Epilogue

because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in CONTENTS

Letters to the editor 2

Editor in Chief Prologue 3
Zafar Choudhary
Peace Process
Consulting Editor Composite Dialogue 5
D. Suba Chandran
Security
Associate Editor
Irm Amin Baig Searching Number Game 7

Identities
Politics
Photo Division PDP-Congress 9
JP Bandral
Society
Designs & Layout
Keshav Sharma Volume 2, Issue 5, May 2008
Relations 11
Report
Mailing Address US Elections 33
PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, IN FOCUS
Jammu Searching Identities Nation
Fundamentalism 34
Phones & email North East 35
Office : +91 191 2493136
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 15 Identity Formation : The J&K Story Neighbours
Administration:+91 94196 31610 Pakistan 37
+91 94190 00123 Tibet 39
editor@epilogue.in 21 Gujjar Identity In Multicultural
Bhutan
editor.epilogue@gmail.com Mosaic Of J&K 41
subscription@epilogue.in Columns
23 60 Years Of Unattended Gripes Tareekh 43
Edited, Printed and Published by
Zafar Choudhary for CMRD
Reviews
Publications and Communications 25 Gurjardesh Charitable Trust
Published from ‘Ibadat’, Madrasa Books 45
Lane, Bhatindi Top, Jammu, J&K Movies 47
31 Dards Of Ladakh : A Neglected Fok
Printed at Report
Dee Dee Reprographix, Jammu Sports 49
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction Epilogue
of courts and competitive tribunals in From the Consulting Editor 50
Jammu only.
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May 2008

Letters
Mail your letters to editor@epilogue.in
M.S Swamitnathan has definitely put in
right perspective (Towards A Food Secure
J&K, Ladakh : Epilogue April 208) the
agriculture and horticulture potential of
J&K State. But the concern still remain
that with two apparently vibrant
agricultural universities in the state,
with tall claims of great strides made in
research, the effective transfer of
technology to the field is still lacking.
The extension education needs to be
strengthened at Panchayat level apart
from mobilizing Krishi Vigyan Kendra’s
and Research & Development activities.
VIKAS KHAJURIA
Progressive Farmer,
Kalakote, Rajouri, J&K
M A I L B O X
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
The Vice President of India, made a
statement during his visits to
SKUAST-Kashmir that second Green
Revolution will start from J&K.
Although it seems a distant dream,
given the pace of developments in
the field of agriculture, but the
analysis done by M.S.Swaminanthan
and commitment expressed by the
Vice-Chancellor of Agricultural
Universities (Epilogue : April 2006)
raises a ray of hope if efforts are
made in field to achieve this targets
in a multi-layered approach
including the centrally sponsored
scheme as well.
MOHIT SHARMA
IMTIYAZ AHMED
Brain, Nishat, Srinagar Agriculture Student
Solan, HP
Epilogue (April 2008) has given a unique
With elections round the corner, 2008
analysis of Agriculture in field. It would
seems to be a year of biographies (Book
have been more comprehensive with a
Review : Epilogue April 2008) like last
detailed presentation of livestock
year. Alongwith blaming former friends it
scenario, potential and challenges.
would have been great if our leaders
J&K has a great potential of livestock
admit their mistakes two. This will also
development but still majority of the
serve the purpose to raise their
demands from livestock sector are met
structure!!
from the imports from other states.
Livestock still remain a neglected lot in
Agriculture. ARUL SINGH
Jammu University, Jammu
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May 2008

Identities Beyond Obvious
Zafar Choudhary
Identities are essential to any State and
are uncompromising ingredients of its
formation. It is often the issue of
identities –national, regional, cultural
–which underlie major tensions in the
States. The encouragement of a singular
identity at the cost of others can
eventually prove as a disintegrating
factor for the States. This can be seen
happening in Jammu and Kashmir. This
troubled State, never at rest with itself
and the Center, is a mosaic of
multicultural identities. Unfortunately,
beyond the boundaries of Jammu and
Kashmir, in India and rest of world, the
identity or identities of this state are
misunderstood and misconstrued. The
best description of Jammu and Kashmir
in rest of the world is Kashmiri identity
and Kashmiri nationalism. This is
something which India has always sought
eclipse under the national sovereignty.
Therefore, in a tussle of Kashmiri
identity and Indian national sovereignty,
at least for last 60 years, the multi-
ethnic character of Jammu and Kashmir
has been loosing its place in the
dominant political discourse. And this
precisely is a larger trouble in making if
this is invisible to the policy makers at
present. As we understand that identity
is sacrosanct to any individual, it
becomes a more sensitive issue when
extended to a group of individuals. As the
State conveniently ignores all but one
identity, there is an internal competition
leading to the clash of interests. Some of
the well defined identities in Jammu and
Kashmir are Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri
Pandits, Gujjars, Paharis, Dogras and
Ladakhi Buddhists. There are hardly two
identities which have their aspirations
P R O L O G U E
FROM THE EDITOR
and problems common. With a view to
bring the identities and their issues under
a larger debate for policy formulations, I
am happy; our editorial board has
decided to discuss them one by one. In
the remaining seven months of this year
and till middle of next year we have
planned to bring out at least four issues
on identities. Our present issue discusses
the identities and problems of Gujjars
and Dards. It was a careful decision to
pick up the marginal communities first as
a lot has already been written on the
dominant identities. The choice of
discussing Gujjar identity in the present
issue also makes sense as it coincides with
the annual migration of this nomadic
tribe from plains to the upper reaches.
We are thankful to Mohammad Tajuddin
and Baljit S Mann of the Department of
Political Science at the University of
Jammu for allowing us to use excerpts
from their well researched and recently
published book “Politics of Identities in
Jammu and Kashmir”. An article by
veteran journalist Balraj Puri, based on
his personal experiences gives an insight
into the long drawn urge of Gujjars
towards identity formation. Similarly, a
young Ladakhi researcher Tundup Palgias
brings to the fore identity and issues of a
little known tribe –Dards. Present issue is
an attempt towards generating an
understanding of identities and not a
complete study into the subject. Our
subsequent special issues on other
identities will also attempt to bring more
facets of the tribes being discussed in this
issue.
Feedback :
zafar.choudhary@epilogue.in
Epilogue Ø
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May 2008
Epilogue
because there is more to know
EPILOGUE aims at providing a
platform where a meaningful
exchange of ideas, opinion and
thoughts can take place among the
people and about the people of Jammu
& Kashmir. The attempt is to research,
investigate, communicate and
disseminate information, ideas and
alternatives for the resolution of
common problems facing the state and
society of Jammu & Kashmir and in
the context of their significance to
South Asia as a whole.
We welcome contributions from
academics, journalists, researches,
economists and strategic thinkers. We
would also like to encourage first-time
writers with the only requirements
being a concern for and the desire to
understand the prevailing issues and
themes of life in Jammu & Kashmir
Contributions may be investigate,
descriptive, analytical or theorectical.
They may be in the form of original
articles or in the form of a comment on
current events. All contributions have
to be neatly types in double space and
may be sent to the address given
alongside or e-mailed to the editor.
While the editor accepts responsibility
for the selection of the material
published, individual authors are
responsible for the facts, figures and
viess ithe tier articles.
 H E A R A N D H E A R

WHO SAID WHAT

Mujhe Garv Hai J&K Ki

Mahilaayun Par….
They have all along fought very
courageously during long turbulent period
against violence, militancy.
Sonia Gandhi at her Public Rally in Jammu

Kashmir issue and holding elections not We lost opportunity when Pakistan was in full
interlinked. control of one man – General Parvez Musharaf. He
did not need to explain anything to anybody.
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, APHC (M)
Today we are, if not starting from zero, we are
almost rewriting it.

Convert J&K Legislative Council into a Regional

Omar Abdullah, on resolution of Kashmir Issue
Council with members from both the sides of
Kashmir.

Mehbooba Mufti, PDP When things were turbulent there, we were a

little warried… and therefore very vigilant on the
borders.
I will suggest Yasin Malik Sahib to launch election
boycott campaign throughout the state on the line
of his Safar-e-Azadi Army Chief Gen Deepak Kapoor on security situation in Pakistan
viz-a-viz infiltration in J&K
S. Ali Shah Geelani, APHC(G)

My Visit to this place is not to assess Human Rights

Centre, Pakistan responsible for turmoil in
violations but to observe and recommend on
Jammu and Kashmir. Centre's discriminatory
religious belief, communal harmony, conversion
policies contributed to destabilize the
laws and minorities in this part of the world.
communal harmony in the state.
Asma Jehangir,
Chairperson Pakistan Human Rights Commission Farooq Abdullah, NC

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May 2008

Four Rounds Of Composite
Dialogue And One Problem
Sameer Suryakant Patil
India-Pakistan will hold an important
foreign ministerial meeting in Islamabad
shortly. The meeting scheduled for May
21 will review the progress made by both
the countries in the fourth round of the
composite dialogue and set the agenda
for the fifth round. Before the ministerial
meeting, Pakistani foreign secretary Riaz
Muhammad Khan will hold a review
meeting on May 20 with his Indian
counterpart Shiv Shankar Menon. The
two sides had concluded talks under the
fourth round in October last year itself.
However for a long time the domestic
situation in Pakistan had stalled
completion of this round. More
importantly, this will be the first-to-face
interaction between the two
governments after the new
democratically-elected government
came to power in Islamabad. The
meeting between Pakistani foreign
minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi and his
Indian counterpart Pranab Mukherjee is
expected to be a major landmark in the
bilateral peace process.
The India-Pakistan composite dialogue
began in 2004 and constitutes one of the
significant attempts by the both sides to
institutionalise the dialogue process
after breakdown in the dialogue
numerous times in the 1990s. Eight
subjects are covered under the dialogue
which were identified in the 1998 format
for composite dialogue - including
Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, security, the
Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation
Project, trade and Confidence Building
Measures (CBMs). The fourth round of this
dialogue was launched in March 2007 in
P E A C E P R O C E S S
COMPOSITE DIALOGUE
Islamabad. At that time, New Delhi was
pressing Islamabad to take effective
steps to curb cross-border terrorism and
Islamabad was pressing New Delhi for the
demilitarisation in Jammu and Kashmir.
As expected, the fourth round so far has
not made any substantial progress on the
issue of Kashmir despite a number of
CBMs that have been implemented.
Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan
Singh has expressed his commitment to
implement more CBMs in the Kashmir
valley including faster travel permits,
new bus routes and trade relations across
the Line of Control. Recently, Pakistan
People's Party leader Asif Ali Zardari had
spoken of putting the issue of Kashmir on
backburner so that other aspects of the
relationship can be focused upon. The
idea was considered path breaking in as
much as that it constituted break from
the official Pakistani position for years
maintaining that without the forward
movement on the issue of Kashmir, no
amount of CBMs will help to improve the
relations between two countries.
Resolution of the core issue of Kashmir
will be in Islamabad's view the biggest
CBM for the peace process. Coming as it
was from one of the mainstream political
parties, however the idea was quickly
shot down by majority of the ruling elite.
However, people on both the sides of
Kashmir are keen to see more CBMs being
implemented. The People's Democratic
Party chief Mehbooba Mufti has already
spoken of putting in place a “tangible
mechanism” for implementation of
various recommendations given by the
working groups set up by the Prime
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May 2008
Minister and the idea is going to pick up
pace in recent days.
On terrorism front, both the sides
launched a Joint Anti-Terrorism
Mechanism (JATM) in 2006. The first
meeting of the JATM was held around the
same time that the fourth round was
launched in 2007. During that meeting,
India had handed over the substantial
evidence regarding the involvement of
various Pakistan-based terrorist fronts in
terrorist attacks in the country. The
second meeting was held later in the year
in October. Much has happened
domestically in Pakistan since then. The
religious fundamentalists put up an open
defiance of the federal authority in the
heart of Islamabad in Red Mosque. The
assassination of Benazir Bhutto further
added to the anti-terrorism momentum
in Islamabad. India is using the recent
spate of terrorist attacks in Pakistan in
harping the point that the terrorist
infrastructure remains intact in Pakistan.
Recently, both the sides exchanged notes
to strengthen cooperation against
terrorism as a part of the 7th SAARC
conference on cooperation in police
matters. Both the countries have also
discussed the idea of establishing a
regional police agency on the lines of
Interpol as a part of wider SAARC efforts.
This will also help in analysing and
monitoring narcotics trafficking and drug
offences.
In March 2006 Dr. Singh had offered a
treaty on “peace, friendship and
security” to Pakistan in March 2006,

where resolution of issues like Siachen
and Sir Creek was emphasised upon. Of
these two, on Siachen, both the sides are
stuck on their respective positions for a
long while Sir Creek issue appears closer
to resolution. On Siachen, Pakistan has
rejected India's condition of
authentication of troop positions in
Siachen which has stalled any forward
movement on the issue. On Sir Creek,
since commencing the composite
dialogue in 2004, both the sides launched
the joint survey of this disputed coastal
strip of Gujarat coast in 2005. After the
completion of the joint survey, officials
on both sides have noted that there has
been a convergence to a great degree
among both the countries on the
delineation of the boundary. In fact, a
more pragmatic assessment tells that Sir
Creek is the only issue in the composite
dialogue that can be considered as
'doable'.
Driving the resolution of the issue is also
the obligation of both the countries
under the UN Convention on the Law of
the Sea (UNCLOS). The UNCLOS states
that if the maritime boundary disputes
are not resolved by 2009 by all the
signatory countries, they may be
declared as international waters. On
trade front too the state of affairs is not
good. Recently, Indian commerce
minister Kamal Nath warned Pakistan to
reciprocate the concessions that India
had extended to Pakistan under the
South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA)
failing which India would be forced to
withdraw the concessions given. Similar
is the case with the Wullar Barrage/
Tulbul navigation project. Both the sides
had held a meeting in June 2006 in
Islamabad to discuss the issue but
nothing substantial occurred. More
importantly for both the sides is the
Baglihar dam project in which they have
locked their horns.
P E A C E P R O C E S S
COMPOSITE DIALOGUE
On the security CBM front, no major
CBM has been signed by both the
countries since signing an accord in
2005 on the pre-notification of the
missile tests and announcing a
moratorium on nuclear testing. In
October 2007, both the sides held fifth
round of the expert level-talks on
nuclear and missile relate CBMs. They
In October 2007, both the sides
held fifth round of the expert
level-talks on nuclear and missile
relate CBMs. They have also
agreed to continue forward with
the four year-old ceasefire
agreement. A major CBM on
nuclear front will indeed create a
more conducive atmosphere for the
bilateral relationship and will
also help both the countries to
prove to the international
community that ten years after the
nuclearisation of South Asia, the
region has not necessarily turned
into a nuclear flashpoint as
expected by many western
analysts.
have also agreed to continue forward
with the four year-old ceasefire
agreement. A major CBM on nuclear
front will indeed create a more
conducive atmosphere for the bilateral
relationship and will also help both the
countries to prove to the international
community that ten years after the
nuclearisation of South Asia, the region
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May 2008
has not necessarily turned into a
nuclear flashpoint as expected by many
western analysts.
Much has been achieved by both the sides
in the fourth round of composite
dialogue. The fifth round will be held in
New Delhi and their schedule will be
decided following consultations.
However, much more can be done by way
of CBMs. Release of prisoners particularly
the Prisoners of War (POWs) and
fishermen by both the sides can create an
enormous goodwill among the people of
both the countries. Also early
repatriation of the inadvertent border
crossers can be considered. A joint
judicial committee on prisoners has
already been set up by both the countries
to recommend steps for humane
treatment and expeditious release of
prisoners of the respective countries in
each other's jails. Similarly the bilateral
visa regime can be made further flexible.
Current processes to obtain visa for the
nationals of both the countries are
cumbersome and complex. In fact the
current visa regime is one of the major
reasons why people-to-people contact
between both the countries has not
reached the level that it has the
potential.
Hence liberalisation of that regime is
expected to be a major landmark in the
bilateral ties. Establishment of more
intense rail, air and bus links will also
bring people on both sides closer. The
new Pakistani government's view that a
delayed resolution of Kashmir will not be
allowed to hold hostage the rest of the
peace process offers glimpses of hope
that after sixty years of often
acrimonious and violent past, the two
neighbours may be prepared to walk that
extra mile to accommodate each others
concerns and lead an active co-
existence.
 S E C U R I T Y
NUMBER GAME
Cross Border Terrorism : What
Do The Numbers Reveal ?
Dr Kanchan Lakshman
Viewed purely in terms of fatalities, the civilian fatalities (164 in 2007 as against
conflict in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) has 349 in 2006) and those of the militants
now crossed the threshold from a high- (492 in 2007 as against 599 in 2006),
intensity to a low-intensity level. For the there was only a marginal decrease in
first time since 1990 (when they were Security Force (SF) personnel killed (121
1,177) fatalities in this terrorism- in 2007 as against 168 in 2006).
wracked State in 2007 – at 777 – fell below
the 'high intensity conflict' mark of a According to the Union Ministry of Home
thousand deaths. At their peak in 2001, Affairs, in 2007 (till November), the
fatalities had risen to 4,507. Evidently, number of militancy-related incidents
2007 is a watershed year for J&K, was down by 33 per cent and that of
bringing tremendous respite to its civilians killed by 59 per cent and SF
people. personnel by 28 per cent over the
corresponding period of the previous
Figures for 2007 reconfirm the y e a r. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e J & K
continuously declining trend of terrorist Government/J&K Police, there were
violence in the State since the peak of 1,054 incidents (till November 30) as
2001. According to data compiled by the against 1,667 in 2006. Over 4,000 illegal
Institute for Conflict Management, the weapons, including AK-47 rifles,
fatality index in 2007 decreased by 30.38 pistols/revolvers, UMGs/LMGs, rocket
percent in comparison to 2006. While launchers/boosters and huge quantities
there was a substantial decrease in of ammunition and explosives/IEDs were
Comparative Fatalities in J&K, 2001-2008
* Data till April 23, 2008
Source: South Asia Terrorism Portal database
Epilogue Ø
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May 2008
recovered in the State through 2007.
Diminished violence, however, does not
indicate a necessary decline in the
capacity for terrorism, and there are
clear indications that the infrastructure
that supports and sustains the Kashmir
jihad remains intact in Pakistan. More
than 400 militants are reportedly
stationed in launching pads in PoK,
ready to infiltrate through the Line of
Control (LoC) to step up violence in the
State, defence sources said on April 13,
2008. Official sources disclose that at
least 52 terrorist training camps are still
operating, including 30 in Pakistan and
Gilgit-Baltistan, and the rest in PoK. At
least one-third of these camps are
known to be "fully active" at any given
point of time. In an attempt to counter
infiltration along the India-Pakistan
border in the summer, the Army has
moved units from the counter-
insurgency grid to areas along the LoC.
"We have deployed additional troops
along the border- line with Pakistan in
order to stop cross-border infiltration
into Jammu and Kashmir," General
Officer Commander (16 Corps), Lt Gen R
K Karwal, told reporters in Jammu on
April 9, 2008. As the snow melts away
during summer, the attempts of
infiltration go up along the LoC, he said,
adding in order to achieve zero-
infiltration results, additional army units
have been deployed along the border
for the purpose. "Summers are always
hot for infiltration and as of now the
infiltration is near to zero level," he
informed. Furthermore, security
agencies believe that current militant
activity is also considerably linked to
the mainstream political scenario, with

the forthcoming Legislative Assembly
elections.
The decrease in levels of violence in J&K
is not due to any change in Pakistani
intent, but is rather the consequence of
"changes in capacities and compulsions in
Pakistan." The multiplicity of crises in
Pakistan has diluted Islamabad's
capacities to sustain past levels of
terrorism in J&K – "particularly since a
large proportion of troops had to be
pulled back from the Line of Control
(LoC) and the international border for
deployment in increasingly violent
theatres in Balochistan, NWFP [North
West Frontier Province] and the FATA
[Federally Administered Tribal Areas]…
Pakistan's creeping implosion has
undermined the establishment's
capabilities to sustain the 'proxy war'
against India at earlier levels." On a more
general level, the secular decline in
violence witnessed since September
2001 can be attributed to Pakistan's
compulsions arising out of its domestic
difficulties, the ongoing peace process,
the American and international pressure
on Islamabad and the successes of the
counter-insurgency grid in J&K.
Official sources indicate that the ratio of
SFs to terrorists killed has seen an
upward trend from 1:3.6 in 2006 to 1:4.3
in 2007. This is a clear indication that the
counter-insurgency grid is working well
in J&K, and that any review of troop
deployment at this juncture – a populist
issue in the State – would fritter away the
gains made by the SFs.
The unstable domestic scenario in
Pakistan has had an impact on the
Kashmir jihad, though it has not led to
any change in the intent or the
infrastructure that orchestrates
violence. There is, nonetheless, a
definite pause. The momentary waning
in intensity has led to some confusion
within the jihadi rank and file. For
S E C U R I T Y
NUMBER GAME
instance, radio messages and phone calls
across the LoC indicated that militants,
preparing for a winter stay in the Kashmir
Valley, were a worried lot with the
declaration of the Emergency in
Pakistan. Communication intercepts by
Indian intelligence agencies brought out
the "uncertainty and confusion" among
militants who rely heavily on logistical
support from their handlers in Pakistan.
Their immediate anxiety, during that
Diminished violence, however,
does not indicate a necessary
decline in the capacity for
terrorism, and there are clear
indications that the infrastructure
that supports and sustains the
Kashmir jihad remains intact in
Pakistan. More than 400
militants are reportedly stationed
in launching pads in PoK
particular period, was whether the
supply lines would continue. Intelligence
officials disclosed, "The militants are
currently in a state of confusion about
the developments across the border.
Even their handlers are not clear how
things will shape in the future."
Within J&K, Islamabad is also attempting
to raise a united political voice in its
favour. To this end, it is attempting to
engineer unity among various pro-
Pakistan groups, including the two
factions of the main secessionist
formation, the All Parties Hurriyat
Conference (APHC). The objective
appears to be to gradually transform the
predominantly militant movement into a
more wide-based movement of political
extremism, backed by calibrated
Epilogue Ø
8×
May 2008
militant operations, to secure a stronger
position at the negotiating table and
achieve what has not been possible on
the ground through terrorism alone.
Even as the troops continue to engage
the terrorists, Indian Army sources claim
that, with the increasing turmoil in
Pakistan, 'sleeper' terrorist cells in J&K
have been progressively activated and
there is a possibility of a gradual upsurge
in violence over the coming months.
Intelligence sources suggest that militant
groups could raise the stakes in an
election year in J&K.
The proximity of elections has also
brought enormous political pressure to
bear on the populist issue of a troop cut in
the State, but the Army insists that the
situation is far from conducive to such a
measure. Indeed, the ratio of troops in
J&K is far below the troops-civilian ratio
in violence-afflicted Waziristan in
Pakistan or even in Chinese occupied
Tibet. The J&K Governor, Lt. Gen. (Retd)
S K Sinha, noted, on January 25, 2008,
the eve of Republic Day, that "The ratio of
deployment of troops, Army and
paramilitary, to population in the region,
excluding militancy-free Ladakh, is 1:40.
This is less than 1:37 in Waziristan and
1:28 in Tibet."
The gains of 2007 must not lead to
complacency. Pakistan's intentions
remain unchanged; its terrorist reserves
are intact; Islamist terrorist groups have
established some autonomous capacities
for operation, independent of Pakistani
state agencies; and the South Asia and
wider Asian region teeters on the brink of
spiralling instability. Despite a significant
and continuous decline in terrorist
violence over the years, the centrestage,
however, is yet to be vacated by the
shadow of militancy in J&K.
DR KANCHAN LAKSHMAN
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict
Management
 P O L I T I C S
PDP - CONGRESS

Intelligent Coalition
PDP-Congress Wrestle
Strengthening Their Muscles
Zafar Choudhary

This is election year in Jammu and Kashmir and parties are coining innovations to secure their footholds. As the coalition
culture promises to stay here for a longer while, no party appears headed for a clear majority in the forthcoming elections.
Therefore, the choices of an arrangement for forming next government have to be between two of three major political parties
–the Congress, the Peoples Democratic Party and the National Conference. For their history, genesis and competition for
survival on the same turf, the possibility of having an alliance between the Peoples Democratic Party and the National
Conference is like having the one between Bhartiya Janta Party and the Congress at Center. Hence, no possibility at all even
though nothing can be ruled in or out in politics. With no scope of a power partnership, none of these parties –PDP and NC –are in
a position to form the government at their own. The third major player, the Congress, therefore, could have been seen with a
flexibility of choosing partners with wider scope of negotiations but its past limits its actions for the future.

Possible alliances the natural allies.

Congress, though, has no problems in “PDP and Congress as natural ally” may
making alliances with either National sound ludicrous to all those who have
Conference or the Peoples Democratic seen both parties competing against
Party as far as its contested turfs and other in government and washing their
ideological linkages are concerned but dirty linen in the public over past three to
having a power partnership with the four years. At least at half a dozen
former may revive Congress' old bad occasions these years the state
identity in Kashmir –the killer of government appeared falling anytime
democracy. In such a scenario both owing to the deepening differences
parties run the risk of getting trounced between the Congress and the Peoples
for their shady partnership of the past. Democratic Party. Their internal troubles
History is witness to the fact that was the
reached a point of no return in March last
infamous Congress-National Conference
year when Ministers from the Peoples
alliance of 1986-87 popularly known as
Democratic Party refused to attend
Rajiv-Farooq accord which denied
meetings of the state cabinet demanding
people the genuine democratic space in
that the demilitarization issue should be
1987 assembly elections and set into the
listed first for discussion. This was not
motion a process of deeper dissent which
acceptable to the Congress. Prime
later took shape of armed rebellion.
Minister Dr Manmohan Singh intervened
“The National Conference and Congress
may even visit Ka'aba with remorse or to resolve the crisis by announcing an
wash their sins at Ganga but Kashmir expert panel to examine the issue. PDP
Valley will continue to doubt their celebrated its victory in Kashmir saying
intentions if they join hands again”, says that the demand of demilitarization
a political observer. In a scenario, when –close to the heart of Kashmiris –has been
think tanks of the parties are convinced acceded to. At the same time, the
that none of them is in a position to form Congress convinced its constituency in
the next government at their own, the Jammu –not interested in
present ruling partners –the PDP and the demilitarization politics –that it resisted
Congress –are considering themselves as the demanded and therefore it was not

Epilogue Ø
9×
May 2008

accepted out-rightly. It was a win-win
situation for both. This is how the
political intelligence in the Congress and
the PDP is working to strengthen their
respective constituencies.
Jammu v/s Kashmir
The political discourse in Jammu
province and Kashmir province of the
state has always behaved differently.
Pick up an issue and treat it contrarily, it
will help in both region. Same treatment
to one issue in both regions may help in
one and backfire in other. Over the years
these political differences have only
sharpened. To placate his Jammu
constituency, Farooq Abdullah of
National Conference would often call for
bombing militant bases in Pakistan
administered Kashmir and putting
separatists behind jails. He had to pay a
heavy price in the Valley as even his son
and party president Omar Abdullah had
to loose his seat at the family's pocket-
borough Ganderbal in 2002 assembly
elections.
When differences are so sharp, it will be
fool enough to believe that the Peoples
Democratic Party and Congress contest
the forthcoming assembly elections
together. In Kashmir Valley, the Congress
is seen as the unwelcome arm of New
Delhi and Jammu, the PDP is perceived as
yet another separatist party or more
precisely as Pakistan Peoples Party's
Kashmir unit. Therefore, if they are
serious about forming the next
government together, they will have to
contest the next elections separately and
strongly against each other. This
precisely is what the intelligent allies are
preparing to do.
The Congress president Sonia Gandhi was
in Jammu on April 12 to address a Mahila
P O L I T I C S
PDP - CONGRESS
(women) convention of the party. The
occasion marked the formal launch of the
election campaign. She asked her
audience, including those not present at
the venue, to vote for the Congress based
on its performance on two fronts
–development and security. The word
'coalition' was conspicuously missing
from Sonia's 14 minute long speech. This
was the first time ever since November
2002 when PDP and Congress formed the
ruling alliance that the Congress high
command spoke of only 'Congress'. Even
though the partners in J&K continued to
fight with each other but the central
leadership would always talk about the
coalition and not the parties. Sonia's
message obvious: her party has nothing
to do with the PDP in next elections.
Sonia is back to Delhi but the Congress
leaders here instead of selling
development to the people are engaged
in a single point campaign –against
Peoples Democratic Party and the Muftis
–father daughter duo.
Note this!
The Peoples Democratic Party is a step
farther. Mufti Mohammad Sayeed stirred
a hornet's nest earlier this month
proposing the use of Pakistani currency in
Kashmir and the Indian currency on other
side. His proposal comes shortly after
daughter and party president Mehbooba,
Epilogue Ø
10 ×
May 2008
during her visit to Pakistan, suggested a
joint senate and thus a more or less joint
control of India and Pakistan on Jammu
and Kashmir. Such emotional slogans
have always worked well in Kashmir and
there is no surprise that the Mufti's
catchphrase is picking up well in the
Valley. On the contrary, except for few
districts, in majority of Jammu region
almost every day is marked with protests
and demonstration against the PDP
leaders and burning of effigies of its
leaders for proposing dual currency. This
perhaps what the PDP campaign
strategists had wanted. Such protests in
Jammu are paying the party well in
Valley. And when Congress takes
exception to these proposals, it
appropriates its role in the 'nationalist'
bastion of Jammu which has always been
sought to be conquered by the BJP.
No one knows that happens to the
currency after November this year, when
the assembly elections are over and new
government is in place, but the wrestle
between PDP and the Congress is giving
both parties much desired foothold in the
target constituencies.
After elections, it would not be surprising
when both parties declare themselves as
natural allies, pool their seats and stake
claim for governmental formation.
 S O C I E T Y
RELATIONS

Unhappy Ending!
Divorce Cases On Rise In Jammu

Anmol Sharma

One of the most astounding things that

shock any young lawyer who joins the bar
is the burgeoning number of the
matrimonial disputes that are being
fought in the local courts of Jammu and
its surrounding periphery. The situation is
so rotten that it takes a while to come to
terms with it, in the sense that these
cases fought bitterly are happening to
the persons you know from your own
neighborhood or otherwise and never
knew what they are going through.

The condition has deteriorated to such an

extent that a special court has been set
up that deals only with cases involving
spousal disputes. The Matrimonial Court
in Jammu hears almost 50 to 60 cases
every day and the total number of cases
per year is anybody's guess. However, the
story also does not end here and almost
same numbers of cases of the spousal
nature get transferred to other judges,
as the load is too much for a single court
to handle.
Any body that sees so many young girls
and guys coming out the matrimonial
court is stunned because it is hard to
believe that this is happening in Jammu
and that too to Dogras who have a
pristine glory of a compelling superior
traditional background. The
indiscriminate disease of divorce has
spread across the hierarchy of socio-
economic status. You will see a woman
Professor of Jammu and a wife of fourth-
class peon sitting next to each other and
leveling the same accusations against
their estranged husbands.
The anatomy of these cases without
prejudice to anybody is the same and
even a fresh pass out from any law school
can make out what the clichéd cavil
complaints will be. The divorce petitions
or those for maintenance, restitution of
conjugal rights, and the most dreaded
section of IPC the 498A are some of the
most common litigations haunting the
adverse parties. The irony in these cases
is the fact that these complaints are not
only mechanically written but the even
the sordid contents of the different
parties resemble each other.
It takes only a while to stand in the court
and listening to the allegations and
counter allegations between the parties
to realize how blood thirsty the people
become in these litigations. Many of the
times, the parties physically fight, swear
abuses, and call names in the open court
and that too before the Judge. The
emotional theatrics and temper is
sometimes higher than even the cases
involving murder. Washing dirty laundry
in the public and making fun of each
other is not only futile but also
uncivilized and disparaging decency.
The course that a man or a woman takes
in the court is both expected as well as
dull. Whenever a women separates, she
at the first instance files for maintenance
and the husband when he is sure that she
will not come back files for restitution of
conjugal rights, which is only to avoid
giving her the claimed maintenance. If
the husband later files for divorce his
wife then files a complaint under the
section 498A.
The general tendency then is to involve
all the relatives of the husband whom she
can think of, in the case of dowry
harassment. It is a very common scene in
the courts when almost 15 to 20 relatives
of the husband are arrayed as accuseds
and brought before the Judge. The poor
relatives then have to seek bail and

Epilogue Ø
11 ×
May 2008
 S O C I E T Y
RELATIONS

appear before the judge at every date. made such an agreement with a famous King.

Until the recent past, Indians and more particularly Jammuites
used to censure westerners for their fickle marriages and
breakups but it is undisputable fact that we have now degraded
ourselves more as far as public etiquettes and decency is
concerned. By dragging into the court some 80-year-old distant
Uncle of her husband who might not have even attended the
marriage ceremony of his nephew or claiming in the open court
in front of 20 people that his wife is leading an adulterous life is
diabolical and disappointing.
The husband's lawyer is also sometimes seen to ask the wife so
tough and reckless questions that the woman weeps bitterly in
front of the Judge. The situation is ugly and must be addressed
soon. There are a few young girls also in their late 20's who have
filed so many cases against their in-laws that they almost come
daily to the court and are all day over there. For them it has
become a sort of sole purpose in life to see punishment
delivered to their husbands.
Another important thing white people do when they sense their
marriage is on the rocks is to undergo long counseling sessions. In
India, the Matrimonial Judge tries to reconcile the litigating
parties and sits as a counselor, but the fact is that he is one of the
most overburdened persons around and cannot possibly take time
out for each party coming to the court and moreover he is also not
a professionally trained one.
Therefore, the only hope is that one day few bright people will
try to mend the system and start a discourse to analyze the
situation from the real perspective. The real responsibility
ultimately rests with the man and the woman. It must be
realized by them that mere mud slinging will achieve nothing
for them as Helen Rowland the famous American writer said,
“When two people decide to get a divorce, it isn't a sign that
they “don't understand” one another, but a sign that they have,
at last begun to.”

The biggest disadvantage, however, in these cases according to Life is not merely living but living in health
some of the senior lawyers is the long recourse that it takes to
redress the problem. When asked about the prospect of these
cases they remark that it is only in the beginning that the
L
parties are peevishly impatient and spill venom and after
realizing the futility because of the unnecessary delays in the
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ical
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negligible.
n
The attitude of the police in these tribulations has also t eco .20/
s .1
compounded the problems than solved them. Khaki clad Police
Mo t Re
Jus
with colonial hangover creates havoc in this delicate and
personal problem. Women cell, which is one of the dirtiest
police stations in the town with broken chairs and tattered
walls, is also alleged to be a den of corruption. Police is ill
trained to handle Matrimonial disputes with no special training
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The light at the end of the tunnel is therefore is the way
westerners have adopted. It is routine for them to sign a pre-
nuptial agreement, which is clothed with legal sanctity. Our
law however does not recognize a pre-nup agreement, which is
a big handicap. However, it is necessary to mention that pre-
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Epilogue Ø
12 ×
May 2008
 ULBRIGH

United States Educational Foundation in India (USEFI)

ANNOUNCES
2009-2010 Fulbright Fellowships in the U.S. for Indian Citizens

MASTER'S FELLOWSHIPS FOR LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT: For outstanding individuals who demonstrate
leadership qualities, have completed the equivalent of a U.S. bachelor's degree, and have at least three years of professional
or work experience, to pursue a master's degree program at select U.S. colleges and universities in the areas of Business
Administration, Communication Studies, Economics, Environment, and Public Administration. Age: Between 25 and 30
preferred.
DOCTORAL AND PROFESSIONAL RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS: For scholars pursuing Ph.D. at Indian institutions in the
areas of the United States, Strategic Studies, or New India Fields* OR for professionals with postgraduate degrees working
in organizations where the study of Strategic Studies or New India Fields would be useful. Age: 45 years or under preferred.
SENIOR RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS: For faculty and researchers in colleges, universities or academic/research
institutions, policy planners, and professionals at not-for-profit organizations in India who have a Ph.D. or equivalent
published work in the areas of the United States, Education, Global Business Studies, and Society and Development. Age:
50 years or under preferred.
VISITING LECTURER FELLOWSHIPS: For faculty and researchers in the New India Fields* and other areas in Humanities
and Social Sciences. Age: 50 years or under preferred.
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administrators and planners) in the government, public and private sectors, and NGOs for professional development.
Fellowships in Drug Abuse Prevention may be offered to medical practitioners. Age: 45 years or under preferred.
FULBRIGHT-VANDERBILT FELLOWSHIP IN CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION: For an Indian law graduate with a
demonstrated interest in legal aid to the poor and with an express ambition of becoming a clinical law teacher to pursue an
LL.M. in Clinical Legal Education.
FULBRIGHT TEACHER EXCHANGE PROGRAM: For Indian secondary school teachers (9th to 12th grades) of English,
Mathematics, or Science to participate in direct exchange of positions with U.S. teachers for a semester.
INTERNATIONAL FULBRIGHT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY AWARD: For outstanding individuals who have completed
an equivalent of a U.S. bachelor's degree from a recognized Indian university to pursue Ph.D. in Aeronautics and
Astronomics/Aeronautical Engineering, Astronomy/Planetary Sciences, Biology, Chemistry, Computer
Sciences/Engineering, Engineering (electrical, chemical, civil, mechanical, ocean, and petroleum), Environmental
Science/Engineering, Geology/Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, Information Sciences/Engineering, Materials
Science/Engineering, Mathematics, Neuroscience/Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Oceanography and Physics at a top U.S.
institution in science, technology, or engineering.
* “New India Fields” include agriculture, civic engagement (voluntary sector and allied studies), environment,
global business studies, media technology (cinema studies including digital cinema studies), public health,
science and technology policy and management, urban studies, and special education.
Application materials are available on USEFI's website www.fulbright-indla.org. Requests for hard copies of application
materials may be sent to the USEFI office in your region along with a self-addressed stamped (Rs. 25.00) 1 0”x7” envelope.
Due dates for submission of 2009.2010 FuIbright applications begin May 1, 2008. For any queries, e-mail to:
ip@fulbrightindia.org
Northern Region: USEFI, 12 Halley Road, New Delhi 110001; Western Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Center,
4 New Marine Lines, Mumbai 400020; Eastern Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Center, 38A, Jawaharlal Nehru
Road, Kolkata 700071; and Southern Region: USEFI Regional Office, American Consulate Building, Anna Salai, Chennai
600006.

www.fuIbright-ndia.org
 Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, Rajouri
185131 (J&K)
Admission For Academic Session 2008-09
MAT Forms available w.e.f. March 10, 2008
Department Test Dates Guidelines
Admission for Financial Management
shall also be made through MAT exam
Management Studies from this academic session onwards.
& May 4, 2008 Venue : BGSB University Rajouri or any
Financial Management other centre as notified in the MAT
Bulletin. MAT score of February 2008
shall be considered.

Admission for Information Technology

Computer Sciences shall also be made through Combined
& July 13, 2008 Entrance Test (CET) from this academic
Information Technology session onwards
Venue : Rajouri / Jammu / Srinagar

B.Tech (AICTE - LOI)

a. Computer Sciences and July/August For Detail Information
Engineering 2008 visit to university website :
b. Electronics & Dates will be notified
separately www.bgsbuniversity.org
Communications
c. Information Technology or Camp Office, Jammu / Srinagar

Application Forms along with Information Bulletin and MAT Bulletin are available for sale
through Demand Draft, drawn in favour of Registrar, BGSB University payable at Rajouri,
from the office of Assistant Registrar (Admissions), 01962-262616, Camp Office : Jammu
0191-2466892, 2464402 / Srinagar 09419011449. University Application Form can also be
downloaded from website : www.bgsbuniversity.org.
For More Details Contact : Dean Academic Affairs, 09419103563 and
Assistant Registrar (Admissions), 09419171665
No. BGSBU/Acad/08/17870 Sd/-
Dated : 5 March, 2008 Assistant Registrar (Academic Affairs)
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

Identity Formation :
The J&K Story

Baljit S. Mann

Jammu and Kashmir a state with clear-cut Muslim majority refused to join Pakistan when the Indian sub-continent was
portioned on the communal lines. Not only the maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of princely state took this decision but also the
leader of the popular movement against the imperial rule of the Maharaja led by the National Conference under the leadership
of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah refused to subscribe to the ideology of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and endorsed the decision of the
king. Initially its decision neither to join Hindu majority secular India nor Muslim majority Pakistan, implied its quest for
independent National identity. Of course later on circumstances forced it to joint Indian Union through instrument of accession
on October 22, 1947. Even thereafter, its desire for separate national identity did not exhaust. The contemporary scenario
indicates that the secular and plural identity of Jammu and Kashmir has transformed from within. Today the construction of
identities on the communal, ethnic and regional basis has become the dominant political discourse in the state.

Despite the fact that identity of state Although the state was having Muslim
started taking shape during colonial majority followed by a substantive
period in Jammu & Kashmir a Muslim Hindu minority and other minor
majority state, ruled by the Hindu Dogra minorities like Buddhists and Sikhs. It
Hari Singh, the religion could not had proved more conducive for the
become the password of its identity. construction of secular. plural and
Rather the oppressive rule of the king shared identity of the state, however
created a conducive environment for today the position is reverse. Third, the

?
blurring the boundaries among the farsighted political leadership of the
different religious, linguistic and ethnic state also contributed in this regard.
communities in the state and thereby
constructed the secular and plural However, the protest against the
identity of the state. Neither religion oppressive rule of the Hindu Dogra ruler
nor ethnicity was given much space in of the state, was articulated by the
the politics of Jammu & Kashmir, Muslim Conference under the leadership
despite this fact that there was of Sheikh Abdullah, but thereafter he
potential for communal and ethnic realized that the movement in its
conflict. The identity of state at that present form will convey the wrong
time was neither communal nor ethnic, message and it will also shrink its base, if
rather it was secular, shared and be pursued in its present form. Since the
inclusive. It was multiple, multi- agenda of the Muslim Conference was
layered, plural, open and flexible. neither communal nor sectarian,
therefore, it changed its name from
There were three factors responsible for Muslim Conference to All Jammu &
the construction of secular and plural Kashmir National Conference. That was
identity of the state. First, the a significant transformation in the
oppressive rule of the king, the Muslim Conference from within, which
hereditary ruler of the state promoted played very crucial role to construct the
the landlord aristocratic class and s e c u l a r, p l u r a l , i n c l u s i v e a n d
marginalized the peasant class. Second, multilayered identity of the state. On
the multi-cultural universe of the state October 5, 1947, addressing a mammoth
had also contributed for the gathering of one lath people in Iqbal Park
construction of secular identity. in Srinagar, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah

Epilogue Ø
15 ×
May 2008

declared that: “In Kashmir, we want a
peoples' government, which will give
equal rights and equal opportunities to
all, irrespective of caste and creed. It
will be joint government of the Hindus,
the Sikhs and the Muslims. That is what I
am fighting for”.
Quest for identity
In the post colonial period, though
Jammu and Kashmir it joined Indian
Union under unavoidable circumstances
but its desire for separate identity
remained intact. In order to fulfill its
thrust for identity, it had also been able
to strike a deal with the Indian state. It
did not join India like other princely
states but as a special category state.
The special status granted to the state
under Article 370 of the Indian
Constitution became the password of its
spec political identity. The separate
political identity of the state was
instituted through separate constitution
and flag besides many other icons of
identity. At that time, its desire for
identity was neither re1igiou ethnic but
of course, it was more pragmatic,
political and secular. While addressing
the United Nations Security Council on
February 6, 1948, Sheikh Abdullah stated
that: “I and my organization never
believed in the formula that Muslims and
Hindus form separate nations. We did not
believe in the two-nation theory, not in
communalism or communalism itself...
we believed that religion had no place in
politics”.
The pressure of popular movement led by
the All Jammu and Kashmir National
Conference had not only forced the king
to hand over power to the leadership of
this movement but also shifted the
center of political power from Jammu to
Kashmir Valley. The Maharaja belonged
to Jammu province, whereas, the leader
of the popular movement to whom he
handed over power hailed from the
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
Kashmir Valley. This development
brought a qualitative shift in the power
structure of the state on three counts:
shifted the locale of power from Jammu
region to Kashmir Valley; changed the
power equation between the two major
religious and ethnic communities;
shifted the balance of power in favour of
Kashmiri ethnic community, whereas,
earlier it was in favour of Dogra ethnic
community. Above all it shifted the
power from the hands of minority to that
of majority.
Sheikh Abdullah wanted the entire state
to have a separate identity and to be
ruled by the Valley, wherein the majority
population resided. Jammu was opposed
to both and Abdullah could not live
without Jammu. Initially in continuation
to past tradition, the nationalism and
secularism were the defining criterion of
identity- although the state was having
clear cut Muslim majority and ruled by
the Kashmiri Muslim leader Sheikh
Abdullah. The ruling elite could not have
afforded to construct the identity of
state either on the basis of religion or
ethnicity. Reason being it was not
possible for it to keep three ethnically
distinct parts of the state alongwith.
Jammu and Kashmir has three ethnically
separable but geographically contiguous
regions- a Dogra Hindu majority Jammu;
a Kashmiri Muslim majority Valley and a
Tibetan Buddhist majority Ladakh. If the
state nationalism is to be based on
Kashmiri ethnicity then it was not
possible to keep Hindu Dogras from
Jammu and Buddhists from Ladakh
within the state. Therefore an attempt
was made to construct the identity of
state on the basis of secularism and the
Urdu language. Although this attempt of
the state could not yield desired fruit.
The change of locale as well as power
equation in the state provided an
opportunity to the regional, communal
and ethnic forces to construct the
identities on the basis of ascriptive
affiliations.
Epilogue Ø
16 ×
May 2008
The transfer of power from a Hindu Dogra
King from Jammu to a Kashmiri Muslim
leader, Sheikh Abdullah from Valley
conveyed a wrong message to the Dogra
Hindus of Jammu. From this
development, it was inferred that they
are the part of Hindu majority secular
India but within their own state being a
minority, are ruled by the Muslims who
happened to be in majority in Jammu &
Kashmir but minority in India. The main
factor, they identified for this situation
was the special status of the state.
However, this diagnose was neither
correct nor appropriate. The more
convincing factor could be the electoral
politics because in the electoral politics
the majority tends to rule. Consequently,
there was a demand for full integration
of Jammu & Kashmir with the Indian
Union, which was raised by the Hindu
nationalists from the Jammu region and
joined by the Hindu nationalists from the
other parts of India.
Their logic was being full- fledged part of
Hindu majority but secular India, they
will not be ruled by the Muslims, and
rather, they will be the part of ruling
majority. It can be argued that the Dogra
Hindu of Jammu could not reconcile with
the end of the Dogra rule in the state.
Consequently, a popular movement
against Sheikh Abdullah, the ruler of
state was led by a Hindu Regional Party,
the Praja Parishad from Jammu, which
was also joined by the Jan Sangh, the
leading Hindu Nationalists Party in Delhi
in 1 952. This is how the process of
construction of regional, communal and
ethnic identities was set in motion.
How should the state of Jammu and
Kashmir define its identity after the
articulation of Hindu nationalism from
Jammu alongwith the support of Hindu
outfits operating at national level, was a
huge question to deal with. However, the
state under the leadership of Sheikh
Abdullah tried to construct the national

identity of the state on the basis of
secularism and the Urdu language but
within the framework of pluralism, which
believes in peaceful co-existence but is
also hierarchical in nature. This scenario
has resulted into the sharpening of
communal, ethnic and regional identities
in the state when the Dogra Hindu
identity was constructed not only on the
basis of Hindu nationalism but it also
became very angular to the Kashmiri
Muslim identity. The articulation of the
former against the latter created a
context of mutual acrimony, distrust and
suspicion within the state.
At that time, Indian state was also very
fascinated with its project of nation
building and national integration in order
to construct the national identity There
was convergence of agenda of the Indian
state and the Dogra Hindu identity from
Jammu, which resulted into the politics
of identities within the state on the one
hand and created the distrust between
the Indian state and the Kashmiri Muslim
identity on the other and thereby also
sharpened the Kashmiri Muslim identity.
The process of socio-economic change
initiated by Sheikh Abdullah in the form
of Land Reforms further aggravated the
situation and sharpened the identity
politics in the state because the majority
of the big landlords in Kashmir were
Hindus and the majority of peasants were
Muslims. The economic power of the
Dogra (Hindu) landlards had been
seriously undermined in 1951 by the Big
Landed Estates Abolition Act, which had
provided for the confiscation of large
landholdings without compensation and
for the transfer of land to the tillers. The
Hindu nationalists interpreted it as an
attempt to marginalize the Hindu
identity not only in the politics but also in
the economy of the state. The changing
dynamism of political and socio-
economic power in the state further
aggravated/accelerated the process of
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
sharpening the ascriptive identities. The
process of shaping the Hindu identity in
Jammu as well as the articulation of
Hindu nationalism at the national level
had not only worried the Sheikh Abdullah
but also the Indian secularists about the
future of Indian secularism.
The politics set in motion created a
critical mass that had led to the collapse
of secular, shared, and the plural identity
of the state, which Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah constructed during the colonial
period and tried to retain and
consolidate it in the post-colonial period
as well under the special status granted
to the state through Article 370 of the
Indian Constitution. Sheikh Abdullah the
icon of national identity of state argued
that the special status is pre-requisite for
the identity of state, whereas, the Hindu
nationalists from Jammu thought that it
was detrimental to their identity. To be
more precise the Kashmiri Muslims were
convinced that special status is required
for the security of their identity.
Both the identities Kashmiri Muslim and
Dogra Hindu having ethnic and regional
connotation have been indulging into
binary politics on the issue of special
status. The bonds of the Hindu identity
from Jammu are very strong with the
larger Hindu majority identity of India.
That is why, the Hindu nationalists from
Jammu are asking for the full integration
of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian
Union. This move was indirectly
supported by the Indian state, when it
started the process of eroding the special
status of the state. The process was set in
motion with the dissolution of popular
government, formation of puppet
government in the state and the arrest of
the Sheikh Abdullah, the most popular
leader amongst the Kashmiri Muslims and
also the champion of nationalism and the
shared identity apart from advocating
the special status for the state. This
development conveyed the message to
Epilogue Ø
17 ×
May 2008
the Kashmiri Muslims that India does not
want to protect the separate political
identity of the state, which was very dear
to the survival and progress of the
Kashmiri Muslim identity in the secular
but Hindu majority India. It was a breach
of trust between the Kashmiri Muslims
and the Indian state. The articulation of
Hindu nationalism from Jammu and the
response of Hindu nationalists thereof at
the national level put a big question mark
on the longevity of Indian secularism and
the future of Indian secular identity as
well. It was an issue of major concern for
them because the secular credential of
Indian national identity was compatible
with the secular identity of the state,
which Sheikh Abdullah tried to construct.
This development had opened the
pandora's box regarding the politics of
identities in the state besides
transforming the dialogical relations
between India's national identity and the
Kashmiri Muslim identity.
Indian Maneuver and Seikh Abdullah’s
response
Since Indian state started intriguing with
the special status of the state by
responding to the demand of Hindu
nationalists from Jammu, Sheikh
Abdullah started hobnobbing with the
international community for the purpose
of establishing the independent national
identity of the state. Although Indian
state had been able to constant a
constituency within the National
Conference, which was advocating the
full integration of the state with Indian
Union- but thereby the bad politics was
set in motion to fulfill the vested
interest, which has proved counter
productive in the long run. For the
majority of Kashmiri Muslims, Kashmiri
identity and the special status of the
state were inseparable, whereas for the
Hindu nationalists from Jammu, the
special status was detrimental to their
identity. The kind of politics pursued in

the post Sheikh Abdullah period further
accelerated the politics of identities not
only between the Indian state and
Jammu & Kashmir but also within the
state and further within every region of
the state.
Within the Jammu region, the process to
construct the Gujjar Muslim identity was
set in motion, which resulted into the
construction of the third largest identity
of the state after the Kashmiri Muslims
and the Dogra Hindu identity. It was
primarily constructed to counter
Kashmiri Muslim identity by articulating
that the Kashmiri Muslims are not the
sole representatives of the entire Muslim
community from the state. The Gujjar
Muslims do not approve the secessionist
demand, which has been raised by some
Kashmiri Muslims from the Kashmir valley
since 1990s. They argued that they are
happy with the Indian State. The Gujjars
are predominantly nomadic Muslim Tribe
who form the third largest community in
the state. However, the construction of
Gujjar identity has resulted into shaping
the Pahari identity from the Poonch and
Rajouri districts of the Jammu region.
The forced displacement of the Kashmiri
Pandit community presents a classic case
of ethnic-religious cleansing, which not
only sharpened the existing communal
and ethnic identities within the state and
region but also constructed some new.
For instance, the construction of
Kashmiri Pandit identity and its
angularity with the Kashmiri Muslim
identity had become sharper. This has not
only marginalized the shared, secular
part of the Kashmiriat but it has also
jeopardized the plural, multiple and
multi-layered part of Kashmiri culture.
The shared culture used to be the
password of Kashmiri identity has
become the major casualty; Now the
password of Kashmiri identities both
Muslim and Hindu is neither the
Kashmiriat nor shared culture or
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
secularism. Communalism has become
the main mode of defining, constructing
and sharpening the identities within the
valley. The angularity between the
Kashmir Muslim and Kashmir Pandit
identities became so sharp that it
resulted into the exodus of the latter
from the valley. The exodus of Kashmiri
Pandits from the valley has further
transformed the Kashmiri identity from
within- from a shared, multi-layered,
secular and plural identity to a sharp,
angular and communal. The moderate
center of the Kashmiri identity
collapsed- and the extremist center of
the same became pro-active. Thereby
the shared Kashmiri identity became
binary from within and inter-communal
dialogue was replaced by the inter-
communal deadlock. However, the
Kashmiri Muslim identity is small in size
but still there are diverse layers within it
like moderate and extremist.
Assertion of Ladakh
Although, insignificant in the politics of
Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh constitutes
the two-third of its total landmass and
three per cent of its population. It has
always been known for peace and
composite cultural identity. However,
the consciousness of adhering to
different religious systems remained
strong, but the Buddhists and Muslims in
Ladakh shared a common cultural
identity. Both speak the Ladakhi
language and wore the same dress with
minor variations. The composite culture
used to blur the religious boundaries and
thereby created more space for shared
and plural identity of the region. At the
peoples' level, it is common to find
numerous families in Leh, which is a
Buddhist majority district with Buddhist
and Muslims members. Of course, there
used to be love hate relationship
between the Ladakhi Buddhist Kings and
Shia Muslim rulers of various
principalities in Baltisan. They used to
Epilogue Ø
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May 2008
fight with each other on the one hand and
also used to have matrimonial alliances
between the Shia and Ladakhi ruling
houses.
Since the last one and half decade, the
peace is at stake and its shared cultural
identity is on the collision course. A brief
survey of the contemporary scenario of
Ladakh has presented the reverse story
of the past. Like the other regions of the
state, Ladakh has been suffering from
the polarization on ethnic and communal
lines. The recent communal violence has
further accelerated this process. The
communal harmony and shared culture
has become the main casualty of the
same. The whole Ladakhi identity has
transformed from within- from a multi-
layered to a binary identity. This scenario
leads to a basic question that why the
shared culture of Ladakh has become
more angular and sharp?
In order to find the answer of this and
related questions, there is need to
examine the political process, which was
pursued in the post- colonial period. The
political process unfolded in the state as
well as in the region has led to a situation
in which the religions and cultural
identities have become sharp. The
politicization of religious and cultural
differences marginalized the shared and
multi-layered nature of Ladakhi identity
Due to their numerical strength, the
Muslims established their hold on the
politics, administration and the economy
of the state. In Ladakh, the Buddhists
have been in majority and the Muslims
are a substantive minority Although, the
former is a micro-scophic majority,
whereas, the latter is micro-scophic
minority but macro-scophic majority in
the overall politics of the state. Being
micro-scophic minority in Ladakh and
macro-scophic majority in the state,
Muslims have always enjoyed the
privileged position in the politics,
administration and economy of the

Ladakh. Despite this fact that the
Buddhists are majority in the region, but
still the balance of power is tilted in
favour of the Muslims. The formers were
discriminated against and the region was
neglected while allocating funds and
projects by the state government.
The Buddhists did not only protest
against the discrimination meted out to
them by the rulers from the Kashmir
valley but they also started articulating
their cause vis-à-vis the Kashmiri Muslim
rulers. The politics set in motion in the
state as well as in Ladakh has generated a
critical mass, which is responsible for the
politics of identities. Being a Buddhist
majority area, Ladakh did not reconcile
with the Kashmiri dominance in its power
structure and raised the demand of Union
Territory status for Ladakh in order to
protect its identity. Although, the
Kashmiri Muslims have always been
asking for more autonomy from the Union
of India but they were not ready to give
autonomy to the Ladakh region, which is
geographically and physically the part of
the state but culturally a poll apart.
Instead of responding to the demand of
the Ladakhi Buddhists honestly, the
rulers from the valley started playing the
politics of identity Sheikh Abdullah
applied the principle of divide and rule to
the Ladakhi situation. The demographic
structure of Ladakh provided the
conducive environment for the same.
The numerical difference between the
Buddhist majority and Muslim minority is
not very vast. Two subregions of Ladakh
Leh and Kargil are having the
concentration of the Buddhists and the
Muslims respectively. Exploiting that
demographic profile of the region, the
Kargil Muslim identity was constructed to
counter the Buddhists demand for the
Union Territory for the Ladakh. By
constructing the immediate other of the
Ladakhi Buddhist identity, the state has
transformed the Ladakhi shared identity
from within - from a multi-layered and
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
plural identity to a binary identity. The
ruling elite exploited the religious
differences to deal with political
problems, which marginalized the inter-
religion dialogue and also made the
composite culture of Ladakh angular
from within.
The binary identity politics emerged as a
dominant discourse in the politics of
In every region of the state, there
is the politics of one dominant
identity vis-à-vis the other
dominated identities. Therefore,
every region of the state is
characterized by the politics of
dominant and dominated
identities. The dominant identity
has always tried to maintain and
strengthen its hold on the politics,
economics and administration,
whereas, the dominated identities
have always been in search of an
opportunity to challenge and
contest the domination of the
former. The dominant-dominated
identity politics is based on the
unequal rather than the equal
relations.
Ladakh in which the others' of Ladakhi
Buddhist identity used to enjoy the state
patronage: This situation of Ladakh has
furthered increased the insecurity of the
Buddhist Ladakhi identity, which has
always been remained under the
constant threat to its survival and
progress on three counts: Kashmir's
demand for independence and merger
with Pakistan; population growth in the
Kargil is considerably higher than in the
Epilogue Ø
19 ×
May 2008
Leh, which means that in few decades
the Buddhists would come in minority in
Ladakh the militancy in the valley and its
impact on the overall political scenario
of the state. The above-mentioned
account created the environment of
suspicion, distrust and acrimony
between the two religious communities
of Ladakh. The marginalization of
communal harmony resulted into the
deadlock between the two communities
when the complete economic and social
boycott of Muslims by the Buddhists was
imposed in 1989. However, initially the
boycott was directed at the Kashmiri
Muslims, who controlled the local
administration as well as Ladakhi Sunni
Muslims, who dominated the economy of
Leh town and who were seen as Kashmiri
agents opposing to the Buddhist demand
for autonomy. The Balti Shias were later
also included after they made common
cause with the Sunnis. This deadlock was
resolved in 1992 when the government of
India convinced the Ladakh Buddhist
Association that it would not consider its
demand if it carried on with the boycott
With the intervention of Indian state, the
Leh Autonomous Hill Council was set-up
providing the Leh district with
considerable internal autonomy. It was
short of Ladakhi Buddhists demand of UT
status Ladakh- because the Ladakhi
Muslims opposed the demand for fear of
being dominated by the more advanced
Buddhists. Ladakhi Muslims do not wish
to separate Ladakh from the Muslim
majority state of Jammu and Kashmir.
The Ladakhi Muslim identity is unique in
itself. It is primarily concentrated in the
Kargil district of Ladakh and having
different shades and layers. Although
small in its size but it is plural in
composition and complexion. It is having
two sects: Shias and Sunnis within its
fold, however, the majority is Shias. The
Shia Muslims have strong cultural
boundswith the Ladakhi Buddhists than
the Kashmiri Muslims. They do not
support the secessionist demand of the

latter and are pro-India and anti-Pakistan
but they wish to be the part of Jammu &
Kashmir. It can be argued that the
identity politics between India and the
state of Jammu and Kashmir has resulted
into intra-state identity politics, which
has further sharpened the intra-region
identity politics. Since under the pulls of
the forces of national integration and
nation-building, the Indian state tried to
assimilate Jammu & Kashmir like other
states into the mainstream of the country
by eroding its special status granted
under Article 370 of the Indian
Constitution, which has already proved
counter productive. Consequently, the
dialogical relations between the
Kashmiri Muslim identity and the Indian
national identity have become
competitive and conflictual. Within the
state neither Hindu nationalists from
Jammu region nor Buddhists from Ladakh
has trust in the Kashmiri identity and its
supremacy in the politics of the state.
They have failed to reconcile with the
supremacy of Kashmiri identity in the
politics, administration and the economy
of the state, which was set in motion in
the post- accession phase. Both have
been feeling insecure in the power
equation emerged in the state after the
transfer of power from Dogra Hindu King
to Sheikh Abdullah a leader of popular
movement from Kashmir valley.
Why are they feeling insecure, is a huge
question to deal with. The kind of
political discourses emerged in the
politics of state substantiated their
thesis that Kashmiri Muslims will ask for
independence from the Indian state. This
fear was further accentuated when
political violence was set in motion in the
Valley in the late 1980s. Both the Hindu
Dogras and Ladakhi Buddhists believe
that their respective identities will be in
danger in such kind of scenario. They
have more proximity with the Indian
identity than with the Kashmiri identity.
There has always been a feeling of
distrust and suspicion between the
Kashmiri identity and the Dogra Hindu &
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
Ladakhi Buddhist identities. Of course,
they have always been enjoying the
patronage of Indian state, though they
blame the latter for its appeasement
Now
policy towards Kashmiris. There is deep
and intense trust between the Indian
state and the Dogra and Ladakhi
Telling
identities, whereas, there is trust deficit
between the Indian national identity and
the Kashmir Muslim identity. The J&K
The dominant and the dominated
In every region of the state, there is the
Stories
politics of one dominant identity vis-à-vis
the other dominated identities.
Therefore, every region of the state is
characterized by the politics of dominant
Epilogue
because there is more to know
and dominated identities. The dominant
identity has always tried to maintain and
strengthen its hold on the politics,
economics and administration, whereas,
the dominated identities have always
Contact
been in search of an opportunity to
challenge and contest the domination of ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY
the former. The dominant-dominated
Lal Chowk, Srinagar
identity politics is based on the unequal
rather than the equal relations. 9419074859
Although, the dominated identities are
demanding equal space in the public
domain but the dominant identities are RAINA NEWS AGENCY
not prepared for that. The electoral
politics has further sharpened this
Residency Road, Jammu
syndrome in the politics of three
different regions apart from the inter-
regional politics of the state. The ABC STATIONERS AND
unhealthy identity politics has played its
DISTRIBUTORS
role to erode the common space and
Leh
shared culture between the dominant and
dominated identities. It has made their
relations more acrimonious, bitter and
conflict ridden. Instead of blurring the
CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
angularities of diverse identities within
New Delhi
the region and state, the politics has
further sharpened the differences and
eroded the common, shared and
overlapping space The sub-identities OXFORD BOOK STORE
from the three religiously and culturally
diverse regions of the state have
New Delhi, Mumbai,
Calcutta, Bangalore,
become more angular, sharp and
hostile, towards each other. Chennai & Goa
Epilogue Ø
20 ×
May 2008

Gujjar Identity In Multicultural
Mosaic Of J&K
Balraj Puri
It has by now been universally recognized
that diversity promotes creativity and
growth while uniformity leads to
stagnation and decline. As Jammu and
Kashmir state is the richest state of the
country in terms of diversities, it should
have set highest standard of creativity
and growth. But failure to reconcile and
harmonize the aspirations and interests
of its diversities had created host of
problems from which its people
continued to suffer.
I have contributed my mite in getting
recognition for all diversities and
reconcile their aspirations and interests.
In this endeavour, I discovered almost in
the beginning of my public life in early
forties the unique role of Gujjar
community in the multicultural mosaic of
the state. For it have a very ancient
antiquity which has retained its distinct
character and can be adjusted with
different cultures. As it is spread to
almost all regions of the state-some of its
caravans go upto Kargil-it could make
best contribution to the unity of the
state.
I was fortunate to come in close contact
with enjoyed the affection of
personalities like Hazarat Nizamuddin
and brigadier Khuda Baksh. Several of my
good colleagues like Sarvari Kasana, Haji
Buland Khan, Gulzar Ahmad, Ram Prasad
Khatana and Nooruddin Kataria are no
more. By now many good institutions and
scholars have done fresh research or
highlighted historical accounts of this
ancient community. Notable among them
are Gurjardesh Charitable Trust and
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
Tribal Research and Cultural Foundation
respectively.
Discussing the importance of the
community in the contemporary context
I once expressed my disagreement with
Indira Gandhi over the Kashmir as a
symbol of Indian secularism. It often
traced the history of secularism in the
country from Emperor Akbar to
Fakharuddin Ahmad, the then president
of India. Firstly
Kashmiris consider Akbar as the first
aggressor on Kashmir who enslaved it. It
the government of India claimed to
inherit the tradition of Akbar, it would
mean Kashmir's slavery continued.
Secondly this approach did not take into
account diversities among Muslims and
Hindus of the state.
In this context I argued that the state of
Jammu and Kashmir was a miniature
India where people of so many races,
cultures and ethnic groups co-existed.
For instance, I added, that Gujjars and
Dogras outnumber Kashmiris. When
asked what should be done, I said that, a
process of Gujarisation should be
started. What do you mean by that,
Indira Gandhi asked. I explained, that at
a cultural level, efforts should be made
to revive their rich cultural heritage and
at a political level, the community in the
state should be brought in touch with
their co-brethren in the rest of the
country.
She called Inder Gujral, the then minister
of information and broadcasting, on
Epilogue Ø
21 ×
May 2008
phone and asked him to discuss with me
details of a cultural policy for the Gujjars
of the state. As our discussion was taking
place in parliament House, she called
Ram Chander Vikal, MP and a prominent
Gujjar leader of the UP, to implement my
suggestion regarding closer interaction
between Gujjars of the state and those in
the rest of the country. According, I
called the first All India Gujjar
Conference in Jammu where national
Gujjar leaders, Like Ram Chander Vikal
and Shafqat Jung, and from neighbouring
states shared the stage with Gujjar
Leaders of the state. This conference re-
established the secular character of the
community. Many demands were made at
the conference, some of which were
addressed to the state government while
others to the central government. Some
of them were conceded in due course of
time. Similar conference were held in
places like Rajouri.
At a later stage indira Gandhi accepted
my proposal to grant schedule tribe
status to the community. But before she
could implement her commitment, she
felt victim to the bullets of two of her
Sikh body guards, who were outraged by
the attack on the golden Temple, in 1984.
After some changes in the government,
Chander Shekhar became the prime
minister for a short time. Once I was
staying at J&K House in New Delhi, Lal
Mohammad Sabar came to my room and
used my telephone to call Ram Chander
Vikal. When Sabar told him at he was
speaking form my room, Vikal asked him
to hand over the phone to me and wanted
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

to know if he could come to see me
immediately. I told him he was welcome.
Vikal said, “you have already indebted
Gujjar community so much that it can
never repay. Please do another favour.
Somehow Indira Gandhi could not honour
her commitment to grant scheduled tribe
status to the community. Since the
present prime Minister Chander Shekhar
is your friend. Kindly take up the matter
with him.” I told him, “let us take a
chance to see him right now and see what
he can do” Vikal agree and three of us,
including Sabar visited Chander Shekhar's
residence and sent our chit. He
immediately came out. After saying hello
to me he greeted Vikal-whom he knew as
a very senior leader of the UP-with
“Parnam” and asked him what could he
do for him. Vikal said, “please speak to
our leader Balraj Puri”. Chander Shekhar
asked me, “since when you became a
Gujjar leader.” I replied “since they
accepted me as such.”
Then I explained the purpose of our visit.
Inspite of commitment of indira Gandhi,
bureacrats put hurdles in implementing
it, I said Chander Shekhar commented “if
I am convinced bureaucratic hurdles do
not matter.” After a brief discussion, he
said, “it will be done.”
Later Subodh Kant Sahay, who was Home
Minister at that time, visited Jammu. He
called me form Raj Bhawan to see hin. I
asked hi why the decision on ST Status to
Gujjars was being delayed. He explained
it was due to announcement of election
and code of conduct which was enforced
by that time, the government could not
take such decision. I told him that due to
turmoil(in nineteens) the election in the
state had been postponed and the code
did not apply to it. He was convinced and
soon after the decision to grant ST Status
to Gujjars of the state was announced.
Earlier, Sheikh Abdullah, after returning
to power in 1975, announced formation
of a Gujjar Welfare Board headed by me.
I declined the post and suggested that it
legitimately belonged to a Gujjar.
Ever since I have been associated with
various conference and activities of the
Gujjars of the state. Though I have
served the interest of other communities
also, the affection and respect I have
received from Gujjars are unmatched
and more then compensate whatever I
could do for them.

JAMMU & KASHMIR KHADI AND VILLAGE INDUSTRIES BOARD

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Khadi India

ØGenerate employment in rural areas.

ØDevelop entrepreneurial skills and attitude among rural unemployed youth.
ØFacilitate participation of financial institutions for higher credit flow to rural industries.
ØRealising the goal of Rural Industralizations.
ØFocusing on skill upgradation and marketing linkage.
Ø36000 units working in the state.
Achievements for year 2007-08
ØCreated employment opportunities for more than 40,000 persons under village industries by setting up over
2800 units.
ØCreated employment for more than 30,000 through 37 Khadi institutions under Khadi Sector in the State.
ØSix institutions/KVIB Unit holders awarded National Awards.
ØProduction of KVI Sector is over 300 crores annually.
ØCarpet, Crewel, Chain stitch, Kani and Pashmina Shawls, Papier machie, Wooden and Leather items being
exported.
To implement Prime Minister Employment Generation Programme (PMEGP) from June 2008
in place of Rural Employment Generation Programme (Regp) and PMRY.

No. : KVIB/FP/1335-38
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

60 Years Of
Unattended Gripes

Ranjit Kalra

Ahead of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Jammu

on April 25, the Gujjars issued an appeal inviting his
attention to their plight. An operative line in the appeal asks
the Prime Minister, “what were the reasons that third
largest identity in Jammu and Kashmir could not find any
reference in the five working groups constituted by you two
years back”. It goes on the ask, “the Rs 24,000 Crore
package you announced for Jammu and Kashmir during your
visit to the state in November 2004 is changing the profile of
people but the package does not have anything specific
aimed at alleviating our plight”. When Gujjars get an
opportunity to speak, the list of complaints does not end
here. There are grievances piling up for last 60 years. “It is
disappointing that there is no mention of Gujjars in the
recommendations of the four Working Groups and there is
no incentive for Scheduled Tribes in two packages the Prime
Minister announced for State. We constitute third largest
identity in the State but still have all along been unilaterally
offering sacrifices for the cause of national unity. What we
get in return is the sheer neglect”, says Javed Rana, a Gujjar
legislator.

Gujjars have a unique identity and therefore unique problems

and unique aspirations. This lowly tribe refused to be a part of
separatist movement and could not be wooed to join the armed
resistance which has been going on in Jammu and Kashmir.
With a sizeable population in almost all districts of the state,
Gujjars mostly make a single largest identity in the pockets of
Rajouri, Poonch, Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Anantnag
districts. They temporarily inhabit or pass through the tracts
used by the militants to infiltrate or move to the interiors.
Therefore, sometimes being a host to the militants is a gun-
point compulsion and the next day landing in the Police lockup
or nearest Army picket is but natural. “This is how we have
been paying price for refusing to join the militancy”, says
Darbar Hussain, a prominent Gujjar activist in Rajouri.
This is a serious problem. They are suspect on both sides. As
falling victim to the double edged sword had become an order
of the day, the wise among the Gujjars came up with a solution
in late 1990s. They sought the Central Government help to
raise a Gujjar militia. “Like Rajput Rifles or Gurkha Regiment,
we wanted to have a force of Gujjars to defend the nation's
CLASS IN PROGRESS : Gujjar students in a school which does not
have a building. This is not a case in isolation. (Jp’s Gallery)
frontiers and our own lives as well”, says Haji Mushtaq Hussain of
Mendhar –an area close to the Line of Control. The demand gained
currency and in 2002-03 and the then Union Home Minister LK
Advani and Defence Minister George Fernandes promised raising
Gujjars Scouts.
Therefore, on December 18, 2003 the proposal was cleared to be
put before the Cabinet Committee on Security for raising a new
force comprising Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir for deployment
on the difficult terrains of the state to check infiltration from
Pakistan and take on mercenaries and local militants in these
areas. The force decided to be named as the Gujjar Scouts was to
be formed on the pattern of Ladakh Scouts and attached to an

Epilogue Ø
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May 2008
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

Army unit. The Gujjar scouts were to be

drawn from 1000 youngsters of the
Gujjar and Bakerwal community who are
the worst-affected people in the state.
The proposal said that the the Scouts will
be trained in anti-insurgency operations
and armed with the state-of-the-art
equipment.

The motivating factor for raising the

Gujjar Scouts was the fact that the
Gujjar and Bakerwal youth are well
conversant with the topography and
would be put on the grid with the nearest
Army or BSF unit and the move would
have ensured that those recruited have a
stake in fighting terrorism in the state.
The need for such a force was felt during
the May 2003 "Operation Sarpvinash" in
the Hilkaka forests in Surankote area of
Jammu division. Militants had set up
bases in the area for the preceding four
years and there were at least 10 such
places on the Pir Panjal ranges where the
ultras had built well-fortified bunkers.
The security forces conducting counter-
insurgency operations in the state had
very little idea about such deep
penetration by militants, mainly
mercenaries, and it was for the first time
that the Army Chief had brought it to the
notice of the CCS.
Another objective for setting up the
Gujjar Scouts was to keep the infiltration
routes in Doda, Rajouri and Poonch free
from any Army intervention by terrorising
the Muslim Gujjar population. That time,
the locals of remote mountain village of
Marrah in Poonch district had put up a
strong defence against the Lashkar-e-
Toiba jehadis operating in the area. The
villagers of Marrah revolted against the
atrocities committed by militants and
formed a 'vigilante army' which called
itself the Pir Panjal Scouts. The Pir Panjal
Scouts, along with the Army, drove the
ultras out of the Hilkaka bowl, their base
above Marrah. The village still continues
to have over 50 armed volunteers to
defend it, and no militants have visited it
Many Gujjars get buried alive in snowfall due to unsafe shelters (as seen above).
Over 200 of them were killed in Waltengonar of South Kashmir in Feb. 2006.
since August 2003 but unfortunately the
idea of forming Gujjar Scouts got scuttled
somewhere in the files of Central
Government. The Gujjars have now made
a fresh appeal to the Prime Minister to
consider the formation of an Army
Regiment of the youth drawn from them.
The government in 1963 had formed the
Ladakh Scouts in the wake of 1962 war
against China. The Ladakh Scouts or the
"Snow Tigers", comprising local Buddhists
and Tibetan commandos, is one of the
Army's most decorated units with more
than 300 gallantry awards to its credit,
including one Ashok Chakra, ten Mahavir
Chakras and two Kirti Chakras. It was the
first unit of the Indian Army to
successfully launch the counter strike
against Pakistani incursions in the 1999
Kargil operations in the Batalik sector.
This tribe which constitutes the third
largest ethnic, linguistic and cultural
identity in Jammu and Kashmir has always
complained of being kept out of all
political discourses and welfare
programs. Says, Master Hashim Ali, “we
feel the pain of Kashmiri Pandits on their
uprooting from the homeland. Therefore,
when the government makes efforts at
their rehabilitation, we deeply
appreciate the initiatives”. Ali, a
prominent social worker adds, “projects
worth Rs 100s of Crores have been
launched for developing flats and
colonies for Kashmiri Pandits at
different places…whenever a dignitary
from the Center comes here, including
the Prime Minister and the Congress
president they drive straight to these
projects to see the progress...it
underlines the concern for the homeless
people which needs to be appreciated”.
But don't they think that four lakh of us
have roaming around for decades
without any shelter…if not flats and
townships, can't they think of some
hutments for us”, asks Hashim Ali.
The latest census data is yet to come up
with certified figures on different
communities in Jammu and Kashmir but
estimates suggest that they constitute
around 20 per cent of the total
population. While almost all Gujjars in
this state lead a semi-nomadic way of
life, a fourth of their total population is
fully nomadic with no land holdings or
any other permanent establishments.
They are characterized by rearing

Epilogue Ø
24 ×
May 2008
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
cattle, sheep and goat and keep moving from one place to another
throughout the year in search of pastures and fodders. Of late the
implementation of forest laws and eviction of the illegal occupants of
the state land have exposed the nomadic Gujjars to a worst crisis.
For this semi-nomadic to nomadic lifestyle and lack of an organized
tribal education policy, Gujjars have the lowest rate of literacy. The
children of a majority of them either don't go to schools or drop out at
an earlier stage. Therefore, they hardly reach a stage where they can
have a role in the decision making process. A survey conducted by an
NGO, Tribal Research and Cultural Foundation of India says that
Gujjars have a negligible representation in state's administration.
Quoting from the survey, its Secretary Javed Rahi says, “in the Civil
Secretariat, the seat of the government, there are 101 Under-
Secretaries and Private Secretaries and only one Under-Secretary
belongs to the Gujjar Tribe”. Though he describes this as an act of
social injustice but the fact is that for a majority of Gujjars education
is an alien concept. The prospects of improving the social profile of
Gujjars started looking up since 1991 when they were included in the
Scheduled Tribes, thus made eligible for some concessions and
avenues of growth. However, the Gujjars allege that the real benefits
of being Scheduled Tribe have never been allowed to percolate down.
In the month of March, there is always a cry from all parts of state
that the central funds allocated for the development of tribal areas
have lapsed. “Works are not taken up in time and funds eventually
lapse. In my district, the funds were not released even till the month
of March this year”, says Zulfikar Ali, a Gujjar political leader from
Rajouri. He adds, “our community does not have a representation in
the administration and others at the helm of affairs are not sensitive
to our issues”.
“The Scheduled Tribe status is a cruel joke on Gujjars”, says Master
Hashim Ali. He goes on to explain, “under the provisions of Scheduled
Tribe we should have got reservation in the state legislature which we
have been fighting for nearly two decades”. He says, “even though
there is not even a word of assurance on reservation to the Scheduled
Tribes in legislature that the government and the political
establishment is propping up a wide range of elite and upper class
communities for their inclusion in Scheduled Tribes”. Of late the
Pahari speaking people have been strongly pitching for the Scheduled
Tribe status which is being vehemently opposed by the Gujjars. While
many of them describe this campaign as a creation of security
agencies to keep a divide among the non-Kashmiri Muslims growing,
the Gujjars for almost last eight years have forgotten their own issues
to oppose the inclusion of Paharis in the list of Scheduled Tribes. “In
its singularly focused policy on Kashmir, New Delhi is making us to pay
a price for swearing by India”, says Hashim Ali.
Now since elections are round the corner, at least in eight districts of
Jammu and Kashmir, as always, it is going to be the Gujjar versus
Pahari politics as the parties find it a most convenient way of
mustering votes. What gets lost is the attention to the real issues.
Epilogue Ø
25 ×
May 2008
Icons Of Identity
Gurjardesh
Charitable Trust
Earlier, this month when Union Human
Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh
laid the foundation stone of country's first
Tribal University in Amarkantak, Madhya
Pradesh, there was a little disappointment
among a section of emancipated Gujjars but
simultaneously it renewed their enthusiasm.
An icon of the Gujjar identity, the Gurjardesh
Charitable Trust in J&K had long been mulling
the idea of setting up a Tribal University. “We
thought ours could be first in the country”,
says Masud Chaudhary, its founder and
Chairman. Choudhary, also first Vice
Chancellor of the Wakf funded and state run
BGSB University says, “GDCT is poised to
dedicate to the nation, the second Tribal
University after the IGNTU at Amarkantak”.
In 60 years of political uncertainty in Jammu
and Kashmir, the process of identity
formation has seen its own permutations –it
involved many things including rebellion and
consolidation to become known and
recognized. Almost coinciding with the same
time when militancy broke out in the state in
late 1980s, there was the birth of a small yet
farsighted movement of identity formation. A
group of Gujjars under the leadership of
Masud Chaudhary, an IPS officer, thought of
giving wings to the imagination. They started
working at carving out an identity of Gujjars
driven with education and cultural
renaissance.
In 1992 when the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust
took formal shape at a modest function
organized a hotel in Jammu, Chaudhary, its
patron had asked the members to come in
traditional dresses –the Khan suit and flowing
turban. Instead of coming to venue in the
traditional Gojari turbans they carried them
in bags to venue and put them back in the bags
after the function was over. Reason: they
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

feared people in the town laughing at them for their

awkward turbans. Same was the case with Gojari language. ‘We Are Working For
Speaking Gojari in the public would amount to declaring
oneself as backward and weirdly outlandish. Contrary to A Tribal University’
this situation of early 1990s, last year at a function of
Gujjars, attended by others also, in Jammu, a majority of INTERVIEW
over thousand odd participants were was seen in turbans. Masud Chaudhary
Those who come from other linguistic groups, including the Chairman GDCT
state Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, were also speaking
Gojari. This is what the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust has
What was the motivation behind setting up this NGO
done these years. “We are not forcing anyone to speak
–the Gurjardesh Charitable Trust when you had an
Gojari but our aim is to create awareness that the Gojari
honourable position and promising career in
language and Gujjar culture have a rich history dating back
government?
to centuries and this needs to be recognized and
respected”, says Farooq Alam, a Trustee.
In village where I was born and brought up, I never
found any problem with my language –Gojari. After
A majestic building of the GDCT, a part of Rs 10 Crore
obtaining higher education at Aligarh when I joined
ambitious project, on the Jammu-Pathankote National
Police services in late 1960’s, I found my men in the
Highway today stands apostle to the Gujjar identity. There
department hesitant of speaking in Gojari. During my
were not may who contributed to the GDCT efforts at the
visits to the Police
beginning but now each Gujjar refers to the upcoming
lines, the Gujjar boys
heritage center as “our building”. The complex which would run away fearing
houses a an auditorium, a library, museum, a conference that I would talk to
hall, publishing house and research house has now become them in Gojari. To my
an icon of the Gujjar identity. shock and surprise I
found them shy of
“We always wanted to set up a Tribal University but a speaking in the mother
beginning had to be made from school for being sure about tongue as they feared
our capabilities”, says Chowdhary. Bringing Gujjars to others laughing at
mainstream through education has been the foremost them. I went on to
activities of the GDCT. It goes to their credit for having investigate only to find
realized the gravity of the problem and for having that even ten Gujjars
responded to the call of the hour by starting a chain of would not speak in
Schools in which children belonging to all the weaker Gojari in front of one non-Gujjar –it was stigmatic. I
sections of the society are provided quality education. thought this stigma would have to be removed to bring
While recounting the achievements of GDCT, in its the Gojari identity its due place. Lack of education
made bottomline of the problem. I made strenuous
educational advancement programs, KB School (named
efforts in 1970s and 80s and later thought that this
after Brigadier Khuda Baksh) started in 1995 in a two-room
process needs to be institutionalized. Therefore, the
hutment is now brimming with more than 1200 students at
GDCT was formally born in 1992.
its sprawling complex in Jammu. Perhaps there is no such
community initiative anywhere in the region.
So, how was the journey ahead?

The Trust is now gearing up to set up a Tribal University. A

memorandum for the purpose has already been sent to the
Prime Minister of India and the matter is being actively
pursued with the state government. Making an interesting
case for identity recognition and assertion, the
memorandum sent to the Prime Minister bears signatures of
representatives of almost all shades of opinion in Jammu
and Kashmir.
There are some problems common to all community
initiatives. Often people are seen concerned about
their own amelioration and not that of community.
When we took the lead, there were some
apprehensions that we are doing this for own interest.
We went on to contribute our bit without giving an ear
to criticism. As the bits and pieces of our ideas saw the

Epilogue Ø
26 ×
May 2008
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

translation into leaps and bounds, the fence sitters realized
the sincerity of purpose and GDCT went on to appropriate its
role. Now among Gujjars as well as non-Gujjars, GDCT is seen
as fountainhead of emancipation and a symbol of Gujjar
cultural renaissance in the sub-continent.
How do you put its position in context of subcontinent?
Ask any anthropologist or a historian and he will instantly let
you know that Gurjar community as sub-continental presence
and there are strong cultural bonds and a common heritage
that is shared by them irrespective of their geographical
location. I may add here that Gurjars are spread over 11 Indian
States as well as in some areas in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Education
In fact education is the zero-mile from where our journey begins.
We are thoroughly convinced that as long as the menace of
illiteracy is not confronted with a firm resolve, the community
cannot break free from the fetters of exploitation and socio-
economic discrimination. In just realization of this fundamental
need, we are already running a 10+2 Higher Secondary School in
Jammu which has more than 1200 children on its rolls. Our thrust
on education is a continuing effort and to start a string of new
Schools in remote and backward areas of the State is prominently
on our agenda. Similarly, in near future we have plans of setting up
a Tribal University of Science & Technology which will be a major
initiative from us in the field of education.

Well, your organization is devoted to the cause of Gujjar Culture

tribe. So, what are the pressing issues before the tribe and
your priorities?
We honestly believe that Gujjars as a community are way
behind other demographic units in the State whether this is in
terms of literacy, economic well-being or political
empowerment. It is so painful that even after 60 years of
Independence, they are still living nomadic or semi-nomadic
life, their children have yet to be motivated to undergo School
education, their womenfolk are still bereft of dignified social
existence for want of education and awareness and their
menfolk are still content with their utterly deplorable socio-
economic conditions. Illiteracy, as I understand, is at the root
of all the miseries the community is facing today. We are
working at a two pronged strategy –educational empowerment
and cultural awakening.
Preservation of our rich cultural heritage forms the backbone of
our most fundamental concerns. Without this a community ceases
to have its identity. We found our people shy of pursuing their
culture. This was primarily for the lack of patronage. The state
run institutions have done very little for promotion of Gujjar
culture. Therefore, offer a platform for performance at a wider
canvass. There is a lot in the Gujjar culture which can attract
national attention but there has always been a lack of
encouragement.
We are also bringing out regular publications that throw light on
tribal literature and culture. We are arranging periodical musical
concerts and staging various forms of dance and drama which
generates a wave of consciousness in the younger generation and
thus helps us transmit our social values to them making them
richer and wiser.

SH CHA
DE
You talked about Tribal University. Where does that stand?
RI
GURJA R

TA B
LE

With our strenuous efforts we have been able to motivate a

sizeable population of Gujjars to send their children to the
schools. Our KB Public School, in a way, symbolized the relation
between Gujjars and Education. Our next stride is towards setting
K.B. Public Hr. Sec. School
K.B. Public Hr. Sec. School Children’s Paradise School
up a Tribal University. The recommendation of the Knowledge
Begum Akbar Jahan, Miran Sahib Public School Commission constituted by the Prime Minister further encourages
Foundation & Research Lib. our mission. We are thinking on two lines –one that the
Ram Bagh Public School
Museum Government of India selects Jammu and Kashmir as one of the
Vocational Centre
Conference Hall locations for setting up the Tribal University and two that the
Coaching Centre
Workshop Computer Centre Gurjardesh Charitable Trust is funded to do this. We have send a
Publishing House Hostel memorandum to the honourable Prime Minister outlining our
Women & Child Care Centre
profile and assuring of our capabilities to handle this task. One or
Studio
the other way, I can say with confidence that Tribal University will
Research House Residential Complex
soon be a reality.

Epilogue Ø
27 ×
May 2008
 BRIDGING GAPS
J&K WITNESSING UNPRECEDENTED INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT
A R E S U M E O F B R I D G E S S E C TO R

Balole Bridge Jammu completed in a record time of 7 months

E
Rs. 5.42 crore Balole Nallah Bridge, Jammu started in March 2006, completed in a record time of seven
months.
E
Kunzer, Baramulla bridge completed in record time of seven months.
E
Work on seven bridges in Kashmir valley and four in Jammu division launched at a cost of about Rs. 2 crore
each in December 2006, to be completed in December 2008.
E
Rs. 11.91 crore Bagh Nallah Bridge Akhnoor started in November 2005, to be completed in August 2008.
E
Rs. 8.50 crore Ahangmati Pora Bridge Anantnag started in July 2006, to be completed in August 2008.
E
Rs. 3.50 crore Juhama Bridge, Baramulla started in September 2007, to be completed in September 2008.
E
Rs. 3.81 crore Trehgam Bridge Kupwara started in June 2005, completed in two years.
E
Rs. 5.95 crore Mughalpora Bridge Kupwara started in June 2005, completed in two years.
E
Rs. 2.50 crore Seer Jagir Bridge Baramulla started in August 2007, to be completed in June 2008.
E
Rs. 29.95 crore Ganpat Bridge, Doda started in November 2006, to be completed in December 2008.
E
Rs. 9.12 crore Chatti Padshahi Bridge Baramulla started in December 2006, to be completed in December
2008
E
Rs. 18 crore Kethar Manova Bridge Akhnoor, Jammu started in November 2005 to be completed 2008.
E
10 bridges at a cost of Rs. 19.35 crore completed last year, two bridges at a cost of Rs. 6 crore to be
completed during the current financial year.
E
27 bridge projects approved during last two years at a cost of Rs. 458.21 crore.

Issued by :
Department of Information and Public Relations
Jammu and Kashmir Government
 ROADS TO PROSPERITY
A well nit-road is life line of economy in a state like Jammu and Kashmir presenting mosaic
of geographical and topographical vagaries.
For this reason Ghulam Nabi Azad led government accords priority to road sector.

Over 71 PMGSY roads projects completed till end of 2007 adding 160 Kms road length to the existing network.
?
Under Phase-IV and Phase-V, 251 PMGSY projects costing Rs. 623 crore to cover 1565 Kms have been sanctioned
?
for execution at cost of Rs. 700 crore finalized.
Under Prime Minister’s Reconstruction Plan (PMRP) following five road projects have been launched :
?

Name of the Project Road Length Cost

1. Domail-Katra road 14.5 Kms Rs. 35 crore
2. Srinagar-Uri-LoC 118.5 Kms Rs. 466.71 crore
3. Batote-Kishtwar-Anantnag 270 Kms Rs. 463 crore
4. Srinagar-Leh 430 Kms Rs. 560.81 crore
5. Nemo-Padma-Darcha 294 Kms Rs. 171.24 crore

Over 18 roads and bridge projects at a cost of about Rs. 44 crore completed in 2006-07 in Jammu Division. These
?
projects include bridge at Rehai, 40 Km Thathri-Kalantra road, 23 Km Doda-Dessa road, 18 Km Janipora-
Ambgarota road, 6.5 Km Thannamandi-Shahdara Sharief road, 25 Km Inshan-Margantop road, bridge at Batote
Nallah, Box type culvert at Utterbani, 7.5 Km main road to Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, bridge at
Kakora, bridge at Mubarakpora Rajouri, 6 Km Sangaldan-Kathua road.
339 schemes costing Rs. 280.46 crore have been approved for execution in 2006-07 in Kashmir Division. Of these
?
16 road schemes completed at a cost of Rs. 64.20 crore and 15 schemes at a cost of Rs. 15.37 crore to be completed
this year.
JKPCC completed 17 roads, bridges and social infrastructure projects during 2006-07 and 19 projects being
?
completed by the end of this financial year in the state. Other 25 roads, bridges and social infrastructure projects
taken up across the state.

Issued by :
Department of Information and Public Relations
Jammu and Kashmir Government
Since

5
0 years
We Up Hold
Poetic Xpressions
Performing Arts
&
Artistic Creations

J&K Academy of Art, Culture and Languages


Dards Of Ladakh :
A Neglected Fok
Tundup Palgias
Ladakh is a very popular tourist spot
these days. The land is known for its
typical landscapes and geo-climatic
conditions (different from the rest of the
country), and wonderful monastic
archival. Its people of the Tibeto-
Mongloid race are generally known for
their simple and honest nature. But very
little known is one of the earliest settlers
of the trans-Himalayan region, the Dards
of Ladakh, or the Brokpas as they are
called in Ladakhi.
History and Mystery
The first inhabitants of Ladakh are
thought to have been two Aryan groups,
the Dards of Gilgit and the Mons of
Northern India, who were later on joined
by a larger group of Mongolian nomads
from Tibet (possibly around 500 B.C). The
Dards are thought to have migrated to
the low and temperate areas of Ladakh
like Dah-Hanu (an area towards the west
of Leh district), Darchiks-Garkone (only
villages in Kargil District with Buddhist
Dard settlement), and Drass etc.
Going through the current literature
available on them, one gets an
impression that there is still lot to be
done in terms of proper and scientific
research about their history and life. But
the limited numbers of scholars who have
conducted research on the area, have
developed some sort of consensus on the
origin of the Dards in Ladakh. F. M.
Hassnain in his book, The Brukpa Dards of
Dah, Hanu & Gorkone in Ladakh: Life and
Culture, hints them to be the survivor of
Alexander the Great's Army, who, after
the departure of their commander,
scattered over in the vicinity of Indus
I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES
River in lower Ladakh. A.H. Francke, one scholars on the area are confused and
of the well known historians on Ladakhi sometimes give different interpretations
history, in his book, The Indian Antiquity, about the time of their migration. Hence,
traces their origin to Central Asia. He the actual time of their migration still
believes that they arrived from Central remains obscure. Some say that they
Asia to the Indus Valley through Gilgit and came in around 2000 to 3000 years ago.
settled down in the areas like Dha, Hanu,
Darchiks, Garkon, and Drass. Present settlement
The oral history of the local people also A greater part of Ladakh of the earlier
tells similar stories. Elder members of
days is believed to have been inhabited
the community tell that their forefathers by the Brokpas. However, after the
had migrated from Gilgit via Skardo to immigration of larger group of Mongolian
the lower lands of Ladakh where they n o m a ds from Tibet, they were
have settled down now. In one of the outnumbered and were gradually
hymns of their famous festival known as displaced from many places. For example,
Bono Nah, one can also trace some
in the Nubra Valley these days one can
nuances of the history of their migration
hardly find any kind of trace of the Dard
and pedigree. It indicates that their
people. Their present settlement is
migration took place from Skardo to
confined to few villages each having 3 to
Ladakh. The song mentions the names of
4 hamlets each. The heart of their
all the villages in the way from Skardo to
settlement is the Dha-Hanu area of
Dha-Hanu and even up to Nubra Valley of
Ladakh. Hanu, Beema, Dha (falling in Leh
Ladakh in proper sequence. A.H. Francke
district), and Garkon, Darchiks, Batalik
says that the hymns end with the
migrants settling at one of the hamlets of
Dha village. However, Rohit Vohra says
that in another hymn, we can find that a
dice game was played after which the
decision of migration took place. The
migration according to that hymn does
not end at Dha but even proceeded to Leh
and then to Nubra area (Rohit Vohra).
Because of lack of research on their
history and deficient of historical
documents on the Dards of Ladakh, there
still prevails a lot of mystery about their
exact ancestors and past, their folklore,
culture, tradition, socio-economic life
and the time of migration. About the
time of migration, there does not seem
to be an authentic source. Therefore,
Epilogue Ø
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May 2008
 I N F O C U S
SEARCHING IDENTITIES

and Chulichan (falling in Krgil District)
are the main villages of the Dard
settlement where their distinctive way of
life and culture/ folklore, different from
those of the mainstream Ladakh, are still
to be found in, more or less, pure form. In
villages like Shimsha Kharbu, Pandrass
and Matayan Drass of Drass area (in
Kargil), Muslim Dards are found also.
Current problems
The areas of the Dard settlement are still
among the most backwards in Ladakh.
Data from the Census vindicates this in
more than one aspect of their life. It
shows that the Brokpas has the highest
Total Birth Rate at 27.17 and also the
highest Total Death Rate at 21.74. Their
literacy rate and other indicators of
human development like health and
standard of living are also staggeringly
low as compared to the other populations
of Ladakh. This is mainly because of the
indifferent treatment meted out by the
government to them. The fact that there
is not even a single high school in the
entire area falling under the Kargil
district stands testimony to this. The lack
of awareness among the Brokpas and
their economic backwardness adds to
this gloomy state of affairs of the
Brokpas. The villages and hamlets under
Leh district are relatively better off as
there are two high schools.
Their standard of living is very low. Most
of them are living below poverty line.
This is despite fact that their area is the
most fertile area of Ladakh. They are
known to produce the best quality of
apricots and other agricultural products
from Ladakh. This seems to be mainly
because of the lack of connectivity in
terms of road, telecommunications and
other means of communication. The
roads connecting the Dard-inhabited
areas with Leh and Kargil are in very bad
shape. Hence, it becomes difficult to
transport the fruits, vegetables and
other products produced from these
areas to other parts of Ladakh and the
state. There is only one local telephone
exchange (at Batalik) in the entire
inhabited area falling under the Kargil
district. Very recently, Biama village
(falling in Leh district) has been
connected with local telephone. Lack of
communications contributes to the lack
of awareness among the Brokpas about
the commercialization of their
agricultural produces. The area has got
huge potential for producing world class
apricots. But the apathy of the state
government and the local Hill Council
governments adds to the agony of the
Brokpas. The political leaders hardly
show any concern towards them because
the less numerical strength of the
Brokpas hardly matters in the voting
calculations of the leaders. The Brokpas
heavily depend on agriculture for their
subsistence. Their presence in the
government departments as employees
is very negligible. Because of the
proximity of their habitations with the
LOC, many of them work there as Army
porters, and some get absorbed in the
Ladakh Scouts (Regiment). But getting
higher education and venturing outside
the limited confines of their areas almost
remains a wild dream for most of
them.
Future challenge: Dard identity crisis in
Ladakh?
The most serious challenge the Brokpas
likely to face in the near future appears
to be the preservation of their distinctive
identity in terms of language, dress,
culture and customs, race etc. The
Brokpas speak a completely different
language, which phonetically and
dialectically, does not have any kind of
similarity with mainstream Ladakhi
language. But the fact that they lack a
script to code their language may prove
to be bane in the preservation of their
language in the long run. Add to this the
challenge of assimilation of their
language by the mainstream Ladakhi
language, the Brokpa dialect seems to be
headed towards a doomsday sooner or
later. Because of the low treatment being
mated out to the Brokpas and their
language by the mainstream Ladakhis,
the younger Brokpas generally tend to
imitate the way of life and language of
mainstream Ladakhis, a phenomenon
being popularly known as Sanskritisation
in Indian Sociology. The more educated
youths of the Brokpa community
generally prefer to marry with better
educated females from the Tibeto-
Mongloid raced mainstream Ladakhis.
This also adds to the agony of the waning
identity of the Brokpas of Ladakh.
(The author is doing research on the
Ancient Races of Ladakh from Annamalai
University, and can be reached at
tspalgias@gmail.com)
Epilogue
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Epilogue Ø
32 ×
May 2008