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Does gender influence how inequality is experienced in Ireland? Discuss this question under one or more
Introduction
Sociology has always had difficulty defining the term gender. Since the term itself describes a
socially constructed product (Radtke & Stam, 1994; Giddens, 2006) it could be argued that the social
actors within the discourse are inevitably influenced by the properties of the subject they seek to define.
Notwithstanding the difficulty in the definitional aspirations of Sociology when dealing with the term,
there as broad agreement that it involves myriad consequences for everyone in society and in virtually all
aspects of their lives. Connell (2002, p.8) initially suggests a “...common usage...” definition of gender
that stresses the cultural differences between men and women and is dependent on the biological division
of males and females. However, as Connell (2002) highlights, this narrow interpretation is prone to many
weaknesses including the failure to recognise that in reality there are more than two gendered
characteristics within people e.g. gay men and women, also that a dichotomous view of gender fails to
acknowledge diversity of approaches to gender within either the male or female population. He instead
posits that in order to gain a coherent sociological understanding and therefore most efficiently utilise the
concept of gender that it should be thought of as a social structure or pattern. It now becomes a
consequence of the manner in which men and women interact with each other in society, these
consequences are derived from prescribed ideas based in distinctions about reproduction and the
involvement of our bodies in the reproductive process (Connell, 2002). It is worth noting that the
prescriptive nature of these ideas are based on a heterosexual framework and this is conceptualised
further by Connell in his thoughts on the hegemonic nature of masculinity. Thinking of it in this way
gender becomes more applicable to a wider array of circumstances that can be used to more
comprehensively engage in relevant discourse. Tovey, Share & Corcoran (2007, p.224) state that “Gender
refers to the meanings that arise out of sexual classification; and to the socially constructed experiences
and identities that arise from assumed sexual differences”. In the context of this assignment title the
meanings of these sexual classifications will be explored and discussed. Also, it will be shown how these
socially constructed experiences and identities create and maintain inequality in many aspects of the
Statistical evidence demonstrates that women in Ireland with the same academic qualifications as
men in the workplace are paid less when occupying the same positions (National Employment Survey,
2007 p.51) and as this essay will show, that it is education which plays a central role in creating the
social conditions for this situation to occur. Lynch and Lodge (1999 cited in O'Connor, 2010, p.8-2) argue
that gender inequality exists to some degree in all three levels of analysis; the socio-economic, the socio-
cultural and the socio-political, so the question could be asked then is how does the educational system
as a structural institution in Ireland perpetuate inequality along these lines? The post-educational
employment experience in terms of earnings, as we have seen is heavily in favour of men and from a
socio-cultural level of analysis this phenomenon could be rooted in the fact that Irish society is a highly
gendered one and this reality is reflected in our educational institutions because they are elements of our
Sociologically there is evidence of the influence of a culturally gendered ideology that pervades
Irish schooling at primary level. Research conducted by Morgan & Dunn (1990 cited in Morgan & Lynch,
management strategies and in access to school equipment. An indication of male-centered and gendered
socio-cultural influence in Irish secondary schools is demonstrated by recent efforts by the Irish
educational sector to improve equality within the system, but which have been taken from a particularly
male-centered perspective. Girls in the secondary school system have been encouraged to participate in
subjects that were previously regarded as male subjects, i.e. mathematics and science subjects.
Conversely, very little effort has been spent in an attempt to encourage boys to participate in what may
be viewed as female subjects i.e. home economics and the social sciences (O'Connor, 2010). An
essentialist ideology dominates thinking within government around the issue of subject choice. This is
starkly illustrated in a government report commissioned to investigate gender inequality which states the
following with regard to the continuity of subject take-up in early secondary school and further and
“It is difficult to assess the extent to which this reflects innate dispositions towards different
subject areas and the extent to which it arises as a consequence of socialisation and social
Whether subject choice is innate or not still seems to be a question the Irish educational establishment is
struggling to answer. The socio-cultural landscape then seems to play a significant role in shaping both
the attitudes and content of both those involved in the delivery of education as well as the curriculum
itself. Both of these elements combine to produce and reproduce a gendered reality for girls attending
growing alternative career opportunities may have enticed men away from primary teaching to more
immediately lucrative professions. Also, the constraints of the B Ed. qualification which provided for no
other career path except than teaching may also have lead men away from primary teaching (INTO,
2004). The net effect of these political decisions on the male/female gender imbalance in primary
teaching is that it has reinforced the highly stereotyped perception of primary school teaching as a caring
profession, which as O'Connor (2010) highlights is not generally regarded to be of as much value in
society as the more masculine practical professions. The extent of political failure to deal with gender
inequality within the university system in Ireland was highlighted by O'Connor (2008) who maintains that
policy documents produced by domestic and international institutions including the OECD (2004); the
National Development Plan (2007-2013); the EU Roadmap for Equality (2006) and the National Women’s
Strategy (2007-2016) all fail to adequately plan for more integrative measures to deal with gender
inequality in the future, or to recognise the consequences of gendered policy within the educational
structures. An examination of the segregated nature of the educational hierarchy of workers can also
expose how the distribution of power within that structure is effected by gender. Horizontal segregation
can be observed in the sharp decline of women teachers in primary, second and third level institutions;
80% to 58% to 29% respectively (HEA & Dept. of Education 2002 cited in O'Connor, 2010). This clearly
shows a disinterest by men to be involved in the area of primary school teaching and, as previously
shown, could be connected to political decisions regarding how primary teaching qualifications were
attained.
Vertical segregation within all sections of teaching staff in schools and Irish universities has been
widely acknowledged in recent years (O'Connor, 1999; Dept. of Education and Science 2007). By 2003
women accounted for 87% of all primary teachers but by 2005 accounted for only 53% of principalships
(Dept. of Education and Science 2007). This trend seems to reflect a wider social reality that even within
employment sectors dominated by women, men still occupy most of the positions of authority. Vertical
segregation is most starkly illustrated in breakdown of staff in the third level sector.
Table 8.12 : Source Department of Education and Science 2007
As the table shows, between 1997 and 2004 the largest gain in female (18%) staff positions was also the
category which was historically the most under represented proportionally, that of college lecturers. Both
of the most senior positions within the university sector, professorial and associate professorial saw the
smallest gain in female numbers of 2% and 4% respectively. One may ask whether the very weak gains
in these areas may have reflected a very low number of female applicants for the positions? This is
difficult to ascertain, but what we can observe is that during the period 1993-2003 female enrolment in
universities was 16% higher than male enrolment and the gap in the male to female Ph.D. graduate ratio
was eliminated (Department of Education and Science, 2007). This would seem to provide some evidence
that there were sufficient numbers of qualified female graduates who could have applied for professorial
positions. These statistics are evidence of a reversal in the rate of participation of women in higher
education at both the entry and advanced levels within universities as students, however as has been
demonstrated, this changing picture of representation is not reflected in the presence of women in upper
positions within university teaching hierarchies and power structures, once again highlighting the
“...the under-representation of women within particular Departments and Colleges did not
simply reflect patterns related to the gender stereotyping of subject choice. Rather, the
organisational culture within particular Departments appeared to have an impact, this being
created by the attitudes and practices of staff and Heads of Departments within a context
created by the Dean of the relevant college” (O'Connor, 1995 cited in O'Connell 1999, p.13).
The nature, attitudes and values of bureaucratic processes within Irish state institutions has been
referred to as an “organisational culture” and at the centre of this culture, according to O'Connor (2006,
p.1) lies a patriarchal agenda based mainly on the subordination of women. More significantly educational
institutions act as a power base for what Connell calls “hegemonic masculinity” (1987 cited in O'Connor
2006, p1). This concept of a hegemonic gendered value system is central to the discussion about the
inequality of educational experiences in Ireland since even concerted efforts to deal with inequality within
these institutions (e.g. 2000 Equal Status Act, Employment Equality Act 1998, NDP Gender Equality Unit)
have had little effect in addressing the problem. This failure would seem to indicate that there is a
gendered script within a wider social reality which also plays out in educational institutions and overrides
attempts to implement change internally. For the most part however there is even a failure to recognise
organisational bias, be it through processes or within the structures. In an attempt to explain why
gendered practices go unchallenged Wharton (2005, P.68) notes that because such institutions and their
purpose is taken for granted by society, “...they produce a socially shared “account” of their existence
and purpose”. Because of this socially common idea regarding the self-evident nature of states'
institutions, operations and functions, the dominant ideologies within (in this case those which pertain to
a masculine based vision of the world) are rarely questioned. The educational sector in Ireland, being a
structural institution and reflecting the aforementioned organisational culture ensures that men are the
benefactors of what Connell refers to as the “material and patriarchal dividend” (1987 cited in O'Connor
2010, p.9-8). In terms of elevated levels of prestige and a right to be in positions of authority, simply
being a man within the educational employment structure appears to take these as a given right and so
Social research is also concerned with the construction of our understanding of our social world
from different perspectives, including those of interactionism and ethnomethodology. These approaches
are primarily concerned with ordinary language use and how people make sense of what others do and
say (Giddens, 2006). The different ways in which boys and girls experience school and make sense of
peer behaviour and teacher-pupil interaction has been shown to effect their levels of achievement
(Grossman & Grossman, 1994 cited in Gentry Gable & Rizza, 2002). A relatively new area of study
attempts to align the study of inequality in education with feminist poststructuralism and seeks to
transcend more traditional theories of gender formation that typically focus on biological and socialisation
perspectives (Blaise, 2005). With respect to classrooms in Ireland, this type of in depth study of the
concept of “doing gender” does not seem to have been researched in much detail. However there does
not appear to be any socio-cultural reason to assume that there are major differences between Ireland
and England with respect to male or female teaching staff. This being the case, Younger, Warrington and
Williams (1999) found that in their U.K. Based study of teachers that there was a distinct difference in
the attitudes of teachers between towards male and female pupils. Both male and female teachers
“...as self-learners, spending more time on homework, adopting a more rigorous and
carefully planned approach to coursework and revision, able to anticipate and conform to the
demands of the school” (Head, 1996 cited in Younger, Warrington & Williams, 1999 p.328).
This belief amongst teachers was also shown to manifest as more time being spent focussing on
both the disciplining and motivation of boys and consequently at the expense of female learning,
female pupil-teacher interaction (Paechter, 1998). Hence by viewing the classroom through the lens
of micro-sociology, it becomes apparent that even at the micro level female pupils are again
In light of the apparent deep level of control and dominance by maleness and male centric
thought, another question that arises when considering inequality within the Irish educational
sector is why has the primary school classroom become a female dominated teaching zone? As
discussed earlier the gendered nature of society is produced and reproduced through hegemonic
masculinity that enforces the social construction of gender through a “heterosexual matrix” (Blaise,
2005). Implicit in the effect of the heterosexual matrix is the subordination of women and the
superiority of masculine forms of knowledge and as has been shown, this knowledge is delivered by
a predominantly male workforce at secondary and third level institutions. Notwithstanding the
aforementioned reasons involving political decisions that may have affected men when deciding to
enter primary school teaching, there is another possibility on a more theoretical level which may
also be part of this situation. Could there be acquiescence by the male hegemonic establishment to
a cultural feminist ideal that the predominantly female position of a higher moral ethic of care
stands contrary to the male ethic of justice and is therefore more suited to the nurturing processes
of primary school teaching? The distinction between the ethical values of “care” and “justice” made
by Gilligan and Annatucci (1988) are illustrative of the cultural feminist approach of celebrating
differences between gender and suggesting that a female outlook on certain aspects of social life
may be more beneficial than an androcentric perspective (Ritzer, 2008). However if there is any
element of allowance by the masculine hegemony in the reasoning behind the male/female teacher
ratio within the primary school system it could be viewed as patronising and an anathema to
feminism but once more, illustrates a type of abstract inequality within the overall concept of
Conclusion
Inequality in education has at its centre the same modus operandi as the process of inequality
that operates on a broader social platform. It appears that knowledge (within a socio-cultural realm), as
with the division of labour (within a socio-economic realm) have been designated worth and attributed
value from an overwhelmingly male-centered perspective. This seems to reflect the interests of the
majority of those at the socio-political level where men control the vast majority of the seats of influence
and power. This is illustrated by the fact that in 2006, women represented 14% of TDs in Dáil Eireann
and 34% of memberships of State Boards but under 20% of members of regional and local authorities.
However, men do not appear to determine their position, even within state institutions of power, to be
one of subordination, this is emphasised by the fact that 81% of staff in clerical grades in the Civil
Service were women, but women represented less than 10% of staff at Assistant and Deputy Secretary
There is no evidence indicating the existence of more than two genders in the world. The problem
of defining the noun or applying it to people of varying dispositions does not detract from the reality that
the word “gender” in all its forms and connotations essentially describes a dichotomy of either them or
us, the subject or the object. In the preceding sections regarding education in Ireland there is a clear
sense of marginalising female positions, attitudes and requirements as elements of Otherness through
what has been referred to as hegemonic masculinity, i.e. a dominant form of cultural expression that
subordinates women, feminine values and all other non-compliant forms of masculinity (Connell, 1996).
This process of the objectification of women and how it influences the realm of education could have
consequences for future interpretations of masculinity and the hegemonic state for the following reason.
It is widely recognised that the science and technology fields have been appropriated by males within our
society and therefore designated as highly valuable in this society i.e. a male controlled society. However,
in the nineteenth century science was noted to be particularly suited to women, while study of the
classics was eminently more a male pursuit (Delemont, 1994 cited in Paechter, 1998). It does seem
worth an attempt, as society moves forward, to track whether the importance of the sciences keeps its
relevancy in society, and if not what reasons will be cited for a change in importance. If there is a gradual
change to a discipline currently viewed as more female i.e. non-important and of little value to society
from a male perspective e.g. primary school teaching, will this be claimed as a victory in society for
Blaise, M., 2005. A Feminist Poststructuralist Study of Children “doing” Gender in an Urban Kindergarten
Central Statistics Office 2008. Statistical Yearbook 2008 Online. Available from
http://www.cso.ie/releasespublications/documents/statisticalyearbook/2008/Chapter
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Central Statistics Office 2008. Women and Ireland 2006 [Online]. Available from
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Connell, R.W., 1996. Teaching the boys: New Research on Masculinity, and Gender Strategies for Schools,
Gentry, M., Gable, R.K., Rizza, M.G., 2002. Students’ Perceptions of Classroom Activities: Are There
Morgan, V., Lynch, K., 1995. Gender and Education: North and South. In: P. Clancy, S. Drudy, K.
Administration. Ch.17.
O’Connor, P., 2008. The Challenge of Gender in Higher Education: Processes and Practices. Proceedings
of the 4th International Barcelona Conference on Higher Education. Higher education and
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Paechter, C.F., 1998. Educating the Other: Gender, Power, and Schooling. London: Routledge.
Radtke, H.L., Stam, H.J., 1994. Introduction. In: H.L. Radtke & H.J. Stam, Eds. 1994.
Power/Gender:Social Relations in Theory and Practice. London:Sage Publications. Ch. 1.
Younger, M., Warrington, M., Williams, J., 1999. The Gender Gap and Classroom Interactions: Reality and
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MA:Blackwell Publishing.