celtic influences here and elsewhere in Meraugis (vol. 2, pp. 297-98).
See Szkilnik (p. 203, note 111 to her lines 3653-3664) for resemblances
between this passage and the Prose Lancelot, vol. 4, pp. 234-35.

3628 For a general description of the carole in thirteenth-century France,

see Robert Mullally, “Cançon de Carole,” Acta Musicologica 58 (1986):
224-31, with reference to Meraugis p. 226, note 118.

3641 Lanpadys has been altered to Lampadaiz, as in 4516, for the rhyme.

3649 The simplest way to correct the meter was by changing the verb to
V’s estoit, although B’s Orendroit could also have been substituted for
Orainz.

577
3654 To correct the meter, the one-syllabled form nez was changed to the
two-syllabled form, which is attested elsewhere in the manuscript
(2561).

3655 Decorated capital VW, with W being preceded by a miniature.

3675 The form movera has been changed to movra, which appears
elsewhere in the text, in order to correct the meter.

3676 The form instra, which appears elsewhere in the manuscipt, has been
substituted for istera as the simplest means of correcting the meter.

3693 Decorated capital T. Movra has been substituted here as in line 3675.

3696 Friedwagner transcribed the verb here as feroiie (his note 3742) rather
than feraiie (i.e., ferai je), but the latter seems clear in the manuscript.
This is an apparent exception to the spelling of the attached first
person subject pronoun as ge rather than je (see the discussion of
enclisis between verb and following pronoun in the introduction, as
well as Roussineau, p. 94, no. 21), and it has not been attached in this
edition.

3699 Decorated capital W, with space left for one in B.

3711 Decorated capital V.

3715 Blechiz or Belchis seems not to have appeared in French medieval

Arthurian texts before this one. A character called Belchis li rois
appears in the Livre d’Artus, and Sommer suggests the name is an
error for Belchis li Lois (see West, p. 34). The epithet li Lois could
mean either one who squints or one who is cross-eyed; it has been
taken here to mean the former. The spelling is usually li Lais,
although in this case the more usual spelling is used, probably
because of the rhyme.

3723 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading superior to V’s, which
Friedwagner adopts (his line 3769, note p. 252). He suggests the
graphic anscais et vieuz. (See line note 3820 and also Friedwagner’s
note to his line 3872, p. 252.)

3729 Friedwagner’s gloss of T’s reading Calion as Chester seems much less
likely than Cavalon or Escavalon, as found in the other manuscripts.
Indeed, Flutre lists Calion as a variant of Cavalon, although it is worth
noting that West, who does not list Calion, does have Callion as a
variant of Carlion. The spelling has not been corrected, but the name
has here been interpreted as Cavalon.

578
3733 Decorated capital W, with space left for one in TB.

3735 The first section of B breaks off here.

3757-58 To correct the rhyme here, the forms soens and boens have been used.
They are attested elsewhere in the manuscript (3863-64), although in
a section transcribed by the other scribe.

3779 The name Espinogres appears in various medieval French Arthurian

verse and prose romances, including the Manessier Continuation,
l’Âtre périlleux, Escanor, and the Prose Tristan, although the name does
not always appear to refer to the same character. (See West, Flutre,
and Christopher Bruce for further details on the characters with this
name.)

3782 Meliant de Lis, spelled in various ways, is a character that appears in

a large number Old French Arthurian romances, both verse and
prose. In the Vengeance Raguidel, he is associated with the lady of
Landesmores (see Roussineau’s edition, 3176 ff., pp. 238-39, and
Friedwagner’s 3187 ff., and 3191, p. 91). He is named as a knight of
King Arthur’s court in Erec and, significantly for this discussion, in
Perceval, where he is unhorsed in a tournament by Gauvain, who is
fighting on behalf of the Pucele as Manches Petites, whose older
sister has slapped her for comparing Gauvain favorably to Meliant
(4983 ff.). They can thus be presumed to be old adversaries at the
time of Meraugis. (See Szkilnik’s notes 115, pp. 311-13, and 5524, p.
419, and note 5499 below.) He also appears in Le Bel Inconnu,
Rigomer, Durmart, Claris and Laris, Perlesvaus, and a number of others,
and in some manuscripts of the First Continuation he is killed by
Gauvain. (See Flutre, West, and Christopher Bruce for further
information and examples.) Friedwagner transcribes the name here
as Meliaux, and it often appears in the manuscript as Meliaus. The
graphics n and u are, of course, very similar.

following 3788 It is quite possible that the six lines that appear here in VW (3835-40
in Friedwagner’s edition, 3794-99 in Szkilnik’s) but not in T were left
out by mistake. A partial explanation might be the line endings
pleroit and pleisoit, although that would not explain the omission of
the last of the six lines. A case could be made either way, but the
passage as it stands works reasonably well. The omission lends a
slightly different tone to Lidoine’s speech because she says nothing at
this point about Espinogres, making the deception she practices
somewhat less elaborate than in the other manuscripts.

3801 Decorated capital TV.

579
3806 The simplest and least intrusive way to correct the meter in this line
was to add jor, even though it does not appear here in any of the
manuscripts. Alternatively, this and the previous line could have
been altered to agree with V, the only one of the manuscripts that
does not contain meter problems.

3813 Friedwagner notes (his line 3865, p, 151) that sera was corrected to
feray by a later hand despite the rhyme.

3815 Decorated capital TVW.

3820 See Friedwagner’s note to his line 3872 (p. 252) for a discussion of
various possible meanings of l’Aucaiz. I take it to be a synonym for li
Lais and so have capitalized it as a nickname. Szkilnik translates this
as “Bergis et son regard torve” (p. 315, translation to her line 3831).

3823 It is possible that the repetition of Diex in this line is due to a error,
but the lines work reasonably well as they stand.

3825 The first scribe resumes work with this line.

3833 The form Gorvainz where the oblique would be expected is an unual
confusion of case, probably brought about by its proximity with
Cadruz. The latter is, in fact, the same in both oblique and nominative,
as evidenced by the rhyme with druz, which is attested in all three
manuscripts.

3835 Decorated capital TV.

3847-48 The subjunctive rather than imperative would normally be expected

here. See Friedwagner’s note to his line 3899, p. 252.

3850 ff. Helaine Newstead places Lidoine in the tradition of the “besieged
lady,” which she relates to various Celtic motifs and patterns,
although Lidoine’s situation is dissimilar to the more obvious
examples such as Blanchefleur; see “The Besieged Ladies in
Arthurian Romance,” PMLA 63, no. 3 (1948): 803-30.

3852 The title “de Pantelion” is given to a character in the First

Continuation; Pantelions is also a saint mentioned in La Mule sans frein
(see West and Flutre).

3863-64 See note 3757 above.

3867 Decorated capital TW.

580
3868 Anchisé (Anchisés) is not a common name in the romances, although
a character of that name appears in the Prose Tristan (see West).

3881 Another example of the suppression of the indirect object pronoun.

(See note 1169 above.) The readings of V and W, which mention mon
tresor, are perhaps more likely here since the seneschal is in charge of
Lidoine’s treasury. Nonetheless the line makes sense as it stands, the
implication that the seneschal made a gift of the ring to Lidoine,
underlining his devotion to her.

3891 In order to correct the hypermetric line, the least intrusive solution
here is to change the scribe’s preferred form ele to el.

3905 Decorated capital W.

3928 See note 5108. VW’s reading honi is perhaps more likely than trahi,
but the reading has not been amended.

3932 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading lor here superior to V’s
li, which Friedwagner adopts (his line 3984).

3942 This error in case is most likely the result of the similarity between f
and s.

3970 Another example of l being taken for s.

3972 ff. Cf. the Roman des Eles: …quoi que nus die, / N’afiert pas a chevalerie / Que
chevaliers por sa proesce / Doie en despit avoir larguesce, / Quar par proece,
a droit conte, / Ne puet nus en haut pris monter / S’en la proece n’a deus
eles (135-41). As in the editions of Friedwagner (4024 ff.) and Szkilnik
(3983 ff.), the abstractions in this passage have not been capitalized,
although it would not be unreasonable to do so. For example,
Thorpe capitalizes the various abstractions of the Dit in his edition of
the work, while Livingston does not. (See also Busby’s introduction
to the Roman des Eles, p. 19.)

3987 Decorated capital VW.

3989 Decorated capital T.

4021 Friedwagner (his line 4073, p. 158) adds a capital here, although there
is none in any of the manuscripts, because “verlangt der Sinn eine
solche.”

4030 Szkilnik transcribes the amount here as nul marcs (and apparently
reads it as such in both V and W since there is no variant listed in her
edition), whereas Friedwagner interpreted all three readings as mil

581
 marcs. This part of the line is no longer visible in T. Regardless, the
amount described is an enormous sum.

4034 It is sometimes difficult to be certain whether some form of aguet,

ambush, or gué, ford, is meant, and that is the case both here and in
line 4047. Although it is clear that an ambush is being described, the
reference to open fields in 4039, as well as the reading el bois trenchié
(“in the wood” rather than “near a wood”), makes V slightly
problematic, and so the second meaning has been accepted here, the
idea perhaps being that Blechis’s men hide in the enclosed wood and
come out of it to attack. In 4047, au gués has been understood as “at
the watch.” See Friedwagner’s note to his line 4086 (p. 253) regarding
his choice of V here, and also Szkilnik’s note 48, p. 161.

4035-36 The adjective represents an error of case, which was, however,

presumably made because of the past participle in the previous line.
Friedwagner has corrected the case against the manuscripts (see his
notes 4087 and 4088-89, p. 253).

4042 Tout premier represents a confusion of case as well as creating a

problem of rhyme.

4047 See note 4034.

4053 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considered T’s gerpis preferable to VW’s partiz.

4059 Decorated capital T.

4082 Because of the variety of readings in the manuscripts, it seems

apparent that the verb caused problems for the scribes. It is possible
that T’s reading conversera is intended as a form of consuivre. In any
case, however, the line must be altered in order correct the meter,
and V’s reading seems the best of the three.

4114 Friedwagner (p. LXXIII) suggests possible identification of

Campadoine with Campden near Cheltenham in Gloucestershire, and
the variant Tempadoine in V as Templeton in Devon; he does not,
however, make a suggestion for T’s Rapadone (variant spellings listed
in the Index of Proper Names, below). It is perhaps possible that it
refers to one of several English towns containing the name Ramsden
(such as Ramsden, Chipping Norton, in Oxfordshire, or Ramsden
Heath in Essex) or perhaps Roehampton, in Wandsworth, Greater
London.

4117 Friedwagner (p. LXXIV) suggests that Hardentin might be

Hardington in Somerset, some twenty miles from Bristol. It is
approximately 75 miles from Ramsden, Chipping Norton, 110 miles

582
 from Roehamptom, and 80 from Chipping Campden (see the
previous note).

4118 As Friedwagner notes (his line 4170), Ly chastiax in question here has
not yet been mentioned, and it cannot refer to Rapadone.

4135 Gaston Paris (p. 314) believes that this line contains in all three
manuscripts a common error, deffendirent, arrived at independently
by the scribes. Friedwagner substitutes an older form, desfendierent
(which Paris describes as “tombée en désuétude”), for the sake of the
rhyme (Friedwagner’s line 4187).

4150 The hoarding was a wooden construction placed on the ramparts of a

castle, often during a siege.

4155 Friedwagner (his line 4207) transcribed T’s reading son cors rather
than lors cors as in V. This could easily be the result of a copying
error; however, the manuscript is not entirely clear, and it is appears
that the scribe may have made a correction here. It is also possible
that hors, which is very clear in the manuscript, was added at the end
to go into the following line. Such a reading would make sense while
correcting the meter of both lines, but it would result in an unlikely
repetition so has been corrected here.

4156 In order to avoid altering the verb, et has been added, as in V’s
reading, to correct the meter. (See note 4155.)

4161 Decorated capital TW.

4163 See notes 4114 and 4117.

4164 According to Szkilnik (p. 506), Françoise Vieillard identifies the river
Autetone / Autecoine with the river Tone, which flows through
Taunton, capital of Somerset. Taunton is approximately 50 miles
from Hardington. It is also perhaps possible that it simply refers to
one of several Avon rivers (the name being derived from Old
Brythonic abona, river, and also a cognate of Welsh afon), which
would make it very difficult to localize.

4172 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading (especially T’s, which
differs slightly from W’s) superior to V’s, which Friedwagner adopts
(his line 4224).

4184 Although destre / autre is technically an acceptable rhyme, the order

found in VW, which produces a much better rhyme, is most probably
the author’s.

583
4193 This is probably another example of si being misread as li.

following 4196 The eight lines that appear here in VW but not in T have not been
included because the passage makes sense and reads smoothly
without them. It is, however, not unlikely that they were excluded
due to a copying error if T’s source read similarly to W’s, including
the line Onques son frain n’osa hoster. In that case a saut would have
occurred because the word Onques appeared twice eight lines apart.

4197 Friedwagner describes Monhaut as a heavily fortified castle on the

coast of Scotland, but it has also been identified with Minehead in
Somerset (see Szkilnik, p. 510).

4204 The difference between T’s reading, mer de coste, and VW’s mer
d’Escoce, clearly identifying it as Scottish, is a significant one because
the possibility that some of Blechis’s lands are in Scotland affects
certain assumptions about the geography of Meraugis (see notes 130
and 909, as well as Friedwagner’s disussion of place names in the
text, pp. LXXIII-LXXIV). Line 4207, in fact, could equally imply that
Monhaut is in England.

4212 Friedwager describes the topography of Monhaut as “sonderbar”

(note to his line 4272, p. 254).

4215 Decorated capital TV.

4227-29 Friedwagner (notes to his lines 4287 and 4288-89, p. 254) notes the
superiority of T here.

4231 The rhyme asseour / voir, as transcribed by Friedwagner (his line 4291,
p. 166), is most likely due simply to the inclusion of an extra stroke
rather than an indication of phonological equivalence, so it has been
corrected.

4241 Decorated capital TVW.

4251-52 Friedwagner (his line 4311) transcribes le sorent rather than les orent
(the manuscript is not entirely clear here), but les rather than le must
be inferred because of the past participle. Fraisner seems here to have
the meaning of “ready” or “under control.”

4258 Félix Lecoy, in “Ancien français a la forclose,” Romania 68 (1944): 157-

68, defines cembel as a military manoeuvre that complements the
forclose (see note 5557 below): “Par le cembel ou ‘fausse attaque, feinte
destinée à exciter l’adversaire et à lui faire quitter sa position’ on
attirait l’ennemi; par la forclose, on prenait à revers l’imprudent qui
s’était trop avancé.” (p. 168). It is possible that that is what is meant

584
 here, although the context seems to indicate a simple series of attacks.

4267 Although T’s gens makes perfect sense, it is most likely a copying
error because of the occurrence of the word in the next line, so I have
corrected to the more likely VW.

4269 Decorated capital W.

4271 Decorated capital T.

4273 Decorated capital V.

4273-74 An instance of the author’s recourse to the truthful authority of his

matere and an allusion to his role as redactor, or romancer, rather
than creator. See in this regard Friedwagner’s note 4333-34 (p. 254)
and Keith Busby’s “Chrétien de Troyes and Raoul de Houdenc:
Romancing the Conte.”

4281-82 An apparent problem with the rhyme has been left uncorrected. See
Friedwagner’s note 4342. The scribe’s use of the inflected form
chascuns, a form no longer current in the early 15th century, shows
probable care in following his model.

4295 ff. The placement of dashes in the passage where Meraugis discusses
with himself the apparent contradictions before him is to a large
extent arbitrary and could be done any number of ways.

4301 See Friedwagner’s note 4361 (p. 254) regarding the cry oci, and also
the general role of the nightingale in medieval poetry. As Szkilnik
points out (pp. 22-23 and note 127, pp. 345-47), this is probably an
evocation of Chrétien’s Philomena (Anne Berthelot, ed., in Chrétien de
Troyes: Œuvres complètes, edited under the direction of Daniel Poirion,
Bibliothèque de la Pléiade [Paris: Gallimard, 1994], 1477). The usage
in that text is very different, however, because there the cry of the
nightingale is described as a call for revenge. As Berthelot states,
“avec un peu d’imagination, on peut admettre que le rossignol invite
en effect au meurtre, mais il est curieux de voir un oiseau dont le
chant est renommé réduit ici à deux notes!” She notes also that the
nightingale is the symbol of love and fidelity, which is of course
perfectly appropriate to the thematic context of Meraugis. Cf. 4367-
68, Li roissinouls / Me disoit voir.

4315 This solution, also adopted by Friedwagner, though with corrected

spelling (his line 4375), is the simplest way to correct the meter.
Gaston Paris (p. 315) suggests W’s reading Les nois ont ci esté in the
previous line, with this one amended as Jehui, que par tot jes i vi. I

585
 have not followed this suggestion because it would depart
substantially from T, which seems to me reasonably satisfactory.

4324 The form peuïst, the most common spelling of the impefect
subjunctive in T, has been used to correct the meter.

4335 Decorated capital V.

4361 ff. Crosses were traditionally decorated with boxwood for Palm
Sunday. See A. Delboulle, “Boissié, bouyssé, boissé,” in Romania 22
(1893): 264-65, as well as Friedwagner’s note 4421 (pp. 254-55). This
evidence of the arrival of Easter proves more convincing to Meraugis
than the singing of the nightingale.

4349-51 Gaston Paris considers T to have the original reading here,

“légèrement altérée dans W, changée dans V” (p. 312), further
indication that V is farther from the original than W.

4398 ff. Because line 4398 gives no indication as to who is speaking, it is

possible to divide the following lines differently, as Szkilnik has done
(her 4418 ff.), with the first line of dialogue being spoken by
Meraugis. See Friedwagner’s note 4458, p. 255.

4415 Decorated capital TVW, preceded by miniature in W. The rhyme of

lassent (which Friedwagner marks with [!]) and eslessent is notable
and shows the tendency, rare in this manuscript, of ai being written
as a (Gossen § 6) (see the phonology section, above).

4429 Gaston Paris considered T’s reading the best one, with the necessary
correction as made here (p. 312). Godefroy equates vibu with vuitbu,
a general term for the thorax.

4430 The omission of en was the simplest solution for correcting the
hypermetric line, rather than changing the verb, which appears in
both T and W, as Friedwagner did (his line 4490).

4433 The form isseue is notable and could perhaps be the result of a
copying error for issue est, which would scan correctly. See
Friedwagner’s note 4493 (p. 255).

4437 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s reading fait here superior to V’s,
because of the rhyme; Friedwagner adopts V (his line 4497). Faire is
used here in place of savoir as a verbe suppléant (see the section on
syntax, above).

4442-43 For the possible meanings of the fighting terms and their
appearances in other texts, see Friedwagner’s note 4502-3 (p. 255).

586
 Szkilnik translates these three terms as “coups, bottes, estocades” (p.
353). The terms appear elsewhere in Raoul’s works, including the
Songe d’Enfer. In her editon, Mihm notes that, although the term
surmontee is common enough in Old French literature, the meaning is
generally unclear from its various contexts (note 272, p. 111-12);
however, she tentatively accepts Friedwagner’s suggestion of a
“vertical blow straight down on the helmet” (“ein senkrechter Hieb
gerade nieder auf den Helm,” p. 255, Friedwagner). For retrete she
accepts the definition “coup donnée en retirant l’épee,” advanced by
Frederick A. G. Cowper in his edition of Ille et Galeron (Paris: Picard,
1956) (that is to say, a riposte), and Szkilnik apparently concurs (her
glossary definition is “coup donnée en retirant l’arme,” p. 524). It is
interesting to note the following two lines in the Vengeance Raguidel:
Il s’entregetent entredos / et retraites et sormontees (1138-39). Roussineau
does not hesitate over the definition of entredos as a “coup d’épee
donné sur le milieu de la tête” (p. 440) and tentatively accepts the
same definition of retraite as the other editors (pp. 359 and 479).
Surmontée he defines as a “coup porté en avançant, en dominant son
adversaire et en le faisant reculer” (p. 359) while acknowledging that
the precise meaning is uncertain.

4451 The helmets are held together by a ring encircling the head.

4452 There is a problem of case in both T and W here because the subject
of the verb in the next line is also the object of the verb closest to it.

4459 Decorated capital V.

4462 Friedwagner (his line 4522) here reads dis plaies, although no
manuscript contains this. Charchiés seems to be from chargier, in this
case meaning “struck with blows.” It could, however, also be from
chercher. Friedwagner’s transcription is difficult to confirm because
the word, though visible in the manuscript, is somewhat unclear.

following 4462 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s omission of the two lines Dont
uns autres fust affolez / Encor ne s’est nus reposez to be the correct
reading. Friedwagner (his note 4523-4, p. 255), however, argues for
their inclusion, calling them “nicht recht entbehrlich” and concluding
that they are therefore probably not a later insertion. There does,
however, appear to be no obvious reason why these two lines would
have been skipped, and the passage does make sense without them.

4463 Decorated capital W.

4466 The form tierx assaux represents a discrepancy of case, as well as a

problem of rhyme.

587
4475-76 These two lines have been supplied, even though they are not strictly
necessary for sense, because they may well have been skipped due to
several lines beginning with par or pour. They could have been a later
interpolation, but Raoul would usually have introduced the second
speaker, in this case Meraugis. On the other hand, it is also possible
that the Outredouté speaks all of these lines using the common
question-and-answer device discussed in the introduction.

4484-85 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considers T’s reading je in the first line, and
TV’s Mes in the second (Friedwagner uses W’s Et, his line 4547), to be
the correct readings. The difference in meaning is minor, however.

4492 Decorated capital T.

4500 VW’s Plus is perhaps the better reading, but T’s certainly makes
sense. Friedwagner notes a “sehr starkes enjambement”(p. 256) at the
beginning of this line (his note 4562), attaching the first word to the
previous line (i.e., “I esteem you more”), but Szkilnik does not
interpret the lines this way and also makes a break between them.

4507 ff. The wordplay on the name of the Outredouté is notable.

4518 Friedwagner calls this kind of pleonastic construction a “stilistische

Eigenthümlichkeit” of Raoul’s (p. 256, his note 4580). (See the section
on syntax, above, for other examples.)

4527 Decorated capital TVW, preceded by a miniature in W.

4539 The meaning is to be understood as issir s’en, “to go out of

(somewhere)” (this is how Friedwagner’s edition reads here, though
all manuscripts have sans or sanz) rather than “to go out without
(something)” (see Friedwagner’s note 4601). Szkilnik also transcribes
issir s’anz (her line 4558) and translates in a similar way. Gaston Paris
(p. 314) believes that the common error in the three manuscripts was
arrived at independently by the scribes.

4541 The V scribe seems to have found the plural form sans unacceptable
and has rhymed sanc and sens (Szkilnik 4560-61).

4548-54 It is also possible to understand that they have their arms around
each other with their heads touching, so that this contact is what
holds them up (Szkilnik 4567-73).

4555 Decorated capital VW, preceded by a miniature in W.

588
4564 In order to correct the meter, pensé has been accepted as masculine, as
it appears elsewhere in T, for example, in 4778. Et has been corrected
to en, as VW, because that reading makes better sense.

4570 The letter r has been added to dreche above the line by a later hand, as
Friedwagner notes (his line 4632).

4578-80 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s readings here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 2824-25). Three corrections in
these lines, however, have here been made in accordance with VW
because of the meter. T’s reading of tout a travers in 4578, with
present tense verbs in the following lines rather than past participles,
makes perfect sense but creates two hypometric lines.

4583 Decorated capital VW, preceded by a miniature in W.

4589 The change from qui les to quis has been made as the simplest way to
correct the meter without altering the sense, even though the form is
not attested elsewhere in the manuscript. (Philippe Ménard, § 48, pp.
65-66, notes the rarity of such forms in Middle French; see also the
discussion of enclisis, above.)

4594 Friedwagner has marked cuidoit with [!]; however, either cuidoit or
qui doit works in the context. Regardless of how interpreted, no
correction is necessary since q and c are equivalent and the separation
of words is often arbitrary.

4598 The imminent arrival of Easter, first indicated by the cross Meraugis
saw decorated for Palm Sunday (4361 ff.) and mentioned again in
4591, and the intention to make Espinogres a knight on Pentecost, 50
days later, inject a note of urgency for Meraugis to find Lidoine and
prevent her forced marriage to Espinogres.

4600 The suppression of que here is not unusual. (See the section on
syntax, above, for other examples).

4618 Friedwagner correctly notes (his line 4680, p. 256) that T’s reading
pris is the only one that makes sense; one cannot say that either of the
knights “en a le pis” since both are supposedly dead. Perhaps the
commonness of the latter expression makes this the easier reading.

4628 No other Odelis is known to appear in any of the medieval French

Arthurian romances, and Friedwagner lists her as one of the
characters of Meraugis that are unknown to him (p. LXXXVI).

4655 Nul fu has been corrected for the rhyme; this rhyme is, however, an
indication that the final s in desus may not have been pronounced.

589
4657 The word violete is used in the collective sense, according to
Friedwagner (note to his line 4719).

4660 I have followed both Friedwagner and Szkilnik in accepting W’s

reading of point rather than poig. (It is impossible to verify whether
T’s reading was poig or poing, but V’s is the former.) Szkilnik points
out (her note 136 to line 4679, p. 367) that the apparent misreading in
both manuscripts must have happened because the hand of the
Outredouté has been mentioned several times. It is also impossible
to tell whether the final word read laschier (as in V, and as
Friedwagner transcribed for T) or sachier (as in W and chosen by
Friedwagner); either would make sense.

4670 ff. Friedwagner notes this structure as an “etwas eigenthümliche

Verschränkung” (his note 4732, p. 256). Such passages are not
frequent in the text, however, and this one certainly presents no
problem of comprehension.

4680 ff. Espinogres’s solicitude for the welfare of the knight who will
eventually undermine his father’s cause and so prevent him from
making a highly desirable marriage is humorously ironic, yet it does
show the young man’s good qualities. There is no evidence that he is
tainted by his father’s transgressions against courtliness, which, bad
as they are, nonetheless do not prevent Blechis from eventual
rehabilitation. This fits in well with some of the themes of the Roman
des Eles (see the literary discussion in the introduction.)

4705 Decorated capital T, which Friedwagner marks with [!] (his line
4767). Although it was presumably at the top of the column (it is no
longer visible because burned away), this does seem a surprising
place for a capital, especially since there is another one farther down
the same column.

4733 Decorated capital TVW.

4739 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s readings here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 4801). I have, however,
transcribed menre, as Friedwagner does, rather than meure.

4740 Friedwagner (his note 4802) correctly points out that T has the only
logical reading here: Lidoine cannot wonder whether Meraugis is
alive or not because she believes him to be dead.

4741 As elsewhere, qu’ele has been corrected to que in order to avoid using
el to correct the meter, in accordance with the habits of the scribes.

590
4743 Friedwagner transcribes the last word in the line as novelle, but a final
s does appear visible in the manuscript, although it is difficult to be
certain.

4748 The solution for correcting the meter here is a hybrid one that does
not rely on either V or W and corrects both syntax and meter.
Changing Dont ja mais n’ert retornee (-1) to Dont ja mais n’en ert retornee
would produce a redundancy (or an awkward hiatus in the case of në
ert), and adding the characteristic pronoun ele would create a
hypermetric line.

4750 Again, ele has been removed as the least intrusive way to correct the
meter.

4773 The subject here must be Blechis, but because he has not been
referred to for some time it appears as if something might be missing
in the manuscripts. W’s on seems to be an attempted rectification of
this problem.

4787 Decorated capital TV.

4792 Unusually, the problem of case—li chevaliers instead of li chevalier—

creates difficulty of understanding here.

4801 T’s mais has been corrected to car because the latter is more logical
and because the repetition of mais could be from a copying error.

4814 ff. This passage echoes and develops at length the words of Enide’s
father to Erec when telling him of his love for his daughter: C’est mes
deduiz, c’est mes deporz, / C’est mes solaz et mes conforz, / C’est mes avoirs
et mes tresors, / Je n’ain tant rien come son cors (543-46). Friedwagner
comments unfavorably on Raoul’s passage, calling it an “ermüdende,
pedantisch manirierte Aufzählung” that is unsuitable for the
expression of Meraugis’s feelings (note 4876, p. 257). Szkilnik states
that “Au passage Raoul semble ainsi suggérer que ce type de
discours est plus approprié pour un amant que pour un père” (p. 23),
making it a kind of mild correction, or at least an attempt to go
beyond his predecessor. I would, however, consider the passage as
primarily a variation on a familiar theme, one of numerous devices
the author uses to show himself worthy of the master’s company.
Edmond Faral gives this passage as an example of frequentatio in Les
Arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle (p. 67).

4815-16 The order in T of the two rhyming words is likely due to a copying
error, especially since the first of these lines as it appears in VW
duplicates Chrétien’s line exactly.

591
following 4816 It is difficult to tell whether the two lines that appear at this point in
VW (C’est quan que j’aim, c’est ma puissance / C’est ma baniere, c’est ma
lance, 4879-80 in Friedwagner, 4838-39 in Szkilnik) were omitted
accidentally. A saut could easily occur in such a passage, yet there
seems no obvious reason why these particular lines would be left out,
since the beginning words of the first of them differ from those of the
surrounding lines. The main difference created by the omission is
that the associations between Lidoine and knightly weaponry are not
made, though she is referred to as a shield. If T does represent an
older version of the text than the other manuscripts, it is also possible
that these lines could have been added later because the absence of
these associations was thought to be an omission.

4817-18 The grouping of escuz and pröeche found in VW seems preferable.

4820 The scribe was perhaps writing like for like when he wrote c’est mes
avis instead of ce m’est avis; however, the construction also appears in
line 4912.

4822 Friedwagner transcribed the first part of this line in T as C’est ma

doucour, although that cannot be confirmed because this part is now
burned away. For his own edition, he appears to have constructed a
composite verse, C’est mes douz cuers, c’est mes beaus cors (his line
4886) from T and V, the latter of which reads C’est uns dous cuers, c’est
uns biaus cors (4845 in Szkilnik). I think it likely that Friedwagner’s
instinct is good here, and that ma doucour may well result from a
misreading of some form of dous cuers as douceur; nonetheless, I have
not corrected the line because it does make perfect sense as it stands.

4826 ff. These lines recall the early references to Lidoine’s “bontés,” that is,
her miraculous protective and healing powers (75 ff.). It is, in fact,
only while he is separated from her that Meraugis is threatened with
real danger or harmed in any serious way.

4835 Decorated capital T.

4837 Decorated capital VW.

4839 Friedwagner chose to correct l’aperçoit to s’aperçoit even though all

manuscripts contain the former (see his note 4903, p. 257). Gaston
Paris (p. 314) thinks there could be a common error arrived at
independently by the three scribes, while at the same time
considering l’aperçoit an acceptable reading. I have not chosen to
correct it, nor does Szkilnik (see her note 141 to line 4862, p. 379).

4848 Qui is to be understood as cui.

592
4859 The verb liége is from lever, lief ge.

4867 Decorated capital TV.

4882 Cf. fols et machue / Doivent tous jors aler ensamble (2396-97).

4890 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s readings here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 4954).

4904 Quy is to be understood as cui.

4912 See note 4820.

4916-18 The play on words here is, as Friedwagner notes (4980-82, p. 257),
typical of Raoul; it recalls 1180 ff., where six consecutive lines end
with a form of garder.

4921 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considered T’s de sa meure to be the original
reading here, altered by V and W.

4927 In this case, ele has been corrected to el because there was no other
obvious way to correct the meter without altering the meaning.

4929 Friedwagner chose W’s .I. dieus (which of course is the correct case)
for this line (his 4993), but as Szkilnik points out, V’s dart would be
expected in “le contexte métaphorique inspiré d’Ovide (note to her
line 4954, p. 385).

4939 Decorated capital V.

4948 This proverb corresponds to Morawski 2372.

4962 In order to correct the meter and retain the usual pronoun elle, tot has
been omitted here.

4977 The form orendroites, which appears elsewhere in the manuscript

(3552, according to Friedwagner, though that part of the line has been
burned away), has been used as the simplest means of correcting the
hypometric line.

4981 The final word seems to be written as popens with a bar above the o.

4983 Decorated capital VW.

4985 See note 4839. In this case, VW’s s’aperçoit is perhaps the better
reading, and the variant may be due to a misreading of s for l.
Nonethless, T’s reading is acceptable.

593
4993 Decorated capital TVW.

5000 Manuscript V reads sa vertu, which, as Szkilnik notes (her note 149 to
5026, p. 391), is in some ways a much more interesting reading. The
Sword of Strange Hangings, as described in the First Continuation,
had the virtue of protecting the knight who fought for the right side
and undermining the one who fought for the wrong one (vol. 2, 4726-
33).

5002 Cuy is to be understood as Qui. T’s reading differs slightly from VW

but is acceptable, since au plus tost can function grammatically
without que. Szkilnik (p. 506) suggests Bristol as a possibility for the
VW variant Butost or Bustot.

5005 Friedwagner notes the spelling of the title mes sires as “so öfters”
(note to his 5069, p. 194). Marie-Luce Chênerie notes this analogical s
as characteristic of Gliglois, which was next to Meraugis in the T
manuscript and was in all likelihood copied by the same scribes (p.
30).

5008 To correct the rhyme, the form ot has been changed to oit, which is
attested elsewhere in the manuscript (e.g., 440, 1444). The western
form cuidot (for the paradigms, see M. K. Pope, From Latin to Modern
French, with Especial Consideration of Anglo-Norman, Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1952, § 914 and 915, p. 345) would be
very uncharacteristic here, though its presence in rhyme position
may well indicate that the form is original to the text. (On this point,
see Szkilnik, p. 65, and Friedwagner, p. LXVII.)

5021 Decorated capital TW, preceded in W by a miniature.

5031 ff. Cf. Perceval, when Guinganbresil arrives at court to accuse Gauvain
of treachery: Guinganbresil le roi conut, / Sel salua si com il dut, / Et
Gauvain ne salua mie, / Einz l’apele de felenie (4855-58).

5042-43 These lines seem to have caused difficulty for the scribes.
Friedwagner considered both T and V “sinnlos” here and corrected
to W’s or es sorpris / de parece (see his note 5107, p. 258), and Szkilnik
has done the same (her 5067-68). Although W’s may well be the best
reading, I think that T does make sense when punctuated as in this
edition and understood as in the translation.

5045 See note 5108.

5053 Decorated capital TW.

594
5067 It is difficult to tell in the manuscript whether the direct object
pronouns are le or la, but since Friedwagner has transcribed le in the
next line (his 5132), the Picard form has been used here as well.

5072 The abbreviated form chevalier, clearly visible in the manuscript,

represents a problem of case.

5078 This line also seems to have caused problems for the scribes.
Friedwagner marks both V and W with (!) and accepts T as the
correct reading (see his note 5142, p. 258), likening the structure to Ce
que vous coste? (5309 this edition). Szkilnik, however, has used V and
understood it in a different way: La est Lidoine quë il veult (her 5103).

5081 Friedwagner interprets ce n’est mie novelle here as “Das ist kein
Märchen,” as also in line 1872 (his notes 5145 and 1906). In the
context, however, it seems sufficient to understand the more usual
meaning of “news.”

5087 Decorated capital TVW.

5092 Another way of correcting the meter would have been to change the
verb to vraiement, which is attested in line 810 (though corrected for
metrical reasons). The other spelling is more common in the
manuscript, however, and so the pleonastic pronoun has been
suppressed.

5108 Here and elsewhere (e.g., 3928, 5045), the term vaincus carries the
notion of dishonor as well as simple defeat.

5116 Friedwagner’s transcription iront, which cannot be confirmed in the

manuscript, has been corrected to irons, although iron could also have
been used. Neither form appears on its own in T, but both endings
are attested (see the section on morphology above).

5133 Agravain (with various spellings), the brother of Gauvain, appears in

numerous Arthurian romances, both verse and prose, notably the
Conte du Graal, where he offers to defend his brother against a charge
of killing the king of Escavalon (presumably the grandfather of
Lidoine!) by treachery (4768 ff.) (see Szkilnik’s note 152, p. 397).
Other appearances in verse include the four major Continuations,
Rigomer, Durmart, Floriant, Claris and Laris, and Escanor. He is
sometimes known as li Orguilleus or as dures mains. He figures
prominently throughout the Vulgate and Post-Vulgate Cycles, as
well as other prose romances, and is sometimes noted for his hot-
headedness. (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce for additional
details.)

595
5133-34 These lines have been supplied because there has clearly been a
change from indirect to direct speech, and it seems obvious that
something has been omitted. Though not impossible, it is extremely
unlikely that Amice would be giving military advice to Gauvain in
such a way, so a change of speaker seems necessary.

5141 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considered T’s ses menés to be the correct
reading here.

5149 Decorated capital VW.

5149-50 Friedwagner seems to have transcribed qu’aviegne and viegne as the

rhyming words here, as in W, but they appear in the manucript to be
que viegne and vigne, though the latter is not fully legible. I have
corrected the first for meaning and the second for rhyme.

5169 Stirling was a major seaport and a city of great strategic importance
in the Middle Ages.

5175 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considered T’s Mut to be the original reading
here.

5195 Decorated capital VW.

5200 Friedwagner marks TW as (-1), but the meter is correct if hiatus is

maintained at the end of aïdë.

5203 Gaston Paris (p. 318) notes that traver is reflexive rather than
intransitive, with the pronoun suppressed “comme il arrive
souvent.”

5222 The main verb seems to be missing in T’s reading (unless pris is taken
to be the main verb, which does not appear to make sense in the
context), so V has been used for correction. The manuscripts vary
here.

5222-23 T’s nel may well represent a misreading for nes, which is attested
elsewhere in the manuscript (e.g., 4484). The scribe may have
understood a singular subject here, but it is difficult to see who it
could refer to, given the preceding and following lines.

5224 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considered T’s del mur to be a better reading
than VW’s des murs here, citing line 5212 (Friedwagner’s 5276).

5227 Decorated capital TVW.

596
5228 The singular verb ot of T is probably due simply to a missing bar of
nasalization.

5233 Friedwagner notes this expression as “sprichwörtliche Redensart,

ähnlich im Deutschen” (his note 5297, p. 258). The expression
appears in James Woodrow Hassell, Jr., Middle French Proverbs,
Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases, p. 206.

5235 A senestres, which Friedwagner marked with (!) (his line 5299), has
been corrected to as fenestres according to the suggestion of Gaston
Paris (310). It does appear to be the best reading because it shows
Meraugis’s bravery in defending the castle, providing evidence for
the assertion made in the next line.

5251 The meaning of T’s por nulle hasciee seems to be slightly different than
that of VW’s por celle h., meaning more like “through no mischance or
ill fortune” rather than “because of that torment.”

5259 The verb must refer to Lidoine rather than to the lady of the castle, so
voelt does not make sense. It has therefore been corrected to voit,
though VW would have worked equally well.

5260 The verb soille is present subjunctive of soudre, and soudre parole
means to begin to speak, or simply to say. (See Friedwagner’s note
5324, p. 258, and Szkilnik’s note 156 to line 5285, p. 405.)

5267 According to Gaston Paris (p. 312), oes (meaning opus) is the correct
rhyming word here, but he suggests amending to a oes mon oes, as in
line 2435. I have not done so because TV’s avuec mon oes is an
acceptable reading.

5268 Gaston Paris considers T’s reading “évidemment la seule bonne” (p.
312). He suggests correcting li to ses, but I have not done so because
T’s meaning is clear. Here noés is one syllable, rhyming with oés.

5281-82 This and other examples of religious observance on the part of

Meraugis and other knights recall the tenants of the Roman des Eles;
for example, Ne doit estre nommez cortois / Qui Eglise n’aime et honeure
(284-85), along with the lines following.

5303 Decorated capital T.

5311-12 Both T and V contain the word deslöe rhyming with -oie, which again
seems to be evidence of an earlier western form (Pope, p. 345). There
is no obvious way to correct the rhyme.

597
5320 Gaston Paris considers T’s la rale the best reading and says that it was
not understood by the other scribes (p. 312). He notes that it can
mean the pâturon, the area of the leg just above the hoof, or a part of
the hoof itself. For a discussion of V’s reading l’ortale, which most
likely has a similar meaning, see Friedwagner’s note to his line 5384,
pp. 258-59, and Szkilnik’s note 159, p. 409.

5322 Friedwagner points out (note to his line 5386, p. 259) that avoir nom
takes the nominative rather than oblique in most other examples in
the text. The name “Blanc Chevalier” links Meraugis with other
Arthurian knights who conceal their identity by wearing arms of a
particular color, one that is often significant. Red armor is used in
this way in several of Chrétien’s romances: for example, in the Joie de
la Cour episode (5893 ff.), where it is worn by Erec’s opponent
Mabonagrain; in Charrette, where Lancelot fights in disguise wearing
the arms of the seneschal charged with keeping him prisoner (5724
ff.); and in Le Conte du Graal, when Perceval puts on the red armor of
the knight whom he has killed (871 ff.). Meragis’s white arms,
however, associate him most closely with Cligés, who bears
miraculous white arms and rides a white horse after being made a
knight by the Emperor of Germany (4018 ff., Poirion’s edition). He
also wears them on the third day of a tournament (Gauvain sees him
arrive plus blanc que flor de lis, 4897), after which his identify is
revealed. These arms are thus associated with sovereignty, and it is
surely not coincidental that Meraugis disguises his identity in white
before the series of victories, both military and moral, that will lead
to his ultimate triumph. (See West, Flutre, and Christopher Bruce
[under “White Knight”] for other characters with the same title.)

5334 The hapless Calogrenant (various spellings) would have been well
known to the contemporary audience as the cousin of Yvain in
Chretien’s romance. The role he plays here is similar to his role in
Yvain, where he shows himself eager to be courtly, standing up to
Keu on behalf of the queen and later accepting a difficult quest, only
to fail through lack of knightly prowess. After he reluctantly tells his
defeat at the hands of the knight of the spring, his cousin goes to
avenge his shame. Roger Sherman Loomis suggests an association
between the name and Cai lo grenant, Kay the grumbler (Arthurian
Tradition and Chrétien de Troyes, pp, 273-77). Indeed the two share
similar mishaps, and Keu receives a similar upset at the hands of
Perceval (Conte du Graal, 4307 ff.). The character appears
prominently in various others of the verse and prose romances,
including the Manessier Continuation, Claris and Laris, various parts of
the Vulgate Cycle, and the Prose Tristan. (See Flutre, West, and
Christopher Bruce.)

598
5340 Gaston Paris (p. 312) believes that T’s reading represents the original
one, the older form en esse l’eure. I have corrected according to his
suggestion.

5343 Decorated capital W, preceded by a miniature.

5347 Gaston Paris (p. 317) says that a un quaz (T’s si a cas) “paraît vouloir
dire ‘comme une mass’” and that it comes from the verb quacier,
s’amasser, rather rather than quasser, to break. Both Friedwagner (his
line 5411) and Szkilnik (her 5372) have interpreted according to the
latter definition, which seems to me quite acceptable. Gaston Paris’s
argument, however, concerns the problem of the rhyme of s and z if
quasser is accepted, and this seems, in fact, to make the former
reading more likely. I have therefore accepted Paris’s suggestion.

5363 T’s sy tres could be due to a misreading of sire(s), as in VW.

5372 Literally “defeated your gloves,” referring to the use of the glove in
giving or accepting a challenge; implying, by extension, that the
unknown knight has defeated Calogrenant so soundly that he has
prevented any future challenges. (See Szkilnik, note 163 to line 5397,
p. 413.)

5382-83 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considers T’s Toz armés sor un sor baucent to be
the correct reading here. I have not changed the beginning of the
next line to Vet s’en, as he suggests and as found in V because T’s
reading is acceptable.

5391 To correct the hypermetric line, quil, which is attested elsewhere in

the manuscript, has been used as the simplest solution.

5395 Decorated capital W, preceded by a miniature.

5397 Friedwagner transcribes responsons (his line 5461) and marks with (!);
however, it could also be respousons, as it has been taken to be here.

5398 ff. It is possible to assign line 5398 to either speaker. If to Gauvain (as
Friedwagner does, his line 5462), then Meraugis follows by saying
that he is fighting on behalf of Gauvain, who boasts of defeating him;
if to Meraugis (as Szkilnik does, her 5423, and as Gaston Paris
recommends, p. 315), he is asking Gauvain who his opponent is, and
perhaps by implication who the real enemy is (Blechis), and Gauvain
simply replies “I am fighting with you, who boast of defeating me.” I
have chosen Friedwagner’s interpretation because in that case
Meraugis tells Gauvain that he fights for the sake of the one who
boasts of defeating him, which turns the line on its head in a
delightfully courtly way when Gauvain says to Meraugis, “conquiz

599
 m’avés.” There is pleasant irony in both interpretations, however,
and either seems valid.

5402 As Friedwagner points out (note 5466, p. 259), TV’s a could be a

dialectal form of ai (Gossen § 6) but is not necessarily so.

5407 Quy is to be understood as cui.

5408-09 Gaston Paris (p. 312) considers T the best reading. He suggests a
modification of the punctuation from Friedwanger’s lines, which
read <<Non estes mes sire Gauvains ? >> — / <<Je suy vostre.>> —
<<Or est einsi (his lines 5472-73) (Szkilnik’s version, lines 5433-34, is
punctuated the same way). The modification does indeed produce a
much better reading, showing the typical courtliness and lack of
arrogant pride of the young hero as he grows in stature. It also
shows the superiority of T’s reading mais.

5409 Although all the manuscripts read vostres, Friedwagner changed the
form to vostre (his line 5473). That change has been accepted here as
well, but only to correct T’s hypermetric line. Alternatively, maiz
could have been removed, as in VW, but maiz does create a subtle
difference of meaning.

5412 ff. These words recall Meraugis’s early willingness to obey whatever it
pleases Lidoine to command (1122 ff.). Gauvain’s unhesitating
agreement to do what Meraugis wishes despite the dishonor he
knows he will bring on himself recalls Lancelot’s willingness to do
his worst in the tournament at Guinevere’s behest (5662 ff. of
Charrette).

5417 As Friedwagner points out (note 5481, p. 259), the form voiant or
voians can be used (as with oiant or oians). Both appear in T, but the
former is more common (e.g., 837, 2632, 3612, 5468 without s or z,
1744 with the ending).

5420 The first rent may represent a misreading of tent, as in VW, as the
repetition seems unlikely, but it of course makes perfect sense so has
not been corrected.

5423 Decorated capital TVW.

5428 The Round Table seems to have appeared first in Wace’s Brut (La
Partie arthurienne du Roman de Brut par Wace, Ivor D. O. Arnold and
M. M. Pelan, eds., Bibliothèque Française et Romane [Paris:
Klincksieck, 1962], 1211). A well-known listing of various knights of
the Round Table appears in Erec, 1679-1714.

600
5432 ff. The reaction of the knights seems exaggerated, but their extreme
anger is because Gauvain apparently surrenders to the unknown
knight without a fight rather than being defeated in battle, something
that would normally not happen to him. See Busby, Gauvain in Old
French Literature, p. 270, regarding the link between Gauvain’s honor
and that of the Arthurian court.

5438 T’s foy could perhaps be due to a misreading of soi, as in VW, due to
the commonness of the expression par foi, making it the less difficult
reading; on the other hand, it certainly makes sense so has not been
corrected.

5441 Decorated capital V.

5450 Friedwagner considers TW’s reading here (his line 5514) a possible
common fault (p. XXVI), a claim that Gaston Paris refutes (p. 309),
asserting that V is “assurément moins bon.”

5451 Decorated capital VW.

5456 Gaston Paris says that T’s c’on le mete “donne au vers sa juste mesure,
au contraire de ce que dit la note” (p. 312); however, according to
Friedwagner’s transcription, T reads mete on rather than l’on, which
would indeed give a hypometric line unless hiatus is maintained on
mete. It is impossible to confirm Friedwagner’s transcription from the
manuscript. It is possible to understand the second half of this line as
being the end of Blechis’s statement (as Szkilnik has done, her line
5481) or the beginning of Meraugis’s response (as Friedwagner, his
line 5520). In the former case, no correction (except the minor one for
meter) is required to T in 5456, although in either case, T should
logically be corrected in line 5457 (n’en … n’en).

5457 Decorated capital T. The explanation for this odd placement (which
Friedwagner marks with [!], his line 5521) is probably that 5451,
where VW have a decorated capital, would have been near the
bottom of a right-hand column.

5459 Again, the language of the jeu-parti. Rémy notes that this example,
like 2714, also represents a forced choice, this time between two
alternatives.

5460 The second fragment of B begins with this line.

5481 The reading nous avons might appear problematic here because
Blechis has not yet sworn his oath, so that VW’s vous (l’)avez might be
preferable. On the other hand, Blechis has already indicated his

601
 commitment to follow Meraugis, so the reading may be considered
acceptable as it stands.

5493 For the structure of an infinitive as noun governed by de, see 1220
and 2721, and Friedwagner’s note 5557.

5499 As observed by Szkilnik (see her notes 115, pp. 311-13, and 168, p.
419) and mentioned above (note 3782), Gauvain and Meliant de Lis
are old adversaries, the former having soundly defeated the latter in
Perceval (5513 ff.). It is quite possible that this enmity would be
remembered by Raoul’s audience, and that it helps explain Meliant’s
reluctance to swear allegiance to Gauvain.

5505 Decorated capital VW.

5514 Gaston Paris was uncertain about this line, which clearly caused
difficulty for the scribes. Friedwagner, finding TVW’s (un) poi “nicht
haltbar” (his note 5578, p. 260), took B’s reading for his edition.
(Szkilnik accepts V’s, her line 5539, translating “plutôt joyeux.”)
Gaston Paris finds un poi “pas inacceptable” (p. 314) but thinks the
orignal might have contained un point. This not being in any
manuscript, however, I have chosen to accept B’s reading along with
Friedwagner. T must, in any case, be corrected because of the meter.

5525 It is probable that T’s quil represents a misreading of quis, because the
former does not seem to make sense. The line as presented here is, in
fact, Friedwagner’s choice for his edition, though no manuscript
contains this exact reading. (See his note 5589, p. 260.)

5529 ff. This passage is syntactically complex, and it is not always obvious
who the pronouns refer to. Here cil clearly refers to Gorvain’s men,
but in line 5532, apparently to Meraugis’, and celx in the following
line to Gorvain’s. The battle scene differs somewhat throughout the
manuscripts, and so in Friedwagner’s (5593 ff.) and Szkilnik’s (5554
ff.) editions. B differs substantially after 5536 (see the list of variants
and Friedwagner’s note 5602-3, p. 260).

5530-31 The manuscripts vary slightly here, more in the following lines. The
syllable count of T has been corrected by supplying ce, as in V, but it
could also have been corrected by reading quë il rather than qu’il;
other corrections would have altered the syntax.

5531-32 There is clearly a problem with the rhyme encontrë ex / desconfex

because the rhyme would actually be eus / és. Friedwagner
considered that V’s was perhaps the best reading (his note 5596, p.
260), although Gaston Paris thought that V was “visiblement refaite
et mauvaise” (p. 312) but was uncertain how the presumed original

602
 would have read. The lines have not been altered here, partly
because they make perfect sense, and also because no more likely
solution has suggested itself.

5557 The variants are of interest in passing here. T’s reading enclos instead
of forsclos (forclos), as in the other manuscripts, supports Félix Lecoy’s
(see “Ancien français a la forclose”) understanding of the term forclose
as a military manoeuvre as opposed to Godefroy’s definition of the
term as a barrier (vol. 4, p. 71). Lecoy defines it as the
complementary movement of cembel, or false attack designed to draw
the enemy out of position (p. 168) (see note 4258 above). See “Ancien
français a la forclose” for the use of the term in different texts.

5564 It is difficult to see how T’s tentes (and B’s tref) could make sense here
because the tents should now be behind Meraugis and Gauvain.
They left the castle and charged forward toward the encamped army,
after which the Knights of the Round Table moved in behind them.
They then turned around to face the new attackers, and the army
behind them is now driving them forward, so that they are trapped
in between. T has therefore been corrected.

5568-69 ff. As Friedwagner points out (his note 5632, p. 260), these lines contain
an example of apo koinou. (See Foulet and Speer, p. 65).

5569 Friedwagner notes that VW’s servent is used “in ironischem Sinne”
(his note 5633, p. 260). T is more expected, as is B, so that VW could
be considered the more difficult reading.

5574 Decorated capital T.

5581 Decorated capital W.

5586 The rhyming word here seems to have troubled the scribe. A form of
assés may have been intended, or possibly there was a misreading of
adés, as in WB.

5603 This line apparently caused problems for the scribes. Although the T
scribe seems not to have understood, T and W are essentially in
agreement, so W’s reading has been accepted with a change of
graphic.

5619-20 Escarlate or scarlet was a high-quality wool often dyed red, that being
the most expensive of dyes. Fautre was a cheap homespun cloth of
inferior quality; the word also sometimes refers to a horse blanket,
and so that has been used in the translation, although the comparison
is really between two kinds of cloth. Friedwagner describes this
expression as “sprichwörtliche Redensart” (note 5684, p. 261).

603
5620 The manuscript has been incorrectly marked in pencil to indicate that
the visible text ends here rather than two lines later.

5621 Decorated capital V, with space left for one in B.

5629 The manuscript has been incorrectly marked in pencil to indicate that
the visible text begins here rather than with the previous line.

5633 There are problems with this line in both T (because of the
hypermetric line) and V. Both Friedwagner and Szkilnik have
accepted B’s dui, as has been done here.

5673-74 These lines have not been corrected for rhyme, hesitation between gn
and ng being a Picard characteristic (Gossen § 62) (see the section on
phonology, consonants, in the introduction, above).

5681-82 These lines have not been corrected for rhyme, hesitation between a
and ai being a Picard characteristic (see the sections on phonology
and on the rhyming of visually discrepant vowels in the introduction,
above).

5698 The form parjurés (or parjures) shows a confusion of case.

5700 As Friedwagner points out (note to his line 5764), an adversative

conjunction (e.g., més, as in W) would seem more logical here.

5704-8 T differs slightly from the other manuscripts in these lines; the
apparent reversal of parts of lines and the repetition of sanle could
indicate a scribal error or a problem with T’s source, and it seems
most unlikely that line 5706 could refer to Gorvain Cadrus, who is
not even present. Nonetheless, the passage is reasonably coherent
with the amendment of Gorvain Quadruz to Gauvain garnis in 5706,
plus minor additional corrections.

5724 In the manuscript, the verb appears to be cuic, and that is how
Friedwagner transcribes it (note 5788). It is, however, possible to
read it as either cuic or cuit because of slight inconsistencies in the
scribe’s formation of these two letters. In any case, the verb is quiter.

5725 Decorated capital VW.

5728 Gaston Paris (p. 310) considers TW’s readings here superior to V’s,
which Friedwagner adopts (his line 5792).

5729 It is possible that T’s repetition of part of 5729 is an error, yet the lines
do make sense as they stand if the second half of this line and the

604
 following two are attributed to the presumed interlocutor. This is
relatively unusual, however, the interlocutor often being given only a
simple Pour coy? (e.g., 712, 880, 958, and many others) (although in
many cases pour coy could be interpreted as meaning “because”
rather than as an interrogative, so that attribution to the interlocutor
is an editorial choice).

5732 Qui is to be understood as cui.

5734 The manuscript contains the letters pson with two abbreviations, and
Friedwagner transcribes prisonier (note to line 5798). The second
abbreviation, however, may simply be a raised letter s, making
prisons, which is in accord with all the other manuscripts.

5743 Decorated capital VW.

5746 VW’s reading nés is perhaps better than T’s trés because the former
would be those troups sent by King Arthur, whereas the latter seems
to refer to Gorvain’s own men. It is important that Gorvain conceal
his plan from Arthur’s knights, who would oppose it. (See Szkilnik’s
note 176, p. 435.)

5762 ff. Blechis’s apparent rehabilitation seems at first glance surprising, but
it is partly explainable in the light of the Roman des Eles, which
stresses that knights should retain at least one good quality if they
are unable to retain them all: Et por ce faz a toz savoir, / Si toutes nes
porra avoir, / S’aucune en puet avoir, gart la … ( 649-51). Giving
excellent feasts is one of the feathers of largesse (239 ff.), which is
itself one of the two wings of prouece.

5771 Decorated capital T (marked with [!] by Friedwagner because of its

surprising placement in the note to his line 5835).

5792 Although T’s Je te met makes sense, the reading Il te met of the other
manuscripts is probably correct given what follows. The manuscript
has been burned here, so Friedwagner’s transcription cannot be
confirmed.

5793 It is significant that the resolution of the romance occurs at Pentecost,

a frequent day for the convening of the Arthurian court, for example
in Yvain and Perceval; in Erec it is the day fixed by Arthur for the
marriage of the hero and heroine.

5823 Decorated capital TVW, with space left for a capital in B.

5836 Illuecques, which is attested elsewhere in T (4282), has been used to

correct the meter.

605
5837 Another example of apparent case confusion for the word chevaliers,
according to Friedwagner’s transcription (his line 5901).

5839 Decorated capital W, preceded by a miniature.

5842 T’s brise et perhaps results from a misreading of brisent, contained in

VB. The intransitive verb makes sense, however, and so has not been
corrected.

5845 Decorated capital V.

5861-62 This rhyme ot / tantost is contained in both T and V.

5862 B inserts here a longer ending, in which Meraugis marries Lidoine

and becomes king of Cavalon, as would be expected, and Gorvain
eventually marries Amice through the influence of Lidoine. See
Friedwagner’s note 5926-28, pp. 261-62, for the reasons he does not
consider this ending authentic.

5869 Decorated capital VW.

5870 T is the only manuscript that ends here and does not contain a final
attribution to Raoul de Houdenc. (See the list of variants.) T
therefore does not attest the composer’s full name.

WB continue for another four lines, which Friedwagner edited as part

of his edition (his lines 5935-38). V contains an additional ten lines
which Szkilnik has edited as lines 5898-5907 of her edition. (See her
note 177, p. 445, regarding the attribution of these lines to Raoul.)

following 5870 The final lines that appear in V only (see the list of variants) have
been used as evidence that Raoul de Houdenc was a monk. See the
introduction to Servois’s edition of Le Roman de la rose ou de Guillaume
de Dole (pp. XXX-XXXIV) and the counter-argument by Lucien
Foulet, pp. 88-94 of “Galeran et Jean Renart,” Romania 51 (1925): 76-
104.

606
 REJECTED READINGS

This list includes all readings rejected from the base manuscript, whether legible in T
or derived from Mathias Friedwagner’s edition of 1897. Where the correction has been
taken from one or more of the other manuscripts, the rejected reading is followed by
the siglum or sigla of the source(s) of the correction. No siglum is given in the case of
minor grammatical or other corrections.

12 dusques es (+1)
16 que en fache (-1)
39 de VW
51 deves V
86 puet (-1)
92 deveroit (+1)
95 Qui
96 Que
106 n’estuest (-1) V
108 lavoit VW
119 luy la terre eschaï (+1)
120 qui li
140 Que
148 Que
159 La mainne (-1) W
164 Lidoine li a VW
168 ce qu’elle cuide (+1) V
172 tyres de rir
183 Tant qu’eles vidrent (+1)
193 manoit VW
194 ne le porroie (+1)
196 Il se
197 Ses dames VW
vidrent (no bar) VW
199 Qu’il les (+1)
202 N’a mie fait (-1)
209 Que
214 Li (-2) VW
215 couree VW
218 Que
219 Et dist (-1) VW
226 Si le prendrons (+1)

607
237 quan qu’il convient (-1) V
241 Que
vray (-1) W
245 voirent V
259 Qui
264 vidrent (missing bar) VW
267 joste (-1) VW
272 conneue V (coneü)
279 matere (:)
285 Que
292 qu’il aloit VW
295 a li tout son estable VW
299 ont jugié sor lui le mis (see note)
317 Meraugins de Pos les Gués W
320 Garvains
321 il cil luy (see note)
322 anbdui (-1)
323 de nulle terre VW
330 gaignes (-1)
332 vidrent VW
338 sa beauté (-1) VW
340 Aime son cuer d’amer d’amours V
346 Et oseroie (+1) VW
371 quil la
377 ne le (+1)
379 com il (+1) VW
393-96 Que je li ferai assavoir
Et si en cuit fere savoir
Qui est en moi qui ne sapere
Et pour ce pense je par saint pere (+1) (see note)
406 Que
411 coment (+1)
450 Duicement V (see note)
460 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from V.
464 cantant VW
467 charge de mix et mix (+1) VW
484 en le pas (-1)
491 Qu’ele doie (+1)
493 Meraugins
496 serroient (+1) VW
508 Dont VW
527 Je aim li de VW
538 S’aim (-1)
541 Meraugist
545 quiert
548 alent (:)
558 ma mant VW

608
563 Qu’an vo pooir conseilleriez moi (+2) VW
572 sa biauté V
594 amour a entre deulz V
627 convoievent
631 entels
635 et li quels a t. (+1) VW
643 Lo
664 qui
681 nel quel m. (-1)
690 Meragis
697 s’entracapent VW
741 Soit faite la bataille (+1) VW
762 Qu’elle ne (+1) VW
766 se je le savoie (+1)
772 deveries
778 saiches
780 Dist Gorvains mouvera ja (-1)
784 vauray
788 departent et sy s’en vont (+1) VW
790 Merauginz
794 on
799 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from V.
808 Ja la cort (-1)
810 vraiement (-1)
816 yssi come je vos di (+1)
821 uurent
831 elle le veut avoir (+1)
837 A dit oiant tout
842 nel ne di je pas (+1) V
851 maiz atant (-1) VW
856 et ly roiz commande (-1) VW
865 Au qun se dient tou VW (see note)
878 Et je vos diroie (-1) V
882 Sour de
902 aprés VW
906 d’elle
912 l’aime che par moitiés (+1) VW
928 Clocestre (-1)
934 qu’elle veut (+1)
941 Qu’il l’aime
942 Que elle doit partan estre s’amie (+1)
944 Apriez ycely (+1) VW
947 Et laquelle vient (+1)
954 Car ychi nest ychi vient (-1) VW
960 doie ja avoir (+1) W
969 vient car VW
977 n’enpire (see note)

609
978 se mire W (see note)
981 de ly est VW
986 Merauginz
1000 Et la reïne, quant elle ot W
1001 Ne dist ainz fu (-1) VW
1009 Bataille (-1) V
1014 Et provray (-1)
1015 Se auquns l’ose desfendre (-1) VW
1017 doit avoir quite (+1) V
1018 Et mettre (-1) VW
1026 n’y ot plus (-1) V
1032 quil dist
qu’il n’eüst (-1) VW
1036 Roïne
1041 Dame dame (+2) VW
1043 vos di en faille (-2) VW
1071 je suy fourjugiés (-2) VW
1082 qu’il le saist (-1) VW
1089 s’il non (-1) VW
1095 fray (-1)
1097 Dusques a (+1)
1108 Que jel le nomeray (+1)
1141 quil mout desira (-1) VW (le) (see note)
1155 ly sermonz ne vous (+1) VW
1156 Et pour che que me hast (-2) W
1162 fry (-1)
1166 Qu’un poi W (see note)
1169 Qui
1170 fry (-1)
1184 n’esgarda (-1) W
1185 dont fui che
1191 fry (-1)
1192 Et encore se (+1) VW (see note)
1193 Quelle roiz ? Qu’apelle je roiz ? (+2)
1198 Roiz (capital letter)
1208 l’aime (+1)
1211 D’amour W
1213 Et or l’aime V
1221 n’ot tel fain (-2) VW
1234 n’i ot de termine (-1) V
1238 com rois (-1)
1251 traire VW
1254 est il oienz VW
1255 qu’elle soit (+1)
1256 estornee V
1258 d’aval a mont VW (aval dou mont)
1260 or le te conter (-1) VW

610
1261 Serai VW
1276 Por che mervel dont (-1) V
1278 tu dy voir
1279 dut mes niez venir (+1) V
1286 en haut VW
1289 nel me choille (+1) V
1295 Que
1296 De luy et de luy (+1) V
1297 as plumeors (-1)
1302 sent moult (-1) W
1308 seulment (-1)
1314 muy (-1)
1330 jusquez au repaire (+1)
1343 Lindoine VW
1351 se s’en torne (-1) VW
1356 quy ne joue mie (-1)
1360 tour jours
1361 trop V
1362 Reboisié (capital letter)
1366 amez a tenchier (+1) VW
1376 qui lor negie VW
1377 et tout et tout (+2)
1380 chevauchan VW
1385 Le nain a piet W (a pied voire) (see note)
1402 Non ci, més elle (+1)
1415 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from V.
1420 abatuz (+1) V
1423 va, si le me (+1)
1462 quy Deus a a non (+1) VW
1465 me siet il miex (+1)
1468 que vous m’avez faite (+1)
1469 quite le (-1) VW
1473 dont fettelle n’en parlez (+3) VW
1477 che que ge vous (+1)
1478 ge le vous (+1) W
1485 come sien (-1) VW
1488 ma dame g’ain (-1) VW
1491 repairier (+1) VW
1494 Com leez mais (+1) V (see note)
1520 tret
1522 sanblant quellor vuel (+1) VW
1530 je pleure, car j’ai pitié (+1) (see note)
1534 Mal ait tant vescu (-3) VW
1536 Coment y a il (+1) VW
1538 n’en plorent ja (-2) VW
1545 a terre (-1) VW
1548 ent quil (-1) VW

611
1549 Rienz (capital letter)
1559 Que de lor duel (+1)
1561 Dez mervuellez (+1) V
1562 Horz tant dist (-1) W
1572 sont grant W
1573 je le (+1)
1583 dame petit (corrected to pour) elle pleure (+2) W (see note)
1584 Pour vous V
1592 manciez (-1)
1601 avenras
1628 le depart VW
1633 s’i mait
1636 saigiez
1637 repaira VW
1654 Tant que un gué VW
1663 ne esperon
1668 sur terre (-2)
1673 dusqu’a pas
1679 la lance VW
1698 Cil respont (-1) V
1702 Grever V
1716 cest meslee (-1)
1740 i vint VW (numerals)
1753 qui auroit
1769 aroit des (-1) VW
1774 diroi je
1780 n’espereron (+1) (p with crossbar)
1794 porte VW
1808 natoucastes VW
1815 tourner VWM
1825 jel (-1)
1850 Por qu’il veult (-1)
1858 Qu’uns homs puist estre ne tors ne drois (+1)
1860 li cuers cloche (-1) W
1868 qui le
1874 Au ten W (Antan)
1902 Este vos
1911 un
1918 a querre dire
1943 qu’elez verront essillié (+1) VW
1950 vieut (see note)
1959 certes consaus (-1) VW
1964 N’en fay mie parler VW
1966 si fera VW
1967 Si fera par me VW
1968 Qui

612
1978 qui est
1999 et que (-1) VW
2003 a terre (-1) VW
2014 poez (+1)
2041 qui doie (+1) W
2055 Toy
2060 Le voit VW
2097 Se
2112 s’en issent sel convoient (-1)
2125 tonte (bar over the o, according to Friedwagner)
2146 s’arestre
2151 Sel W
2169 quy
2201 la bohorder (-1) VW (behorder)
2227 ist (space left for capital)
2228 del roy pris
2248 s’est tres fus W
2251 voitt
2270 respont autre chose (-1) V
2286 Au caplez
2298 eles sont voz a marïer (+1)
2305 que forche
2306 grant le VW
2312 deves VW
2314 Se c’est (-2) VW
2329 issoient
2336 Cil qui
2340 Quy
2351 tel qu’il vuet (-1)
2352 veut VW
2368 maitenant (missing bar)
2369 lara
2376 qui
2391 sest
2402 che
2407 Cil VW
2412 en mon escourch VW (see note)
2415 offrir
2428 esclechier (missing bar)
2436 Itelx quels que goz W
2450 merchie
2454 sejorneneray (+1)
2457 toute VW
2469 j’ai non (-1) W
2470 Pos les gués
vis sui (:) VW

613
2477 nulles festes (:) VW
2478 quy VW
2520 dist
2526 L’escu (-1) VWB
2535 sel mostre Meraugis VWB
2561 Nes (-1) VWB
2605 jusqu’au
2611 n’aroint
2624 Dames, par irai (-1) VB
2625 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from V.
2626 oeus
2628 Que volez je (-1) V
2630 Que volez ce (-1) VWB
2655 Cil respont (-1) W
2663 jel suy VWB
2669 pucellez (+1) VWB
2683 Quant ele (+1) VB
2684 vois enprise VWB
2690 plarvistre VB
2703-06 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from V.
2726 Chen est la voie sans reson VWB
2733 tierc (-1) WB
2786 a lor nain a porter (+1) VB
2799-2800 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from V.
2807 n’ot VWB
2819-20 These lines are reversed in T. The order of VWB has been followed.
2821 grant noise (-1) WB
2823 ot aler VWB
2824 font corner V
2825 Comme (+1)
le port VB (see note)
2832 qui
2840 i ou tant VW
2843 onques devant VWB (with minor variants)
2859-60 These lines are reversed in T. The order of VWB has been followed.
2879 entendent (+1) VWB
2882 Chevauchent qu’il (-1) VWB
2898 viege (bar missing) V
2916 fair conclus (-1)
2925 Dont il sont lie et B (see note)
2928 Dont VW
2943 tant qui
2948 Sel laisse VWB
2951 na miex VB (n’enuieus, n’envoios)
2970 Cascunz vit VWB (with minor variants)
2971 piece la selonc son tens (+1)
2993 dont n’ot ele (+1)

614
2999 Qu’ele ne soit (+1) B
3057 oïl par foi (+2)
3087 qua
3122 je fierement (-1)
3129 que plus (final word missing) (-1) WB
3132 je t’ochis (:)
3149 qui
3162 qui diroit VWB (cuideroit)
3168 veul (:)
3170 Poudre VWB
3195 por bien (-1) WB
3216 Ice VWB
3218 tant isseray (-1)
3229 dist (-1) VWB
3233 que
3237-38 These lines are reversed in T. VWB (with minor variants)
3300 vinrent VW
3303 sieuth
3308 sor quart B
3312 toute ly aiz VB (see note)
3316 laiz sanblerent (-1) VB
3321 vel le
3324 espee est (-1)
3331 donne (:) VB
3332 qui a faire (+1) VW
3338 ne le desdironz (+1)
3339 vos desplaise (+1)
3344 Cil vuelent (-1) VWB
3345 derriere la tor (+1) VW
3354 colz (:) VWB (with minor variants)
3355 et redïent (+1) VWB
3357 vidrent (bar missing) W
3358 devidrent (bar missing) VWB
3368 vis (-1) VB
3370 Quelle terre ce fu (+1)
3372 la tenoit WB
3373 terez (+1)
3387 se les (+1)
3388 a cornut VWB
3389 sy les (+1)
3391 Lorz leur abandone (+1)
3398 eslongie m’est (+1)
3399-3400 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from B.
3406 entrausez VB
3410 n’i faly rienz (+1) VB
3411 nus puist (-1)
3416 se deplaint (+1) VWB

615
3418 courchiez (-1) VWB (with minor variants)
3420 frez (-1)
3421 de tel fere (-1) VWB (with minor variants)
3423 mais gieu n’en ont (-2) VW
3434 Orres vos que (-1)
3437 ce j’aie (-1) VWB
3439 Qu’elle cuide (+1)
3440 je le say (+1) VW
3448 Que maice ma VB
3455 A l’espee (+1) VWB
3467 A la court ançoiz que (+2) VWB
3470 moveray (+1) VW
3480 mouveray (+1) VWB (with minor variants)
3490 retieng a fievés (+1)
3500 s’en ensy et departent V
3516 Tour
3519 n’oront VWB (with minor variants)
3526 Car ny puiz (-1) (see note)
3527 Ne le (+1)
3528 Quan quy
3531 cil dedenz (-1) VWB
3533 N’averoient (+1)
3535-36 plaise tant qu’il fait m’amie (+1) / Et quant Diex nel veut mie (-2) V (see
note)
3537 vue
3540 qui avuec (+1)
3544 The final word has been supplied from V (see note).
3545 eslaise (:)
3550 a tel (-1) WB
3574 el saly
3584 qui pensa B
3589-92 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from V.
3593 come guerre entre nous VW (see note)
3594 trives entre nous dex (+1) VW
3595 Par convent (-1) VW
3598 autre armes
3599 celles que nos avron (+1)
3614 Toz jorz le manaiche (-3) VW
3616 diroie je (+1) VWB
3626 Se ly fu (-1) VWB
3641 Lanpadys (:) (see note)
3643 et se li crie (+1) VW
3649 iert la hors (-1) V
3650 frir (-1) VWB
3654 nez (-1)
3660 lors sy s’en ala (+1) VWB
3663 se le (+1)

616
3669 ge le (+1) V
3670 chantray (-1) VWB
3673 Feroie lorz (-1) WB
3675 movera (+1)
3676 istera (+1)
3693 movera (+1)
3708 Ne faire VWB
3723 lonc fu aukaiz (-1)
3732 quil ne le redout (+1)
3750 Jel le lessai la ou gel le vy (+1) V
3754 ly venra (-1) VW (avendra)
3757 siens (see note)
3758 boins (see note)
3770 nuit aise (-1) VW
3771 quant ele leva (+1) V
3778 mors mors sy VW
3799 A signor si (-1) V
3806 Devant ce que (-1)
3812 je serai (-1) (final word missing) VW
3813 come (+1) VW
feray (altered from sera by a later hand) (see note)
3824 come (+1) VW
3827 l’amoie (:) W
3856 ne ne
3863 je vueil (-1) VW
3877 jel (-1) VW
3891 Ou ele cuide (+1)
3893 et come sage (+1) VW
3895 quel
3909 que
3914 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from VW.
3917 Belechis (+1)
3942 brief VW
3943 fuissent venu (-1) VW
3970 se loent W
3981 aime W
4003 fesist noient (+1)
4019 plus sont (-1) V
4034 a une gué (+1)
4058 assanl par
4062 s’entredesarcnent
4074 trebusce
4082 n’y conversera (+1) V (see note)
4088 c’est dels (-1) VW
4096 qui
4101 qu’il (-1)
4103 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from VW.

617
4104 Qu’il (-1)
4106 l’ost lor se (+1) VW
4107 que
4117 en plain VW
4136 dedenz molt (-1) W
4138 qui
4143 mece W
4146 come (+1)
4155 son cors hors (+1) V
4156 A bandon s’en saillent (-1)
4178 s’ont VW
4184 estre ne puet autre (:) VW
4187 gnt
4193 li parent
4214 n’a auteles (-1) W
4215 Ml’thaut
4224 estre son V
4230 fort haut (-1) VW
4231 asseour (:)
4232 qu’il (-1)
4249 A gigneorz
4251 le sorent W
4263 mehaaignent (+1)
4264 gaignent (-1)
4267 Des gens VW
4310 Pour ne (-1) VW
4315 que je (+1)
4322 This line is absent in T and has been supplied from VW.
4324 puet ci (-1)
4408 Que s’ele (+1) V
4429 cuy haut
4430 Bien en garira (+1)
4437 Ne sent il (-1) V
4461 Que
4475-76 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from VW.
4496 com (-1) V
4527 Me VW
4534 Mervellez est (+1)
4564 et celle (+1) VW
4578 tout V
4579 embrache (-1)
4580 lache (-1)
4582 quy
4589 Quy les (+1)
4592 nel le laisse (+1)
4597 l’en li doigne (-1) VW
4655 nul fu (:) VW

618
4660 poig W
4741 Ne qu’ele devigne (+1)
4743 novelle VW
4748 Dont ja mais n’ert retornee (-1)
4749 quy
4750 S’ele ne muert (+1)
4766 En en un (+1)
4781 Que
4800 garira (+1)
4801 mais trop W
4808 se plaint anchoiz VW
4826 gariray (+1)
4827 gariray (+1)
4833 il porra (-1) W
4854 U irés vous (+1) V
4883 Assembler
4888 doinst (:)
4889 harir VW
4894 covert c’on le (-1) VW
4907 Qu’ele coneüst (-1) VW
4927 est ele morte (+1)
4938 quy le (+1) V
4962 elle revint tot erraument (+1)
4965 jel nel
4966 Jamas
4969 ne le (+1)
4977 Orendroit (-1) V
4981 ponpens
4985 Q’rriens
4988 newt VW
5003 tient (:)
5007 ot (:)
5048 dist
5054 il or
5060 paus VW
5068 quy
5088 avoit dit VW
5090 l’en quierc
5092 ne le sache (+1)
5117 iront
5123 Quy liront
5125 Fait ly (-1) VW
5133-34 These lines are absent in T and have been supplied from VW.
5149 que viegne W (see note)
5150 vigne (:)
5165 lettre
5168 qu’il W

619
5222 par my tout hardement V
5223 nel
5228 n’i ot VW
5235 A senestres (see note)
5259 voelt
5267 moy VW
5275 com (-1)
5284 aumez VW
5318 chl’r (+1)
5326 une gué (+1)
5336 nel le lairoie (+1)
5339 Soy
5340 en es l’eure (-1)
5372 rans V
5391 qui le voient (+1)
5397 responsons (but see note)
5409 vostres (+1)
5416 covient por (-1) V
5456 on le metra (-1)
5467 ne weil V
5468 tos et sor sainz (+1) VB
5483 ca
5496 vos et quant (+1) VWB
5514 ont poi (-1) B (see note)
5522 quy
5525 quil
5530 des qu’il (-1) V
5531 Qu’il s’avalent sont encontre
5557 somme VWB
5564 tentes VW
5568 Qui
5577 Par millor gens WB
5586 ot a fais
5594 gage
5600 que
5603 carite W (chartre)
5633 deüsse morir (+2) B
5704 quy ja furent (-1) VW
5706 G. Quadrus (see note)
5713 le remendra VB
5729 nel (-1)
5734 prisonier (+1) VWB (but see note)
5741 aprés venir (-1) VWB
5792 je te (see note)
5836 illuec sont (-1)

620
 SIGNIFICANT VARIANTS

This list is intended as a presentation of those variants that show significant

differences between the base and the other manuscripts so that the reader can gain a
general idea of the contents of each. Spelling and minor wording differences that do
not substantially affect meaning have not been included except when they have led to
a correction of the base manuscript. A few examples of variants in proper names are
given for illustrative purposes, especially at the first appearance of a name. A more
complete indication of the variation in proper names can be found in Mathias
Friedwagner’s edition. Szkilnik’s edition, though containing substantially fewer
variants than this list, gives a number of longer passages in their entirety. Longer
passages have generally not been edited here, though some abbreviations have been
developed, especially from B.

1 A 32-line prologue found in W only has been edited separately.

5 Cavalon W
9 d’avoir W
12 jusqu’au port V
jusqu’au pont W
14 vilté V
Tot fust autre joviaus lasté W
21 Me dot que je n’en viegne a chief VW
24 plume d’oriol W
26-29 Sourcilz ot a delie tret / Enarchiez non pas bloi qui brun / Si bel que
il sembloit a chascun / Que il fuissent de ver purtret W
31 ot larget W
32 regart W
33 moitié W
esgart V
37 Le cuer V
D’amer tout de qui eu ventre W
38 De regarder oeil W
43 En vain dire une merveille W
46-47 Li temps ne fu pas tempesté / Quant fete fu tele creature
50-51 Ele ot le vis traitiz et droit / Et bele boche et cler le vis / Et plus ert
blanc que flour de lis / Clers com argent erent ses denz W
57 ot bel W
64 Que je mes miex V
65 Fors moi tot sol qui la devis VW
69 Lore de Biaus Praz W
71 blanche mains W

621
77 blanc (blancs) VW
80 loiauté W
84 Non q’ele estoit plesanz en non V
Non que ele estoit fontaine et non W
90 par mer W
92 Toz li monz i soloit aler V
Et devoient bien il aler W
100-02 Qui fust de ci jusqu’an tudele / La plus vaillante et la plus sage /
Que l’en trouast jusqu’an Cartage / Avec ce si gracieuse estoit / Que
a celui qui la regardoit W
108 savoit VW
110 A la pucele W
112 Qui ml’t fu de riche deportz W
114-16 Ml’t plaingt fort et ml’t souspira / Et ml’t estoit griefs ses pensez /
Pur son pere qui ert trespassez W
121-24 Einsi bien (Si tres bien) de tenir sa terre / Qu’onques ne la semonst
(semont) de guerre / Ne cist ne ceste ne nului (celui) / Einsi tint
(Ainz seult tenir +2) terre sanz anui VW
127 amee l’a W
129 Lindesores VW
130 Landemores V
des Blanches Mores W
134 Qui l’onor porra assentir V
Qui a lance porra venir W
137 Le cigne qui eu pre W
139 Landemore VW
150 Se la robe V
Sa robe (-1) W
154-56 Osse touchier tant ait grant non / Car donez iert par loiauté / A cele
qui plus a de biauté W
165-66 damesiaus / Des plus gentilz et des plus biaus W
169 Les fist VW
170-71 Et chevals et armes doner / Et les fist au monter vestir W
172 pailes V
samitz W
183 Si vindrent vers son estandart V
Si vienent vers .1. estandart W
185 En sa main, mout trenchant d’acier VW
190-91 La tieste avoit logue et ague / Le piz W
196 Il se resgarde arrier, si voit V
Il se regarde et venir veoit (+1) W
197 Les VW
199 Qu’il (Qui) les VW
a donc W
206 l’ueure W
211 Cavalon W
215 contee VW

622
216 Vist de sus l’eschaufaut montee W
230 el faudestuef V
236-37 Com ele avoit en loiauté / Tout I fu quan que lui covint W
240 la pucele V
241 Qui tant avoit biautez en soi V
D’eles qu’ot plus le vis verai W
following 243 The following two lines are found in V only:
Quant desus la bretesche vint / O li ot dames pus de .XX.
245 voudrent V
voudront W
249 I ot dames W
252 l’oevre V
253 a sovent outré V
262 Qui VW
263 consivevoit (consivoit) VW
271 Le tornoi fort et si fu (-1) W
272-73 Maint danzel ont la queneü / Et maint chevalier W
280 Et mon engin et mon sens dire V
281 A recorder la W
282 repeté W
286 Caulas VW
295 son dit estable VW
296 covoitable V
covenable W
299 Qu’il ont sor li l’entente mis V
le cigne W
300 le gré d’amis V
langue des amis (+1) W
306-07 Ne firent mie longue paine / A lor afere deviser V
317 Porlesguez V
Portlesguez W
320-21 Uns sis compains ml’t bien queneuz / Gorveinz Cadruz et fu o lui W
321 celui lui V
323 Les .II. meillors qu’en peüst querre V
Li .II. meillor qu’en seüst querre W
324 en cele terre V
en nul lieu guerre W
325 Ne nul tornoi W
326 rien ne se refusent W
328 Tout sanz tençon et sanz clamour W
330 toz lor gaains V
334 gieus de veille VW
338 la (sa) loiauté VW
339-41 L’a maintenant de cuer amée / Et aprés ce qu’i la ot nomée / Il dit
errant que il avoit W
343-45 l’auroit / Que resons i affiert et droit / Plus bele ne puet nus trouver V
353 aviser W

623
354 deviser W
358 Com a chevaliers esleuz W
359-60 These two lines are reversed in V.
360 Bien set que ce sont cil por voir
362-64 Car des armes sevent le tour / Dont ml’t plurent a la pucele / Gorveinz
Cadruz voit la iele W
363 Por la joie s’en conjoioit V
367 li voist dire V
368 Ainz s’en merveille et si trespense V
Ainz se m. et trespense W
371-77 Qu’ansi s’en vole et ça et la / Je croi cele pucele le a /Voire por voir il
m’est emblez / Ml’t par est mes cuers assemblez / A beau corps et de
grans renon / Set el que l’ait par foi ele non (+1) / Qu’ele l’ait ne quel
doie avoir W
374 Mout l’ai V
375 ç’ai mon V
384 raisons W
386 Par tant doit W
387 Hui le saura W
394 Sanz ce que ele point n’i pere V
394-404 Or covendra donc que il i pere / Et que je li face a savoir / Que je
l’aim a mon pooir / Et se je lui di se nel savoit / Et ele oi ne m’avoit /
Coment je sui sourpris d’amours / A cui dirai je mes clamours / S’a
cele non que a lui me sache / Mielz m’avient que ceste le sache W
Lines 401 and 402 do not appear in W.
411-13 Mes je me pense se je lui di / Com je l’aim et por lui mendi / A grant folie W
412-13 sorfait / Et a folie V
417 Lui dit en chantant et coment W
423 Et si ne sai si Diex m’avient W
426 maintes place W
430 Que voz estres V
432 grant afere V
bon afere W
433 et bien l’otroi
442-47 Or n’ot il pas .V. pas alé / Que il fu .C. tantz plus desvoiez / Et bien de ce
certains soiez / D’amours que ses compainz n’estoit W
Lines 445-446 are not found in W.
450 Durement V
Voirement W
453 Li sont venu V
453-54 These lines are not found in W.
455-59 Des chevaliers i vindrent maint / Lidoine .I. petitet remaint. / Aprés les
autres, s’en i ot / De tiex qui ne sonerent mot / Et Meraugis s’en vet
aprés W
460 Entre les autres se mist (tient) pres VW
464 charjant VW
467-68 These lines are reversed in W.

624
469 as iex W
474 Dont il se tient si aemplis
476 Ja Deu ne place V
476-77 Quant il s’en partist ne pot dire / Fors tant W
479 Remaint toz seuls en une voie V
480 De cuer et de sens W
485 Revint V
489 Trestotes VW
494 mieuz qu’eles V
doive mielz que riens (+1) W
499-501 Bien i porroit sentir amer / S’il n’a vaillance en lui amer / Folie seroit
vraiement W
506 Grue fantosme ou serpens V
516 Maintes foiz et en verité V
522 Si ferai (+1) W
530 l’amez W
sa beauté VW
531 sa beauté VW
533 Car W
541 Voire coment V
549 fet il por bien V
550 autre rien / De cest afere W
558 a nul jor V
m’avant VW
560 Tot le conseil que ge porroie V
563 Que vos consellierieez (conseilleriez) moi VW
572 bonté V
ses bons ditz sanz vileinie W
578 brunete W
594-95 Que l’amor est entre nos .II. / Si granz V
595 cist pointz nous depart W
606-07 en lui nul droit / Si com je cuit non avez (-1) W
608 ne l’amez VW
610-11 Quant li sourplus defors le corps / Noient ne vaut ce volez dire W
611 vueil je V
620 Vos non, vos n’i avez riens, non V
Vous ni avés noient, vous, non W
627 convoioient V
convoierent W
633-34 durement / Et demandent comunement W
636 en leur W
638 Lydoine (Lidoine) VW
639 amdeus V
Que il ainsi se vuelent combatre W
640 Cil voloient V
641 Et la tençon se il pooient V
et quant il l’oient W

625
642 blasment ml’t et lor deslöent (+1) V
650 Tiex i a dit ja W
651 seroie V
Domage seroit W
655 s’assemblent W
656 entalentif W
660 Mes ainz clinent et vont roant V
661 ou Lidoine estoit [:] V
664 quil VW
665 Se vont ferir de fier eslés W
678 l’escu devant son chief V
ot bien covert le chief W
679 par covant W
682-83 as espees des cox maints / Donent W
684 Se cil li paie et ciz li rent V
687 S’entrevienent et ce fu tost V
688 es testes d’un acost V
Es sorcilz es testes es couts W
690 Gorvains et sire Meraugis W
696 vaillant W
697 s’entracopent (s’entrascopent) VW
713 Com enragiez et hors dou sens W
718 et entrelessiez V
725 Por son loos W
732 pueent V
bien de ire (-2) W
735 c’este resons nos V
738 vos mespensez V
et quoi pensez W
739 Itant sachiez V
740 plus longuement V
743 la court W
745-46 Qu’en ce doie bataille avoir / La (Lors) me plaira (plera) mout a veoir VW
757 S’il ne vos plest V
760 Et s’il vos plest V
763 Non si le vos pri et commant V
771 Vos pri, et vos le devez fere VW
772 Por ce que mout me devroit plere V
Por quoi que ml’t vous W
774 ne sai que dire V
778 Bien sache VW
779 De voir W
782 Et bien sachiez, que que il soit V
783 De moi enfin V
De verité W
784 devant lors n’avrai VW
791 aprés chascun sa voie W

626
792 envoie V
la dame W
793 les contrees VW
801 Mes par tout si bien lor avint W
803 Qui n’eüst assez los et pris W
804 navrez et pris W
805 .XL. V
807 Li jorz vint, et Lidoine fu V
Que le jour vienent et Lidoine i fu (+2) W
810 certainement W
812 Cardoel V
Cardueil W
813 grant tenz V
818 qui revindrent W
826 repetee W
829 s’en merveille si comande W
831 que il veut savoir V
et que velt savoir W
833 Et que li baron l’entendirent W
836 Keuz VW
839 quens de Naples V
quens Guinables W
840 resnables W
843 Ainçois le di por metre en pes (metre pes) VW
844 C’est ce qu’en n’i metra ja mais V
Si que nuls ne metra ja mes W
848 fet li rois V
853 Et quant il ont einsi parlé / Et chascuns dist sa volenté W
856 Que ce est W
865 A Keu VW
876 Diex, com ces robes leur avienent W
879-80 Ne porroit de l’une redire / Chose qui n’aferist a dire W
882 Sol dou veoir cui il pleüst V
882-83 Qui leur biauté aperceust / On en peut W
885 sanz plus W
886 Ça .XX. ça .X. ça mains ça plus V
Ça .XXX. la .XX. de la sus W
887 Et les autres conrois avant V
devant W
892 totes oï VW
894 nestre VW
896 Lors comentierent V
tout a bout W
898 Ça .II. ça .III. ça .V. ça .VI. V
Ça .XX. ça .III. la .II. ça .VI. W
901 Cele si la redit aprés W
902 adés VW

627
903 Ceste autre dit V
909 Gauloie V
Gorvoie W
910 dames, ce me desvoie (devoie) VW
913-14 Ne ne puis ci reson veoir / Puis que chascuns la vielt avoir W
916 bonté V
917 Est tot .I. quant tienent a li V
Est tout quant tout tient en lui (-1) W
921 Or gardez qu’en vaut (-1) W
923 Nient, nule riens ne V
924 Se la cortoisie n’estoit VW
928 Leecestre V
Cyrencestre W
929-30 These two lines are replaced in W by the following eight:
Dist que lui covient entendre
Lidoine dist que ele vielt aprendre
Liquex l’aime mielz ce covient
Respont Auisce que ele dist bien
Et se chascun la vielt avoir
Je ne puis ci reson veoir
Li uns sanz l’autre ne vaut rien
Ce m’est avis par les sens mien
935 aime V
936 Et je vos dirai l’ochoison V
Ce est li pointz ici veom W
939 Cil qui vielt par tant l’autre avoir W
942 Et por (par) tant doit estre s’amie VW
943 aime V
945 Mes que chascun gart cest afere W
948 part le droit V
prent le droit gieu (-1) W
949 Si doine Lidoine a l’un quitement (+2) W
954 Que (Car) de ci naist (nest) et de ci vient VW
958 Por ce que ne puis V
960 clamer part V
961 l’aime VW
964 verrez meillor V
965 un crucefis V
le cutefis W
966 qu’est ce VW
uns vis V
967 vient VW
968 s’en vet com ambleüre W
970 laiens es iex V
971-72 Biautez est ce qui naist o li / Orgoil orgoil qui siet sor li V
971-74 Biauté que est ce qui bien vielt croire / Ce est orgueils par Dieu et
voire / Qui nest en lui si com je di / Uns nons de vilainie issi W

628
974 Ne ne sai que plus vos en die V
977 n’a pere W
978 a son pere V
a sa mere W
981 qui est de li n’est teus V
Que ce qui naist de lui n’est preus W
986 aime V
990 L’aime si bien V
L’aime tout si en W
994 acort W
995 Ne la doit V
1000 quant el l’ot V
qui ce ot W
1002 demandez V
recontez W
1008 prover en elle pas V
1009 Ma bataille V
La bataille W
1012 par ice W
1014 Proverai qu’il est V
Si le proverai W
1017 Que il la doie quite avoir W
1018 Et Meraugis tot pié estant V
Et Meraugis par estovoir W
1021 Bien porromes ici V
1026 ne plus ne mains V
Ni ot onques plus (-1) W
1028 n’eussent V
1031 Mis tout a W
1032 qui dit (dist) qu’il n’i eüst VW
1035 sa court que plus ne voloit W
1043 enfin sanz faille VW
1045 Por la pucele et a l’espee V
Et lui conquerre par espee W
1048 s’en alast W
1056 oïl voir W
1057 en autre lieu estre (+1) W
1058 en fin en ceste (+1) W
1059-60 Je ne ving pas çaiens as plais / Ne por fere si del tot pais V
1064 maintenir VW
1067 sur nous W
1071 Se je çaiens sui V
Et je sui ceenz W
1076 apaiez W
1078 cloche le droit W
1082 qu’ele sesist (saisist) VW
1089 se lui non VW

629
1093-94 These lines are reversed in V.
1095 Je le ferai V
Lui soffrera W
1096 Jusqu’a .I. an VW
1106 promet (pramet) VW
1110 L’amor V
1115-16 Alors li ferai .I. bel don / Selonc sa proesce et son non W
1128 Ai je V
Sachiez a donc fu W
1135 douz menton W
1141 qui mout la (le) desira VW
1142 aporta V
emporta W
1144 Au mains fu il ml’t raemplis W
1146 plesaument V
1149 Quen itel proece illumine V
1152-53 Mes plus avroit en mon sermon / Et maintes foiz vous sermonasse W
1156 Trop et por ce que je me hast V
Por ce et por ce que me hast W
1158 Vos lais ci dou sarmon V
Veez vous ci (+1) W
1165-66 Que .I. pointz d’amours de lui issi / Le chevalier es ielz feri W
1166 Qu’un poi d’amor
1168 Si quant W
1172 arachie W
1173 dedenz aus V
1176 mes cuers me dit V
1180 l’eure que le V
l’eure que si le W
1184 ne resgarda (regarda) VW
1188 l’estraint V
1189 la puet V
1192 Et amor (amours) VW
1194 Quel roiz? Q’apelez roiz? V
Que est roiz? W
following 1226 The following two lines appear in W only:
Par quoi en veoit ançois si eil / Que par tel roiz cousent li oeil
1195 Nenil VW
1197-99 Que c’est la roiz a amors prendre / Par tant poez des ieuz aprendre / Ce
voil W
1199 Que c’est voirs aprendre V
1200 cousent oeil (-1) W
1201 Pescha li cors qui desirroit V
Perça le cuer W
1202 l’esgarder cele V
le cuidoit W
1203 il tendi devant V

630
 il a dit devant W
1209 si ne l’amasse W
1211 Trieves V
Terme W
1213 s’en vet V
en revient W
1216 ne joe ele mie V
Me deceve ne sui je mie W
1217 ai mis W
1218 de noiant V
de cel an W
1221 n’ot de riens tel faim V
de riens n’ot tel fain W
1227 bel ator V
riche ator W
1228 Mes coustume estoit a cel jor V
1232 Li damoisel non li garçon V
1236 Des dames i ot V
1239 assis W
1240 laver W
1247 Non Diex fet riens aussi camuse V
1249 S’esta V
S’en vient W
following 1252 The following four lines do not appear in T:
Mout m’esmerveil. Je te vueil dire
(Une merveille te vieng dire)
Qu’en (En) ceste cort ne doit nus rire
Ne doit ? Non, mout i a por quoi
Rois, esgarde tot entor toi VW
1254 noienz VW
1255 que mes soit V
1256 escornee V
escoviee W
1258 aval dou mont VW
1261 mon bien V
1264 Atan V
en rouoisons W
1265 l’amour W
1268 L’espee V
1279 Hui sanz faille dut il V
dust mes niez (+1) W
1281 Sospire et mua son semblant V
1286 en chaut VW
1289 Nel çoile mie V
n’en celez W
1291 N’avrez (N’avroiz) VW
1295 se levast W

631
1297 l’esplumeoir V
Viegne avant ou viel ou meschin W
1299 orra W
1301 vous di W
1302 au plus hardi V
a ml’t W
1307 entre VW
1308 Mes parmi ce puet V
lui W
1314 si ami VW
1326-27 Et quant cest afere avez pris / Il me plest mout en mon corage V
1330 Que i voise ml’t me puet plaire V
Que vous soiez mis au repaire W
1331 li dit V
1333 Que volez V
1335 destorrai W
1341-42 Ja devers moi ne remaindra / Je cuit que bien lor en vendra W
1343 ce est bien W
1345-46 Par mon veoir et par l’autrui / De ce trestoz certains en sui W
1348 Savoir vaut mieuz VW
1349 sa compegnie V
1350 ot la dame (Lidoine) oïe VW
1351 si retorne (-1) V
Son frain torne, si s’en retorne W
1352 retorne W
1356 ne s’esmaie V
ne s’en graigne W
1358 esté VW
1359 en cest point VW
1361 vilain coup V
vilain gabé souvent W
1362 mout despointié V
decevant W
1363 a pou fi V
a peuri W
1366 volez tencier que tere V
1369 S’en torne V
1372 s’en torne du W
1374-75 Et quant li dui a dire voir / Montent sus et praignent congié W
1376 qu’il ot negié VW
1380 Chevauchent VW
1382-85 Li quez est de lerrer hastez / Tant que ot passé le bois plessié / Et vint
illuec trestot a pié / A pié voire jouste un essart W
1384-87 Qu’il ont outre le bois plessié / Trové le nain en .I. essart / A pié
Meraugis cele part / Chevauche tot le petit pas V
1388 La voie est haute et li bois bas W
1392 Mes on le veoit (+1) W

632
1396 Qui est V
Que est ce fet il qui (+2) W
1397 plains frans d’amours W
1400 ml’t volentiers V
1401 n’en ai de honte V
De la honte ni ai je point W
1402 te vient V
1407 orendroit V
1408 Por la honte qui t’avendroit V
1412 Que W
qui est la VW
1415 Li chevaliers ses tu por coi V
lui dist por coi W
1416 mes que ça vint V
mes ele (+1) W
1423 sel me rent V
se le (+1) W
1427 guernue V
chenue W
1428 hisdeuse et ossue V
1430 Quant toz li monz gele de froit V
geloit de froit W
1431 Et el V
1432 atornee VW
1433 Com ce fust enz el mois d’esté W
1437 Ele fu tres bele W
1439 S’ot (Si ot) .I. cercle VW
1442 blanc de regaïn V
blonc de regarin W
1443 beau V
beau deport ot W
1444 au nain ot V
le naim ot W
1448 laidi W
1451-52 venoit / Et qui durement la sievoit V
1456 au frain l’a pris V
1457 Si le sache (+1) W
1460 et ferrez me V
1462 Deus a non VW
1463 N’en menrez mie si a toise V
1465 Tant me siet mout V
Tant m’assiet W
1468 que m’avez fete VW
Veez vos la ce (cel) tref tendu VW
1477 ce que ge vos (+1) VW
1486 son boen / Et a la vielle (-1) V
1489 faudrai ge mie V

633
1490 et point descoellie V
1491 et ou repaire V
mes au repaire W
1494 Qu’onques mes dueil VW
1496 Au doel oir a demoré V
1498 depart V
1503 or escoute V
1510 Li chevaliers arriere point V
Lors fiert de ses courgiés W
1512 C’onques del nain ne pot plus prendre V
Li chevaliers n’i puet plus prendre W
1513 au deable le comande VW
1514 Au tref quy fu en my la lande VW
1517 Si vit entrer si atornee V
1519 mul VW
1530 je plor car j’ai pitié VW
1531 ont W
1545 qui ert V
1546 L’en ne V
en doit plus W
1553 Sa lance V
1555 Plorant criant dient V
1559 de lor dueil a riens V
De leur duel que a rien W
1562 Fors tant qu’il dit V
1564 Non fet il V
1571 ai covent V
1572 Je vos met bien en covenent V
marchiez W
1574 et sanz tarder V
1575 entierement W
1576 Car sachiez bien je sui dolenz V
1581 par force V
1583 damoisele pleure V
un petit pleure W
1584 vous TW
1585 si ert W
1586 de nos W
1587 tornera tout W
1593 ne sai dire le por quoi V
1594 coi VW
1597 gete (giete) loing VW
1601 verrai W
1602 li ostes V
1604 contredire W
1609 venoit W
1609-10 Ne dites pas que par nos soit / Se maus ou biens vos en venoit V

634
1610 que par nos soit W
1612 Quel li verrez V
1617 vous W
1619 jaians W
1619-20 Ge ne demant se guerre non / Coment que li gaainz ait non V
1621 la toz remest W
1625 Mes einsi lor en mesavint V
1626-27 laienz ne vint / Lor ch’r de V
1638 puis VW
1650 Son frain tire W
1655 un chevalier VW
1656 va criant W
1658 jousterez a moi W
1667 nuls plus bel ne seüst W
1672 Mar vienz V
1679 si s’eslesse VW
1686 quist mervelleus V
1691-92 en piez revint / De l’espee que el poig tint V
1693 Se va deffendre et maintenant W
1695 Et tu qui viens ne m’aprochiez / Car va remonte W
1697 bonement congié VW
1698 mal (an) aie gié VW
1699 remont VW
1700 pis quant W
1702 Certes W
1703 N’en doutez W
1704 t’atendrai V
1708 ch’r furent ml’t fort V
1709 Cil saut et gite V
1712 l’ensieut (l’ensuit ) VW
1714 lui despiece W
1717 Damdeus V
Diex voire certainement mes W
1720 fiers et preus aore V
1723 Meraugis qu’il l’outre et conquiert V
Que il le vaint et que il le W
1724 Li chevaliers vaincuz requiert V
1726 Di moi avant que senefie V
Di m’avant quoi ce signefie W
1729 Ne partiras VW
1731 Que (je) tot einsi VW (+1)
1732 Oiez coment V
1733 Cabrahan V
Perci de Sabraan W
1739 Par toz les lieus VW
1743 qex vuez erent V
1745-46 De chevaleries. Si dist / Guivrez, cil qui le premier veu fist (+1) V

635
 Guifrez qui le premier veu fist / De chevalerie, si dist W
1747-55 Que de tot l’an ne porteroit / Hauberc ne heaume (hiaume), ainz
jousteroit / Tot sanz armes (desarmez) fors de l’escu. / Li granz Riolenz
qui la fu (Li gentilz Riolanz qui i fu [+1]) (Uns autres qui delez li fu) / Voa
que ja més ne gerroit (gisroit) (gierrot) / En covert (En court) (A covert)
tant (ainz) que il avroit / Ocis (Occis W) chevalier (Chevalier ocis M) en
bataille VW, M (see note 1751)
1757 s’avanta W
1762 Trahez dahez V
Galeün W
Tirez dounez M
1764 ne troveroit V
1765-80 These lines do not appear in M.
1769 Si las qu’il VW
1777 ne voloit W
1782 ne le toucheroie V
le tendroie W
1784 demorer VWM
1788-89 Et quant ge me lief au matin / Je V
1789-90 Que tu m’as conquis et maté / Or fai de moi ta volenté W
1790 je me ierre au soir M
1792 voas W (+1)
n’as M
1793 forfet V
1796 De toi c’est tot VW
De toi mes encor se M
1798-1814 These line do not appear in M.
1799 Tot le V
1800 Outre le V
1802 la en leur prison W
1807 Au (Al) tref? Oïl, j’i ai geü VW
1814 Or ce est malveise acheson W
1819 coupast W
1822-23 pour coi / Voulez vous que je le vous die? M
1829-45 These line do not appear in M.
1835 mes neporquant VW
1843 Mort et honi V
1850 vaille W
1852 cil quidoit avoir grant rage V
1853 varoit M
1854 dou tot tuer le droit VW
1856 Et si est ce droiz dont naist tors V
… drois il veut que soit torz M
1858 doie estre M
1860 li change W
1863 Le droit VW
1864 est en l’ome (-1) V

636
1871 baiseroit V
croisceroit W
1874 Autan[t] [erased] avint come d’amors V
Antan avint que uns diex W
1875 franz cuers V
1876 Lui fist que il i covint proier W
1882 De s’amor V
1883 Parla V
1884 quanque li pleroit V
1885 otroia V
1889 meffeïst V
1898 Des l’ore (De l’ores) fist lez (en) VW
1901-06 Estez vos que ceste reson / Courra par toute sa meson / N’est nus si
hardis qui conoisse / L’escu por iceste angoisse / Ce est l’escu au noir
serpent / Qui l’ose aprochier d’un arpent W
1904 quil conoisse V
1906 Qui l’ost aprochier d’un V
1907-08 These lines do not appear in V.
1909 Et vos l’avez geté a terre V
1913 portoit V
1918 ci n’a que dire V
que est a dire W
1919 alez la V
1920 Li escuz n’ot V
1922 le chevalier ot V
Mes la lance au chevalier out W
1926 Que ainz W
1927 par cest mesfet VW
1928 cele s’en vet VW
1930 tourra W
1931 en sera VW
1932 Crueuls et por ce V
1937 Het bien
1938 Et vilainie et hontage W
1939-40 These lines do not appear in W.
1942 droit V
1943 vourront W
1945-49 Ou n’a mesure ne reson / Mes tout avant met en prison / Reson qui a
desraisonnee / Est fortune li a donee / A cele dont ele est morte (-1) W
1950 veut c. clorre sa porte VW
1957 anuit trover VW
1958 del redouter V
1964 N’en faz mie a blasmer V
1975 Maintendrai je W
1978 li reson V
si te nomme W

637
1979 Li (Et li [+1]) chevaliers VW
1980 Lampadés V
Lampagrés W
1986 se l’en la (le) me fet VW
1993 Qu’il VW
1997 a lui te mesleras VW
1998 tu li diras VW
2001 bataille V
2005 Sel ramaine V
Si l’amaine W
2006 Laquins V
2009 savras V
2010 me siuras (severas) VW
2012 torneras VW
2014 poez croire tanqu’a Joedi (+2) W
2018 l’esplumeoir V
l’enplumeor W
2019 Quant V
2020 com en W
2028 lors li dira VW
2029 Tot plainement VW
2036 s’esmaia W
2040 vient a son tref V
2044 se haste dou V
2046 Lampadés V
Lampagrés W
2048 Quant l’esgarda lors li courut V
2049 frain V
2050 la jus gisoit V
laids W
2053 vient W
2054 Nenil. Si es, vien toi combatre VW
2055 Nus VW
2057 ainz l’abati VW
2058 Uns autres ou me V
Uns W
2064 D’aïr s’estut et lui demande W
2069 A vous W
2072 moustreras W
2074 forz VW
2079 mentir W
2088 Les dames qui voient W
2096 devers senestre VW
2104-06 Et ge auroie mout vescu / Se je avoie de vos .II. / La bataille. Ja mes li
dieuls V

638
2105-06 Ce dist Laquis si de vos deus / Veïsse l’estour car li dieuls W
2109 Que me soie de lui vengié V
2110 qu’il ait le col trenchié V
2118 le cri ont oï V
levé W
2136 voudroit plaire V
2138 por miex fere s’i tendra V
por le mieuz fere tendra W
2139 Cel jor V
A destre et s ‘en va par besoing W
2142 Uns nains camus, gouz et pervers V
2144 Son V
2149 n’oseroies W
2160 t’atornes VW
2161 De l’aler tu i avras honte V
2178 destorné W
2180 enuis eüst V
2182 Li hardi devienent coart / Com lievre V
2184 or est einsi V
2185-88 Tant qu’il (Quant il) s’en vont autre chemin / Mout ont erré et en la fin /
Quant il furent dou bois issu (eissu) / Si ont de l’autre part veü / Un
chastel sor la (joste une) riviere / trop haut VW
2189 cele roche V
2190 tailliez la (de) broche VW
2191 haus V
2196 la gent i fut V
2204 et la avoit V
2205 la joie VW
2218-19 ai esmez / Les ch’rs V
2221 Se sieent (+1) V
Erent W
2234-35 Et lors s’esmuet li chevaliers / Devant les autres est issuz V
D’autre part les .xxx. chevaliers / A ces paroles est eissuz W
2237 bien fu armez VW
2240 ne voel V
2243 acorde V
2246 concorde W
2249 veut V
2256 Quant il por vaintre sa bataille V
por faire W
2259 Non, mes itant sai je VW
2261 Que a lui combatre W
2266 acorde V
2269-70 cil l’oppose (-1) / Un et respont autre chose (-1) W
2283 assembler W
2286 As chaples W
2289 Fendre et par force VW

639
following 2290 The following two lines appear in V only:
Se li chevaliers est hardis / A .c. doubles l’iert Meraugis
2294 nes camus W
2297 Le tint (tient) a la teste couper (cousper) VW
2298 el sont voz a marïer V
eles sont voz a marïer (+1) W
2299 si assent V
2302 Quant li rois a dit sanz respit W
2303 Lessiez le assez avez fet V
2308 .C. en i a et plus de (qui ml’t sont) beles VW
2309 sont a vos VW
2314 g’entent que mariage V
2318 Respont (+1) W
2323 mon roiaume V
2326 se mes envoient V
2328 Einsi com eles sont oan VW
2329 que en l’autre an i soient W
2341 Sont W
2343 Et a son voloir V
2344 s’il les vielt par eus W
2350 Et s’einsi est qu’en ait envie V
2352 faiz (faz) VW
2353 Fere mes peres com ge dis V
Fere mes peres com je devis W
2357 Ne sai W
2358 N’encontre W (+1)
2368-69 mes itant / Li dit (dist) VW
2372 li rois comande V
following 2372 The following two lines appear in V only:
Que il ait sa volenté tote / Se ce n’est chose trop estoute
2374 a moi adoner W (+1)
2375-76 et trestot mon creant / De ce ber V
2377 Qui estoit sires a un mot VW
2378 tant s’outrecuidot V
seurcuidot W
2379 prometoit V
departoit W
2380 Devant le roi et departoit V
prametoit W
2381 Les dames VW
2387 ml’t a seur W
2393 Por W
2435 torte W
2398 Devon (Doivoms) nos .II. VW
2402 et que cil mesdist W (+1)
2406 Qu’il se (Et qu’il) fesoit liez de noient VW
2413 m’apensai W

640
2414 Me V
2415 Je li offri V
por desrainier W
2419 Si en demanc W
2422 a demain W
2431 mielz W
2432 Ceste dame V
2435-36 These two lines are not in V.
2435 Avec son corps W
2436 Itiex ne quex W
2440 bien voirs que l’en dit V
2441 broucille V
buscille W
2442 la fille VW
2445 si en lui W
2452 en covent W
sachiez par foiz V
2455 Sauf ce que V
2456 vostre los, que n’i V
vos loos que je ne (+1) W
2466 Mes que vos nos acreantoiz V
2467 entierement W
2469 Sire rois j’ai non V
2471 revendrai ci W
2476 tel gabois V
2486 Au quareforc, la ou refu B
2487 qui le naym B
2491 son chemin V
tans (corrected from tant) chemins B
2492 dit ce m’est avis enfin V
2492 ne ne sai VWB
2495 Ne au quel chemin nos tendron W
nos troveron B
2498 Que la destre V
2499 demorer W
2506 esgarda W
2509 ne chaut ne W
2510 Ahy (Hahi) VB
te donoie W
2514 Ta honte B
2518 et en sa honte V
Que son despit t’a W
2522 en ce pais W
2523 Le puis W
2528 L’un vet aval et l’autre amont B
2531-32 These lines do not appear in B.
2531 lez une roche V

641
 Qu’a un matin W
2532 Bacloche V
Lanbragrouce W
2537 maintenant V
2538 vet V
voit W
2540 Bien sot qu’ot fet V
Sot bien que ce fist (+1) W
2546 domagié (damagié) VWB
2549 arriere n’en retorroie W (+1)
2551 Morir ou VWB
2553-54 These lines do not appear in B.
2555 Ml’t grant et dit B
mehaigniez W
afolez B
2557 Ce t’ai je fet VWB
2558 Por ce que VWB
2561 toi rendre V
2601 graant B
following 2570 These lines appear in VWB:
Combatre a l’espee (a l’espees) (Conbatre as espeies) / d’acier / Tant que
fust as (B: a) testes trenchier
2583 Plus marriz V
2584 et doing ma foi B
2590 Plorant W
2592 Qui (Que) chaut VWB
2597 haut et grifaigne V
en mi la plaingne WB
2598 de la champaigne W
iert pres de .I. montaingne B
2599-2600 These lines do not appear in B.
2601-04 Entor hordee a la reonde / Qui ert la plus haute dou monde V
2602 This line does not appear in B.
2603 Desus la roche contremont B
2605-06 La vit Meraugis damoiseles / .xii. qui trop estoient beles V
2606 les puceles W
2612 Ainz maintienent V
2616 la roche VWB
2620 Je cuit que V
2621 haute V
bel atour W (+1)
2623 Trois foiz (troi fez) WB
2626 Amis W
2628-29 These lines do not appear in B.
2629 dites moi V
2631-32 These lines do not appear in W.
2632 Vos die en haut que je ai quis V

642
 Die en jupant V
2634 a conter B
2635 Se vet seoir, sel let debatre V
Se vet seoir por lui esbatre W
Se vet soer, sil let conbatre B
2636 Et escria V
2640 vos estuet V
2643 li prie V
Por Deu B
2645 nules noveles VWB
2646 la dame des puceles WB
2649-50 These lines are reversed in B.
2655 Et cil respont VB
Cil lui respont W
2658 m’ensaignez B
2660 l’esplumeoir Merlin V
l’enplumeour Merlin W
l’enplumeor Mellin B
2670 .I. naym B
2673 esplumeor V
enplumoer W
enplumeor B
2674 Si i muserai tote jor V
joer W
Mes ge i sui venu por folor B
2675 Ce m’est avis V
2676 nuls cors V
2676-77 fet il lors / Se ge puisse aler B (-1)
2678 oïsse V
Demorasse tant que W (+3)
2680 Bien VW
Bon B
2682-83 o .IIII. piez / Puis qu’il n’i avint pur ceste assise W
2688 nule rien (riens) WB
2690 plarvistre VB
plain estre W
2691-93 entre / Tot erroment de ce li menbre / Quant aore V
2693 mes lors s’en vient W
2694 or sai VW
lores B
2697 crois Dieu V
qu’en dirai W
2700 Et Lidoyne B
2705 S’esforce W
2706 Sire, en cest braz WB
2708 Mes les la croiz W
This line does not appear in B.

643
2710 Resgarda V
Regarde WB
2712 Ch’r VWB
2722 Por ce se tu veus VWB
aler W
2724 Si W
Merci te covendra lesser B
2725 si a non V
la secunde voie B
2726 Por voir B
2727-29 Por qoi se tu veus la torner / Que nuls reson n’i puet trover / Se tu vuels
si va cele voie V
2732 qui reson VWB
2733 Et l’autre V
2735 Coment V
2744 Laquel voie que V
2746 j’ai apris VW
2747 m’en sai de nul W
2749 que j’oi (g’oi) VWB
2750-51 Choisir m’estuet a la parclose / Q’en diroie V
2752 quele prendron W
2753 Je ne sai quoi. V
Sire, ne sai. B
2758 Chascune des .II. WB
2750 C’est sanz reson WB
2761 Que (Qu’en) cele part VWB
2762 Mes cele autre VW
2765 Que j’aille VB
Qu’ele est trop W
2766 Je ne sai bien ou W
Ne sai ou bien ou malement B
following 2766 The following two lines appear in V only:
Sui je dou tot asseürez. / Alon ! fet cil, fet cele
2771 Issi furent hors en (Issirent fors en mi) (S’en issirent fors en) la plaigne
VWB
2773 la cité sor mer V
following 2774 Avoec son voel, car il la quist / Aprés et a grant fes se mist / De trover la
nel trova pas / Einsi li chevaliers le pas V
Voire a son oes qui la conquist (next three lines essentially as V) W
A es son oes, quar il la quist (next three lines essentially as V) B
2775 Vet chevauchant VB
Va chevauchant W
2776 Onques vile V
2778 Bien estoit por la mer assise V
2779 Devant li batoit grant navie V
Batoit devant o (a) grant navie (navire) WB
2780 Beau havre i a, n’i ot V

644
 Ml’t bone, en ce n’a que je die W
Enz ou havre, en cen n’ot B
2781 Enfin de grant VWB
2786 au nain W
2790 terres V
bones pensees W
2796 .I. autre garçon B (+2)
2797 Recontre V
A encontré W
Ra encontré seu resalue B
2798 pas n’ellue V
salue W
fanz lue (-1) B
2808 qoi avez V
2811 por proesce ne W
2813 fet ele en plorant B
2814 chevauchent W
2817-18 Trestot einsi com il les virent / Il saillent et savez que firent V
2821 gregnor (greignour/graignor) VWB
esmoute V
2823 temoute oï corner B (-1)
2824 ausi font aluer B
2825 port W
.I. porc B
2827 sans riens (rien) prendre VW
2830 Fet la dame V
2831 puet V
2831 ce me dieult (-1) W
2844 vaillant W
2847 plus bel que prou V
plus bel que leu W
Se eus estoient plus beaus que pou B
2848 Car (Qu’il) ne vont pas sovent en fro (freu/frou) VWB
2853-63 These lines are replaced in B by the following three:
Dit Lydoine que ce sera / Se ce est bien ml’t me plera / Lors encontrent
ceaus a chevuax
2858 doint joïr VW
2861 De ce non voir W
2867 les saluent V
2868 Et il auz touz si com moi samble V
Et il aussi s’en vont ensemble W
2871 come m. VWB
2873 les regarde W
2876 paroles VB
2878 mainz genz V
d’annui W
n’est pas mendre de lui B (-1)

645
2883 Devant V
aval s’en vont WB
2885 Desor la mer arresteü V
2894 Si passerez V
2898 m’aviegne WB
2904 en verrez (verroiz) WB
2906-08 Ja por nului n’i passerai / Ne ferez non je vos dirai / Que troverez que
bien le sai V
2912 Prodome issi (-2) B
2919 La terre V
2922 qui nos V
Et ces dames qui chantent la W
2925 Dont el sont lies V
Dont liees sont W
Donc sunt liez B
2926 qui ne vet el querant V
n’est mie queranz B
2928 Dïent (+1) B
2935-36 qui ml’t pensoit (-1) / A la bataille il garde et voit B
2938 grant ator B
2940 Lor dit Meraugis quant il voit B
2942 siglent W
2952 adés VB
2954 tornéz VWB
2957 pleneres B
2961-64 Si que par force pas n’i entre / Et li cuer lor duelent el ventre / Cengles
trenchent et rompent tot / Des cols tuit li poitrail sont rot V
2961-62 These lines do not appear in W.
Que par force pas n’i entrerent / Petraus ronpont et depecerent B
2963-64 These lines do not appear in B.
2965 Cengles et frains si qui s’en vont B
2968-69 Dou chaoir resconsent les iex / Tant fort que il ne virent goute V
2971 non pas lonc tens VWB
2974 Que li corps W
2979 et lors s’en vont V
2983 Issi conbatent B
2990 Et tendrement plore et demente B
2991-96 These lines do not appear in B.
2992 Que trouble en devint sa veüe V
2994 Non et si pert sa W
2995 qui l’a empainte V
2997 fiert en soi W
Si que plus ne puet esgarder B
3001-02 These lines do not appear in B.

646
3003 Demainent les V
Chevalier as B
3012 Itex assauz bien .xx. ou plus B
3015 ne lance B
3022 lor testes VWB
3023 N’i eüst li plus fors (forz) (la plus forte +1) duree VWB
3025 et rendre V
3035 et li vint de pres V
3038 trestorne V
3047 et tient B
3048 Vers Meraugis (+1) W
3049 Meraugis s’esloigne se lui dist (+1) W
3052 me WB
3054 m’apelent V
seulent li baron WB
3055 Adonqes respont V
3057 Estes vos ce (cen) ? Oïl, par foi VWB
3060 Porzlesguez B
3068 Li rois Artus et sa mesnie V
3073 ne viegne mie a cen W
3074 alez vos B
3075 la navie V
3079 Outre … il estuet W
3081 ne ja n’en istras V
n’istras B
3082 tu (ja) ne porras VB
3083 Seis tu donc reison por quoi B (-1)
3086-87 Une dame est de ci entor / La plus bele c’onques veïs V
3092 A euls V
li a cours W
3098 Einsi i fu W
3099 Et WB
3110-13 Einsi avoint que maint baron / I vindrent et maint chevalier / A qui il a
les cols trenchiez, / Que par force toz les vainqoit V
3112 Qui puis vindrent W
3115 Fiers VW
Preuz B
3116 .II. B
3121 meslee V
fierement B
3122 egreiment B
3123 Me desfendi si com je poi V
3126 maugré bien V
3127 Ai cest chastelet puis gardé V
3128 la dame a W
3131 Or esgarde donques einsi V
Si remaindra li autre ci B

647
3132 Si tu me vains V
S’il me vaint ou je l’ocis W (-1)
Si tu me vainz et B
3134 Li uns remaindra en gages V
Remaindra ci li uns W
3135-36 vendra / Sire et por ce te covendra W
3139 Por quoi W
Tu seras maistres chastelains B
3140 Et que par force soit de mains B
3142 Dahez ait qui en a envie W
3143-44 non ferai / Car si m’aïst Diex je ne sai W
3147 aporte a mengier B
3154 La dame W
3154-57 ele vient jus / El set trop bien qa fere avient / Si quiert tot quan que nos
covient / De viande et dit qu’en li port V
3157 Comande que l’on lui aport W
3161 ne l’atendroit V
ne remaindroit W
ne m’atendroit B
3163-64 These lines are reversed in W.
3169-70 Je voudroie bien que il feïst / Tel orage que il W
3170 Foudre et ore V
Foudre ou rage B
3171 N’ai VWB
3174-75 Ou tu moi ci a male vie / Mout aim V
3177 Tot orendroit V
3178 me venoit VW
me devoit B
3179 jamés n’isteroies W
3180 mes la tours garderoies / Ceste isle sanz avoir deport / Ne joie de ci que a
la mort W
3185-89 These lines are replaced in V by the following three:
Mout bien selonc ce que j’entent / Se volez fere a mon talent / Jeter vos
en cuit n’i morrez
3190 Dites moi si vous me creez W
3193 Nule c’om n’i seüst nomer W
Fet Gauvain qu’en B
3195 por bien (-1) B
3196 ne sai ge V
3203 Et nis la dame de la sus W
3204 desfendrai (defendrai) VW
3209-11 geteroiz / En la mer quant osté l’avroiz / de mon chief B
3217 Biax amis, et je W
3218 Comme mortz et tant me faindrai W
3222 serons VB
Coment de ci eschaperom W
3225 et lors s’en vont V

648
 Car il plest. Lors W (-1)
3228 sont avisé VWB
3229 ocis B
3231 Cez mervelles V
oez que ele fist W (+1)
3232 Du poing se ferist W
3236-38 Dou doel Lidoisne ne savroie / Dire ne conter la moitié / J’ai veü maint
dueil esforcié V
3238 Ge ai autres deeuz veü fere B
3242 Tant que a .I. chastel le maine V
3243 que Avice W (+1)
3245 Que .V. leues non ce cuit tant W
3246-47 Doucement la vet confortant / Amice jusque a son osteil B
3248 La pucele ot la nuit tel W
3354 Puis s’ecrie W
3256 Deus … reverrai V
3258-59 Perdue sui et mise a mort / Meraugis a la nuit se leva (+1) W
3262 Avant a alé .I. petit V
Meniant et .M. sailli B
following 3262 The following two lines appear in W only:
Cil qui en fin mort le cuidoient / S’esbahisent quant il le voient
3263 ou s’arresta W
et s’arresta B
3264 Et quant la dame veü l’a W
3265 saut en estant V
3266 foiz tot maintenant V
.c. foitz W
3270 Vos ocirai ja sanz B
3272 ce me samble V
3274 La parloient et V
3277 Oevrent V
3281 et quant il W (+1)
3282 Tant menja que V
3288 Meraugis s’apensa a point V
Mes or oez com W
3289 Et quant il ot pensé si fist V
3291 La plus riche robe W
3292 Si s’atorna W
3293-94 These two lines do not appear in W.
3295 Et puis descendi du W
3297 A l’eaue W
3299 et biax et gents W
3300 iurent B
3303 fesoit V
3304-05 These two lines do not appear in V.
3306 courrent lors W
et lors B

649
3307 Vienent V
Si lui vienent de W
Vienent et siglent d’autre part B
3308 qui ml’t fu tart V
si quart W
3309 S’en vient en W
Arive et lores Meraugis B
3310 Qui bien avoit covert le vis W
3312-13 Si que il en fait croistre les ais / Voire si que a poi ne fendent W
3313-18 These lines are replaced in B by the following:
deüssent confondre / Cil qui au marchier oent fondre / Les es se sunt
aperceü / Sachiez qu’il ont poor eü
3314 au mestier V
marchie l’entendent W
3316-17 com cil qui pris erent / Et lors auxi com erent cil W
3321 Veez la je la tieng W
Vez la ci dedenz ceste main B
3322 Puis la traite nue de plain W
3323 au maroinier W
3325-26 Donc vos dampnation avrez / Sanz confessïon tuit morrez B
3328 Aprés sachiez W
3330 Quant que demander W
3331 comander B
3331-32 These two lines do not appear in W.
3332 qui faire B
3333 De riens nule V
Et cil de riens nel W
3335 Long temps W
3339-40 These lines are replaced in V by the following four:
Riens qui vos plese a comander / Or comandez sanz demander / Ferons
trestuit vostre plesir / Or m’esloigniez donques d’ici
3342-43 W replaces these lines as follows:
Einsi jusqu’au vers cele tour / Cil dïent : <<Sire, nos ferons / Vostre
bon, ja nel desdirons / Riens qui vos plese a comander / Mes
comandez sanz demander / Ferons vostre pleisir touz diz / Einsi en
mainent Meraugis / Entre les nefs
3345 s’en vont V
tries la tor B
3346 tant i sont V
3348-50 et erraument / Dist as maroiniers que il s’esmovent / La s’arestent et
tant s’il trovent W
following 3348 B adds these two lines:
Por li grant cuer qu’il ont es cors / Qui valent mieuz que nus tresors
3351 ou ert plus pres V
Terre nule B
3352 plus tost B
3354 Cil qui ont paour de leur corps W

650
3357 pristrent V
3358 Je ne sai V
3359-60 por qoi je ne puis / Sachiez par foi V
3362 siglent V
Mes tant ont siglé et coru W
corent B
3363 l’autre mer V
la haute mer W
3364 voudrent pas V
3365 l’ont acostee V
l’ont acoudee W
l’ont B
3366 Isnelement ont tost passee V
3367 La terre V
La contree et tout W
3369 trovee B
3371 Hadicon V
3372 Glodoains V
Gladoueins W
Gaadoins B
3375 Handicou V
haut ditou B
3376 d’un pou V
d’entour W
.I. pou B
3378 Il la metent V
radement (roidement) WB
3379 qu’ele tressailli V
croissi W
3380 et lors sailli V
aprés fendi W
3386 Au havre tot droit s’en ala V
3390 Prodom est ml’t par sa parole V
Ml’t ert prodomme par la parole W
3391-92 These two lines do not appear in W.
3392 et grant joie a V
Quar ml’t li plest B
3393 Lors (Tost) les mena VWB
3394 Quant Meraugis fu la il fet
3394-98 W replaces these lines with the following:
Meraugis s’arreste et si fet / Un duel si grant que ainz tiex ne fu / Or
voudroie estre ars ou pendu / Que est ce fet il je ne sai mie / Que j’ai
fet ne ou est m’amie
3396 ou est ma vie V
je ne l’ai mie B
3397 Ou est ha, Dex, je l’ai lessie V
3398 portant l’ai esloignie V

651
3399 Par tant ai lai ge V
Ne sai et lai je W
3400 se fiert et se tue V
se debat et tue W
3406 Einsi a aise l’emportent (-1) W
3410 Que il ne eurent souffraite de rien W
3411 puisse prover V
seüst W
ne puet B
3413 Qui qu’en (que) rie VW
3421 Et anuis est de tel V
grant anui (ennui) WB
3422 trere B
3423 Au mengier mes il plus n’en n’ont B
3427 quant fu levé B
3428 ot B
3429 vet B
3429-30 These lines are reversed in V.
3431 Meraugis s’en torne derrier V
3432 pledier V
3433-34 These two lines do not appear in V.
Vez fet .G. qu’est ce, biau sire / Ou irez que voudrez dire (-1) B
3434 Ou iroie qui me voudrois dire (+1) W
3436 n’a seor ne serai B
3444 tant ert anuiose V
par ast angoissouse (+1) W
3450 premise W
3455 renges mervelloses B
3456 This line does not appear in B.
3464 estouroit W
moi vos i B
3468 de verité sachiez W
voil que de moi sachiez B
3472 entendre W
3477 graant B
3478 Se ge encor B
3479 Que sole une V
De (Que) vous WB
3480 l’endemain (l’andemain) VW
3482 graanté B
3487 lor dit V
3489 Priez W
i lor dorra B
3490-91 Toz les retient et en apres / Por lor amor a assenez V
3491 Por son honour et en apres W
Por lor amor et en pres (-1) B
3495 Et mercïent le puis s’en tornerent (+1) W

652
3497 S’entrebeisierent W
S’entreleisent (-1) B
3498-99 Chascun a Dieu puis si demandent / Leur armes atant se departent W
3499-3500 These lines do not appear in B.
3500 se partent W
3501 Or vet chascuns toz seuls sa voie V
3501-12 Or chevauche chascuns toz seuls / Et Meraugis qui annuieus / Estoit,
de s’amie lui membre / A chascun que il trove demande / La voie a la
cité sanz non / Que chaut? Que nuls ne o ne non / L’en consieut, qui
sache parler, / Ne nuls ne l’oït demander / Qui ne le tiegne a fols naïs
/ Einsi erre par le païs W
3505 Et demandoit V
3506 Qui ert sanz non et si enquiert V
3514 Qui quiert V
Que ja mes ne verra la terre B
3515 a Meraugis ovré V
Meraugis a erré W
3516 et noient a trové V
que il n’a noient trové W
3519 dist Diex (+1) W
3519-27 These lines are replaced in B by the following:
Et fet duel ja mes n’orriez tel / Et dit que Dex n’a riens en chatel (+1) /
Que toz les biens avoir deüssez / Donc tu conforter me peüssez /
Coment ne vodroie ge avoir / Qui sui toz seus nenil por voir / Paradis
oil donc n’i ont
3520 As tu riens en ton hostel (-1) W
3522 seüsses V
3523 A ceste foiz avoir merci / De mon torment W
3524-27 Ha biaus sire Dex car m’oci / Quel merci voel ge donc avoir / Por
noient qu’ai je dit ja voir / Nel lerai non voir ge dont ont V
3529 donc si je iere W
Et se ge i estoie B
3530 voudroit V
a son droit W
y seroit B
3534 Sanz le Damedeu paradis V
Deus nul paradis WB
3536 Que m’en chaut W
3538 Einsi si me sera trop let V
3542 Le cuer livers V
3543 Tranglout le cuer W
3548 Laira W
3549 est irez B
3550 et celui maintenant V
3551 .vii. foiz V
A bien le W
3552 que diroie or qu’il avint V

653
 que a une ore si avint W
3554 La ert Maret d’Escaldeïs V
This line is not written in in W. (See note)
Morant de Quasseïz B
3555 Tot le matin i a estet V
Tot le matin fu en aguet W
Estoit la matinee en guet B
3556-58 vet / Com cil qui de riens ne se garde / Et lors Marés qui le regarde W
3558 Moranz cil m’atort B
3560 Et Meraugis qui ne set que il veult W
3561 l’esgarde V
se regarde toz B
3562 qui encontre point VB
qui vient si apoint W
3566 Lors s’escrie W
Lors sen vet B
3568 fu apensez B
3570-72 Si comencent une meslee / Einsi com par ci le me taille / Sachiez ml’t
fu forz la bataille V
3571 Por achever bien sa W
Si comence la B
3572 par mi W
3589 par foi W
3591 Si a droit que il m’a forfet W
3591-3609 This passage is replaced in B with the following:
Lors respondi eneslepas / Moranz qui auques estoit las / Et bien conut
l’Otredoté / Si en a celui plus doté / Et bien seit as fez et as diz / Qu’il
estoit preuz et hardiz / Lors dit sire se vos volez / Aler aprés vos irez
(-1) / Se vos i avez meillor droit / Ja endroit moi ne remaindroit / Et
ge irai donc fet Meraugis / Apres que ge l’ai lonc tens quis / Moranz
ariere tant tost torne
3597 entrencontrerrons V
3598 autre gent plus W
3599 Que V
ciaus que nos VW
3602 Entent car bien te faz recort W
3603 nules trieves VW
3604 en la cort le roi W
3610 s’atorne V
3612 Les voies (+1) B
3613-14 car il le traice / Des pas et B
3617 Que vindrent devant V
par devant WB
3618 desus et li quarrel V
Dont tuit li mur et li quernel W
carnel B
3620 Devant la porte outre VWB (W: outre pres [+1])

654
3622 Illueques est si W
3623 Devant la tour W
et dit B
3628-29 vit caroler / Beles puceles V
3632 efforcier V
Et cil por … esforcier W
3636 veü VW
l’a veü B
3638-39 col çainte l’espee / Ausi come B
3651 qui la estoit W
3654 Totes choses B
3659 las dames V
si s’en ala (+1) W
3660 lors s’en va (-1) W
3662 a les genz veü / Et son anemi conut V
3664 Par ses armes sout qui n’iert rien B
3672-73 De toz autres gieus est cist grief / Dex que ferai V
3675 Ou il estoit VB
Ou il est W
3676 vendra V
3682 qui qui voie gote (+1) W
n’i atend B
3685-86 se ne fust la fains / Mengier covient c’est del mains B
3687 se muet V
3688 Qui n’i est mie V
Mes ne s’est gueres arrestez W
3691 Tendu V
3691-92 Einsi fetement l’a asis / Le tout por gueitier Meraugis W
3697-98 mout lïement / Il fiert dou pié et chante avant V
3699 lieu ne puis B
3700-01 or vos vueil (veil) de s’amie / Aprendre que ele devint VWB
3709 En la terre B
3710 or avint einsi V
3712 Tant vet Lidoine V
3714 par aventure (+1) W
3715 Bergis li Loiz V
Belchis WB
3716 noir que pois WB
3717 plus loiz B
3719 meffere B
3722 Belchis qui toz les maux apointe B
3723 et si fu envious V
si fu anciens et viex W
3725 durs et granz V
durs ossuz et W
Fu grant et durs et sers B
3727 esforz B

655
3728 Riches mesons W
3729 d’Escavalon VB
Cavalon W
3731-32 These two lines do not appear in V.
3752 descent
3754 dont honte VW
3758 fortz et bons W
3759 Droit eu paleis (-1) W
3765 furent V
3769 Loer V
3770 Lidoine fu VW
3775 d’aler V
Damoisele (+1) W
3781 plus beaus vallez (vassals) VW
3782 Melian de Liz V
Mellians des Liz W
3784 voudra V
following 3788 These six lines do not appear in T:
Cest mariage a compasser (Ceste mariage compasser [+1]) / Car ne me
sai a porpenser (Car je ne me sai porpenser)/ D’ome qui autant me
pleüst / Come vostre filz, se il fust / Chevaliers et il li plaisoit / Bele
aventure me vendroit (m’avendroit) VW
3790 tendrieez V
Bien sai que vous bien tendrïez W
3791 Mes tenemenz VW
3794 Ne ferai W
3796-97 s’il l’estoit / Sachiez que par tenz V
3805 Ja mes de ci VW
3806 Nul jor devant que V
Nul jor tant que (-1) W
3809 D’Escavalon V
De Cavalon W
3822-23 Qu’onques ne fu, ne Deus ne fist / Home ausi let, ne nus nel set (Home
ausi let, ne nus nel set) VW
3828 Por ce sanz plus W
3836 Avice chose W
3853 Est ses peres V
3854 et l’annui W
3857 requerre V
3866 Joie ne nule terre V
Terre ne honour W
3867 Avice, Avice W
3868 Enchicé le Rous W
3872 a cest premerain jor V
3880 Il l’achata de mon tresor V
Faire le fis de mon tresor W
3882 mois issant VW

656
3894 Et lui conte tot W
3896 Et Gorvainz qui a entendue
3897 La damoisele, si ot joie VW
3898 N’aura ja mes si grant W
3899 si grant V
3903 Por quoi est ce V
3908 tant en a mis W
3909 qui mout V
3918 et honis W
3919-20 s’en ne lui rent / Ma dame W
3921 li mande VW
3925 Je le recevrai W
3926 Lors comanda as V
3928 et honi VW
3932 maugré li V
3942 en lor briez V
3943 .viii. jorz VW
3951 Furent V
Issirent fors W
3954 il i fu venuz W
3956 et loiaus VW
3959 lui commande / Et avec ce que ele lui mande W
3970 dïent V
3972 Largeces sont qui de lui V
3984 riens ne covient V
3986 fu tost W
3989-90 These two lines do not appear in V.
3991 ont mis V
4002 ars ou penduz W
4004 qu’il aut V
qu’il ait W
4008 qui redoute les W
4009 marches VW
4014 haut parage V
4019 Trois centz ou plus et W
4034 Qu’a un agait el bois trenchié V
4036 desatornez V
desaroutez W
4037 Ça .XL. ça .C. V
Ça .C. sanz plus ça .XX. W
4047-48 These two lines do not appear in V.
4048 Lances beissies s’entrassaillent W
4049-51 Resgarde la gent Anchisés / Et Anchisés les revoit pres / Que
maintenant voudront ferir V
4053 partiz (partis) VW
4063 et des fers bruniz W
4064 parmi les piz W

657
4070 Et ceuz de l’estor s’en partir V
4071 boëles (boëlles) W
4072 s’entrespandent les cerveles V
Trenchent et cospent les cerveles W
4073 et les flancs V
4075 Cort (Corust +1) VW
4081 vuidier W
4082 n’i entrera W
4088 prist .X. dont granz dieuls / Fu qu’il erent de mout haut pris V
4098 que (qu’a) bien li semble VW
4107 tuit lié en furent W
4114 Tempadoine V
Campaudone W
4117 Hardecin V
Haudeurin W
4121 en cele terre V
4127 s’apareillent W
4132 Les oient as murs ou sont V
4136 s’etormirent W
4143-44 A metre, et li feus s’i prent / Que l’en le met desoz le vent V
4159 Depeçoient W
4163 Campadoine (Campaudone) VW
4164 Handidone W
4165-66 These two lines do not appear in V.
4167 Campadoine VW
4170 Campadoine VW
4172 doie desplere V
4175 esgarde W
4177 l’assailli W
4180 le bois coreur W
4185 et ml’t tres grant mellee W
4187 sempres VW
following 4196 The following eight lines do not appear in T:
A escïent (Tot ocïent) einsi le font / Par force de (des) chevaus s’en (en)
vont / Cil qui remestrent (ne meurent) en la place / .IIII. lieus (leues)
dura la chace / Ainz qui li Lois peüst avoir / Recet ou il eüst pooir (ne
pot porveoir) / A Campadoine retorner / Si ne fine d’esperoner
(Onques son frain n’osa hoster) VW
4198 chastel mout bon et haut / Mout haut V
4202 Si li empereres W
4204 la mer d’Escoce VW
4206 Derrier et encoste et devant V
4209 roche drecie W
4210 bataille estoit trachie W
4214 si beles V
4220 prise et mise (-1) W
4224-25 desus son pois / I entra qui doute a W

658
4228 et sa gent tote VW
4251-52 et quant il ot / Les engins le plus tost qu’il pot V
4252 Fet au plus que il onques tost porent W
4268 Q’argent V
4271-72 In V these two lines are placed after the following couplet.
4287 Des lors qu’il V
4296 hardiz V
4303 Ert il negié V
4305 Et j’oi le roissignol V
4312 por quoi W
4313 com (que) en esté VW
4326 je cuit W
4334 La verdure que l’esté soit ore W
4337 je haoie V
4349 Le bois V
4350-51 que mout desirroit / Et mout est liez quant puet mal fere V
4351 ml’t liez en seroit
4355 s’en est partis VW
4356 dolenz W
4358 com largece V
4360 Un pavellon V
4366 Il me samble qu’il est esté / Hui carolai li roissignous V
4382 Que ce fu einsi V
4383 d’iloeques pres s’en va / Que il n’enrage V
4384 Pres s’en va que il ne mella W
4412 Ja li estriz n’iert apaiez V
4416 brochent W
4429 Feruz au cheir en l’erbu W
4429-30 These two lines do not appear in V.
4445 Veoir com vont V
4446 Et il fierent des esmolues V
4446-47 vienent esmolues / Sont les espees et trenchans W
4447-48 These two lines do not appear in V.
4450 voler W
4452 qui plus fort V
4459 le quel feïst miax (-1) W
4462 bleciez VW
folllowing 4462 The following two lines appear in V only:
Dont uns autres fust affolez / Encor ne s’est nus reposez
4463 reposee(s) VW
4466 Laidement a cel autre W
following 4488 The following two lines appear in V only:
Ne plus n’en soies asseur / Je te di je n’ai pas peor
4490 comme du dos W
4506 Par ton non faiz V
4525 Et ge et tu metrons V
4526 Tot contre tot VW

659
 et .I. por un V
4530 Fors es plaies que devant firent V
Fors es plaies qui es cors W
4531 Tant ont feru et tant maillié / Que li haubert sont tuit desmaillié W
4538 uns aigles V
4546-47 N’ont tant pooir que sostenir / Les puissent V
4560 souspire W
4566 esdreciez V
4588-89 qui ert eslitz / Qui cousins serorges W
4594 qui doit V
qui devoit (+1) W
4599 au jour haut W
4636 Vifs W
4637-38 These two lines do not appear in V.
4647-49 Se il pooit ja mes joster / Qu’il nes feïst trestoz mater / Certes mout
grant V
4675 blanc delïé V
Une manche blanche et dougie W
4683 bende estroit V
4697 la cité W
4698 ou ont esté W
4708 meffaire W
4712 Dont il ert V
4717 report W
4718 Cil l’a ocis sachiez et mort V
4725 en .I. requoi VW
mis par soi V
mis pas quoi W
4731 enferma W
4737 Vit venir mes el ne set mot V
4739-42 N’est pas morte ainz la tient mot / N’ele ne set se il vist mes / Vist?
nanil, ele ne set mes / Ne dont ele vist ne lui chaut W
4748 Que ele en moert ja n’en ert tornee W
4758 ne sent V
n’entent W
4759 El cors de lui V
4773 on la prist W
4777 si mal alegié V
4797 tuit sont soen V
4806-08 Mout est dolanz et mout se plaint / De quoi dou grant mal qui l’a ceint
/ Est ce des plaies qu’il se plaint / Nenil, ainçois se plaint d’amors /
S’oublie ses autres dolors V
4815 deporz VW
4816 conforz VW
following 4816 C’est quan que j’aim, c’est ma puissance (poissance) / C’est ma
baniere, c’est ma lance VW
4817 C’est mes deduiz V

660
 desirs W
4818 escuz VW
4819 cheance W
4820 ce m’est avis VW
4821 C’est mes chastiax
4822 uns dous cuers … uns biaus cors V
ma force W
4825 solaz W
4827 Çoest ma loiauté çoest ma foi W
4832-33 pense ge mie / Comment ge V
4836 ou ge morrai V
4859 lief je VW
ge més en santé V
4860 est granz vilté V
4862 que il m’a bien fet W
4864 as chevaliers parler V
4866 ge me tendrai V
4868 ainz vint o lui W
4875 un lit V
4890 plesent si fol desir V
4909 se que les veïst (+1) W
following 4916 The following two lines appear in V only:
Devant les oils la fiert sanz doute / Meraugis qui forment se doute
4921 De s’amor V
De la veüe W
4922 li faut VW
4928 en l’eure que ele (+1) W
5019 eu corps çoest W
4959 et a assez ploré V
4969-70 Fet la dame, fous n’est il mie / Sachiez de voir, ma douce amie W
4985 ne s’aperçoit (s’aparçoit) VW
4986 si bel s’en couvroit V
De leur amors celes deçoit W
4987 dou sens V
5002 Qu’il pot VW
Bustot V
Butost W
5014 finiz W
5016 De la messe vint W
5018 ele vint, li rois lava VW
5032-33 vos saut / Et tote vostre compegnie V
5040 tüer V
5042 mes or es sorpris W (+1)
5043 De perece W
mal es bailliz VW
5046 recreanz W
5050 Me laidis tu W

661
5052 quele novele (+1) W
5058 l’isle car je le vi W
5066 qui mout mesprist / Vers lui que en traïson la prist W
5078 que il vuelt V
La ou Lidoine W
5085 se tu VW
5104 .I. pou VW
5110 vos di V
sachiez W
5111 Si m’aït Dex quant ge morrai V
5114 s’amerent V
5141 si movez V
Les galies et soumonez W
5148 Je le vouzisse V
5149 qu’il pregne V
qu’aviegne W
5154 soudoiers W
5160 deboissent W
5163 En icele heure V
A cele eure (-1) W
5164 sanz demeure VW
5168 qui ne viegne V
5175 Vint VW
5178 cerchiers les V
5184-85 ou les nefs sont / Siglent si droit W
5187-88 Et chevaucha plus tost qu’il pot / Tant a erré o tot V
5190 .II. mois V
5191 .vii. nés V
5192 deport W
5194 Ne lor fet fors mesavenir V
5195 Mout i a genz V
5200 tant qu’il V
5208 Or vient li assaus V
5210 Teus mil
5216 Lever meslee ainz V
5219-20 Por ce sont il si esperdu / Qu’il ont par lui le port perdu V
5223 que que nuls pot W
5235 au deffendre V
as defenses W
5236 le pis W
5253-54 Que mout forment l’en peseroit / Bien li dit que garde n’avroit V
5259 trueve VW
5260 Par que il iaille par W
5262 en a tel joie V
5268 ses talenz remüez V
Ses talent est einsi müez W
5294 Fet il ai talent V

662
5302 mes cuers vaut V
S. mes cuers W
5319 la place W
5320 l’ortale V
la trace W
5322 Por ce le claim V
5330 Logiez. Mes sire VW
5332 Ciz blans chevaliers VW
5336 ne m’en tendroie V
5340 en icele hore VW
5341 Que il i vindrent W
5342-44 Sa lance brise au jouster / Més li ch’rs au blanc escu (+1) /Le fiert si W
5349 Desnouez V
Delez l’espaule desloiez W
5369 Si court que V
5372 gaains (+1) W
5378 vee mie (+1) W
5381 Et il s’est armez V
Unes armes tot W
5382 Monta sor .I. destrier V
Armez fu un cheval W
5383 Vet s’en V
Trova tot prest com de monter W
5387 croissent W
5388 froissent W
5391 que cil qui W
5395 Donc en W
5397 reposez vos VW
5404 enquis W
5409 Je sui VW
5414-15 et l’en le fera / Car il n’est riens qui m’en desplese V
5420 Li tent VW
5425 Illuec que W
5432 Quant est veincus ce creons V
5436 envoierons VW
5438 por soi VW
5444 qui porroit penser V
5446-47 nuls ne vaut / Le blanc chevalier W
5447 tuit de plain / Tuit ensemble non main a main V
5449 l’esjoïssent (-1) W
5450 Et de grant honor l’esjoïssent V
5454 cest avoir V
5457 Et cil dist ja n’iert en W
5459 se Dex me gart VW
5460 .I. gieu vos part VW
Vos eslirez .I. gui vol part B
5462 com l’en fet larron V

663
5466 n’irai je V
5466-67 ne voil ge / Estre mis WB
5467 jurerai W
5468 toutz vous ferai (+1) W
Feüté contre B
5469 La vos jure B
5471 qu’onques desreement (-1) B
5472 et entretant V
5474 mie en despit VW
5476 enchargier V
essaucier W
puis enchierer B
5479 sougiz sont W
5481 vos avez (l’avez) VWB
5482 Chascuns en V
fëauté (feüte) VWB
5483 Nos tendrons V
5497 En bataille W
5506 en retret V
5513 Qu’a moi ma force B
5514 un poi VW
5516-17 Qui a demein vous en faudroit / Coard renoit cil en seront W
5523-24 devisant / Et sachiez bien V
5525 qes V
qui les (+1) WB
5531 Avaler cels ont requoillis W
5531-34 Ceuz avaler si s’esbahirent / Et li nostre les envaïrent / As premiers
cops les encontrerent / Et par force les aterrerent V
5532 il ont desconfis W
5534 This line does not appear in B.
5537 encontrent V
5538 encontrent V
following 5538 The following passage appears in B only:
Gorvains, qui a l’asembler josta (+1) / A Meraugis. Et cil que fist? /
Tantost come Meraugis vit / En mi les sons, s’est eslessié / Vers lui. Et
Gorvains a lessié / Cheval corre, si s’entrevont / Con cil qui desiranz
en sunt. / Des cors, de piz et de chevax / S’entrencontrerent les
vassaus / Si durement que contreval / Chaï Gorvains soz son cheval /
En mi la presse. Au remonter / Veïssiez maint chevalier hurter / Et
maint chevalier abatu
5540 Preuz et hardiz de grant vertu / Sont cil V
5541 la bataille (+1) B
5543 Que homme mon W
5544 de venue W
5545 descendre VWB
5547 trenchie
5548 huchie V

664
 a la bataille rengie (+1) B
5549 Por quoi ? Cil dou chastel VW
5557 forsclos (forclos) VWB
5558 enclos W
5562 Cil de l’ost arriere V
Ariere de l’ost et s’en (+1) B
5563 forment V
5564 as autres VW
au tref et cil qui devant B
5566 Comme en presse devers la tour W
5569 Les servent VW
Lor vindrent B
5571 dont VWB
5572 ronpre B
5573-74 G. qui ml’t est preuz et cointe / Lor fist une ml’t riche point B
5577 percent VW
5578 percent V
repercent (+1) W
5586 adés WB
5587 quant l’en le V
5588 Dit li Lois qui onc V
5589-90 These two lines do not appear in V.
5591 Cez prisons nombrez me bailliez V
5599 jurent B
5600-02 M’lt volentiers ceaus ne se murent / Et cil que pas n’ont juré (-1) /
Furent en la prison mené B
5603 En une chambre V
Bergis leidement les demainne B
5610 Desor toz a le pris eü V
Qui a si Gor. abatu B
5617 un fox avilez (+1) B
5618 droiz et genz et bien fes V
si beaux et si bien fez B
5619-20 Et si preuz s’il ne semble a l’autre / Ne plus que ivoire semble a fautre
B
5623 bien entre nos B
5626 icel point V
5631 Veoir se je le puis veoir W
5632-33 These two lines do not appear in W.
5643 S’en issent VWB
5645 Aussi (with minor variants) VWB
5653 Ne endurer que poi B
5656 Et dit par .I. poi ne V
5663 se guerre V
se vos graanter ne volez (+3) B
5677-78 Qui court ses tret a une part. / Li Lois qui d’iloeques s’en part V
5687 cui hom (with minor variants) VWB

665
5694 Bergis qui n’ose dire mout / Ne feren plus quar B
5700 Mes W
Ne B
5702-03 Ainz est por ce que il savoient / Que plus force avoit Meraugis B
5705 Ensamble et Melian de Liz VW
Ensamble tant sont hardiz W
Lahors et Melian de Liz B
5706 Et Gauvain qui toz est garniz V
Et Gauvain qui tant sont hardiz W
5707 De la meslee se le assamble / Se la meslee vient ensemble V
De la meslee si lor semble WB
5708 Se la meslee vient ensemble VWB
5710 Por ce deprïent W
5713 rendrez W
5715 se g’en ai aise V
5715-18 These four lines do not appear in B.
5716 n’est né W
5717 Sanz li V
5719 Par tot son voler et ses bons B
5722 Here B contains the following three lines:
Et osterai ses anemis / Et lui amenderai sa terre / Qui essillee est por
la guerre
5723 Meraugis n’i covient B
5725 Aprés B
5728 Ce ne peüst estre VB
5729 Por ce que il nel a mie W
5731 Ne si parent no fet la dame B
5732 femme B
5734 Por qoi uns prisons est V
5739 cele part vet V
Ainz s’en torna et si B
5740-41 fet son atret / Son ost fet V
5744 .IX. lieues
5745-48 Instead of these four, B has the following two lines:
Que li chevalier de la table / En seüsent riens veritable
5746 des nés VW
5749-50 Et que fist misire Gauvains? / Au matin trestot premiers B
5754-55 De la grant joie que il orent / Ont lor doel a baudor torné V
5759 Graignor B
5765 Celier soz clef ne soz deffense V
5768 qu’a chascun done VW
5775 Gorvains Cadrus m’envoie a toi / Oies qu’il te mande par moi V
5777 Escavalon VB
5778 tes cuers W
5781 Despeciee W
5785 la bataille V
te mande la bataille WB

666
5789 affinee (afinee) VW
5790-91 atornee / A demain sanz plus de sejour W
5793 ne te demande WB
5808 riche V
bele B
5809 qui en l’ost VW
5811 tost ala W
5813 Cantorbile V
5821 L’oil li creva B
5822 eschange (l’eschange) VWB
5830 au roi V
5831 pres somes V
5832 Par foi dit le rois ce B
5835 Alez ensamble V
Alez W
5836 iloeqes les ont V
5838 A combatre com mortials (+2) W
5840 Que des lances comunement V
5841 a tel vertu W
S’entremainent B
5842-46 These five lines are replaced by the following 13 in W (see Friedwagner’s
edition, p. 261, for an edited version):
Que par mi outre li escu / Sont troé et si a bandon / Vienent li cheval,
de randon / Vindrent et si droit s’entrevont / Que il abatent tot en un
mont / Cheval et chevalier ensamble / Mes tost refurent, ce me
semble, / Li chevalier en piez sailli / Et s’entresont si asailli / As
espees, par grant aïr / Coreust li uns l’autre ferir / Si tres grantz cox
sanz manacier. / Ainz tele bataille comencier (+1) / Ne fu onques en
champ desduite
5846 la plus crüex B
5849 a l’autre conquis B
5851-52 Tantost li dit, ta compaignie, / Gorvains, ainz que perdez la vie B
5853 je fui tes c. W
5856 preigne W
5857 puisance B
5861-64 These lines are replaced by the following in B (see Friedwagner’s edited
version of this passage, p. 261 of his edition).
Et la pucele bonement / Adonc firent le serement / De tenir bone
compaignie. / Meraugis esposa s’amie, / Le jor mainne a Cantorbire /
Devant le roi et tot l’enpire, / Et fu puis rois d’Escavalon. / Ml’t furent
lié li baron / De la terre, et bien la maintint / Jusqu’en la fin le jor avint
/ Que Meraugis ot cele prise. / Amice, qui fu bien aprise, / Vint a cort.
Lydoine li dist / Ml’t grant hanor, pas ne mefist / Lydoine, qui tant
porchaça / Que Gorvains Cadruz l’esposa / Et la maintint a grant
anor. / Entre eaus .IIII. out grant amor, / Et ml’t furent ami certain.
5863 et afïent W
5864 com vos di VB

667
 com il dïent W
5866 Einsi Meraugis rama Gorvain W
following 5869 The following lines are contained in V. W and B contain the first five without
significant variants.
Raoul de Houdenc, qui cest livre / Comença de ceste matire. / Se nus i trueve
plus que dire / Qu’il n’i a dit, si die avant / Que Raouls s’en taira atant. / Et
ge lo bien que il s’en taise. / Por ce que cis contes miex plaise / I deüst il autre
non metre, / Car li sornons, ce dit la letre, / Est si vers le mont entechiez / Se
ce ne fust vilains pechiez / Je blasmasse lui et son livre, / Que hom qui
d’aumosnes doit vivre / Doit toz jors ses pechiez plorer / Et por ses
bienfetors orer. / Explicit Meraugis de Porlesguez

668
 THE PROLOGUE FROM MANUSCRIPT W

Text

Qui de rimoier s’entremet

Et son cuer et s’entente met,
Ne vault noient quanquë il conte
4 S’il ne met s’estude en cel conte
Qui touz jourz soit bon a retraire,
Car joie est de bon oevre fere
De matire qui touz jourz dure.
8 C’est des bons contes l’aventure
De conter a bon conteour.
Cil autre qui sont rimeour
De servanteis, sachiez que font :
12 Noient dïent, car noient n’ont
Leur estude et leur motz qu’il dïent.
Contrediseur noient ne dïent
Point de leur sens, ainz sont de ceus
16 Qui tout boivent leur sens par eus.
Pur ce Raoul de son sens dit
Que il veult de son sens, qu’est petit,
Un novel conte comencier
20 Qui sera bons a anouncier
Touz jourz. Ne ja més ne morra,
Més tant com cist siecles durra,
Durra cis contes en grant pris.
24 C’est li comptes de Meraugis,

669
 Qui fist les faitz que je racont.
Més, se au conter ne vous mescont,
Il n’i a mot de vilainie,
28 Ainz est conte de courtoisie
Et de biax motz et de plaisanz.
Nuls, s’il n’est cortois et vaillanz,
N’est dignes du conte escouter
32 Dont je vous voil les motz conter.

670
 Translation

Anyone who undertakes to make verses,

even when he sets his heart and applies himself
fully to it, can tell nothing of any worth
4 unless he expends his efforts on a story
that will always be a good one to tell.
For it is a joy to make a fine work
from matter that will endure forever.
8 It is for a good teller
to set forth good stories.
As for those others, those rhymers
of sirventes, this is what they do:
12 they say nothing at all, for all their efforts
and the words they use contain not a thing.
Such naysayers say nothing of what
they themselves know, but rather belong to those
16 who keep their knowledge to themselves.
That is why Raoul for his part declares
that he wishes with his own small wit
to begin a new story that
20 will for all time be a good one
to tell. Nor will the story ever die,
but as long as this world endures,
so shall it also endure in great renown.
24 This is the story of Meraugis,

671
 of whose deeds I shall tell you.
And unless I make mistakes in the telling,
there will be in it nothing unworthy,
28 for it is a tale of courtliness
fashioned of fine and pleasing words.
None but those of courtliness and true worth
are worthy to hear the words of
32 the story I wish to recount to you.

672
 Notes

1-32 Friedwagner edits this passage as lines 1-32 of his edition, though
using V as base. See his notes to these lines (pp. 231-33). Szkilnik (p.
447 ff.) edits the passage separately.

4 The prologue places particular emphasis on the importance of the

conte. For this and other aspects of the passage, especially in
comparison with the prologues of Chrétien de Troyes, see Keith
Busby, “Chrétien de Troyes and Raoul de Houdenc: Romancing the
Conte,” especially pp. 135-38.

10-16 Gaston Paris (p. 314, note 3) finds this passage “obscur.” He does,
however, suggest reading the end of line 12 as car noient n’ont rather
than qu’a noient vont, as in Friedwagner’s edition (see his note 12, p.
232). Szkilnik (p. 448-49) transcribes vont but translates “ne valent
rien.” I have corrected according to Gaston Paris’s suggestion
because much of the point of the passage seems to be that certain
rhymers compose works lacking valuable content.

11 A sirventes is a poem of usually satirical or moral content that has the

same form as the Old Provençal canso. It can have various other
meanings in Old French, but most probably refers here to satirical
poems that the poet considers of low quality. For an exploration of
the term and its evolution, see Suzanne Thiolier-Méjean, La Poétique
des troubadours, trois études sur le sirventes (Paris: Presses de
l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1994), especially pp. 286 ff.

12 noient vont (See note 10-16 above.)

14-15 Friedwagner alters these lines to read Contrediseur sont, ne dïent /

Point de lor sens (see his note 12, p. 232).

16 The choice of the verb boivent is interesting here, for it seems to

suggest a connection to the theme of largesse and its opposite which
runs throughout Raoul’s works. Those rhymers who put forth
nothing of their own are like those who do not share what they have
with others. Cf. the Roman des Eles, 239 ff., which sets forth the
seventh wing of largesse, the giving of feasts.

17 Friedwagner in his edition changed de son sens to de Hodenc (his line

reads Por ce Raous de Hodenc dit), arguing that the repetition of de son
sens was an error. In this he was following a suggestion by Gaston

673
 Paris (“Romans en vers du cycle de la Table Ronde,” p. 221) (see also
Friedwagner’s note, p. 232). Although such an amendment is
insightful and very possibly correct, it may be questioned whether it
should be made without better evidence. Because Friedwagner’s was
for many years the standard edition of Meraugis, scholars, even those
with extensive knowledge of Raoul’s work, have accepted this
reading; for example, Roussineau (p. 10, note 13), states that “Raoul
se nomme complètement (prénom et surnom) au début et à la fin de
Meraugis.”

18 Gaston Paris (p. 314) suggested amending to qu’a petit. Although W’s
reading does represent an apparent fault of case (que rather than qui),
it makes sense as it stands and has not been corrected here.
Friedwagner corrected to qui est petit.

674
 GLOSSARY

This glossary is intended as a guide to some of the less common words in the
text, whose usage here is unusual or in some way problematic, or which may not
be easily recognizable. Common Old French words, including those whose
meanings are readily discernable from Godefroy’s Lexique, have not been
included because of the translation that has been provided. The symbol *
indicates that a term is mentioned in a line note. Square brackets indicate a form
that does not appear in the Turin manuscript but has been supplied as a
correction.

The following abbreviations are used in the glossary.

adj. adjective
adv. adverb
cond. conditional
f. feminine
fut. future
imp. imperfect
ind. indicative
interj. interjection
m. masculine
NC nominative case
n.f. feminine noun
n.m. masculine noun
OC oblique case
pas. passé simple
pl. plural
p.c. passé composé
p.p. past participle
prep. preposition
pres. present tense
recip. reciprocal
refl. reflexive
s. singular
subj. subjunctive
v. verb
v.i. intransitive verb
v.t. transitive verb
3 third person singular

675
aaiscie adj.,f., from aaiscier, to bait (e.g., a hook), 1172

acoizon n.f., cause, reason, 1814, (ocoizon) 1843

ahatie n.f., challenge, boastfulness, 1742

aigu adj.,m., eager, keen, 260

ain n.m., hook, 1175

aïrés adj.,m., full of fury, impetuosity, 2040, (aïré) 4457

ais n.m.pl. or f.pl., wooden boards (e.g., of a shield), planks, 666, (aiz)
*3312

angoisse pres. ind. 3 of (soi) angoissier, v.refl., to be in a great hurry, 2044

apopine pres. ind. 3 of (soi) apopiner, v.refl., to get dressed up, doll oneself up,
3293

asisse n.f., form, order, 23

assener v.t., to determine, figure out, 2494

aukaiz adj., cross-eyed, 3723, (aucaiz) 3820

baille n.f., the fortified enclosure of a castle, 3624, 4139

bandon a bandon, freely, in a risky manner, 4156; in a disordered fashion,

5642
besagüe n.f., an ax, 189

bohorder v.i., to joust for pleasure, hold a tournament, 2201

baisier v.t., to decorate (a cross) with boxwood branches, normally on Palm

Sunday, 4363; baissoient, imp. 3, *4361; baissie, p.p./adj.,f., 4364

bone n.f., a limit, a boundary (i.e., borne), 2790, 3548

bout tout de bout, at once, immediately, 896

bretesche n.f., a tribune or platform, *201, 221, 238, 243

brotile n.f., a bush or shrub, 2441

676
caplez n.m.pl., violent, heavy blows, 2286

cas chaïr a cas, to fall down in a heap, *5347

cenbel n.m., a bell calling to arms in a tournament; by extention, an attack or

feigned attack; porter le cenbel, to carry battle forward, *4258

calengier v.t., to lay claim to something or someone, 2399

ciert pres. ind. 3 of quere, v.t., to seek, 3505

consiut pres. ind. 3 of consivre, v.t., to to succeed in striking (in combat),

1711, 1715 (elsewhere, to catch up with someone)

contenanche n.f., expression, demeanor, 3268

cornue adj.,f., disagreeable, sharp-tempered, 1427

creant n.m., wish, desire, 2375 (elsewhere, a promise, agreement)

decors en decors, in the course of things, *3092

dehors adv., outside; soi metre par dehors, to exclude oneself from something,
938; metre par dehors, to judge against someone (as in a court), 1005

dener v.t., to give (i.e., doner), 2346

dervés p.p./adj.,m., from derver, v.i., to lose one’s reason, go mad, be beside
oneself, 1527, 4356, 5664

deffait p.p. of desfaire (194), v.t., to describe thoroughly, 192

despers adj.,m., crude, ill-mannered, 2142

desrainier v.t., to sustain, support (by argument or force), 621, 2337, (desranier)
2415, 3860

dois n.m., a flowing spring of water, 4075

[enpere] pres. ind. 3 of enpirier, v.t., to make worse, *977

entameroit cond. 3 of entamer, v.t., to induce, begin, 498

entredeus n.m., a fencing term for a blow to the head, *4443

entrefussent imp. subj. of entreestre, v. recip., to have mutual ties (feudal bonds or
ties of kinship), *326

677
escolez n.f.pl., small groups, 899

[esplumeors] n.m.pl., a dwelling place, *1297, (plumeors) 2018, 2660, *2663; n.m.s.,
esplumeoir, *2594, (plumeoer) *2673

espoisier v.t., to increase, 3632

estanchié adj.,m.pl. (p.p. of estanchier) exhausted, 4045

faee adj.,f./ p.p. of faer, v.t., to put under a (fairy’s) spell, *1054

falue pres. ind. 3 of faluer, v.t., to deceive, *2798

fievés p.p. of fiever, v.t., to bestow a fief on someone, 3490

frain n.m., part of a garment, *3322

fraisnés p.p. (m.pl.,OC) of fraisner, to put something under control, prepare

something, 4252

gaains n.m., giant, *1619

hordeïs n.m., the wooden hoarding built onto the top of a castle, *4150

jeu n.m. a choice or alternative, *1365, 2714, (gieu) 5459 (elsewhere, a

game, pastime, pleasure, something to be taken lightly)

gos n.m., dwarf (a term of disparagement), *2142, 2402, (goz) 2436

grouchier v.i., to mock, *1368 (elsewhere, to grumble)

laïs adv., in that respect (adverb of place, literally “there”), 2446

mailx adj., evil, wicked (i.e., mal, NC), 1881

maniere adj.,f., skillful, subtle, 450

mars n.m.pl., plural of marc, a weight for measuring silver and gold
equivalent to eight ounces, *4030

marchiet n.m., goods, merchandise, 3314

mechine n.f., healing power, remedy, 1150, 1151, (mecine) 3976

möe faire la möe, to mock, to grimace, 3828

678
mon adv., truly, indeed, yes, 375

muse faire la muse, to pull faces, *1248; jüer a la muse, to waste time, 2675

naïs adj., from birth, by nature, 2445

neauté n.f., something of no value, unworthy of esteem, *14

noaux adv., receiving the worst, 4459

non par non, formally, positively, 90, 154, 284

ocoizon see acoizon

oés a oés son oés, to each his own, like goes with like, *2435

parcloze n.f., the final word, the very end, 2083, 2750

pene n.f., the top (piece of wood or a shield), 3023

plaisiet adj., enclosed, surrounded by hedges, 1384 (plaisié), 4034; plaseïz,

n.m., an enclosed wood, 3553

planistre n.m., an esplanade, a flat area, 2690

plaseïz see plaisiet

plumeors see esplumeors

pois outre son pois, with reluctance, against one’s wishes, 4224

popart n.m., a child, 1074

popine n.f., a doll, 3294

pourfil a pourfil, from head to toe, 2223

queurt pres. ind. 3 of corre, v.i., to run, 3642

racostee p.p. of racoster, v.t., to follow (the coastline), 3365

raim n.m., root, origin, 570

rale n.f., a part of the horse’s leg just above the hoof, *5320

ramee n.f., a copse, thicket, 2770

679
regaïn n.m., rowan, the second crop of hay in a season, *1442

retraite n.f., a fencing term for a blow delivered when withdrawing one’s sword,
*4442

roche n.f., a high rock, or a castle built on a rock, *2597, 2598, 2602, 2681

roiz n.f., a net, 1192 ff.; pl. roizex, 2787

roizex see roiz

sains n.m.pl., holy relics, 1887, 1893, 5468, 5854

sieut pres. ind. 3, from soloir, v.t., to be in the habit of, to do regularly, 98,
(suet) 2352

soille pres. subj. 3 of soudre, v.t.; soudre parolle, to speak, *5260

sore corre sore, to charge or attack, 1869, 3558, (seure) 3600; estre en
sore, 3557, to be charging or attacking

sorpoy v.t., 3124, pas. 3 of sorpooir, to surpass, overpower

sourfaite adj.,f., arrogant, unreasonable, 1467, (sorfaite) 2679

sourmontee n.f., a fencing term, possibly a vertical blow to the helmet, *4443

tenchier v.i., to argue, *599 (elsewhere, to debate); tenchon, n.m., quarrel, 600,
629

torra fut. 3 of torner, v.i., to arise, take place, 601

tranglout pres. ind. 3 from trangloutir, v.t., to swallow up, 3543

traver (soi) v.refl., to set oneself up, install oneself, *5203

tresche faire longue tresche, to delay, *202

vibu n.m., the thorax, *4429

680
 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

This index contains the proper names used in this edition, which are those variants
found in the Turin manuscript insofar as these can be determined. The symbol *
indicates a form that does not appear in the Turin manuscript in the line listed but has
been supplied as a correction for meter. For a list of variants from all the manuscripts,
see Friedwager, pp. 288-92.

Absalon, the Biblical Absalom, the son of David, 6

Agravain, brother of Gauvain, 5133

Alis, Byzantine emperor mentioned in Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés; married to Fanice

(Fenice), 234

Amagonz, a king at whose court once a year all eligible young ladies are given in marriage by
the champion of a tournament, 2197

Amice, a lady of King Arthur’s court, beloved of the knight of Galoaige, 908, 929

Amice, 3243, 3703, 3709, 3835, 3836, 3840, 3867, 3885, 3888, 5027, 5029, 5124, a lady of
the Cité Sans Non who befriends Lidoine

Anchisés (Anchisé) le Roz (le Ros), Lidoine’s seneschal 3868, 3955, 4049, 4054, 4059, 4079

Artu (Artus, Artuz), King Arthur of Britain, 1, 808, 828, 5414, 5017, 5032, 5795, 5832

Autetone, a river near the city of Rapadone, perhaps the river Tone in Somerset, 4164

Blanc Chevalier (Chevaliers Blans), le, a name given to Meraugis in disguise because of his
white armor, 5322, 5352, 5365, 5447, 5525

681
Blancloce, an area, possibly to be identified with Bucklow or Bulkeley in the present English
county of Cheshire, 2532

Blechis (Blechiz, Belchis) (li Lais, Lois, Laiz, Lait), the lord of Rapendone, Monhaut,
Hardentin, and other lands, and the brother-in-law of Meliant de Lis; imprisons Lidoine
and tries to force her to marry his son Espinogres, 3715, 3722, 3733, 3745, 3751, 3766,
3774, 3801, 3855, 3883, 3886, 3914, *3917, 3932, 3995, 4000, 4008, 4014, 4020, 4021,
4059, 4098, 4111, 4122, 4166, 4172, 4181, 4187, 4200, 4216, 4224, 4590, 4645, 4699,
4720, 5065, 5077, 5099, 5452, 5472, 5673, 5683, 5762, (Belchils, 3900), (Belechis,
3917), (Belchis l’Auçaiz, 3820), li Lois (Lais), 3724, 4027, 4242, 4710, 4716, 5067,
5288, 5310, 5490, 5588, 5664, 5694, 5726

Bratost, a city in which King Arthur sometimes resides, 5002

Breubras, a place (see Lorete), 69

Bretaigne la Grenor, Britain, 3

Breton, the people of Britain, 3054

Calogrenant, see Galogrenant

Cantorbire, Canterbury in England, 5813

Carduel, the modern Carlisle, a city in which King Arthur sometimes resides, 812

Cavalon (Escavalon), a Kingdom in Britain ruled first by Lidoine’s father, then by her, 5,
211, 3910, 3938, 3951, 3993, 5740, 5777

Chevalier as Damoiseles, a name for Gauvain, 1312

Cité Perdue, a later name for the Cité Sans Non, 2774

Cité Sans Non, a walled city according to whose custom Meraugis and Gauvain are held
captive and obliged to fight, 2773, 3507, 3511,

*Clöecestre (Clocestre), Gloucester in Britain, 928

Cornuaille, Cornwall in Britain, 89

682
 D

Damediex, God, 3534

Denise (Denis), saint, Saint Denis, bishop of Paris and martyr, 2676, 5661

Diex (Deus, Dex, Dielx, Deu), God, 19, 21, 193, 222, 476, 488, 534, 554, 558, 735, 755,
1019, 1038, 1042, 1172, 1247, 1717, 1918, 1993, 2091, 2178, 2530, 2620, 2696, 3050,
3052, 3063, 3198, 3256, 3267, 3456, 3498, 3522, 3536, 3669, 3812, 3822, 3823, 3824,
3827, 3837, 3889, 4412, 4610, 4638, 4641, 4684, 4888, 4913, 4945, 4947, 4968, 5032,
5256, 5276, 5291, 5315, 5316, 5460, 5609, 5666

Diex d’Amours, li, the god of love, 1874

Duveline, Dublin, 5170

Engleterre, England, 89, 3514, 4121, 4207

Escavalon, see Cavalon

Espee as Estranges Renges, the Sword of Strange Hangings, a marvelous sword of which
Gauvain has gone in quest and which he later brings to King Arthur’s court, 1268
(l’Espee as Renges de Mervelles, 3455)

Espinogres, the son of Blechis, and whom Blechis tries to force Lidoine to marry, 3779, 4594,
4681

Estreveline, Stirling in Scotland, 5169

Fanice, Fenice, the wife of Alis in Chrétien’s Cligés, 234

Gaherïet, Gaheris, brother of Gauvain, present at a court held by King Patris, 1762

Galoaige, home of the beloved of Amice (probably Galloway in Scotland, or possibly Galway
in Ireland), 910

Galogrenant (Galogrenans, Galogrenanz, Calogrenans), Calogrenant, a knight of King

Arthur’s court and cousin of Yvain in Chrétien’s romance, 5334, 5342, 5345, 5368, 5371

Gauvain (Gauvains), Gawain, the nephew of King Arthur, 1263 1288, 2644, 3053, 3056,
3058, 3066, 3223, 3283, 3347, 3361, 3404, 3416, 3432, 4995, 5005, 5012, 5040, 5049,

683
 5051, 5081, 5087, 5105, 5134, 5147, 5164, 5175, 5181, 5186, 5197, 5202, 5209, 5210,
5217, 5237, 5298, 5329, 5330, 5361, 5362, 5370, 5375, 5379, 5396, 5408, 5426, 5459,
5473, 5527, 5543, 5546, 5554, 5556, 5573, 5706, 5749, 5757, (Gauwain 1253, 5034)

Gladouainz (Gladoainz), a count, the ruler of Handiton and other lands who welcomes
Meraugis and Gauvain after their escape from the Isle Sans Non, 3372, 3384

Gorvain (Gorvains, Gourvains, Garvains) Cadrus (Cadruz, Quadrus, Gadrus) (or

simply Gorvain), the lord of Pantelion; friend to Meraugis, later his rival for the love of
Lidoine, 320, 336, 364, 416, 434, 437, 439, 455, 484, 502, 510, 524, 545, 554, 582, 600,
647, 691, 778, 780, 790, 989, 995, 1004, 1019, 1025, 1054, 1061, 3833, 3851, 3871, 3873,
3891, 3896, 3907, 3924, 3945, 3947, 3953, 3962, 3966, 3982, 3987, 3989, 4022, 4025,
4083, 4093, 4100, 4116, 4128, 4141, 4162, 4177, 4182, 4226, 4228, 4245, 4646, 4767,
4768, 4774, 4784, 5029, 5973, 5074, 5099, 5195, 5198, 5204, 5512, 5519, 5536, 5538,
5736, 5737, 5743, 5747, 5773, 5776, 5799, 5824, 5828, 5849, 5866, 5867

Graaus, li, Chrétien de Troyes’s Perceval, ou le Conte du Graal, 7

Guivrés, a knight present at a court held by King Patris; perhaps to be identified with the Irish
king Guivret le Petit who is first an adversary, then a friend, of Erec in Chrétien’s
romance, 1747

Handiton, a city (perhaps to be identified with Haddington in East Lothian, Scotland) ruled
by count Gladoainz, 3371, 3375, 3385, 5103

Hardentin, an area near Rapadone, perhaps to be identified with Hardington in Somerset,

4117

Illande, Ireland, 5166

Isle Sans Non, l’, the island near the Cité Sans Non where Meraugis and Gauvain are held
captive and obliged to fight, 5058

Keux, Kex, Queux, Kay, King Arthur’s seneschal, 836, 839, 848, 851, 862

684
 L

Lais Hardis de Cornuaille, li, a knight present at a court held by King Patris, known in
other romances as a knight of the Round Table, 1756

Lanbeguéz (Lampaguéz, Lanpadys, Lampadaiz) the land from which Laquis comes, 1980,
2580, 3641, 4516

Landesmores (Landesmore), a place that is perhaps to be identified with Lammermuir in

Scotland; its lady holds the tournament at which Meraugis and Gorvain first see and fall
in love with Lidoine, 130, 139

Laquis, a knight present at a court held by King Patris whom Meraugis later defeats and for
whose sake he takes revenge on the Outredouté, (de Lanbeguéz, 1980), 2006, 2016,
2019, 2024, 2030, 2036, (de Lampagués, 2046), 2052, 2056, 2069, 2081, 2088, 2092,
2101, 2106, 2113, 2117, 2119, 2129, 2483, 2491, 2507, 2510, 2524, 2530, 2536, 2543,
2555, 2567, 2568, 2589, (de Lanpadys, 3641), 4390, 4395, (de Lampadaiz, 4516),
4564, 5816

Lidoine (Lydoine, Lindoine, Lyndoine, Lydonne), daughter of the king of Escavalon and
later its queen; beloved of Meraugis and the heroine of the romance, 11, 164, 223, 233,
251, 309, 333, 452, 455, 628, 716, 789, 807, 824, 934, 1082, 1094, 1134, 1164, 1167,
1168, 1207, 1524, 2534, 2591, 2830, 3230, 3431, 3458, 3530, 3704, 3712, 3734, 3741,
3770, 3776, 3786, 3802, 3810, 3837, 3889, 3895, 4221, 4232, 4595, 4735, 4770, 4773,
4904, 4910, 5028, 5078, 5606, 5606, 5615, 5668

Lindesoires (Lindesores), a walled city in Landes Mores, perhaps to be identified with

Windsor, or with the castle of Lindores in Fife, 129, 179

Logres, the legendary realm of King Arthur, 3780

Lorete de Breubras, a lady known for her beauty, 69

Lorete a Blon Chief, a lady of King Arthur’s court, 951

Maret (Marés, Maréz) (d’Ezgardeïz), a knight with whom Meraugis fights, 3554, 3558,
3562, 3566, 3570, 3588, 3592, 3609

Mariolez, the May Day holiday, 2842

Meliadus, the seneschal of the Cité Sans Non, 2864, 2880, 2888

685
Meliant (Melians, Meliaus, Meliaux) de Lis (Liz), a respected knight, brother-in-law of
Blechis and uncle of Espinogres, 3782, 4587, 4612, 4627, 4630, 4650, 5499, 5676, 5682,
5705

Meraugis (Meraugins, Merauginz, Meraugist, Meragis (de Portlesguéz) (Pos les Gués,
Por les Guéz), a knight, beloved of Lidoine and the hero of the romance, 317, 439, 458,
493, 510, 541, 548, 590, 615, 650, 692, 790, 986, 998, 1041, 1064, 1081, 1083, 1088,
1118, 1134, 1318, 1629, 1680, 1683, 1694, 1705, 1712, 1720, 1723, 1725, 1910, 1956,
1976, 2016, 2061, 2063, 2093, 2103, 2123, 2206, 2227, 2251, 2274, 2282, 2300, 2310,
2318, 2366, 2447, 2469-2470, 2474, 2482, 2484, 2487, 2496, 2509, 2513, 2521, 2533,
2535, 2552, 2582, 2593, 2604, 2622, 2631, 2642, 2684, 2745, 2849, 2865, 2874, 2880,
2889, 2898, 2901, 2935, 2940, 2945, 2947, 2954, 3033, 3034, 3038, 3048, 3055, 3060,
3076, 3143, 3185, 3230, 3252, 3254, 3259, 3275, 3289, 3301, 3309, 3319, 3394, 3412,
3426, 3430, 3440, 3476, 3506, 3560, 3565, 3568, 3577, 3578, 3581, 3582, 3584, 3607,
3610, 3621, 3635, 3636, 3676, 3678, 3691, 3697, 3746, 3777, 3854, 4271, 4285, 4296,
4319, 4354, 4388, 4392, 4404, 4430, 4476, 4492, 4521, 4558, 4561, 4570, 4632, 4905,
4911, 4914, 5054, 5057, 5095, 5101, 5230, 5231, 5235, 5317, 5395, 5404, 5412, 5421,
5555, 5575, 5584, 5586, 5607, 5655, 5660, 5662, 5703, 5712, 5722, 5732, 5752, 5774,
5775, 5787, 5798, 5801, 5807, 5818, 5823, 5830, 5849, 5866, 5868

Merlin (Mellin), the legendary wizard Merlin, 1297, 2018, 2660

Monhaut (Mouthaut), a fortress by the sea belonging to Blechis, 4197, 4215, 4229, 4241,
4599, 4694, 5077, 5142, 5184

Nöel, Christmas, 743, 811, 3063, 4330, 5782

Odelis, the beloved of Meliant de Lis; she cares for the wounded Meraugis, 4628

Outredouté, l’, a cruel and savage knight who mutilates Laquis de Lanbeguéz and is later
killed in revenge by Meraugis, 1826, 1830, 1896, 1930, 1954, 2027, 2034, 2039, 2062,
2084, 2119, 2483, 2506, 2540, 2587, 3579, 3634, 3681, 3687, 4345, 4386, 4410, 4427,
4472, 4556, 4607, 4615, 4689, 4714, 4897, 5817, 5820

Pantelion, a walled city that Gorvain Cadruz rules and where he dwells, 3852

Paris, the city of Paris, 3514

686
Parviz (Parvy), 3526, 3534, Paradise

Pasques, Easter, 1734, 4370, 4591, 4844, 5003

Patris de Tabroan, a king who holds a court at which various knights vow to perform certain
actions, 1733

Pentecouste (Pentecoste), Pentecost Sunday, 3785, 4598, 5793, 5812

Portlesguéz (Pos les Gués, Pos les Gués), Meraugis’s home country, perhaps to be
identified with Lesguez (Légué), the port of the Breton city of Saint-Brieuc, 317, 2470,
3060, 3470

Quinables, Guinable, a count and a knight of King Arthur’s court, 839

Raols, Raoul de Houdenc, the composer of the romance, 4274

Rapadone (Rapendone, Rapendoine), a walled city belonging to Blechis li Lais, 4114,

4163, 4167, 4170

Riolens, a knight present at a court held by King Patris, 1751

Rome, the city of Rome, 4202

Seguradés, a cruel knight present at a court held by King Patris, 1770

Soredamor, sister of Gauvain (mother of Cligés in Chrétien’s romance), 922

Table Reonde, the legendary Round Table of King Arthur, 5428

Tabroan, the land ruled by King Patris, 1733

Taulas, beloved knight of the Lady of Landesmores, and to whom the prize of the tournament
she holds is awarded, 286

687
 V

Voie Sans Merchy, la, one of three roads among which Meraugis must choose, 2716, 2759,

Voie Sans Non, la, the one of three roads that Meraugis chooses, 2742, 2757, 2768

Voie Contre Raison, la, one of three roads among which Meraugis must choose, 2726, 2759

688
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