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1 Thuc.2.34-46.
2 Polyb. 12.25a3, 13; cf. Diod. 20.1.2 who distinguishesbetweendemegoriai,presbeutikoi
logoi andenkomia/psogoi.
3 Hdt.8.83.1-2.
4 Hdt.9.17.4.
5 See infra pages 167-168.
6 Xen. Hell. 2.4.13-7.
7 Arrian.Anab.2.10.2;3.9.5-8.
8 QuintusCurtiusRufusHist.Alex.3.10.3-10;4.14.1-7.
Historia,BandXLII/2(1993)
C)FranzSteinerVerlagWiesbadenGmbH,Sitz Stuttgart
9 Polyb.3.108-11; 15.10-11.
10 Caes.BCiv.3.86-91.
11 Livy36.17.
12 Tac.Ann.2.14-15.
13 W. KendrickPritchett,TheGreekStateat WarIV (BerkeleyandLos Angeles 1985) 1-2.
14 Ch. W. Fornara,The Natureof History in AncientGreece and Rome (Berkeleyand Los
Angeles 1983) 162:"Thebattleexhortation,for example,was sufficientlycommonplacefor
any schoolboy to invent its typical substance.Could not the historianallow himself the
constructionof such a speech (which he knew full well had been delivered)with a clean
conscience?"
15 V. D. Hanson,TheGreekWayof War(New York1989) 135, 139.
that the army may have been addressedunit by unit.16And E. Wheeler writes in
The General as Hoplite: "'no doubt some generals deployed their forces,
haranguedthem, perforned the sphagia, took a place in the frontranks,and began
battle with a paean."17In both articles the verb used is "to harangue"which
implies a fully-fledged speech and not just a few words of encouragement.'8
Personally, however, I am inclined to question the existence of harangues
delivered by generals to their armies before battle, and I will substantiatemy
doubt by comparingthe two genres of historiographyand rhetoric.
If the types of speech found in historiographymatch the types of speech
actually used in ancient societies, it must be possible to find evidence of the same
types of speech in ancient rhetorical literature,partly in the form of preserved
speeches (or titles and fragments of lost speeches), and partly in the form of
theoretical and systematic treatmentof the types in question in the preserved
rhetoricaltreatises and handbooks.
Such an investigation leads to the corroboration of the existence of
demegoriai and presbeutikoi logoi. A number of speeches to the people are, in
fact, preserved, eighteen to be precise.19Most of the preserved speeches are by
Demosthenes, but fragmentsand titles of other symbouleutic speeches survive2'
and enable us to reconstructthe type of speech delivered by a political leaderto his
city's decision-making bodies. It must, of course, be kept in mind that the
published speech may have been a (much) revised version of the speech he
delivered,21but that is a different problem, not to be discussed here. No speech
made by an envoy has survived but the type is attested through titles and
fragmentsof lost speeches, most of them by Antiphon and Hypereides.2 For the
general's speech to his army the investigation leads to a different conclusion. No
such speech is preserved, and no fragments or titles of lost speeches have
survived. The genre has not left any trace of its existence in our corpus of
speeches. It would be rash, however, on this evidence alone to conclude that the
battle exhortationis a fiction. The entire corpus of Greek speeches is centered on
Athens and spans one century from ca. 420 to 322. However, the majorityof the
tpp(4tEV14TIEpOL IytvOVTo;32and in the same treatise we are told that just as the
best soldiers are most encouraged by the general's speech, it is also the best
athletes' morale thatis fortified by an exhortation:8raip y&pKdL tv cTpaTo1T84
o0 YvrLWLTaTOL ITapa TOV aTpcaThydSVX6yow &KoicavTES lUdiXWTca LXOTLpovTaL
40 Xen.Anab.3.2.2-29.
41 Dion. Hal. (supran. 32);Theon(supran. 35).
42 Onasander (supra n. 37); Libanius (supra n. 36). In rhetorical treatises the term parakletikos is
also used about the paian song by the soldiers before the battle (Aelius Aristides 34.61, Keil;
Dio of Prusa 2.59) and about the bugle call sounded as the signal for battle (Dion. Hal. Antiq.
Rom. 6.10.2).
43 Logoiparakletikoi: Polyb. 12.25a3. Paraklesis: Polyb. 3.111.1; Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. 7.66.3.
Cf. Xen. Anab. 3.1.44; ArrianAnab. 2.10.2.
44 Cf. 0. Luschnat,Die Feldherrnredenim Geschichtswerkdes Thukydides,
PhilologusSuppl.
34.2 (Leipzig 1942);R. Leimbach,MilitdrischeMusterrhetorikEine Untersuchungzu den
Feldherrnredendes Thukydides (Wiesbaden1985).
several hundredmetres,45and even if the soldiers kept quiet and grounded their
shields46 they were wearing armour that could easily rattle.47 Under such
circumstancesit must have been impossible for a general, even if he had had the
voice of a Stentor, to deliver a speech that could be heard by all the soldiers
simultaneously. If the army was commandedby several generals each may have
addresseda small section of the phalanx,as we are told three times.48But if it fell
to one general to exhort the entire phalanx,he had to adopt a different technique:
he traversed the line and addressed the soldiers unit by unit. Such a form of
exhortationis well attested and must be assumed whenever we hear that an army
was addressed by its commanderimmediately before a battle. &1TLTrcapvaL49 and
ITILiVaL50 are the verbs used by the historiansto describe what happened.51
Admittedly, if the generalharanguedhis armyon the eve of the battle,52or his
crews before they embarked,53it may have been possible for the soldiers to form a
gatheringthat could be addressedas a whole like an army meeting. But when an
army was lined up in a phalanx the general must have exhorted the units
successively. It is implausiblethat,walking along the ranks,he made one coherent
speech so that the left wing heardtheprooimion, the centre the core of the speech,
and the right wing the epilogos. It is equally implausible that the general stopped
five or six times anddelivered his entire speech whereverhe stopped.What he did
was probably to invent a few encouraging apophthegms that, with variations,
could be shouted to the soldiers as he walked along the front line of the phalanx.
This reconstruction, based on the battle exhortations in Thukydides, is
confirmed by the speeches found in later historians, as can be illustrated by a
selection of examples:
Xenophon's Hellenika includes one long speech made before a battle, viz.
Thrasyboulos' harangue to his men at Mounichia. While the oligarchic army
advances, Thrasyboulos orders his men to ground their shields. He takes up a
position straight in front of the phalanx and delivers a speech of about 250
words.54But even after his speech some time lapses before the battle begins.
Thrasyboulosmust have addressedan armyof at least one thousandmen arranged
in ten ranks. Accordingly the phalanxmust have stretchedacross ca. one hundred
metres55and possibly more than that.
45 Cf., e.g., J. K. Anderson, Military Theory and Practice in the Age ofXenophon (Berkeley and
Los Angeles 1970) 145.
46 Xen. Hell. 2.4.12; Thuc. 8.93.1.
47 Quintus Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. 4.13.37.
48 Thuc. 2.86,6; 5.69.1; 7.65.3.
49 Thuc. 6.67.3; 7.76.1.
50 Thuc. 7.78.1.
51 See infraat n. 56ff.
52 Thuc. 2.86.6 and 90.1.
53 Hdt. 8.83.2; Thuc. 2.86-90; 7.65.1.
54 Xen. Hell. 2.4.13-7.
55 See supran. 45.
63 Polyb. 15.10.2-7.
64 Polyb. 15.11.6-12.
65 Polyb. 15.10.1; 15.11.6.
66 Caesar's speech before the battle against Ariovistus is delivered to the officers only (BGall.
1.40), and Vercingetorix' speech in BGall, 729 is made consilio convocato. Curio's speech to
the army in Africa is made at a contio militum (BCiv. 2.32).
67 Caes. BCiv. 3.90.
68 Caes.BCiv.3.86-7.
69 Suet.Jul. 55.4: "Apudmilites"quoque"inHispania"idemAugustusvix ipsiusputat,quae
tamenduplexfertur:unaquasipriorehabitaproelio,alteraposteriore,quoAsiniusPollio ne
tempusquidem contionandihabuisse eum dicit subita hostiumincursione.The speech
reported in Suet. Jul. 66 is not a battle exhortation but a speech made at an army meeting.
70 J. Albertus,Die Paraldetoiin der griechischenundromischenLitteratur(Strassburg1908)
28-36.
71 A. W. Gomme, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides I (Oxford 1945) 141; S.
Homblower, Thucydides (London 1987) 55.
72 Thuc.1.68-86.
73 Hornblower(supran. 71) 59; F. W. Walbank,Speechesin GreekHistorians.TheThirdJ. L.
MyresMemorialLecur (Oxfordn.d.) 12.
74 Cf.. e.g. the speeches in Thuc. 2.87-89 with Hornblower'snote in A Commentaryon
ThucydidesI (Oxford1991) 368; Thuc.4.92-5 cf. Luschnat(supran. 44) 54 & 56f; Thuc.
7.61-8 cf. Leimbach(supra n. 44) 112. See also the speeches in Polyb. 3.62-4 with
Walbank'snote in A HistoricalCommentary on PolybiosI (Oxford1957)397.
75 Plut.Mor.803B. Thequotationis fromEuripides'Autolykosfr. 282.22, Nauck.
76 Thuc. 1.22.1.
77 Pace A. Deffner,Die Redebei Herodotundihre Wiederbildung
bei Thukydides(Mtlnchen
1933).
78 It should be remembered, however, that short battle exhortations, allegedly delivered by the
commander to the entire army, can be found both in Homer (e.g. II. 11.286-90) and in
tragedies that antedate both Herodotus and Thukydides (e.g. Eur. Her. 824-7 [ca. 4301).
b. The most famous battle exhortationof all time is that of Henry V before
Agincourt, partly because it was immortalizedby Shakespearein Henry the Fifth
and partly because Agincourt is the best documented of all medieval battles.
Furthermore,ancient historians are always on the outlook for later analogies
which can help us to understandand interpretthe scanty informationwe possess
aboutancient societies. For many aspects of the hoplite battle the obvious parallel
has been the battle of Agincourt. An outstanding example is W. K. Pritchett's
chapterabout the pitched battle which includes a long descriptionof the medieval
battle intruced with the following statement:"To the student of ancient Greek
battles, Agincourt is of interest because it affords striking parallels to many
particularswhich some modem rationalistic historians have queried in ancient
accounts, viz. the recognition of omens, the challenge to battle, the lack of
reconnaissance, the observance of religious rites, the general's speech,
epiphanies, and the choice of battleground."86True enough, the 6th section of
Pritchett's descriptionof the battle is the king's speech. "Henrycame before his
troopsdressed for battle, wearinga helmet encircledby a gold crown, and with his
sword in handaddressedthe English armyin a loud, clear voice, saying thathe had
come into France to recover his lawful inheritance;that they should remember
they were born in the kingdom of England, where their parents and wives now
dwelt, and thereforethey ought to strive to returnwith great glory and fame; and
thatEnglandhad gained many noble victories over the French.He remindedthem
that the French had boasted that they would cut off three fingers from the right
handof every archerthey might capture.He told them, too, thathe would be killed
ratherthan takenprisoner,as he would never charge England with the paymentof
his ransom. I would underscorethe fact that Henry is said to have addressedthe
entire massed formation of about six thousand strong. The speech is not a
summaryof the random words of a commandertraversingthe line."87Pritchett's
description of the battle is based on C. Hibbert's Agincourt,88but instead of
trustinga modem account, let us inspect the sources.
Of the English accountsthe best is Henrici QuintiAngliae Regis Gesta written
less than two years after the events.89 In this source we are told that Henry
encouraged his men and ordered them to deploy when, on Thursday the 24th
October, he saw the French army blocking his retreatto Calais. It was, however,
too late in the day for an engagement; the French withdrew and the English
encamped. There is no informationabout what Henry said to his men and how he
did it, but the Gesta go on to reporta dialogue between the king and Sir Walter
Hungerfordaboutwhetherit would be desirableto have had 10,000 more archers,
one oflthe main themes of Shakespeare'sspeech. In the description of the actual
battle that took place the following day, there is no mention of any speech
delivered by Henry.90
Similarly, the Chronique de Religieux des Saint-Denys, which is the best
French account,91reports a speech of the king delivered on the 24th in the
afternoon while he is leading his men towards the French and orders them to
deploy. Here the contents of the speech - allegedly addressedto the entire army-
is reportedand includes a reference to the battlesof Cr6cy and Poitiers - a detail
found in other sources too, but then in connection with the speech held on Friday
the 25th October.
The other major French account, the Chronique de Enguerrand de
Monstrelet,92has a battle exhortationon Friday the 25th immediately before the
battle, but here the speech is made on the king's behalf by Thomas Erpingham
who is also entrustedwith the inspectionof the deployed armybefore the attackis
launched.
The two sources that do reporta speech delivered by Henry on 25th October
before the battle are the Chronique de JeanLe Fevre de St.R&my,93 who writes in
French but served on the English side, and Thomas de Elthamvita et gesta,94a
later account in Latin verse. Jean le Rvre does in fact report two battle
exhortations,the first by king Henry before the English advance and take up their
second position, and the second by Thomas Erpinghamimmediately before the
battle begins.95 C. Hibbert's account of the battle, which is reproduced by
Pritchett,is little more thana paraphraseof Jeanle FRvrewith the additionof a few
details taken from Thomas de Eltham.
To sum up, it is extremely doubtful whetherking Henry did deliver a speech
to his men before the attackon Friday the 25th October,96and even if we follow
Hibbert (and Pritchett) in rejecting the other sources and trusting the two last,
there is one importantdetail which Pritchetthas overlooked. He underscoresthe
fact thatthe speech was delivered to the entire armyand cannot be "a summaryof
90 AnoLhercontemporary account of the battle that has no reference to any speech by Henry is
The Chronicle of John Hardyng ed. Ellis (London 1812).
91 Ed. Belleaguet (Paris 1839-52) V.554-7.
92 Ed. Douet-d'Arcq (Paris 1857-62) 104-7.
93 Ed. Morland (Paris 1876-81) 245-5 1.
94 Ed. C. A. Cole in Memoirs of Henry the Fifth, R. S. vol. XI (London 1858).
95 In his report of Thomas Erpingham's speech Jean le FRvre is simply paraphrasing
D'Enguerrand de Monstrelet who was not an eyewitness but nevertheless published his work
before Jean le Fevre. It is perhaps telling that the eyewitness Jean le FRvrein one part of his
account simply copies the description of a man who had not been present when the battle was
fought.
96 I note that, in his very long and detailed discussion of the battle, John Keegan does not have a
word to say about the battle exhortation, though he is very sensitive to "the rhetoric of battle
history", tries to understandwhat makes a soldier go into battle and is curious to know how the
English spent the three or four hours of inactivity between the development of the armies and
the opening of the battle; see The Face of Battle (Harmondsworth 1978) 35 & 88-9, 114-6.
104 "Efterretningom slaget ved Nyborg 1659 (meddelt efter et hAndskrifti Geheime-archivet),"
Danske Magasin 3.2 (1845) 112-17.
105 D. Ahlefeldt, Memoiren aus den Jahren 1617-60, ed. Louis Bobd (Copenhagen 1896) 150.
106 See supra at note 75.
with copies of his speech. But nothingof the kind is found in the books of history.
Accordingly, it is quite likely that the orations found in old books are simply
invented by the author."'07
The failure to grasp the natureof the battle exhortationin histonographycan
be tracedback to the early 19thcenturywhen the Enlightenmentwas replacedby
Romanticism and history emerged as a scholarlydiscipline with its own method.
Rhetoric was scorned, and the professors of eloquence disappearedfrom most
European universities. Speeches were banned from history and the speeches in
earlier historiographymisinterpreted.It was often taken for grantedthat a speech
of some kind must have been delivered. Of course, the speech reportedby the
ancient or medieval historianmight have been different from the speech actually
delivered,108but few modernhistorianshave been willing to go the whole length
and admit that no speech had ever been made and that the whole genre was a
literary and rhetorical fiction, not a historical fact. As pointed out above, this
misunderstandingof the battlefieldexhortationas a genre seems to have persisted
to the presentday.109
107 L. Holberg, Epistola 498 (p. 188). I found this essay only after I had completed my own
investigation, but it has given me much pleasure to find myself in agreement with a famous
compatriot who is renowned for his common sense.
108 Leimbach (supra n. 44), for example, argues, often convincingly, that the battle exhortations
in Thukydides are invented (Musterrhetorik)and not a reportof what was actually said (128-
33), but he is still prepared to believe that a commander often made some kind of (short ex
tempore) speech to his men before battle (131).
109 1 should like to thankProf. V. D. Hanson and Prof. G. Kennedy for their helpful comments on
a draft of this article. In my search for Medieval and early modem examples of the battle
exhortation I have had valuable assistance from Captain Flemming Bork, Dr. Karsten Friis
Jensen, Prof. Kurt Johannesson, Mr. Gunnar Lind and Mrs. Lene Rubinstein.