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A. Textual Analysis
1. Language – what does the language say
2. Original Intent / Original Meaning
Original Meaning (the current trend in Originalism) – Looks to the original meaning of
the terms and phrases at the time of the framing.
Therefore, for the first 10 Amends and body of the Const what was the original
meaning of the textual terms and phrases. For example what did the word Commerce
mean at the time of the framing, and we mean THE GENERAL meaning. 1. Use the
dictionary definition at the time of the framing for say the words used in the body of
the Constitution. Or, what did ‘equal protection’ or ‘due process’ mean at the time of
the framing of the 14th Amendment in a dictionary.
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B – those things that are a reasonable means to an end. Ex. Think of McCulloch, the
national bank case; the bank is not mentioned in the Const, but it is a reasonable means to
the taxing power and the spending power and the power to raise and support armies, as
well as others.
2. Nature of a Federation of States (such as the Right to Travel as a POI of the 14th. *NOTE
WHENEVER you talk about the 4th Amend it is PAI – privileges and immunities, not or*
A citizen of the US has to travel across many states to reach the Federal Gov capital in
the Saenz v. Roe Case (1999 case concerning State welfare rights). This right derives
from the right vested from citizenship in the collective states, ie the Nation.
1. The bad and good consequences that would flow from the decision of the Court
2. Think about the bad and good consequences that would flow from a particular branch
making the decision (ie Should the Leg, Judiciary, and Executive make the decision?
Judicial say over Congress or the Executive). Great example during war time is the power
of the Executive to act on threats upon the country. The Executive is uniquely placed to
do this b/c it is not a large legislative body like Congress or the Court, which would have
to get a whole session together to get a meeting of the minds. The Executive can act
quickly.
Other examples: Marbury v. Madison (Judiciary should be the decision maker) or the
Prize Cases (the Executive should be the decision maker) or Wickard (Congress should be
the decision maker)
D. Historical Analysis
Look at:
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1. Supreme Court Decisions and the practice of Stare Decisis – we honor them and give them
deference
2. State Court Decisions in interpreting the contemporary meaning of the Constitution.
States may have adopted practices that the Supreme Court can learn from.
3. What is the historical practice of the Executive or Legislature? What have these braches been
doing as a matter of practice? Or how has the Executive or Legislature interpreted the issue
themselves?
4. Look at PAST PRACTICES IN GENERAL IN SOCIETY (ie the way things have been done)
KEY CONCEPTS:
Federalism Principles:
1. Federalism Principles refer to the relation between fed gov and the states
2. The fed gov is different from the state govs in many important ways, but in no more
important way, the fed gov is a gov of LIMITED enumerated powers ( Art I Sec 8
being the enumerated powers Art I Sec 9 being limitations). Everything that is not
reserved by congress is given to the States (10th Amend)
State Govs in contrast are instead Govs of general powers, general police powers.
There are limits on State Govs too, and they are listed in the first 10 Amendments, in
the 13, 14, and 15 Amends, and Art I Sec 10 to the Constitution.
3. The Federal Gov is supreme under the Supremacy Clause from Art VI Paragraph 2
4. What are the constituent components of the Federal Gov. The debate is:
On one side, the components are the States themselves; States created the Fed Gov so
States are Supreme (this is the anti-federalist Madison / Jefferson argument, and it is
reflected in the VA and Kentucky resolutions in pgs 52-53 and 91-93 of Text ***
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On the other side of the debate is that the Citizens of the US are the constituent parts of
the Federal Gov NOT the States. As citizens we have this unmediated relationship to
the Federal Gov; it is not mediated through the States, b/c the Citizens themselves are
the constituent parts. ‘We the People’ in the Preamble to the Const. The people have
a right to form government.
Separation of Powers:
Art I
Congress – power to make laws
Art II
Executive – power to enforce and execute laws
Art III
Judiciary – the power to resolve disputes under the law and treaties (AND THE POWER
TO INTERPRET THE LAWS – giving rise to the idea of Judicial Review)
A. The Arguments:
Bank Arguments:
3. Jefferson (anti-bank)
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He does add under the (Textual) argument that the Necessary and Proper Clause is a
constrained view as compared to Madison. It does not mean what IS merely Convenient,
it means what IS Necessary and Proper. And so Jefferson is saying that the Necessary
and Proper Clause requires a very close connection between means and ends, if not a
perfect overlap.
4. Hamilton (pro-bank)
1. (Nature of Gov)
a. the charter of the bank is an inherent power of a sovereign
b. A bank is a reasonable means to the ends articulated in the constitution (such as all the
powers in Art I Sec 8; borrow, tax, regulate trade, coin money)
c. Yes, even though there are State banks that does not mean that Congress lacks the
power to create a Federal bank. A fed bank is not unconstitutional b/c it doesn’t
matter that the states are chartering banks.
Is the distance between the means and ends covered by the necessary and proper clause?
The Court finds that YES it does span the gap.
OUTCOME – Congress approved the First Fed Bank in 1791, and its 20yr charter
expired in 1811. The Second Bank was chartered in 1816, which lost its charter in
1836, and ceased operations in 1841.
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a. Analysis
1. Fed Gov is created by the ppl and not states
(The PEOPLE have the right to tax, and not simply the states. The reasoning here is that if
we allowed the state A people to tax the Fed Gov, that would mean the people are
exercising power over the people say in state B.)
2. By the Necessary and Proper Clause, the bank is a reasonable means to the ends of the
taxing power, the power to borrow, the power to raise and support armies, to conduct war
etc. It is a very loose connection between means and ends that we get from this Court in
McCulloch. *This McCulloch loose means ends language as applied to the 14th translates
into a high degree of deference on the part of the judiciary to the legislature in enacting
means to articulated ends in the Constitution.* In McCulloch, the Court uses the
Necessary and Proper Clause with the powers in Art I Sec 8 to say that when you put
them together we get that the national bank is a reasonable means to these ends.
What do we get?
The court will defer to the legislature on the necessary and proper clause
b. Implied Powers
Implied Powers – those powers, like the national bank, that are means to an articulated
power in the constitution. Contrast with Inherent powers.
(Note that this is what was going on in McCulloch and in the Civil Rights Legislation and
Cases)
Inherent Powers – extra constitutional powers that exist just by virtue of a government
being sovereign. It may be a means to the ends in the Constitution or it may not be; and
thus these powers need not be connected to text in the Constitution.
However, we can envision a small tax would not destroy, so can a State ever tax the
Federal Gov or its instrumentalities? YES, the States may in CERTAIN
circumstances. Ex. States can tax art III Judges income tax under state law, so long as
that they are not doing it discriminately as compare to other State Judges.
Intergovernmental immunity this is the concept here.
KEY CONCEPTS:
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Judicial Review:
Judicial Review – The Court gets to decide whether acts of Congress are constitutional.
Where does such power come from? It comes from Art III powers to decide cases under
the federal Constitution and treaties of the land.
We must interpret the Constitution and laws of the US, and that on occasion, a law runs
afoul to the Constitution, that is judicial review.
The court implies that it gets to interpret the laws and treaties of the US – Marshall would
say that it is a natural consequence of the Court’s power to hear cases under Art III.
Congressional Authority:
1. Within the Art III court world, Congress gets to establish inferior courts under Art III.
Only the Supreme Court is mentioned explicitly. Under Art III, Congress has the power
to create and abolish lower federal courts.
2. Congress has authority under Art III Sec 2 to get to make exceptions and regulations to
the jurisdictions of the courts of Art III, BUT there are limits, as we see in Marbury v.
Madison.
This Case illustrates that Congress gets to create lower federal courts and destroy them.
It involved the judiciary act of 1801, in the wake of the election of 1800 where the
Federalists led by Adams were kicked out of office, Jefferson and the Anti-Federalists
were coming in, and the Federalists on their way out the door created the Federal Circuit
Courts for the first time. Previously Supreme Court judges had been riding circuit, to act
as the intermediary appellate courts. Now the Federalists created intermediate appellate
courts, the circuit courts, and of course, they stacked them with Federalists. When the
Anti-Federalists came into power, they enacted the Judiciary act of 1802, doing away
with the intermediary appellate courts, destroying them, and leaving all those judges out
of a job.
The issue is the Constitutionality of the Judiciary act of 1802, which did away with the
intermediary appellate courts and went back to the practice of the Supreme Court judges
riding circuit.
The Supreme Court held that the act of 1802 was fully Constitutional, as Congress has
the power to create and destroy lower federal courts as it will.
If a Congress tried to do away with the Supreme Court, Constitutional or no? Of course
not, b/c Art III specifically lists the Supreme Courts authority to exist, and only lower
federal courts may be destroyed.
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This Case goes to the issue of the jurisdictions of the Federal Court. Adams, the
Federalist President is on his way out, and as part of the ‘Midnight Judges’ appoints
Marbury, a Federalist, as the Justice of the Peace for the Federal District of Colombia.
This was part of the broader Federalist plan to stack the court with Federalists to leave a
lasting impact on the judiciary. Marshall, a Federalist, who was Adams’ Sec of State,
and who was also busy as Supreme Court Justice did not deliver Marbury’s commission
to him, so Adams approved it, but Marshall did not deliver it. Then Jefferson comes into
office with Madison as his Sec of State, and Jefferson instructs Madison not to deliver
any of the judge appointment commissions, and he does not deliver them. Marbury files
an Original Claim for Mandamus in the US Supreme Court, it is NOT an appellate claim,
but one originally filed in the US Supreme Court, and he files this pursuant to the
Judiciary Act of 1789 (Sec 13), which grants the Supreme Court Original Jurisdiction
over mandamus claims.
Sources of Judicial Review, where does this idea come from? Marshall gives 2 reasons
from Marbury v. Madison:
2 Reasons why the Supreme Court has the ability to decide disputes under the Constitution
1. The Supreme Court has the power to hear disputes under the Constitution, laws, and
treaties, and deciding disputes means that the judiciary must interpret these sources, and
that is where the principle of judicial review comes from.
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2. The oath of office – justices have taken an oath to uphold the Constitution.
Other things going on at the time that would support judicial review:
-Federalist Papers (#78 written by Hamilton supports judicial review)
-Some precedent and practice in the State Courts supported the concept of Judicial Review
Therefore, the idea of Judicial Review did not come out of thin air, but Marbury v.
Madison established the principle for the Federal Courts.
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●By finding defects in the gov system, courts may actually contribute to the overall
representativeness of gov.
●We have judicial review b/c the courts can express our political / public values on ruling
on the constitutionality of the laws. => Important ? WHY SHOULD RICH JUDGES
GET TO DECIDE THIS, are they the best ppl suited for this?
The Judiciary is seen as a referee of the legislative process, helps promote efficiency as
they are better suited to make a rapid decision on matters as opposed to all of Congress.
●Even if Supreme Ct judges have a life tenure it doesn’t mean the judges are still not doing
good work, Marshall for example did some of his most significant decision writing late in his
career
IV. Early Property Rights, Police Powers, and Commerce Regulation Cases:
KEY CONCEPTS:
Early Police Powers:
Natural Law:
Natural Law is NOT human made law and it preexists and supercedes human made law,
it could be made by God, or a normative philosophical theory.
Human-Made Law:
Human Made Law is positive law, written law created by humans.
Police Power:
Police Power is the power to regulate in the interest of the health, safety and welfare, and
even morals of the citizens – STATES have this power, CONGRESS DOES NOT
[Except in the 4 general areas where the Congress is the primary sovereign and the State
is not - Congress DOES have police power over Military Bases, D.C. (Washington),
Native American Reservations, Lands and Territories of the Federal Government].
1. Under Fletcher v. Peck the Court is eager to look at COMMON LAW principles to interpret
the Federal Constitution. In Flectcher, it was the Contract Clause, and the Supreme Court
interpreted the Contract Clause with reference to Common Law contract principles – nothing
truly amazing about this.
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2. In Calder v. Bull, it is the Natural Law vs. Human Law debate between Chase and Iradell. Be
WELL VERSED IN THE POINTS. Chase (natural made law proponent) v Iradell (positive
proponent) pg 149-150 DEBATE BETWEEN Chase v. Iradell
For Samuel Chase, the government has no authority to interfere with an individual's rights, and
"the general principles of law and reason" forbid the legislature from doing so.
Chase adopts the natural law (or justice) approach of a social contract, and believes that Property
Rights are natural rights.
Iredell adopts the positivist approach – he says that natural law is too subjective and fixed by no
standard, as one person’s natural law is different from everybody else’s natural law. He goes
with the very WORDS of the CONSTITUTION to take a positive law approach.
For James Iredell, "[t]he ideas of natural justice are regulated by no fixed standard: the ablest and
the purest men have differed upon the subject; and all that the Court could properly say, in such
an event, would be, that the Legislature (possessed of an equal right of opinion) had passed an
act which, in the opinion of the judges, was inconsistent with the abstract principles of natural
justice."
Iredell is skeptical about both the existence of natural rights, and the ability of the judiciary to
assess accurately the content of those rights. A law passed by Congress within the scope of their
Constitutional power cannot be pronounced void by the Court simply because it is in their
judgment, contrary to the principles of natural justice.
The counter to Iradell’s position is that even positive, written law is just as subjective.
Thus, the punchline of the case is that Property rights may come from either Natural Rights or
from the text of the CONSTITUTION itself.
Throughout American constitutional history, there has been skepticism about natural rights. For
example, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes was a complete natural rights skeptic. By the time of
the constitutional crisis of 1937, a majority of the Court was convinced that natural rights talk
was part of what came to be called "Lochnerizing," after the Lochner case. Thus, natural rights
arguments were largely dismissed after 1937. But the Court has never abandoned claims to find
unenumerated or implicit rights, as the "right to privacy" as developed in Griswold v.
Connecticut (1965) and Roe v. Wade (1973) make clear. The controversy over Roe re-kindled a
long existing skepticism about courts, and their ability to ascertain rights correctly. In the late
18th century, of course, more people were comfortable with the notion of natural rights than are
people in the early 21st century.
Why the 9th Amendment helped the first 8 move along, and was important for gaining political
support for the Bill of Rights in the ratification debates? The 9th Amend states that the rights
enumerated in the first 8 Amendments to the US Constitution are NOT exclusive, there may be
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others. BE ABLE TO EXPLAIN WHY THAT GAVE POLITICAL SUPPORT FOR THE
FIRST 8. Also, why anyone would have opposed the first 8 created in the first place?
Two main arguments: The bill of rights necessary side / The no bill of rights side - b/c
having one would imply that the gov has the powers to impinge on individual rights.
The first 8 amendments are the individual rights protection amendments (saying what
CONGRESS CAN MAKE NO LAWS to do…)
10th amend: if it is not relegated in the constitution then it is a power of the state. The Fed
cannot get a power
9th amend like a reverse merger: just b/c it is not mentioned in here does not mean that the
Fed does not have such power
Why does the 9th amend support a narrow reading of the Necessary and Proper Clause?
Congress may be limited in WAYS WE DON’T EVEN KNOW YET
There are things, ie not only rights of the ppl, but powers of the gov, that are NOT in the text
of the Constitution, and that is what the 9th is showing.
B. Commercial Regulation:
a. Commerce Clause
1. Can congress regulate by licensing these boats, and does the congressional license
trump the NY license? YES, CONGRESS does have this power. The court used a
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(Textual Analysis) by looking at the Commerce Clause under Article I, Sec 8, and it said
that all America understands that commerce includes the navigable waterways – that is
the extent of the argument.
2. Further congress regulation is supreme and preempts the state law. The Court rules
that the Federal Law preempts the State Law for 4 reasons:
1. Based on the (Nature of Government) and the relationship between the Federal
Government and the States.
2. The court distinguished commerce authority from the power to tax. Both Congress and
States have the power to tax BUT for different reasons – Each the Fed Gov and the States
lay taxes for different purposes, and thus neither government is truly exercising the power
of the other (pg 172); but NOT so for the commerce clause; Why - Congress has the
stated power by the Constitution to regulate commerce as between the States, and since
the Federal Gov is one of enumerated powers and is Supreme via the Supremacy Clause,
where Congress has such absolute whole power the States cannot exercise the very same
power if what is clearly at issue is regulating interstate commerce.
3. Art I Sec 10 has limitation on States authority
4. The need for uniformity across the States, as a reason for Congress to act pursuant
to its commerce clause authority. Compared to the Power of Taxation for which it
looks at Art I Sec 10, there is a need for uniformity across states.
Consider if Congress had not regulated does the State have the power to do what it did.
In the absence of Congressional regulation on the matter, can the State regulate interstate
commerce – the Dormant Commerce Clause – the mirror image of the commerce clause –
by virtue of Congress’ power under the Commerce Clause what can States not do.
State can create a dam on navigable waters in the absence of Congressional regulation, as
the Court upholds the State act, suggesting that there is NO Dormant Commerce Clause
barrier to States regulating interstate commerce in this way.
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directly by the Federal Gov. The Court upholds the NY law in Miln, which is not a huge
surprise in the wake of Wilson, but the Court adds something to our understanding of
State Police power.
IT adds the distinction between the Regulation of Police Power vs. the Regulation to
Regulate Interstate Commerce (we would then run into dormant commerce clause
problems)
States CANNOT regulate interstate commerce, BUT they can regulate pursuant to their
police powers – here it was for the welfare of the NY citizens to prevent the immigrants
from becoming chargeable as paupers.
The court upholds the PA law, not a big surprise in the wake of Willson and Miln. But
Cooley changes the ? slightly, it is no longer a question as to the distinction between
commerce vs. police power, but the ? is now is the State regulation in its nature National
and does it therefore admit only one uniform regulation across states – to decide this we
look to the history and practice of the regulated conduct, and we look to spillover effects
such as externalities between states to determine whether the issue is something that
requires a centralized uniform government to resolve or really can be resolved locally.
History and practice on this matter does not require one uniform regulation, and the Court
upholds the PA State regulation.
VA built a bridge across the Ohio River in Wheeling (now in W. VA), and PA and VA
were competing over where a road would cross the Ohio River. The bridge was built by
the time the Supreme Court issued an injunction requiring the bridge raised in height.
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Congress later included a provision in a bill which passed that reversed the Court’s
decision. The Supreme Court ruled in the subsequent case on the matter that Congress
had such authority.
The Supreme Court does not have the last word on whether a state regulation affects
interstate commerce.
If a State exceeds its police power and regulates in interstate commerce in violation of the
Dormant Commerce Clause, Congress can go back and retroactively approve it. A state
act can be ruled as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, but after the Court has ruled,
Congress can come back and say that it was OK for the State to do that. This makes
sense, b/c Congress is acting pursuant to its own Commerce Clause authorities, as it is
simply delegating some of its Commerce Clause authorities to the state.
KEY CONCEPTS:
Citizenship:
1. Citizenship is an unmediated relationship with the Fed Gov that is unmediated through
the states
2. Our relationship with the Federal Gov gives certain rights as against the Fed Gov
3. The citizenship clause in the 14th is designed to give citizenship to all ppl born in or
naturalized in the US, most notably to give citizenship to former slaves.
Native American Indian Cases ask the question – where do their nations fit within our
national scheme?
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the (nature of government) argument. On these two arguments, the Court concludes that
Native American Territories are like domestic dependent countries (baby countries within
a country).
It explains what are the Art IV PAIs of state citizenship, what is the substantive content
to state PAIs; and we learn that they are fundamental rights that citizens have as against a
sovereign (state privileges and immunities – fundamental rights of citizens) pg 209
The case tells us what the Fed POIs are under the 14th Amend (which we see, as in the
Slaughterhouse cases, are CONSIDERABLY more constrained)
Art IV PAIs as an equality principle does not extend all PAIs to all citizens (ie one state
doesn’t have to give the right to vote for out of staters)
The right to travel is a POI of federal citizenship – reached this conclusion based on a
(Nature of Government) argument - ppl must travel through states to reach the federal
government.
It is the Crandall v. Nevada PAIs that the Slaughterhouse Cases use to show that there are
POIs under the 14th, even though the 14th POIs were gutted by the Slaughterhouse Cases.
C. Slavery:
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Other justices (Justice Baldwin) says YES, and that the Federal Gov can regulate them – certain
policy implications flow from this (know the terms of the debate and what flows).
● The sole purpose of the provision in the Miss Const is to prevent slaves from being the
subjects of interstate commerce, b/c it was a slave state, and likely wanted to protect its own
trade by denying other states from importing slaves for sale in Miss.
● This is not an exercise of police power designed to protect the health and welfare of the Miss citizens
● As property, owners property rights of slaves are protected by violations of Congress by the 5th A.
● The PAIs of Art IV secure to citizens of all the states the PAIs of any other state, and thus just
as slave trading is permitted between citizens of Miss, it is protected between citizens of Miss
and other States. – Thus, no State may control such traffic as long as it may be carried on by its
own citizens within its own limits
● Slaves are property in every constitutional sense and for every purpose, whether as subjects of
taxation, as the basis for representation, as articles of commerce, or as fugitives from service.
=> If slaves are property, contracts made between states with regard to slaves can be regulated
by the federal government under interstate commerce.
This is principally a federalism case that deals with the Fed Fugitive Slave Act running up
against PA’s prohibition on self help when a slave owner comes into PA to try to retrieve their
fugitive slave.
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Pg 229 The Case concerns a slave suing for his freedom and the freedom of his family. The
defendant is defending on jurisdictional grounds, and says that the Court has no jurisdiction
because the PL is not a citizen of the US, and therefore cannot have the POIs of Federal
citizenship – one of which is the privilege to sue in Federal Court. Therefore the Federal Court
lacks jurisdiction.
1. States CANNOT grant federal citizenship – and so when Dred Scott and his family move into
a free state, any claim of federal citizenship just by virtue of moving into the free state, even if
the free state were to try to grant federal citizenship it cannot do so.
2. Slaves themselves are not federal citizens and they are property
The mode of analysis the Court uses for 2. is that it looks at English law, colonial law, state law,
the text of Constitution, legislative history of the Fugitive Slave Act, the Declaration of
Independence, and Congressional acts in addition to the Fugitive Slave Act to conclude that
slaves are not citizens but property.
Contrast these pts with Frederick Douglass’s speech that the text of the Constitution supports an
anti-slavery Constitution (HIGHLY RECOMMEND THAT WE GO BACK AND REVIEW to
study for modes of analysis)
1. Citizenship Holding:
a. Indians distinguished
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KEY CONCEPTS:
Secession Debates:
Pg 261-268 – These give important arguments about the relation between the
Federal Government and the States – THIS IS REALLY THE HEART OF THIS COURSE
Jefferson Davis (President of Confederate States of America and former Miss. Senator)
● The people have the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of government
● The creation by sovereign states represented by such people then to form the Confederacy is
not a revolution, but more like a creation of a government.
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Separation of Powers:
1. The appropriate rules of the Executive vs. Congress vs. The Judiciary
2. Courts seem deferential, see the Prize Cases, but there are limits
Emergency Powers:
Emergency Powers are extra Constitutional powers that are not found in the Constitution. They
are truly powers that are beyond powers that are in the Constitution, and whether there is any
authority Constitutional or otherwise for the President to use them. Contrast that with the
Habeus Suspension Clause, which states that Habeus may be suspended in times of insurrection.
The Habeus Suspension Clause is clearly not extra Constitutional even if it is in the spirit of an
emergency power, it is not such a power in this sense b/c it is actually found in the Constitution.
1. The blockade speaks for itself. The fact that there is a blockade tells us that the blockade was
necessary => this circular reasoning shows how deferential the Court is to Lincoln.
2. We get an idea about what Political Question is about, and we see this later (at end of course)
in the Art III Powers section. Courts will defer on political issues, those issues that are better
suited to the elected accountable branches of government.
3. Congress authorized all of these acts afterward.
1. Suspension Clause
The Suspension Clause – who gets to suspend Habeus Corpus?
Taney says that Congress has the power and not the President. This is a (Textual) argument.
The question is where does the Suspension Clause appear in the Constitution? Taney says
correctly that it is in Article I and that therefore Congress gets to suspend and NOT the President.
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Habeus Corpus, the President role is to execute the laws pursuant to Legislative or even Judicial
mandates. That is the real Executive’s role.
Thus the Ex Parte Merryman Case gives us the sense of the constrained role of the Executive,
whereas in the Prize Cases, we were given a wide view of the Executive’s role.
KEY CONCEPTS:
“Dual” Citizenship:
Dual citizenship:
Citizenship in a State by virtue of residence under the 14th
Citizenship of the Federal Gov by virtue of birth or naturalization under the 14th
PAIs are the Fundamental Rights (Art IV PAIs by virtue of State Citizenship)
POIs (14th amendment, POIs by virtue of Fed Citizenship) include those listed on pg 325
(ie right to transact business, peaceably assemble, petition for redress of grievances,
writ of habeas corpus, use navigable waters)
Incorporation:
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Know what it is, the different ideas about incorporation, and the different theories on
incorporation. At the end of the day, know that we have a selective incorporation jurisprudence
that incorporates the rights of the Bill of Rights one at a time, and asks if they are fundamental.
Incorporation is via the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment NOT the POI Clause within
the Amendment (which seems like the more obvious vehicle).
Compare that result for the 14th Amendment (and 15th) to the result in the 13th Amend, which
does not require a State Actor. By its own terms it says that neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude shall exist. Which means either public or private. This means that Congress seems to
have a little more leeway under the 13th Amend.
a. “Unity of Purpose”
In terms of involuntary servitude – the court looks to the unity of pupose behind all of the (13th
and 14th amendments) – which is to free the slaves
b. 14th Amendment P or I
1. They are very limited (Crandall v. Nevada)
2. 14th A doesn’t protect the rights here
3. the 14th POIs don’t protect the violations of a State against a citizen of that State
(Was it the intention of the Fed Gov to bring within the power of Congress the ENTIRE
Domain of civil rights heretofore belonging exclusively to the States. The court sees
that it would be turning Federalism on its head if it did this. Congress would then
have the powers to enact laws to protect individuals in a State against civil rights
measures enacted by their own State.)
4. the POIs are not a vehicle for the rights of the first 8 amends to the Const
Thus, the case gives a constrained reading of the POIs of the 14th
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An armed white militia attacked freedmen who had gathered at the Colfax, Louisiana
courthouse. Although some of the African Americans were armed and defended themselves,
estimates were that 100-280 were killed, including 50 who had surrendered.
Some members of the white mob were indicted and charged under the Enforcement Act of 1870.
Among other provisions, the law made it a felony if two or more people conspired to deprive
anyone of his constitutional rights.
The Supreme Court ruled on a range of issues and found the indictment faulty. It overturned the
convictions of two defendants in the case. The Court did not incorporate the Bill of Rights to the
states and found that the 1st Amendment right to assembly "was not intended to limit the powers
of the State governments in respect to their own citizens"
The Cruikshank court held that the 14th Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses applied only
to state action, and not to actions of individuals.
What does Equality mean – it means equality as measured by what is available to a ‘white person’.
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THEREFORE we learn that the 14th is NOT concerned with Equal Outcome
Treatment, it is concerned with the Equal Facial Treatment of the Law.
CONSTITUTIONALLY SPEAKING we care about the front end: Equal Treatment.
CONSTITUTIONALLY SPEAKING WE/THE COURTS cannot do anything about
SOCIETY’s ACTIONS/TREATMENT
Modern policy that aims for Equal Outcome and NOT Equal Treatment: Affirmative Action
reading is given to the 13th amend. Later on though, the badges and incidents of slavery were
read into the 13th amend.
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Illustrate the effect of the civil right cases holdings. They are useful for giving how the court
interpreted the 13th and 14th amend after the civil war.
KEY CONCEPTS:
The application of constitutional due process is traditionally divided into the two categories of
Substantive Due Process and procedural due process. These categories are derived from a
distinction that is made between two types of law. Substantive Law creates, defines, and
regulates rights, whereas procedural law enforces those rights or seeks redress for their violation.
Means-Ends Analysis:
Healthy bakers v. regulating the hours. How well does the mean serve the end; are they
rationally related to those ends
Interstate Commerce:
1. What does it mean? It means the channels of commerce
Distinction between the manufacture and the distribution and transportation
2. What is commerce?
Lottery tickets are commerce
1. Means-Ends Analysis
3. Liberty to Contract
Right to K is a liberty interest under the 14th A, instead of looking to the K Clause.
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Places the Lochner result into the economic meaning of the times. Laissez-Faire, and other theories.
a. What is “commerce”?
Lottery tickets are commerce. Going across state lines means commerce.
b. Regulation v. Prohibition
Dichotomy in the Champion v. Ames case; if the states can wholly prohibit than congress can
wholly prohibit under its commerce power.
a. Manufacture v. Distribution
Direct Effects vs. Indirect Effect - Congress can regulate Direct Effects, but NOT Indirect Effects
From Wickard Case we do NOT use the dichotomy test anymore, and ONLY use the Effects
Test (the stream of commerce).
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4 categories of ?s – in each category there are 3-4?s, and you will have a choice – we MUST answer 7
of 11. ISSUES should be obvious. (chose 2of3, 2of3, 2of3, 1of2) – do about 30min per ?
ex. standing, justicability, etc. will be basically not be tested. We have talked just a little bit about
standing and political question, so these can possibly be placed into the questions
The big issue should be obvious – but there are subsidiary issues – circle issues and write down the
legal issue that you think is applicable – use IRAC. ?s will be how would you advise congress or the
executive or how would you litigate this. Always apply both sides in your answers. MAKE sure you
reference HISTORICAL information; both cases and the doctrinal trends.
I. Modern Economic Regulation and Rights:
KEY CONCEPTS:
A relationship between the legislative goals and what the legislature is actually doing. The mean
is the actual legislation, and the end is what the legislature is trying to achieve with its actual
legislation.
Modern Rational Basis Review - means that the legislative mean must be rationally related to
ANY conceivable, legitimate government end.
POST 1937 (after the West Coast Hotel Case) and end of Lochner Era – there has been a much
lower level of review by the Court; or a much higher level of deference to the legislature when
the court is examining legislature on economic matters.
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2. Interference with Public Contracts (State is a party) – When the state moves to interfere
with its own Ks, then the Court is likely to scrutinize that interference at a higher level.
The state action violates the K Clause unless it is reasonable and necessary to achieve a
significant and legitimate public purpose.
When can an optometrist fit lenses; they can only fit lenses that have a prescription -> the effect
is to put a lot of optometrists out of business.
This is exactly the type of economic regulation we are talking about for economic substantive
due process, contract clause, or taking violations.
Private Property cannot be taken for public use without just compensation.
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KEY CONCEPTS:
ANYTIME CONGRESS ACTS it MUST HAVE AUTHORITY FROM THE CONSTITUTION
Sources of Authority:
See the checklist. Know that the Fed Gov is one of enumerated limited powers.
“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means that are
appropriate and plainly adopted to that end are necessary and proper” McCulloch
This Means – Ends Test analysis for Necessary and Proper SOUNDS LIKE the Rational Basis
Review Test -> in later cases like Katzenbach and the 13th, 14th, and 15th Cases we studied AT
THE HEIGHT OF COURT DEFERENCE under these amendments, we saw the court citing
Williamson v. Lee Optical, stating that the Necessary and Proper clause gives greater sweep.
A. Commerce Clause:
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The issue was manufacture vs. distribution. Congress can regulate distribution but not the
manufacture. Thus, in this case, Congress could not regulate child labor; it is to attenuated from
interstate commerce.
OTHER AUTHORITIES can be used to achieve the EXACT same regulation powers as we just
have seen with the CC.
- For example the Treaty Power (this is a stand alone power mentioned in Article I) can be used
for Congress to regulate Child Labor. The treaty power for example was used by Congress in a
treaty with Canada to regulate in the migratory bird case (Missouri v. Holland).
- Congress cannot regulate under the Taxing Power (per Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Co.,
although this changes later); “Congress cannot do indirectly through taxing and regulation what
it can do directly through the Commerce Clause.” After Bailey the Court said taxing for revenue
was fine, but taxing primarily to regulate was not. Again this changes in later cases.
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- Congress probably cannot regulate per US v. Butler using the Spending Power, but later
Spending Clause cases make it clear that Congress can regulate with its Spending Power
(conditional spending for example).
Congress can legislate if its needs are appropriate to a legitimate government end (McCulloch).
Ie there is necessary and proper play here with the CC.
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WHEN CONGRESS ACTS pursuant to one authority, check others that may be acceptable
THAT IS WHAT THE EXAM IS ALL ABOUT.
The Substantial Effects Test – (THIS IS THE MODERN TEST FOR THE COMMERCE CLAUSE)
The four factors used:
1. Is the regulation commercial in nature?
2. Is there a jurisdictional element in CC jurisprudence?
(ie – is the legislation limiting itself to interstate transactions or commerce. The legislation in
this case did not say that ‘no gun can be used within 1000ft of schools if it was bought in
interstate commerce’ – ie something that would clearly connect it to interstate commerce.)
3. Are there congressional findings?
(ie - findings in the legislative record between the activity and interstate commerce – in this case
Bryer goes through all kinds of material suggesting a link between guns and interstate commerce,
but it didn’t matter what the Court’s findings were, it matters about CONGRESS’ findings)
***The significance here is that we cannot just make up an ends like we could in Williamson v. Lee
Optical; there must be Congressional findings that support such.
4. Is there an attenuated link to interstate commerce?
(in this case, the guns have an attenuated link to interstate commerce.)
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4. There is an attenuated link between the two: Violence Against Women---and---Interstate Commerce.
(too many links in the chain between the two – too attenuated a connection)
When you see the ? about Congressional Action on the EXAM, go through the checklist and
when you get to CC, ask does the CC authorize this Congressional action, and we will run
through the Lopez and Raich tests; if it is satisfied, great, if not find another AUTHORIZATION
such as the spending power.
Go through EACH SOURCE OF AUTHORITY FOR THE EXAM. But give a historical
perspective in your exam answer if you want the A.
Sweep behind them. Congress can regulate beyond their contours, and thus define the Constitution
for itself, but only in the sense that it is not overturning the Supreme Court or Constitutional doctrine
– it is simply redefining it for specific, limited purposes.
2. . . . To Expansive Power . . .:
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Remember that in the Lassiter Case, it established a constitutional standard for literacy tests in
voting. Lassiter said that it is not unconstitutional to have literacy tests. Thus when Congress
comes back and says no literacy tests, it seems to be shifting the constitutional floor [or if
Lassiter is the core on literacy test – Congress is pushing it out and is redefining the standard].
The Supreme Court however upheld the suspension, on the basis of 2 things:
1. Specific congressional findings of specific problems of literacy tests in specific areas
2. Legislation that was specifically tailored to regulate in those areas only – NARROWLY
DEFINED (it didn’t try to just overrule Lassiter, and case by case litigation was not working, and
the problem was calling for a policy solution)
The Court employs McCulloch to give Congress wide authority under section 2 of the 15th and
under section 5 of the 14th in the same way as the Court gave wide authority to Congress to
create the National Bank.
In so doing, the Court cites Williamson v. Lee Optical; suggesting that it is the Lee Optical
Rational Review Basis Test that guides the necessary and proper analysis **a very high level of
deference to Congress** – The Lee Optical Test stated that any conceivable, legitimate
government end will do.
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election. There is no evidence of intentional discrimination here, and so the Court, when this
voting scheme is challenged, upholds the scheme against the Equal Protection challenge.
So Mobile is our baseline. Now, Congress comes along and Congress wants to say that not only
a racially discriminatory purpose, but a racially discriminatory effect is illegal under federal law,
but that as a matter of federal statute, Congress wants to enact a statute that says anytime there is
a purpose of discrimination in a city election or anytime there is an effect of discrimination in a
city election, that election system must go through a department of justice pre-clearance
screening before it will be authorized.
Now different facts. Congress comes back and instead tries to regulate nationwide,
indiscriminately it does not care that anytime a PL can show either a racially discriminatory
intent or a racially discriminatory impact, Congress will give that PL a COA under federal law.
What is your answer?
This situation runs into the problem, because it is indiscriminate nationwide and has no bound.
IT IS REDEFINING THE CONSTITUTION in a way that the RFRA did in the City of Boerne
v. Flores case; Congress is thus trying to overrule the Mobile Case by statute, and this will not
work.
Now, we can do the legislation under the 13, 14, or 15 As, (the Civil War As), but that is NOT
the end of our inquiry. What about other sources of authority. Remember the legislation says
that the scheme is illegal whether the discrimination is a purpose or an effect of the scheme.
CC – it is not a channel or instrumentality, but we can check the substantial effect test – will
likely be attenuated though.
The Treaty Power – do we have a treaty about racial discrimination in elections, maybe we do. It
is worth looking at.
Spending Power – Congress will give the cities money to buy new election machines if they
change their election system so that neither the purpose nor the effect is discriminatory.
Tax Scheme – Can we enact a tax scheme that will enable Congress to achieve the results it wants.
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The Test of Proportional and Congruent – The legislation must be proportional and congruent to
the injury that congress seeks to prevent or remedy and the means that Congress uses to prevent
or remedy that injury.
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And so in the end, the Court in Morrison said that Congress’ legislation was not Proportional and
Congruent to the result it wanted to achieve.
So our best advice is for Congress to use the 14th A b/c then we get around the 11th A problem.
This is the Proportional and Congruent Test (which arose from Katzenbach Cases) based on the
congressional fact finding done, which established that it was difficult for people to get off work
to take care of children or family members in need, and that when they did, it perpetuated
discrimination against women in the workplace.
C. Spending Power:
1. Early Ideas:
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Think about disaster relief with the tornados that occurred recently in Missouri, a local problem
in so many ways. Early on in our nation, Congress debated whether it could spend federal
money for relief with local disasters. Hamilton would say yes, Madison no.
2. Conditional Spending:
Federal spending conditioned on a State doing something.
D. Taxing Power:
1. Early Ideas:
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KEY CONCEPTS:
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who the decision maker is, that may be a good reason on Federalism grounds to overturn the
decision – for reasons we have studied.
States’ Rights:
Code for States against the Federal Government (and it is a 10th amendment issue).
Bill of Rights:
It is a restriction on Congressional authority.
The Test – ‘Functions Essential to Separate and Independent Existence’ – if the federal gov
legislates in a way that intrudes upon those functions that are essential to a separate and
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independent existence of the State government, that will run afoul to federalism principles in the
10th.
B. . . . To Defined Limits:
The Fed gov cannot compel States to enact or administer a federal regulatory program – it cannot
do it directly and it cannot do it by choice if both choices are doing that.
The Fed gov cannot commandeer state employees to implement federal law. The case concerned
the Brady Handgun Violence Act that required local officials, not federal officials, to engage in
activities that related to reporting of gun purchases and gun ownership. Basically the law was
making local sheriffs as federal agents of the Act. It was requiring them to enforce the Act, and
thus the Court said that this was commandeering and ran afoul to the 10th.
Note that it is very easy to get around these with say conditional spending or taxing.
KEY CONCEPTS:
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Know that when a state does something, it cannot do it in a way that runs afoul to the 1st
amendment as incorporated to the state, via the 14th amendment Due Process clause.
“Dormant” Commerce Clause, “Vacuum Theory,” and Congressional
“Reversal” of Supreme Court:
How do we know if something is interstate commerce: USE THE Commerce Test above,
Vacuum Theory – there is not an area of commerce that NEITHER the State nor Congress can touch.
(We heard this argument in the Lopez case)
A. Congressional Representation:
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Ex. ‘trucks not licensed in Illinois must be of a certain length’. This type of action specifically
mentions differences between states. The test is it violates the dormant CC only if it burdens interstate
commerce and is not necessary to achieve an important government interest. The bar is higher.
Market-Participant Exception:
States can discriminate if they are acting as a market participant. Ex. ‘the state owned cement
company that charges lower prices to in state residents than out of state residents’, because the
court has carved out a market participant exception here.
Congressional Approval:
VA built a bridge across the Ohio River in Wheeling (now in W. VA), and PA and VA were
competing over where a road would cross the Ohio River. The bridge was built too low to allow
some ships to pass under it, but by the time the Supreme Court issued an injunction requiring the
bridge raised in height. Congress later included a provision in a bill which passed that in effect
reversed the Court’s order, by giving the State authorization to erect the bridge as it did. The
Supreme Court ruled in the subsequent case on the matter that Congress had such authority.
The Supreme Court does not have the last word on whether a state regulation affects interstate
commerce.
If a State exceeds its police power and regulates in interstate commerce in violation of the
Dormant Commerce Clause, Congress can go back and retroactively approve it. A state act can
be ruled as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, but after the Court has ruled, Congress can
come back and say that it was OK for the State to do that. This makes sense, b/c Congress is
acting pursuant to its own Commerce Clause authorities, as it is simply delegating some of its
Commerce Clause authorities to the state.
CURRENT DORMANT COMMERCE CLAUSE TEST:
Constitutional Rights:
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V. Executive Powers:
KEY CONCEPTS:
Separation of Powers:
The Unitary Executive is an extraordinary claim of inherent Art II powers, that the unitary
executive has all the powers that they need under Art II; they do not need to be blessed by
Congress, and in war powers if Congress takes powers away from them, it is irrelevant.
Signing statements – Congress will pass a law and the Executive will implement a signing
statement that says that they like the legislation very much, but will refuse to enforce it in these
provisions if it is inconsistent with the unitary executive.
A. War Powers:
The powers to Detain, Try, and Treat Prisoners in War Time
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process. The due process is determined by the Matthews v. Eldridge Balancing Test. Due
process may be obtained either through Habeus in the Federal Courts (appeal) or through
Combat Status Review Trial (CSRTs), a Military Tribunal. The Court has no preference
between the two, so long as due process is preserved.
Rasul does not deal with Constitutional Habeus but with Statutory Habeus. The Rasul Court
states that Statutory Habeus in the US Code extends to the detainees at Guantanamo Bay.
Constitutional Habeus – what do we mean by this – it means the Habeus right that is in the ether
of the Constitution, it is not in the Constitution itself, because the Constitution itself never grants
Habeus, all it says is that Habeus may be suspended in certain circumstances. Because the
Constitution states that Habeus may be suspended in certain circumstances, it has been
understood there is a Constitutional Habeus out there, irrespective of what Congress does by
statute. The Constitutional Habeus out there is the Constitutional common law Habeus that
existed at the time of the framing of the Constitution.
Thus, in this case there is a lot of discussion about the status of the common law Habeus at the
time of the framing of the Constitution.
Contrast with Statutory Habeus – which means the Habeus right that Congress has provided to
individuals detained in US custody under the US Code as a matter of statue. Rasul involved the
Statutory Habeus.
Within Justice Jackson’s 3 part framework, how does an executive justify detention of an enemy
combatant? – detention with or without Habeus.
2. Military Tribunals:
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construed to take away jurisdiction from military tribunals’. Thus, Congress backdoored into
their authorization of Military Tribunals, but the Court said that was enough.
3. Treatment of Detainees:
C. Appointment Power:
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Congress can appoint inferior officers. So the issue was whether the independent counsel was an
inferior officer, and the answer the Court gives through Morrison v. Olson and Edmond v. US is
that the Appointment Power test is this:
An inferior officer is someone who can be fired by an officer (an officer is a Cabinet member).
E. Treaty Power:
Congress enacts treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate. Anything in the national
interest or those things that customarily concern things nations agree about comes within the
Treaty Power, and the Courts will uphold if it even gets to the Court. The Court will likely punt
the issue back as a political ? and defer to the political branches.
The President can enter into an executive agreement with any country without the consent of the
Senate that would be acceptable under the Treaty Power. The only difference with a treaty is
that a treaty has the same status as a federal statute, but an executive agreement does not.
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F. Executive Immunities:
KEY CONCEPTS:
Justiciability:
1. Standing
Show an injury, causation, and redressability.
2. The case must be ripe
3. The case cannot be moot
4. The case cannot be a political ?
Standing:
To have standing in Federal Court you must plead (to avoid being kicked out per FRCP 12(b)(6)):
An injury
Causation – the injury is traceable to the DEF’s behavior
Redressability – a federal court decision will redress the harm
Political Question:
Use the phrase political ? in a general sense.
A ? that is better left to the political branches.
A. “Jurisdiction Stripping”:
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When Congress uses this power to limit the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or Federal lower
courts strategically to avoid a federal court decision on a particular matter, this is called
“Jurisdictional Stripping”.
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