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Nouvelles

‫اجلـــديدة‬
Chroniques
du

Manuscrit
au

Yémen

۲۰۲۰ ‫ يوليو‬،)۳۰( ۱۱ ‫عدد‬


N° 11 (30) / Juillet 2020
Directrice de la Publication Anne REGOURD

Contact Secrétariat Sami LAGATI secr.cmy@gmail.com

Comité de rédaction Tamon BABA (Ritsumeikan University, Japon), Adday Hernandez-Lopez (Instituto de
Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid),
Anne REGOURD

Revue de presse Sami LAGATI

Conseil de rédaction Geoffrey KHAN (Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge University
(GB)), Martha M. MUNDY (The London School of Economics and Political Science), Jan RETSÖ (Gothenburg Univer-
sity, Suède), Sabine SCHMIDTKE (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton)

Correspondants Tamon BABA (Ritsumeikan University, Japon), Deborah FREEMAN-FAHID (FRAS, Assistant
Conservateur, Dir. de publication, The al-Sabah Collection, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah, Koweït), Abdullah Yahya AL
SURAYHI (Abu Dhabi University, National Library)

Comité de lecture Hassan F. ANSARI (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton), Anne K. BANG (University of
Bergen, Norvège), Marco DI BELLA (Indépendant, Conservation/restauration manuscrits arabes), Deborah FREEMAN-
FAHID (FRAS, Assistant Conservateur, Dir. de publication, The al-Sabah Collection, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah,
Koweït), David G. HIRSCH (Advisor for Library Services, Mohammed bin Rashid Library, Dubai), Michaela HOFF-
MANN-RUF (University of Tübingen), Clifford B. MESSICK (Columbia University), Samer TRABOULSI (University of
Asheville, North Carolina)

Mise en page Eugénie DE MARSAY eugenie.demarsay@gmail.com

Webmaster Peter J. NIX webmaster@cdmy.org

ISSN 2727-5221

Photo de couverture/Cover’s image : Grande mosquée/Great Mosque, Ibb, 08.06.2008


© Hélène David-Cuny
Nouvelles
Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen 11

(Ancienne série 30)

Juillet 2020
(prochain numéro janvier 2021)
Éditorial

Hommages
Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ – Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī

‫ تكرمي‬: ‫متهيد‬
1‫لس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين‬‫القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع — ا أ‬

Photo accompagnant un hommage rendu au Cadi Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī (m. 10 août 2020)
al-Akwaʿ par le journal Nashwan News, nov. 2010
،‫صورة القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع يف مقاةل تكرمي هل‬ )٢٠٢٠ ‫ أأغسطس‬١٠ ‫همند أأمحد الس ياين (املتوىف‬
٢٠١٠ ‫ نومفرب‬،‫جريدة نشوان‬

Ce numéro des Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen rend un double


hommage : il est dédié à la mémoire du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, né à Ḏamār, le 1er mars
1920, à travers l’anniversaire de sa naissance, et à notre bienaimé collègue trop tôt dis-
paru, le 10 août 2020, à Sanaa, Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī, Président de General Or-
ganization for Antiquities and Museums (GOAM).

1
Version arabe Mounir Arbach, CNRS, Lyon.
Dans les Chroniques, un obituaire avait été publié à la mort du Cadi al-Akwaʿ, à
Sanaa, le 21 octobre 2008, sous la plume de Muhammad ʿAbd al-Rahim Jazim, CmY 7
(janvier 2009), Actualités, http://cmy.revues.org/1877. Successivement à la tête de la
Haute Autorité des Antiquités (Maṣlaḥat al-Āthār), instituée par décret au printemps
1969, puis de l’Organisation générale des Antiquités et des Bibliothèques (Al-hayʾa al-
ʿāmma li-al-āṯār wa-dūr al-kutub), en 1973, il a marqué d’une empreinte indélébile la
naissance des institutions patrimoniales yéménites, embrassant dans une même vision
la préservation des livres manuscrits, des imprimés et celle des antiquités. Il est à
l’origine de la naissance du musée National, du musée des Arts et Traditions popu-
laires et de la Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt, à Sanaa, du musée de Ẓafār Ḏū Raydān, de la préserva-
tion de sites archéologiques, à Maʾrib et Barāqiš.
Une mort vient malheureusement assombrir la commémoration de cette nais-
sance, celle d’un homme chaleureux et d’un collègue dont l’action patrimoniale sou-
tenue et efficace s’est inscrite dans la continuité des institutions patrimoniales. Il a
plus d’une fois relayé et appuyé les demandes et projets des manuscrits.
Ce numéro d’hommage contient exclusivement des articles sur des textes et
manuscrits du Yémen.

Nouvelles Chroniques ( ‫نقدم يف هذا العدد اجلديد من حوليات خمطوطات ال مين – السلسةل اجلديدة‬
‫ ا ألول مكرس ذلكرى املئة عام لوالدة القايض اسامعيل عيل‬: ‫) تكرميًا مزدو ًجا‬du manuscrit au Yémen
‫ والثاين مكرس لزميلنا الغايل ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد‬،١٩٢٠ ‫الأكوع يف مدينة ذمار يف ا ألول من مارس عام‬
‫ يف‬،٢٠٢٠ ‫ أأغسطس‬١٠ ‫ يف‬،‫ اذلي وافته املنية جفأأة‬،‫ رئيس الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف‬،‫الس ياين‬
.‫صنعاء‬
‫) مت سابق ًا نعي وفاة القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع يف‬٧ ‫يف حوليات خمطوطات ال مين (العدد‬
‫ قسم‬،٢٠٠٩ ‫ بقمل زميلنا الاس تاذ محمد عبد الرحمي جازم (يناير‬،٢٠٠٨ ‫ ترشين ا ألول‬٢١ ‫صنعاء يف‬
‫ شغر القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع عىل التوايل منصب‬.)http://cmy.revues.org/1877 ،‫ا ألخبار‬
‫ الهيئة العامة‬١٩٧٣ ‫ واليت أأصبحت عام‬،١٩٦٩ ‫رئيس مصلحة الآاثر اليت أأنشئت مبرسوم مجهوري عام‬
‫ ترك القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع بصمة ال‬.‫ واليوم الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف‬،‫للآاثر ودور الكتب‬
‫ حيث مجع بنفس الرؤية احلفاظ عىل اخملطوطات‬،‫متحى عىل نشوء املؤسسات الرتاثية والثقافية المينية‬
‫ يعود هل أأيض ًا الفضل الكبري بنشاء املتحف الوطين‬.‫والكتب املطبوعة و أأيض ًا عىل الآاثر مبعناها الشامل‬
‫ وايض ًا قراره‬،‫ومتحف الفنون والتقاليد الشعبية ودار اخملطوطات بصنعاء ومتحف ظفار ذو ريدان‬
.‫بحملافظة عىل املواقع ا ألثرية يف مأأرب وبراقش‬
‫خيمي احلزن علينا اليوم يف ذكرى احياء اذلكرى املئوية مليالد القايض اسامعيل عيل‬ ّ ‫لسوء احلظ‬
،‫ اذلي اكن صديق ًا محميً ذي صدر رحب‬،‫ وذكل بسبب وفاة ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين املفاجئة‬،‫الأكوع‬
‫واذلي يعترب اجنازه ا ألثري اجلاد والفعال جزء من اس مترارية املؤسسات املهمتة بلرتاث ا ألثري والثقايف يف‬
‫المين‪ ،‬فمل يتوان ابدا بدمع مشاريع التوثيق واحلفاظ عىل اخملطوطات المينية‪.‬‬
‫يتوي هذا العدد حرص ًا عىل مقاالت حول المين‪.‬‬

‫د‪ .‬أآن ريغورد‬ ‫‪Anne Regourd‬‬


‫مديرة حوليات خمطوطات ال مين – السلسةل اجلديدة‬ ‫‪Pour les nCmY‬‬
Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen 10 Janvier 2020

Sommaire
Éditorial ..............................................................................................................................................................................4

Hommages Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ – Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī ‫ تكرمي القايض اسامعيل عيل‬: ‫متهيد‬
‫ أالكوع — ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين‬.......................................................................................................................4
Actualités ............................................................................................................................................................................1

Obituaire / ‫نعي وفاة‬................................................................................................................................................... 1


Yémen......................................................................................................................................................................... 6
Épigraphie ............................................................................................................................................................... 25
Abou Dhabi............................................................................................................................................................. 25
Arabie ....................................................................................................................................................................... 27
Épigraphie ............................................................................................................................................................... 28
Dubeï ........................................................................................................................................................................ 28
Golfe........................................................................................................................................................................... 31
Oman ........................................................................................................................................................................ 32
Qatar ..........................................................................................................................................................................37
Océan Indien & golfe d’Aden ............................................................................................................................ 39
Actualités internationales .................................................................................................................................. 40
Revue de presse ..................................................................................................................................................... 42
Encart : project of publication ........................................................................................................................... 51
Research of the philological notes from The Arabian Journey 1761–1767 Peter Forsskål’s
zoological notes and F. C. von Haven’s linguistical notes
Philippe Provençal (Natural History Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen) ................................... 51

Articles ..............................................................................................................................................................................58

Note on a Steelyard Balance in an Arabic Manuscript in Hebrew Characters from Yemen


Mohammed Abattouy (Doha Historical Dictionary of Arabic The Arab Centre for Research and
Policy Studies, Doha) with the collaboration of Gabriele Ferrario (University of Bologna) ........ 58

“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa) by al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ: Editio Princeps of a


Treatise on Miscellaneous Theological Topics
Mostafa Ahmadi (Independent Researcher), Hassan Ansari (Institute for Advanced Study,
Princeton, NJ), Jan Thiele (Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo,
CSIC, Madrid)......................................................................................................................................................... 76

A polythematic work from the Rasūlid era: The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ
(d. 837/1433) in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Kinga Dévényi (Corvinus University of Budapest) ....................................................................................107

Chroniques de manuscrits : note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman et autres œuvres du


muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī
Anne Regourd (CNRS, UMR 7192, Paris) ........................................................................................................ 131

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020)


nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020)
‫‪Actualités‬‬

‫‪Actualités‬‬
‫)‪(période de janvier à juin 2020‬‬

‫‪Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen = nCmY‬‬


‫?‪Comment citer les Actualités ?/How to refer to the News‬‬
‫‪Avec date/With date‬‬
‫>‪CmY 18 (Juil. 2014), Actualités, <26 avril 2014‬‬
‫‪CmY 19 Nouvelles séries/New Series (Janv. 2015), Actualités, <Décembre 2014>, p. 25.‬‬
‫‪nCmY 10/29 (Janv. 2020), Actualités, <14 décembre 2019>, p. 22.‬‬
‫‪Sans date/Without date‬‬
‫‪CmY 18 (Juil. 2014), Actualités, <Oman. Activités de l’Organisation des Archives Nationales du‬‬
‫>‪Sultanat d’Oman‬‬
‫‪CmY 19 Nouvelles séries/New Series (Janv. 2015), Actualités, <Nouvelle série « Studies on Iba-‬‬
‫‪dism and Oman »>, p. 39.‬‬
‫‪nCmY 10/29 (Janv. 2020), Actualités, <Fahāris Tāǧ al-ʿarūs>, p. 22.‬‬
‫‪N.d.l.R.‬‬

‫نعي وفاة ‪OBITUAIRE /‬‬


‫ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين‬
‫(‪)٢٠٢٠-١٩٦٢‬‬
‫لقد فقد عامل الثقافة والرتاث والآاثر المينية جفأأة ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين اذلي اكن ممتزيا بلطفه وكرمه‬
‫وبعواطفه النبيةل واذلي اكن أأنشط حمام وسفري للرتاث ا ألثري والثقايف الميين يف املنابر ادلولية‪.‬‬
‫خترج الس يد همند أأمحد الس ياين من قسم الآاثر يف جامعة صنعاء‪ ،‬وقد كرس حياته املهنية بأأمكلها‬
‫خلدمة الآاثر المينية‪ ،‬حيث معل منذ منتصف التسعينيات مع الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف‪ ،‬حيث اكن‬
‫مدير ًا للآاثر يف حمافظة صنعاء وملدة عقدين (‪ ،)٢٠١٤-١٩٩٤‬توىل ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين‪ ،‬من‬
‫قرية بيت الس ياين يف جنوب صنعاء‪ ،‬منصب رئيس الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف منذ عام ‪.٢٠١٤‬‬
‫بذل همند أأمحد الس ياين أأقىص هجوده وبلوسائل املتاحة مكدير للآاثر مبحافظة صنعاء محلاية‬
‫وصيانة الرتاث ا ألثري املهدد للخطر‪ ،‬يف منطقة حيث غال ًبا توجد املواقع واملعامل التارخيية يف وسط املناطق‬
‫السكنية‪.‬‬
‫عىل سبيل املثال ال احلرص‪ ،‬هذه بعض الاجنازات اليت تركت أأثرا يف مسرية معل املرحوم همند‬
‫أأمحد الس ياين‪ ،‬دعوان نستشهد حبفرايت االنقاذ يف مقربة قدمية يف يح شعوب – مدينة شعوب قدميا –‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬


‫‪Actualités‬‬

‫يف شامل رشق صنعاء‪ ،‬واليت تعود اىل القرون ا ألوىل من العرص امليالدي‪ ،‬واذلي مت اجراؤه مع فريق من‬
‫املعهد ا ألملاين للآاثر يف صنعاء (‪.1)٢٠٠٣-١٩٩٩‬‬
‫كام جيب أأن نذكر هنا معلية حفرايت انقاذ أأخرى (‪ )٢٠٠٣-٢٠٠٢‬نفذهتا الهيئة العامة للآاثر‬
‫واملتاحف بلتعاون مع جامعة صنعاء يف قرية مقوةل جنوب صنعاء‪ ،‬فباالضافة اىل عرشات النقوش املكتوبة‬
‫عىل عسب النخيل عرث علهيا مواطن داخل جرة‪ ،‬مت العثور عىل عدة أأواين مزنلية خفارية و أأيضا عىل‬
‫اساسات ابنية قدمية وبقااي صوامع الغالل وكذكل قبور عديدة‪.2‬‬
‫كام ندين للمرحوم همند امحد الس ياين اجناز جرد لعرشات املواقع ا ألثرية يف منطقة بين مطر غرب‬
‫وجنوب‪-‬غرب صنعاء‪ ،‬مما سامه بتحديد اترخي بقااي املباين القدمية و أأيضا بقااي نظام الري اىل بداايت العهد‬
‫امليالدي‪.3‬‬
‫دبلومايس بلفطرة‪ ،‬عني املرحوم همند أأمحد الس ياين منسقا للمعرض ادلوار ‪ :‬ال مين‪ ،‬يف أأرض‬
‫ملكة س ب أأ‪ ،‬اذلي افتتح يف معهد العامل العريب بباريس (‪.4)٢٠٠٧-١٩٩٧‬‬
‫عندما انهتت ول ألسف س نوات الازدهار يف جمال محالت الآاثر الوقائية واحلفرايت ا ألثرية‬
‫العلمية يف املواقع الاثرية المينية يف عام ‪ ،٢٠١٠‬جاءت فرتة الس يد همند الس ياين كرئيس للهيئة العامة‬
‫للآاثر واملتاحف مع خلفية الرصاعات المينية واالقلميية‪ .‬يف وقت تعصف بلبالد منذ عام ‪ ٢٠١٥‬حاةل‬
‫عريب تقوده السعودية ويدمعه الغرب‪،‬‬ ‫حرب مأأساوية وعقمية‪ ،‬يتنازع فهيا من الطرف الاول حتالف ً‬
‫والطرف الآخر احلوثيون اذلين اس تولوا عىل السلطة ومل يعرتفوا ال بحلكومة القامئة وال بلرئيس املؤقت‪.‬‬
‫بلرمغ من هذا الوضع االنساين املؤمل والاقتصادي الصعب اذلي مير به المين واذلي أأدى اىل‬
‫الفقر واملرض والبؤس‪ ،‬ومع قةل املوارد والسلطة احملدودة للهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف‪ ،‬اس تطاع املرحوم‬

‫‪1‬‬
‫‪Burkhard Vogt & Iris Gerlach, « Bericht über die Notgrabungen im Friedhof Shaʿūb », ABADY IX, 2002,‬‬
‫‪p. 185-204, pl. 1-22 ; Norbert Nebes, « Ein beschrifteter Goldanhänger aus dem Friedhof von Saub »,‬‬
‫‪Archäologische Berichte aus dem Yemen 9, 2002, p. 227-233.‬‬
‫انظر أأيض ًا بللغة العربية‪ ،‬بوراكرت فوجت و ايريس جرالخ‪" ،‬شعوب ‪ :‬حفرايت طارئة يف مقربو محريية قدمية بصنعاء"‪ ،‬املس ند ‪،٢‬‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠٤‬ص ‪ ،٦٨-٦٤‬ايريس جرالخ و هوجلر هيتجن‪" ،‬عادات ادلفن يف الفرتة امحلريية امليكرة‪ .‬حفرايت مقربة شعوب (صنعاء)"‪،‬‬
‫صاحل برصة وأآخرون‪ ،‬صنعاء احلضارة والتارخي‪ ،‬املؤمتر ادلويل اخلامس للحضارة المينية‪ ،‬صنعاء‪ ،٢٠٠٥ ،‬اجملدل ا ألول‪ ،‬ص ‪٤٥٥-٤٤٥‬‬
‫واللوحات ص ‪.٤٦٣-٤٥٦‬‬
‫آ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫أ‬ ‫آ‬
‫‪ 2‬انظر التقرير الاويل يف جمةل ا هيئة العامة للاثر واملتاحف‪" ،‬تقرير أعامل املسح وا تنقيب الاثري يف موقع مقوةل"‪ ،‬املس ند ‪،١‬‬
‫ل‬
‫‪ ،٢٠٠١‬ص ‪ ،٥٣-٥٢‬وراجع ايضا عبد الغين سعيد الرشعيب‪" ،‬منحواتت ونقوش من مقوةل حمفوظة مبتحف قسم الآاثر بلكية الآداب‬
‫جامعة صنعاء"‪ ،‬صاحل برصة وأآخرون‪ ،‬صنعاء احلضارة والتارخي‪ ،‬ص ‪ ،٢١٥-٢٠٣‬اللوحات ص ‪.٢٢١-٢١٦‬‬
‫‪ 3‬مت ادخال هذه البياانت بأأمكلها يف قاعدة بياانت املواقع ا ألثرية يف المين‪ ،‬واليت يوجد مهنا نسخة لالضطالع يف الهيئة العامة للآاثر‬
‫واملتاحف بصنعاء‪.‬‬
‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫آ‬
‫‪ 4‬انظر همند أأمحد الس ياين‪" ،‬اقامة املعارض اخلارجية‪ .‬معرض الاثر ا مينية ‪ :‬ا مين أأرض مملكة س بأأ"‪ ،‬املتحف ا ميين ‪ ،٢٠٠٧ ،١‬ص‬
‫‪.٤٩-٤٧‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬


‫‪Actualités‬‬

‫همند أأمحد الس ياين عىل حشد الر أأي العام ادلويل من خالل انقاذ ما ميكن أأن انقاذه‪ .‬لقد أأثبت املرحوم‬
‫الس ياين يف هذه الظروف الصعبة حق ًا بأأنه سفري الرتاث الميين دلى الهيئات واملنظامت ادلولية‪ ،‬وال س مي‬
‫اليونسكو‪ ،‬بلتعاون مع رؤساء البعثات ا ألثرية ا ألجنبية العلمية (فرنسا‪ ،‬أأملانيا‪ ،‬ايطاليا‪ ،‬روس يا‪ ،‬الوالايت‬
‫املتحدة)‪ ،‬اذلين اكنوا ينفذون منذ فرتة طويةل مشاريع املسح والتنقيب بلتعاون مع الهيئة العامة للآاثر‬
‫واملتاحف‪.‬‬
‫جنح املفاوض البارز املرحوم همند أأمحد الس ياين يف وضع قامئة بملواقع ا ألثرية يف المين واليت تأأثرت‬
‫بحلرب أأو املعرضة للخطر وذكل يف حاةل الطوارئ ويف خضم الرصاع يف عام ‪ .٢٠١٦‬جيب أأن نتذكر هنا‬
‫أأنه يف وقت السالم‪ ،‬اكن من الصعب الوصول اىل عدة مناطق يف المين مهنا وادي اجلوف ووادي حريب‬
‫جنوب مأأرب حىت ملندويب الهيئة‪ ،‬والآن املهمة أأصبحت أأكرث صعوبة يف حاةل الفوىض اليت ترعرعت‬
‫بسبب الرصاعات واحلروب ‪ :‬أأصبح تدمري املواقع والهنب والاجتار بلآاثر ل ألسف أأ ًمرا شائ ًعا‪ .‬أأسهم‬
‫التعاون الوثيق بني جامعات أأكسفورد (‪ )Oxford‬ودورهام (‪ )Durham‬وليسرت (‪ )Leicester‬واملركز‬
‫الوطين للبحث العلمي الفرنيس بباريس بجناز خريطة أأثرية عىل شلك قاعدة بياانت تغطي مجيع املواقع‬
‫ا ألثرية يف المين (االسالمية مهنا وقبل االسالم)‪ ،‬واليت مت ابالغها اىل اليونسكو يف عام ‪ ،٢٠١٦‬الرسالها‬
‫اىل ادلول املشاركة يف الرصاع‪ .‬بالضافة اىل ذكل مت جرد املواقع ا ألثرية املهددة بالنقراض‪ ،‬متكن املرحوم‬
‫همند أأمحد الس ياين من حشد املتربعني لتلبية احتياجات املتاحف‪ ،‬اليت تعرض بعضها ألرضار أأو ادلمار‪،‬‬
‫مثل متحف مدينة ذمار‪.‬‬
‫شارك الاس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين يف مؤمترات دولية كثرية حول حامية الرتاث الثقايف الميين‬
‫وأآخر هذه املؤمترات ادلولية اللقاء السبيئ اذلي عُقد مؤخرا يف تولوز (‪ )Toulouse‬وبريس يف عايم‬
‫‪٢٠١٧‬و ‪ ،٢٠١٨‬واكن املرحوم ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين يدعو دامئًا اىل الوقف الفوري للزناع وطلب‬
‫مساعدة كبرية للحفاظ عىل مجموعات القطع الاثرية يف املتاحف و أأيضا حامية املواقع ا ألثرية املهددة‬
‫بالنقراض‪.5‬‬
‫يف شهر أأغسطس املايض‪ ،‬قبل وفاته املفاجئة يف ‪ ١٠‬أأغسطس ‪ ،٢٠٢٠‬أأطلق الس يد همند‬
‫أأمحد الس ياين محةل النقاذ مدينة صنعاء القدمية واحلفاظ علهيا‪ ،‬املدرجة عىل قامئة اليونسكو للرتاث العاملي‪،‬‬
‫وذكل بسبب هطول أأمطار غزيرة أأدت اىل اهنيار عدة منازل اترخيية مسكونة‪.‬‬

‫‪5‬‬
‫‪Al-Siyyānī, Muhannad Aḥmad, « Risks of War on Yemeni Cultural Heritage », dans : Jean-François Bre-‬‬
‫‪ton & François Villeneuve (dir.), La guerre en Arabie antique. Actes des 22e Rencontres sabéennes, Paris 21-‬‬
‫‪23 juin 2018, Koweït/Paris, CEFAS & Geuthner, 2019, p. 259-264 ; id., « Risks and Damage to the Cultural‬‬
‫‪Heritage in Yemen », dans : Christian Darles, Lamya Khalidi & Mounir Arbach (dir.), Contacts between‬‬
‫‪South Arabia and the Horn of Africa, from Bronze Age to Islam, Actes des 21e Rencontres sabéennes, Tou-‬‬
‫‪louse 8-10 juin 2017, sous presse.‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬


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‫ ليس فقط بسبب خشصيته‬،‫كبريا‬ ً ‫سوف ترتك وفاة ا ألس تاذ همند أأمحد الس ياين املفاجئة فراغًا‬
‫ بل وبشلك خاص بفضل ادارته املمتازة واحلكمية للهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف يف وقت‬،‫اللطيفة والفذة‬
‫ حيث أأصبح املدنيون المينيون‬،‫الزناعات واحلروب اذلي مير فهيا المين يف أأوقات عصيبة وصعبة جدا‬
.‫مس احلاجة اىل امحلاية والوقاية يف أأكرث من أأي وقت مىض‬
ّ ‫والرتاث الميين العريق يف أأ‬
‫ منري عربش‬.‫ د‬.‫أأ‬
.‫ فرنسا‬،‫ ليون‬،‫مدير حبوث – املركز الوطين للبحث العلمي – مركز الرشق واملتوسط‬

Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī


(1962-2020)
Le monde de la culture et des antiquités yéménites vient de perdre Muhannad Aḥmad
al-Siyyānī, qui était un homme élégant, plein de sympathie et un fervent défenseur du
patrimoine archéologique et culturel yéménite. Diplômé du Département
d’Archéologie de l’Université de Sanaa, M. al-Siyyānī a consacré toute sa carrière au
service des antiquités yéménites, exerçant depuis le milieu des années 1990, au sein de
General Organization for Antiquities and Museums (connu sous l’acronyme GOAM).
Après avoir été Directeur des antiquités de la région de Sanaa, M. al-Siyyānī, ori-
ginaire du village de Bayt al-Siyyānī au sud de Sanaa, occupait depuis 2014, le poste de
Président du GOAM. Durant deux décennies (1994-2014), M. al-Siyyānī a œuvré avec
les moyens du bord, en tant que Directeur des Antiquités du Gouvernorat de Sanaa, à
la protection et à la sauvegarde du patrimoine archéologique en péril, dans une région
où les sites et les monuments historiques se trouvent souvent au milieu de zones ur-
baines. Pour ne citer que quelques opérations qui ont marqué la carrière de M. al-
Siyyānī, citons la fouille de sauvetage d’une ancienne nécropole de l’actuel quartier de
Šaʿūb au nord-est de Sanaa, datant des premiers siècles de l’ère chrétienne, réalisée
avec une équipe allemande de la Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Ṣanʿāʾ (DAI)
(1999-2003)6. Nous devons également signaler ici une autre opération de fouille de
sauvetage (2002-2003) menée par le GOAM et l’Université de Sanaa à Maqwala de
Sanḥān, au sud de Sanaa, où ont été découverts, outre des centaines d’inscriptions
gravées sur des bâtonnets en bois de palmier trouvés dans une jarre par un habitant,
des dizaines de récipients domestiques en poterie, des structures et des restes de silos

6
Burkhard Vogt & Iris Gerlach, « Bericht über die Notgrabungen im Friedhof Shaʿūb », ABADY IX, 2002,
p. 185-204, pl. 1-22 [trad. arabe publiée dans Al-musnad 2, 2004, p. 64-68] ; Norbert Nebes, « Ein
beschrifteter Goldanhänger aus dem Friedhof von Saub », Archäologische Berichte aus dem Yemen 9,
2002, p. 227-233 ; Iris Gerlach & Holger Hitgen, « ʿĀdāt al-dafn fī al-fatra al-ḥimyariyya al-mubakkira.
Ḥafriyyat maqbarat Šaʿūb (Ṣanʿāʾ) », dans : Ṣāliḥ ʿAlī Bāṣurra et al. (éd.), Ṣanʿāʾ al-ḥaḍāra wa-al-taʾrīḫ. Al-
muʾtamar al-duwalī al-ḫāmis li-al-ḥaḍāra al-yamaniyya, vol. 1, Sanaa, 2005, p. 445-455 et pl. p. 456-463.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 4


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à grains ainsi que des tombes7. C’est à M. al-Siyyānī que nous devons également la réa-
lisation d’un inventaire d’une dizaine de sites archéologiques dans la région de Banī
Maṭar, à l’ouest et au sud-ouest de Sanaa, qui a permis l’identification des structures
antiques d’habitat et des vestiges d’un système d’irrigation datant également des dé-
buts de l’ère chrétienne8. Diplomate inné, M. al-Siyyānī a été nommé coordinateur de
l’exposition tournante : Yémen. Au pays de la reine de Saba, à l’Institut du monde arabe
(IMA, 1997-2007)9.
Les années fastes de l’archéologie préventive et des fouilles archéologiques au
Yémen ont malheureusement pris fin à partir des années 2010. Le mandat de M. al-
Siyyānī à la présidence du GOAM est intervenu dans un contexte marqué par des con-
flits yéménites et régionaux. Une situation tragique et inextricable de guerre qui ravage
le pays depuis 2015, opposant d’un côté, une coalition arabe dirigée par l’Arabie saou-
dite et soutenue par l’Occident et, de l’autre, les Houthis qui ont pris le pouvoir en ne
reconnaissant ni le Gouvernement en place, ni le Président par intérim. En dépit de
cette situation humanitaire et économique provocant pauvreté, maladies et misère,
avec peu de moyens et le pouvoir limité du GOAM, M. al-Siyyānī a su mobiliser
l’opinion publique internationale en sauvant ce qui pouvait l’être. À ce titre il a réelle-
ment été l’ambassadeur du patrimoine yéménite auprès des instances et organisations
internationales, notamment l’UNESCO, en collaboration avec les responsables des
missions archéologiques étrangères (France, Allemagne, Italie, Russie, États-Unis), qui
avaient, de longue date, des chantiers de fouilles et de coopération avec le GOAM. Né-
gociateur hors pair, M. al-Siyyānī est parvenu à dresser, en urgence et en plein conflit
en 2016, une liste des sites archéologiques préislamiques et islamiques touchés par la
guerre ou en péril. Faut-il rappeler ici qu’en temps de paix, plusieurs régions du Yé-
men, telles al-Ǧawf ou Ḥarīb, au sud de Maʾrib, étaient difficiles d’accès, même aux re-
présentants du GOAM. La tâche est considérablement plus difficile dans le chaos né
des conflits et de la guerre : destruction des sites, pillages et trafics sont devenus hélas
monnaie courante. Une collaboration étroite entre les universités d’Oxford, Durham et
Leicester, le CNRS et le GOAM a permis la réalisation d’une carte archéologique en
forme de base de données couvrant la totalité des sites archéologiques du Yémen, qui a
été communiquée à l’UNESCO en 2016, afin qu’elle soit transmise aux belligérants.
Outre l’inventaire des sites archéologiques en péril, M. al-Siyyānī a su mobiliser des
donateurs pour subvenir aux besoins des musées dont certains ont été atteints ou dé-
truits, tel celui de Ḏamār. Invité aux dernières Rencontres sabéennes qui se sont te-
nues à Toulouse et à Paris en 2017 et 2018, M. al-Siyyānī a toujours plaidé pour l’arrêt

7
Les découvertes de Maqwala ont été annoncées par l’équipe du GOAM dans : « Taqrīr aʿmāl al-masḥ
wa-al-tanqīb al-aṯārī fī mawqiʿ Maqwala », Al-musnad 1, 2001, p. 52-53. Voir également ʿAbd al-Ġanī Saʿīd
al-Šarʿabī, « Manḥūtāt wa-nuqūš min Maqwala maḥfūẓa bi-matḥaf Qism al-āṯār bi-Kulliyyat al-adāb
Ǧāmiʿat Ṣan‘āʾ », Ṣanʿāʾ al-ḥaḍāra wa-al-taʾrīḫ, vol. 1, Sanaa, 2005, p. 203-215 et pl. p. 216-221.
8
Ces données ont été intégrées dans la base de données des sites archéologiques du Yémen, dont une
copie est consultable au GOAM, Sanaa.
9
Voir M. A. al-Siyyānī, « Iqāmat al-maʾāriḍ al-ḫāriǧiyya. Maʿraḍ al-āṯār al-yamaniyya : al-Yaman arḍ
mamlakat Sabaʾ », Al-matḥaf al-yamanī 1, 2007, p. 47-49.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 5


Actualités

immédiat du conflit et demandé des aides substantielles pour la préservation des col-
lections des musées et la protection de sites en péril10.
Au mois d’août, précédant son décès prématuré survenu le 10 août 2020, M. al-
Siyyānī avait lancé une campagne de sauvetage et de préservation de la vieille ville de
Sanaa, alors classée sur la liste du patrimoine de l’UNESCO, parce qu’elle avait été tou-
chée par de fortes pluies causant l’effondrement de plusieurs maisons.
Le décès de Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī laissera un grand vide, non seulement
du fait de son charisme personnel, mais tout particulièrement pour son excellente ges-
tion des antiquités yéménites en temps de conflits, au moment où le Yémen vit des
temps difficiles et où la population civile et le patrimoine yéménite ont plus que ja-
mais besoin de protection, de sauvegarde et de préservation.
Mounir Arbach
Directeur de recherche
CNRS, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, UMR 5133 Archéorient, Lyon

YÉMEN
2011. Maher Jarrar, « Ibn Abī Yaḥyā: A Controversial Medinan Akhbārī of the 2nd/8th
Century », The Transmission and Dynamics of the Textual Sources of Islam: Essays in
Honour of Harald Motzki, Leiden/Boston, E. J. Brill, pp. 197–227.
This book chapter is devoted to the figure of the muḥaddiṯ and aḫbārī Ibn Abī Yaḥyā
(d. 184/800). Ibn Abī Yaḥyā was a controversial personage who lived during the for-
mation of the rival orthodoxies in Medina and the Zaydi revolts. In spite of his Šīʿī
tendencies, according to some Sunnī sources (al-Ḫatīḅ al-Baġdādī (d. 463/1071), Taʾrīḫ
Baġdād, Beirut, 1997, vol. 3, p. 222; Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 572/1176), Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq, Bei-
rut, 1995–2000, vol. 54, p. 451), al-Wāqidī (d. 207/822) allegedly used a maġāzī book by
Ibn Abī Yaḥyā without giving him credit. This fact led Maher Jarrar to examine the
aḫbār material attributed to Ibn Abī Yaḥyā, task which was not accomplished by the
author without difficulties, given the various ways in which Ibn Abī Yaḥyā is referred to
in the sources, the lack of preserved works compiled by him, the problems in actually
distinguishing the aḫbār/maġāzī material from the aḥādīṯ belonging to legal chapters,
etc.

10
Cf. M. A. al-Siyyānī, « Risks of War on Yemeni Cultural Heritage », dans : Jean-François Breton & Fran-
çois Villeneuve (dir.), La guerre en Arabie antique. Actes des 22e Rencontres sabéennes, Paris 21-23 juin
2018, Koweït/Paris, CEFAS & Geuthner, 2019, p. 259-264 ; « Risks and Damage to the Cultural Heritage in
Yemen », dans Christian Darles, Lamya Khalidi & Mounir Arbach (dir.), Contacts between South Arabia
and the Horn of Africa, from Bronze Age to Islam, Actes des 21e Rencontres sabéennes, Toulouse 8-10 juin
2017, sous presse.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 6


Actualités

According to Jarrar, with the exception of Ibn Abī Yaḥyā’s disciples, al-Šāfiʿī
(d. 204/819) and Ibn ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī (d. 211/827) (who was author of the
Kitāb al-muṣannaf, a ḥadīṯ compilation which was excluded from the canon), Sunnī
scholars undermined Ibn Abī Yaḥyā’s status and, on their part, Šīʿī scholars, while
keeping a “honourable memory” of his legacy, did not actually preserve it, probably be-
cause they were not sure of which Šīʿī group was Ibn Abī Yaḥyā ascribed to.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004206786_012
https://www.academia.edu/38228271/Jarrar_Ibn_Abi_Yahya_pdf

2011. Tahera Qutbuddin, « Fatimid Aspirations of Conquest and Doctrinal Under-


pinnings in the Poetry of al-Qāʾim bi-Amr Allāh, Ibn Hāniʾ al-Andalusī, Amīr Tamīm
b. al-Muʿizz, and al-Muʾayyad al-Shīrāzī », in: Ramzi Baalbaki, Saleh Said Agha & Ta-
rif Khalidi (eds), Poetry and History. The Value of Poetry in Reconstructing Arab His-
tory, Beirut, American University of Beirut Press, pp. 195–246.
Poetry is employed by Qutbuddin in this book chapter as the central resource—
alongside traditional sources—for the study of the Fatimid ideological context in dif-
ferent periods of the caliphate. The panegyrics have been used along history as a
means of legitimation of the ruling parties and, as such, they orally confront enemies,
proselytize and elevates the hopes of the followers, as Qutbuddin points out. After the
verses by pre-Empire poets, which give valuable information on the establishment of
the Fatimid Empire in North Africa, Qutbuddin analyzes the production of four major
poets the names of whom are mentioned in the title.
The overall picture offered by the examined poetry reflects the Fatimid will of expan-
sion all over the Islamic territory and several specific steps that they should follow in
order to be successful in their expansionist purposes.
The phases of the Fatimid expansion exposed in this paper include the consolidation
of the North African empire, the campaigns to Egypt under the rule of al-Mahdī bi-
Allāh (r. 297–322/910–934), the Fatimid conquest of Egypt and their dominion over Sy-
ro-Palestine and parts of the Ḥiǧāz and Yemen under the rule of al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh
(r. 342–365/953–975), the pretensions of al-ʿAzīz bi-Allāh (r. 365–386/975–996) over the
holy places, due to their symbolic value, and finally, the period of apogee and decline
under the rule of al-Mustanṣir bi-Allāh (r. 427–487/1036–1094).
Given the absence of mentions in the analyzed texts, Qutbuddin attributes the appar-
ent lack of interest of the Fatimids in al-Andalus to its peripheral geographical situa-
tion, although some scholars have argued that Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 378/988), for instance,
was a spy sent to al-Andalus by the Fatimids. On the other hand, according to Qutbud-
din, the Western and North-Western areas of India were object of a secret Fatimid mis-
sion supervised by the daʿwa in Yemen.
https://www.academia.edu/15729826/_Fatimid_Aspirations_of_Conquest_and_Doctrin
al_Underpinnings_in_the_Poetry_of_al_Q%C4%81%CA%BEim_bi_Amr_All%C4%81h_Ibn
_H%C4%81ni%CA%BE_al_Andalus%C4%AB_Am%C4%ABr_Tam%C4%ABm_b_al_Mu%CA
%BFizz_and_al_Mu%CA%BEayyad_al_Sh%C4%ABr%C4%81z%C4%AB_

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 7


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2012. James Robin King, « Zaydī revival in a hostile republic: Competing identities,
loyalties and visions of state in Republican Yemen », Arabica 59, pp. 404–445.
James King focuses in this paper in a group of Zaydi scholar-activists operating in
Yemen in the 21st century, mainly from 2004, when the Ḥūṯī conflict took place (a
prominent Zaydi sayyid family which headed the local resistance against the Ṣāliḥ re-
gime) and the popular revolution in 2011. From the information obtained in several
fieldwork missions performed between 2007 and 2010, and from the treatise by the
Zaydi scholar ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl Ḥamīd al-Dīn entitled Al-Zaydiyya:
Qirāʾa fī al-mašrūʿ wa-baḥṯ fī al-mukawwināt, King presents a complete picture on this
group, the main objective of which is the instauration of the Zaydi maḏhab in a demo-
cratic republican state.
Zaydis do not conform a united community in Yemen, and the groups that share this
label defend different doctrinal and political approaches, but their history is the same;
along centuries, Zaydism has been marginalized and diluted in the Sunni—anti-
maḏhab—traditionalist approach, which promoted the return to the Qurʾan and the
hadith as the only valid sources of law and prescinded of the Zaydi rationalist theology
and taqlīd, i.e. imitation of the doctrine of previous ʿulamāʾ of a determinate maḏhab
for the elaboration of legal rules. However, the presence of this group of activists stud-
ied by King, as well as the existence of previous Zaydi organizations of resistance,
demonstrates that Zaydism has never completely surrendered.
The activities of this Zaydi group identified by King sought freedom and self-
determination through the revival of the Zaydi tradition in a challenging moment
which was characterized by ideological diversity, poverty and insecurity, as King pub-
lished his paper in 2012.
https://www.academia.edu/3673790/Zaydi_Revival_in_a_Hostile_Republic_Competing
_Identities_Loyalties_and_Visions_of_State_in_Republican_Yemen

2013. Nawazali A. Jiwa, « Addenda to Secondary Sources in Ismāʿīlī Studies: The Case
of the Omissions », MELA Notes. Journal of Middle Eastern Librarianship 86, pp. 20–
102.
This contribution aims to provide a complete account of the secondary sources in
Ismāʿīlī studies—published in Latin script up to the end of 2003—that are omitted in
the two main extant bibliographies (i. e. Nagib Tajdin’s A Bibliography of Ismailism and
Farhad Daftary’s Ismāʿīlī Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies). The data for
the completion of this useful contribution were gathered through several basic and
advanced search techniques from twenty general online catalogues, databases and dig-
ital resources, including Academia.edu, Google Books and Google Scholar, Index Islami-
cus, JSTOR, Library of the Congress Online Catalog, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, or
Regesta Imperii, just to mention some of them, and two resources specifically devoted
to the Ismāʿīlī studies: the AKU-ISMC and the Institute of Ismaili Studies Library Online
Public Access Catalog, and the First Ismaili Electronic Library and Database (FIELD).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 8


Actualités

Among the 615 publications listed by the author, three are especially noteworthy in re-
lation to the study of manuscripts produced in the Arabic Peninsula and the Indian
Ocean:
1) Blois, François de. 1984. “The Oldest Known Fāṭimid Manuscript from Yemen”,
Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 14, pp. 1–7.
2) Hayat, Khizr. 1990. “A Khojki Manuscript from Punjab”, in: Juma, Salim, &
Nagib Tajdin (eds), Proceedings of the S.O.S. [Save our Sources in] Khojki Confer-
ence: January 20th–21st, 1990 Toronto–Canada, Montreal, The Heritage Society,
pp. 60–64.
3) Tajdin, Karima. 1990. “An Indian Ismaili Manuscript at the Turn of the 19th
Century”, in: Juma, Salim, & Nagib Tajdin (eds), Proceedings of the S.O.S. [Save
our Sources in] Khojki Conference: January 20th–21st, 1990 Toronto–Canada, Mon-
treal, The Heritage Society, pp. 65–69.
https://www.academia.edu/8752690/Addenda_to_Secondary_Sources_in_Ism%C
4%81%CA%BF%C4%ABl%C4%AB_Studies_The_Case_of_the_Omissions

2015/1437. Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-
salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat sanat
566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat], mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al-šayḫ al-fāḍil
Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī aǧzala Allāh ṯawābahu
[kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H] aʿtanā bi-hi wa-ḍabaṭahu al-Duktūr Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir
al-Aḥmadī, Ṣanʿāʾ, Maṭbūʿāt Maǧmaʿ al-ʿarabiyya al-saʿīda, 673 p. [al-ṭabʿa al-ūlā].
L’auteur, Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʻfar al-Laḥǧī (vivant en 545/1150) et son livre
sont connus. Pour son édition du texte, Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī s’est appuyé
sur une copie du ms. 2449 de la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam
Muḥammad b. Saʿūd, 355 pages, datée du mercredi de la fin du mois de ḏū al-qaʿda
566/août 1171, qu’il a achetée à la Maktabat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya (p. 28). Pour une dis-
cussion sur les manuscrits d’Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, voir dans ce numéro
des nCmY, l’article d’Anne Regourd, « Chroniques de manuscrits : Note sur Aḫbār al-
Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman et autres œuvres du muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī », p. 131-146.
L’introduction de 25 pages, achevée par M. al-Aḥmadī le 8 octobre 2015, comprend les
sections suivantes : biographie de l’auteur (p. 5-10), son poème (p. 11-12), son rayonne-
ment (p. 13-15), ses maîtres (p. 16-21), une présentation de la Muṭarrifiyya (p. 22-27),
une description du manuscrit (p. 28-30), suivie de trois clichés, dont le feuillet du co-
lophon. L’ouvrage se clôt sur douze index, dont les deux derniers sont la bibliographie
ainsi que la table des index (p. 587-673). La quatrième partie de l’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī ap-
porte à notre connaissance du Yémen zaydite du ve/xie s.
http://arabiafelixacademy.org/node/10

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 9


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2019. Réimpression : Jahja b. al-Husain b. al-Muʾajjad al-Jamani’s, Anba az-Zaman fi


Ahbar al-Jaman/Anfänge des Zaiditentums in Jemen, edited by Mohamed Madi, Ber-
lin, De Gruyter, coll. “Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients”, 9,
1936, 32 pages arabe, 80 facsimilés. ISBN : 978-3-11-128318-0. PDF publié le 6 avril
2020. ISBN : 978-3-11-166789-8.
PDF des pages de titre et table des matières en accès libre.
https://www.degruyter.com/view/title/77099?fbclid=IwAR2aiiJ698VCzg2Y3CGpNgJSkP
qEdcHDummnBmjC0LazeogAQUO9AUpSe-Y

22-23 mai 2019. Berlin, Freie Universität. Journée d’étude « Jewish and Muslim En-
tangled Histories in Arabia, Yemen and the Indian Ocean »
Cette journée d’étude était organisée par Menashe Anzi (Ben Gurion University, Israël)
& Islam Dayeh (Freie Universität Berlin). Elle partait d’un constat, celui du tour pris
par les recherches récentes sur le Yémen, l’océan Indien et sur les histoires entremêlées
des Musulmans et des Juifs. Elles ont tendance à porter sur l’histoire sociale et poli-
tique du Yémen, mais incluent aussi la vie quotidienne et les aspects légaux à l’arrière-
plan du politique. La Journée partait du postulat que le regard porté sur les Juifs et le
judaïsme dans la pensée islamique, de même que dans la littérature juive, ouvrirait à

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 10


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une compréhension plus profonde non seulement de la relation entre les deux
groupes, mais aussi de la perception de ces écrivains et de leur position les uns envers
les autres. Une analyse prenant l’océan Indien pour cadre et tenant compte de la prise
de conscience des relations politiques et religieuses au début de l’ère moderne devait
alors permettre une meilleure compréhension des événements historiques.
Le thème général des Journées d’étude était donc l’Arabie et le Yémen dans le contexte
de l’océan Indien et de l’Empire ottoman avec un accent particulier mis sur les his-
toires intriquées des Juifs et des Musulmans. L’idée était de repenser les relations entre
Juifs et Musulmans sur le pourtour de l’océan Indien durant la période moderne. Outre
les organisateurs, deux autres communicants étaient invités, ces journées étant une
sorte de galop d’essai. Pour les nCmY, on notera les présentations de :
 Menashe Anzi, « The Qasimids, the Mughals, the Indian Ocean and the Jews: A
Re-Examination of the 1679 Events in Yemen » ;
 Islam Dayeh, « The Messianic Challenge to Qāsimī Leadership: Shabbatai Zvi
and the Fitna of al-Maḥṭūrī, the Magician » ;
 la double-intervention de Brinkley Messick (Columbia University), « Evidence of
Murder: Just, False and Discrediting Witnesses » et « The Anthropologist as Rea-
der », qui s’appuie sur son livre, Sharīʿa Scripts: A Historical Anthropology (Co-
lumbia, 2018, CmY Nouvelles séries 7/26 (Juillet 2018), Actualités, <2018>, p. 18)
en se concentrant sur les fondations ethnographiques du livre. Dans la ligne de
mire de B. Messick, les méthodes attachées à un nouveau genre de lecteur-
analyste (« analytic reader ») qu’il appelle un scientiste social humaniste (« a
humanistic social scientist »).
https://www.geschkult.fu-
berlin.de/e/semiarab/arabistik/Seminar/Termine/dayeh_workshop.html

November 14–17, 2019. New Orleans, US. Report of the 53th Annual meeting of the
Middle East Studies Association (MESA)
The last annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association was held at Sheraton
New Orleans Hotel, in New Orleans, from Thursday, November 14, to Sunday, Novem-
ber 17, 2019.
The Gulf countries played an important role in this edition of the MESA annual meet-
ing. Nevertheless, few papers dealt with pre-modern periods or employed historical
sources, whereas at least ten panels included talks specifically dealing with this region
in modern-day period, some of which being devoted to different topics (media, poli-
tics, arms trade, social issues, security challenges, economy, etc.) in relation to the Gulf
countries (GCC) as an entity. That is the case of the panels “The Gulf: Game of
Thrones”; “Rentierism and Power Dynamics in/of the Gulf Countries: Evolving
Nexuses”, organized by Emma Soubrier (Arab Gulf States Institute, Washington D. C.);
“Chequebooks or Change? Assessing Gulf Rentierism after the Arab Uprisings”, Geoff
Martin (University of Toronto, Canada); “The Gulf Regional Security Complex at 40”
(Emma Soubrier); “Gulf Technostates: Science, Modernity, and Expertise”, arranged by

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 11


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Natalie Koch (Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University,
New York); and “After the American Era: The New Regional Politics of the Middle East”.
On its part, the panel “Whither Islamic Finance: Beyond Conventional Banking?”, orga-
nized by Henry Clement Moore (University of Texas, Austin) included an interesting
paper on Islamic Banking in the GCC.
On specific regions, the panel “The Gulf: Politics and Society” included two talks about
social matters in Dubai, titled “Wouldn’t you want to live in a Dubai?” by Mai Alk-
hamissi (Princeton University, New Jersey) and “Make Dubai The Happiest City On
Earth” by Farah Atoui (McGill University, Montreal, Canada). Kuwait had its own panel
which included four talks dealing with technology, nationalism, and the Kuwaiti iden-
tity in relation to artistic creation, especially literature. It was titled “Society and Identi-
ty in Kuwait”. Two papers on the National Museum of Qatar were presented in the
panel “Archeology and Museumology”: “Images of Unity: The Use of Media in the New
Qatar National Museum” by Scott Curtis (Northwestern School of Communication, Ev-
anston, Illinois) and “I can’t get no satisfaction. The contested legacy of Sheikh Abdul-
lah bin Jassim’s palace and the National Museum of Qatar”, by Javier Guirado (Georgia
State University, Atlanta, Georgia). An interesting talk on slavery in Oman,
“https://mesana.org/mymesa/meeting_program_abs.php?pid=65fd4dd24527460d6bffb
249be32f508”, by Amal Sachedina (American University – Washington), is included in
the panel “Slaves as agents and free people as low-status dependents: the Ottoman and
post-Ottoman worlds”, organized by Suraiya Faroqhi (Ludwig-Maximilians University,
Munich, Germany), which also includes the talk “Documenting and regulating slaves
and bonded laborers in the Persian Gulf 1880s-1920s”, by Dina Rizk Khoury (Columbian
College of Arts and Sciences, Washington D. C.). Other panels included papers related
to Saudi Arabia such as “Beyond Cain and Abel: Saudi Arabia in the Crisis of 1958” by
Nathan Citino (Rice University, Houston, Texas); “Baghdad or Riyadh: The Struggle for
Islamist Support in the 1990s”, by Samuel Helfont (Naval Postgraduate School, Monte-
rey, California) and “Fighting for the Right to Play: Women’s Football and Rightful Re-
sistance in Saudi Arabia”, by Charlotte Lysa (University of Oslo, Norway).
Regarding Yemen, Daniel Martin Varisco (Qatar University) organized a panel titled
“From al-Hādī ilā al-Ḥaqq to Ḥusayn al-Ḥuthī: The Zaydi Phenomenon in Yemen”. Con-
trary to the previous panels, in which the focus of attention was put on modern and
contemporary times, this panel offered a historical picture of the origin and develop-
ment of the Zaydi sect from medieval to present-day times, showing a connection be-
tween past and present. One of the papers, by Najam Haider (Princeton University,
New Jersey), focused on the rebellion of Yaḥyā b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥasan b. Ḥasan b. ʿAlī b.
Abī Ṭālib (d. 187/803), as narrated in the Zaydi historiography. Afterwards Martin Var-
isco, organizer of the panel, talked about the situation of the Zaydi sect in times of the
Rasulid rule, 13th–15th. Finally, Alexander Weissenburger (Austrian Academy of Sci-
ences, Vienna, Austria) spoke about the current Ḥuṯī conflict. The colophon to these
papers was offered by the special session “Politics and Prospects for Peace and Recon-
struction in Yemen”.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 12


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Lastly, it is necessary to highlight the panel “Mobility as Method: Mapping Entangle-


ments Between the Gulf and the Indian Ocean”, organized by Lindsey Stephenson
(Princeton University, New Jersey). Mobility, not only as a means of transmitting
knowledge among different regions, but also as a social phenomenon and political
strategy, has increasingly raised scholarly attention in the last years within the field of
Islamic studies, as demonstrated by the several conferences celebrated in 2019 on this
topic. In particular, the study of the scholarly mobility in the Indian Ocean is becom-
ing a major field of studies in the last decades.

2020. Catalogue de manuscrits du Yémen mis en vente sur différents sites


Nous poursuivons ici l’œuvre de catalogage entreprise dans les CmY Nouvelles séries.
Les fiches suivent le modèle suivant :
1. date de vente ou de capture sur le net ; 2. nom du site ; 3. langue/écriture ; 4. descrip-
tion ; 5. image ; 6. accessibilité et vente

2014
1. 28 octobre ; 2. Winner’s relayé par bidspirit ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « LOT 391: The Taj.
Manuscript. Yemen 18th Century ». Détail : « Handwritten Taj. Book of Genesis-
Exodus with the Onkelos translation and Rashi commentary, verse by verse He-
brew to Aramaic translation. The source language has vowels, the translation has
accent marks. Yemen, 18th century. [253] leaves. 22 x 15 cm. The end is missing,
text to almost the end of the Torah portion Veyakel is present. At the beginning
of each Torah portion is an illustration, and at the end of each is a count of the
number of verses. As is known, there is great importance to the Aramaic transla-
tion. To this copier (sic?) it seems the precision of the phrasing is paramount,
and hence in one place he uses the translation from ‘Nuschat HaDrasha shel
Rabbi Netanel Birav Yeshayahu.’ It is possible that he meant the book ‘Maor
HaAfela’ that was first published by Rabbi Yosef Kapach (Jerusalem, 1957). Not
bound. The first pages of Genesis are damaged. Medium condition” ; 5. 1 image ;
6. vente close (mi-septembre 2020).
https://bidspirit.com/ui/lotPage/source/catalog/auction/191/lot/12194/The-
Taj-Manuscript-Yemen-18th-Century?lang=en

2020
1. 19 juillet (mise en vente) ; 2. Winner’s Unlimited - No. 101 ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Lot
378 Three manuscripts – Yemen. 19th Century ». Détail :
« * Agadata D’Pischa manuscript. The Haggadah begins with the words: ‘I will
begin to write the Pesach Haggadah in the merit of Avraham... happily and joy-
fully...’. With a chart with the symbols of the Seder. Fluent handwriting with in-
structions for the Haggadah, customs and a commentary based on the Kabba-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 13


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lah. The Haggadah ends with a colophon: ‘Completed on Sunday 4th Nissan the
year 229 l’shtarot’ [circa 1900]. 16 leaves written on both sides. 19 cm.
* A work of prayers and mizmorim in manuscript form - Yemen, 19th century.
* A ma’amar to be said before the Pesach Haggadah - Yemen. 3 pages in pleasant
handwriting.
Sizes and conditions vary, moderate-fine overall condition » ; 5. 2 images du
premier manuscrit, une image de chacun des deux autres, photos téléchar-
geables ; 6. Toujours en vente (mi-septembre).
https://winners-auctions.com/en/content/three-manuscripts-yemen-19th-
century
2. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Catawiki, nom du vendeur indiqué ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre :
« Restes de textes sacrés juifs manuscrits au Yémen - Collection de 7 – Papier,
Yémen – 1700–1800. LOT 21699331 », « État mauvais - présentant des dommages
significatifs, perte de texture d’origine ou de la solidité du matériel ». Détail :
« These are remains of a Yemen Jewish Holy Text Book which was handwritten
by “SOFER STAM” (A Jewish Copyist who can transcribe religious writings) dur-
ing the 18th century. Paper sheets have been damaged over the years by envi-
ronmental conditions such as humidity, radiation, dust and insects, and the
buyer will have to ensure proper storage in order to prevent further deteriora-
tion » ; 5. images, d’ensemble et individuelles ; 6. vendu.
https://www.catawiki.fr/l/21699331-restes-de-textes-sacres-juifs-manuscrits-au-
yemen-collection-de-7-papier
3. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Catawiki, nom du vendeur indiqué ; 3. Titre : « Manuscript; To-
rah scroll from Yemen: Numbers – 1880 LOT 38216173 ». Détail : « Bible, Judaica,
Manuscrits, Religion - Quantité : 1 – Manuscrit Torah Scroll Bible 1800-1900. A
rare find, from this location and age, the scroll has a beautiful reddish brown
colour like some scrolls that come from Yemen. This colour is due to the process
used in making the scroll, this process ages to a deeper colour over the centuries.
The present fragment offered is the early witness to the various Hebrew Iraqi
customs concerning its letters, and as a whole, the writing of a Torah. Torah
fragments like these are extremely rare and seldom seen in synagogues or avail-
able due to their age. The Torah scroll is, considering its age, well preserved and
in good condition and will stay beautiful with care for centuries to come.
This portion is one of a kind with style that was used in Yemen 140 years ago,
there are typical Hebrew letters and style. Considering its history and age, the
scroll is well preserved and authentic, and will remain well with treatment for
centuries to come.
Heavy and thick vellum - WILD DEER VELLUM typical colour.
It originates from a synagogue of Yemeni Jews » ; 5. 4 images, dont 1 non a-plat ;
6. Toujours en vente (mi-septembre).
https://www.catawiki.eu/l/38216173-manuscript-torah-scroll-from-yemen-
numbers-1880

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 14


Actualités

4. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. e-bay ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Manuscript of Ruth, Ecclesiastes


& Tikkun Leil Shavuot Yemen circa 1850 ». Détail : « A RARE UNIQUE hard cover
Leather Bound Manuscript hand-written of the complete Books of Ruth, Eccle-
siastes & of the book Tikkun Leil Shavuot (The name Shikun Tikkun Leil Shavu-
ot came from the Zohar, where the Aramaic word Tikkun, which means ‘decora-
tion,’ appears in Hebrew. This means that the people who recite the Tikkun are
the best men who decorate the bride-Torah during the night, before she enters
the chuppah the next morning while reading the Ten Commandments.) Consists
of 55 pages written in the Yeminite Hebrew custom in the original Hebrew lan-
guage, includes the Aramaic translation ‘Targum Onkelos’ besides it handwritten
in the Rashi script. (Shlomo Yitzhaki better known by the acronym ‘Rashi’ Rabbi
Shlomo Yitzhaki February 22, 1040 – July 13, 1105) Shlomo Yitzhaki was a medie-
val French rabbi famed as the author of the first comprehensive commentary on
the Talmud, as well as a comprehensive commentary on the Hebrew Bible.) In
this present manuscript (as you will see in the pictures) the words and text have
dots and dashes called ‘nikud’ (Vocalizations) in other word you will see the
vowel for Pronunciation. Also it has the musical notes called ‘Trope’. Trope is the
musical phrase contours (cantillations) which are applied to the words of a sa-
cred text during public readings. These cantillations marks are called in Hebrew
‘ta’amei hamikra’. Some edge wear as expected which does not affect the im-
portance of this manuscript. Overall in good condition considering age » ; 5. une
douzaine d’images, dont d’un des plats (reliure plein cuir) ; 6. toujours en vente
(mi-septembre).
https://www.ebay.fr/itm/antique-rare-bible-manuscript-ruth-ecclesiastes-
tikun-yemen-circa-1850-/223568797866
5. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Kedem Auction House, relayé sur Pinterest ; 3. hébreu ; 4.
Titre : « Three Manuscripts - Yemen | Kedem Auction House » ; 5. 1 image ; 6. le
lien à Kedem Auction House sur la page Pinterest ne fonctionne pas (mi-
septembre).
https://www.pinterest.co.uk/pin/851743348247867785/
6. 28 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Pinterest ; 3. hébreu ; 4. «Details about Ancient Yemen Ma-
nuscript Amulets Goralot Secrets Designs Kabbalah Unique ‫ כתב יד‬in 2020 |
Amulet, Kabbalah, Ancient » ; 5. non ; 6. inaccessible par le lien au site de Pinte-
rest (mi-septembre).
https://tr.pinterest.com/pin/833236368546521504/

Janvier 2020. Nancy Um, « Yemeni Manuscripts Online: Digitization in an Age of


War and Loss », Manuscript Studies. A Journal of the Schoenberg Institute for Manu-
script Studies 5/1, p. 1-44.
Nancy Um (Binghamton University) se penche sur le groupe de ca. 250 manuscrits du
Yémen catalogués, en accès libre en ligne sur le portail de la Princeton University Digi-
tal Library depuis 2013. Leur importance s’est accrue du fait du conflit multiforme qui

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 15


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se déroule au Yémen. Il s’agit essentiellement de manuscrits de trois collections pri-


vées situées au Yémen (Yemeni Manuscript Digitization Initiative, YMDI ; voir CmY 13
(Janv. 2012), Actualités <3 décembre 2011, Washington DC, MESA, communication de
David Hollenberg sur le projet de numérisation YMDI des manuscrits zaydites>, en
ligne : https://journals.openedition.org/cmy/1922#tocto2n5 ; David Hollenberg, « The
Yemen Manuscript Digitization Initiative », ibid.,
https://doi.org/10.4000/cmy.1931), auxquelles ont été ajoutés quelques livres de la
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin et des collections de Princeton. L’article met en avant le rôle
institutionnel, parfois délicat, joué par l’IZbACF dans la promotion de la recherche
scientifique sur le zaydisme, grâce en particulier à la numérisation de ca. 800 manus-
crits. L’environnement érudit offert par l’Institut permet de mettre en contexte les
manuscrits et de mieux comprendre la transmission des textes.
Une histoire des trois collections, rendues anonymes dans le but de les protéger, est
accompagnée d’un tableau où sont signalés les manuscrits numérisés pour chacune
d’elles. Elles furent constituées par d’importants officiels et lettrés zaydites durant les
règnes des Imams Yaḥyā et Aḥmad. Nombre des textes furent copiés durant la pre-
mière moitié du xxe s. Le contexte historique dans lequel elles se sont construites est
intéressant, car, selon l’auteur, il voit évoluer la notion de bibliothèque au Yémen.
N. Um analyse l’importance de la numérisation des manuscrits en contexte de conflit
en vue de les préserver, mais en souligne de manière subtile les résultats paradoxaux.
Afin de penser la question et de développer une problématique, elle utilise le
terme/concept de « surrogate », soit substitut, pour qualifier les manuscrits numérisés.
L’auteur poursuit en faisant un point sur la réflexion en cours au sujet, d’une part, des
collections numérisées, signe que l’on se trouve déjà dans une phase ultérieure, ré-
flexive, et, d’autre part, de l’intérêt de l’analyse computationnelle (« computational
analysis »).
Portail de la Princeton University Digital Library,
http://pudl.princeton.edu/collections/pudl0079
Article,
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/754628?fbclid=IwAR3Ry_PS0bf1cZ8bf8T_wCIOO6mQpGoQ
v5-QCUuvL5j2SwqtUgLPBTIa3hw
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WxWCC73jis6tLnkF_iJvmbpInAtZFoFk/view?usp=sha
ring
et
https://public.tableau.com/profile/nancy.um#!/vizhome/YMDIbytheNumbers/Story1?
publish=yes

Janvier 2020. Hideaki Suzuki, « African Diaspora in Asia », dans : David Ludden et al.
(éd.), Oxford Research Encyclopaedia of Asian History, Oxford, Oxford University
Press (accessible sur le net seulement).
Dans cet article, Hideaki Suzuki décrit l’histoire de la diaspora africaine en Asie à tra-
vers l’océan Indien du point de vue de l’histoire globale. Il positionne les mouvements

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 16


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africains dans l’océan Indien et l’océan Atlantique dans le contexte de la diaspora,


couvre les études précédentes et en construit l’image historique.
Il décline la « Présence africaine » (African presence) en différentes zones « Asie de
l’Ouest = esclaves », « Asie de l’Ouest = non-esclaves », « Asie du Sud » et « Asie du
Sud-Est-Asie de l'Est ». Pour les nCmY, on notera la citation de l’historien yéménite al-
Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410), Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya, et le fait qu’Abū al-Ḥasan al-Zaylaʿī
(m. 729/1329) soit montré comme un exemple de la migration des Africains libres. Ce
type de migration est un trait caractéristique par rapport aux autres régions où les
Africains ont été transférés de manière forcée. L’importance des distances courtes a
privilégié le trafic reliant l’Afrique à l’Asie occidentale qui opérait entre les deux rives
du golfe d’Aden et la mer Rouge (à propos des migrations entre le Yémen et l’Afrique,
voir T. Baba, « Notes on Migration between Yemen and Northeast Africa during the 13–
15th Century», dans : Anne Regourd & Nancy Um (éd.), CmY Numéro special 1, p. 60-
86).
Voir le détail ici :
https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/ac
refore-9780190277727-e-34

11 janvier 2020. Université de Tokyo. Conférence de Tamon Baba sur les esclaves dans
le Yémen médiéval [en japonais]
Dans sa communication « Les esclaves dans le Yémen médieval », tenu dans le cadre
du 14e séminaire « History, Culture and Society of the Arabian Peninsula », à
l’University of Tokyo Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, soutenu par Sultan Qaboos
Chair in Middle Eastern Studies, Tamon Baba a décrit le cas des esclaves dans le Yémen
médiéval, en premier lieu sous les Rassoulides, à partir de sources telles que le Nūr al-
maʿārif (xiiie-xive s.), Qurrat al-ʿuyūn d’Ibn al-Daybaʿ (m. 944/1537), Al-sulūk d’al-Ğanadī
(m. 732/1332), Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya d’al-Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410). Après avoir passé en re-
vue la permanence des statuts d’esclaves et des gens libres dans le monde islamique
médiéval, et leur grande mobilité géographique, il a abordé la question de l’afflux de
groupes humains dans l’histoire du Yémen, des Sabéens à l’Empire ottoman. Les Juifs,
les Éthiopiens, les Africains de l’Est, les Arméniens, les Grecs, les Turcs, les Kurdes et
d’autres ont continué à s’installer au Yémen tout au cours de sa longue histoire et ont
contribué à la constitution de la société yéménite.
Les esclaves du Yémen médiéval font également partie de l’histoire longue des flux de
personnes. Ils sont venus d’Afrique du Nord-Est et d’Afrique de l’Est, principalement
par la mer d’Oman, et ont servi les rois rassoulides en qualité d’esclaves domestiques.
Les eunuques ont joué un rôle important dans l’histoire des Rassoulides. Ils proté-
geaient leurs femmes et leurs biens, travaillèrent comme commandants militaires et
furent envoyés en Égypte, en conséquence de quoi ils reçurent des iqṭāʿ et des terres
privés. Ils sont aussi à l’origine de la construction de madrasas et de mosquées.
En outre, il y avait les « ʿabds de Fātik» et les « ʿabds de Saʿīd », à l’origine des esclaves
du dirigeant naǧāhide Fātik (m. 1159) et du dirigeant soulayḥide Saʿīd (m. 1159). Ils

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 17


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semblent avoir gagné l’identité « d’esclaves de quelqu’un » au fil du temps. Parfois, ils
ont aidé les Rassoulides et parfois se sont rebellés contre eux. Plusieurs opinions
s’affrontent cependant à leur sujet, certains chercheurs pensant qu’ils sont à l’origine
des aḫdāms du Yémen moderne.
Voir le détail ici [en japonais] :
https://park-ssl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/UTCMES/topics/1023.html

Février 2020. Jean Lambert, « The Yemeni Sources of Poetry and Music in the sawt of
the Gulf: The Role of the Arabian Diaspora in India », halshs-02476223.
Jean Lambert discute l’importance et l’influence de la musique yéménite en Inde et sur
la musique du Golfe depuis le xviie s. du fait de la mobilité des personnes et de la mu-
sique dans l’Ouest de l’océan Indien. Il s’appuie en premier lieu sur des sources orales,
i. e. des interviews, mais y ajoute des sources écrites, par exemple Muḥammad b. Fāris.
Ašhar man ġannā al-sawt fī al-Ḫāliǧ de Mubārak al-‘Ammārī, publié en 1991-1996 par le
Wizārat al-iʿlām à Bahrein, qui se réfère à South Arabian Poetry 1: Prose and Poetry from
Hadramawt (London, Taylor’s Foreign Press, 1951) de Robert Bertram Serjeant. Ce livre
traite du musicien Muḥammad b. Fāris (m. 1312/1915) et du contexte social et écono-
mique de l’époque.
Le Yémen, tout spécialement le Hadramaout, est à l’origine de la diaspora. Les Hadra-
mis s’installèrent en Inde, puis en Indonésie et, à partir du xxe s., des travailleurs parti-
rent pour le Golfe emmenant avec eux leur musique. Des communautés arabes se
constituèrent sur la totalité de la côte ouest de l’Inde, du Gujerat à Hayderabad. Puis il
y a eu une influence directe de l’Inde sur la musique yéménite, au début du xxe s., par
le biais d’un chanteur indien originaire du Hadramaout, Muḥammad Ğumʿa Ḫān
(1898-1965)11. Une intense vie musicale arabo-indienne se développa en particulier à
Bombay et grâce aux échanges entre Bombay, le Golfe et Aden.
Voir le détail ici : https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02476223/document

6 février 2020. Berlin, Institut für Islamwissenschaft, Freie Universität. Shireen


Hamza (Harvard University), « Talismanic Healing in two Yemeni Manuscripts and
the Question of Authorship »
Shireen Hamza jeune doctorante à l’Université de Harvard a donné une communica-
tion sur son projet de recherche doctorale en cours dans le cadre du séminaire d’Olly
Akkerman, « From Manuscript to MacBook », à l’Institut für Islamwissenschaft, Freie
Universität Berlin, le 6 février 2020.

11
Au sujet de sa fille, voir : https://www.thenational.ae/arts-culture/how-afrah-mohammed-juma-a-khan-
became-the-matriarch-of-mukalla-radio-in-yemen-1.840341

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nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 19


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En ce qui concerne le Yémen, ses sources manuscrites se divisent en deux groupes : (1)
des textes composés par des sultans rassoulides ou dédiés à ces derniers par des éru-
dits bénéficiant de leur parrainage ; (2) des textes écrits par des oulémas pour ensei-
gner à des musulmans alphabétisés la guérison des maladies. S’appuyant sur deux ma-
nuscrits yéménites, elle nous a expliqué dans un premier temps sa démarche pour
identifier les auteurs peu connus des textes de ces manuscrits, à travers des sources bi-
bliographiques en arabe et en langues européennes. Puis, elle s’est concentrée sur la
question du lien entre la médecine (ṭibb) et les pratiques talismaniques locales de gué-
rison. Enfin, elle a signalé l’importance des notes marginales, dans lesquelles les au-
teurs racontent souvent leurs propres expériences et fournissent les noms de leurs
maîtres, ainsi que les noms vernaculaires de plantes spécifiques au Yémen, ou même, à
une localité yéménite. Ayant eu le plaisir de l’écouter, nous attendons avec impatience
la parution de ses prochains travaux !

Olly Akkerman & Zahir Bhalloo


Freie Universität Berlin

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 20


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February 14, 2020. Thomas Eich (University of Hamburg): Seminar « The history of
the restauration of the earliest existing Qurʾan manuscripts in Yemen during the
1980’s », CSIC – Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo
(ILC); Instituto de Historia (IH), Madrid (Spain)

This was the first of a series of seminars organized by Álvaro Carvajal, Adday Hernán-
dez and Jan Thiele within the framework of MedHis, a consortium of scholars in the
field of Mediterranean studies from two research groups (Cultural History of the Medi-
terranean and Networks of Power in Medieval Societies) of the ILC and the IH respec-
tively, both of them institutes of The Spanish National Research Council (CSIC).
The seminar given by Thomas Eich is a consequence of the 100th anniversary of the
University of Hamburg. This event, propitiated the preparation of a collective volume
in which the most relevant projects carried out by the German University were includ-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 21


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ed, being Th. Eich in charge of the chapter devoted to the history of the restoration
project of the earliest Qurʾan manuscripts, found in Yemen in the late 20th century.
A great amount of qurʾanic manuscripts which had been kept in a kind of secret
chamber in the roof of the Great Mosque of Sanaa were discovered in 1972 during
some renovation works. These manuscripts were put into potato sacks in one of the
mosque’s minarets.
Qāḍī Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, Director of the Yemeni Antiquities Authority, looked for interna-
tional support with the aim of restoring and preserving the manuscripts, and he at-
tracted the attention of Albrecht Noth (University of Hamburg) who directed the pro-
ject and managed to get funding from the Cultural Section of the German Foreign
Ministry12 (for the Qāḍī Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, see the Editorial).
The process was difficult, cumbersome and longer than expected, since the work on
the ground started in 1981 and lasted up to 1989, when the funding ended. Gerd R. Puin
was the Director from 1981 and was succeeded by Hans-Caspar Graf von Bothmer in
1985, both coming from the University of Saarland. Ursula Dreibholz was the conserva-
tor from 1982 to the end of the project and she completed the restoration of the manu-
scripts, which are kept nowadays in the Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt in Sanaa, in the permanent
storage designed by Dreibholz.13
It will be necessary to expect the publication of the volume in order to know more de-
tails on this interesting project finished already 30 years ago.
http://cchs.csic.es/en/event/seminario-history-restauration-earliest-existing-quran-
manuscripts-yemen-during-1980s

Mars. 2020. Tamon Baba, « East African Exports in the Aden Tariffs of the Thirteenth
Century », Ritsumeikan Shigaku (Ritsumeikan Journal of History) 40, p. 73-97. [En
japonais].
À partir des archives historiques du Yémen rassoulide, Tamon Baba reconstruit une
partie du commerce entre l’Afrique de l’Est et Aden au xiiie s. Après avoir passé en re-
vue l’histoire, les vents saisonniers (mousson) et les périodes de voyage entre l’Arabie
du Sud et l’Afrique de l’Est, il analyse les marchandises exportées de l’Afrique de l’Est à
l’aide de données sur les tarifs d’Aden et le commerce éthiopien tirées du Nūr al-
maʿārif, compilé sous les Rassoulides (xiiie-xive s.). Ces articles énumèrent vingt-huit
produits mentionnant des noms de lieux en Afrique de l’Est et en Afrique du Nord-Est,
suggérant que les principales exportations vers Aden étaient des produits d’origine
animale et végétale. Toutefois, alors que de nombreux produits ne sont pas accompa-
gnés de noms de lieux, certains d’entre eux pourraient être évalués comme étant

12
See Behnam Sadeghi & Mohsen Goudarzi, “Ṣanʿāʾ 1 and the Origins of the Qurʾān”, Der Islam 87/1–2,
2012, pp. 1–129. DOI: 10.1515/islam-2011-0025
13
See Ursula Dreibholz, “Preserving a treasure: The Sanaʿa manuscripts”, Museum International 51/3,
2003, pp. 21–25. DOI: 10.1111/1468-0033.00212

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 22


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d’origine est-africaine si l’on s’appuie sur leur statut fiscal et d’autres sources histo-
riques telles qu’Al-muʿtamad fī al-adwiya al-mufrada et Al-muḫtaraʿ fī funūn min al-
ṣunaʿ du Sultan rassoulide al-Malik al-Muẓaffar (m. 694/1295), Mulaḫḫaṣ al-fiṭan d’al-
Ḥusaynī (m. après 815/1412), Ṣifat bilād al-Yaman wa-Makka wa-baʿḍ al-Ḥiǧāz d’Ibn al-
Muǧāwir (m. xiiie s.).

2020. ‫)حترير( جيوم شارلو وجريميي شيتاكت‬, ‫ال مين موطن الآاثر‬, Paris, CEFAS, coll. « Histoire et
société de la péninsule Arabique », 317 p. EAN : 978-2-7053-3939-5. Publication sur
OpenEdition. EAN électronique : 978-2-9091-9467-7.
Traduction arabe du livre collectif : Guillaume Charloux & Jérémie Schiettecatte (éd.),
Yémen. Terre d’archéologie, Sanaa/Paris, CEFAS, Geuthner, 2016, 291 p. ISBN : 978-2-
7053-3939-5, destiné à un lectorat plus large que scientifique.
En ce qui concerne les nCmY, on retiendra Anne Regourd, « Zabîd, des lettrés et des
manuscrits/‫ وخمطوطات‬14‫ علامء‬:‫» مدينة زِبيْد‬, p. 307-317 (voir CmY Nouvelles séries 3/22
(Juil. 2016), Actualités <Mai 2016>, p. 14-15).
https://books.openedition.org/cefas/2139
Article sur les manuscrits,
https://books.openedition.org/cefas/2692

Avril 2020. Bayarma Khabtagaeva, « Etymological Notes on Yakut Color Terms », In-
ternational Journal of Eurasian Linguistics 1/2, p. 249-267.
Le langage des Yakuts, un groupe turc qui vit actuellement dans la République de Sak-
ha, a emprunté nombre de ses mots à la langue mongole. Bayarma Khabtagaeva a col-
lecté 51 termes qu’ils utilisent pour désigner les couleurs dans des dictionnaires et des
sources électroniques et les analyse. Alors que les termes des couleurs basiques, c’est-
à-dire blanc, noir, rouge et bleu, sont d’origine turque, les termes des couleurs basiques
secondaires, tels le jaune et le vert, dérivent de suffixes turco-mongols. Les termes pour
brun et gris sont des emprunts mongols. Pour les nCmY, on notera que l’auteur men-
tionne indirectement l’Hexaglote rassoulide, partie de The Manuscripts of al-Malik al-
Afḍal (xive s.)15, dans lequel il relève des mots de moyen mongol, puis les compare avec
ceux des Yakuts. En yakut, gris se dit « sur », tandis que l’hexaglote rassoulide donne
« saral ».
Voir le détail ici : https://brill.com/view/journals/jeal/1/2/article-p249_2.xml

14
Dans le titre de la publication : ‫فقهاء‬. Nous n’avons pas vérifié la correction de la traduction de l’article.
15
Dan Martin Varisco & G. Rex Smith (éd.), The Manuscripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal al-ʿAbbās b. ʿAlī b. Dāʾūd
b. Yūsuf b. ʿUmar b. ʿAlī b. Rasūl (d. 778/1377): A Medieval Arabic Anthology from the Yemen, Warminster,
Aris & Phillips for the Gibb Memorial Trust, 1998.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 23


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Avril 2020. Yoshio Saitô, « A Note on a Note: The Inscription in ‘the Leiden Manu-
script’ of Turkic and Mongolic Glossaries », Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 11/1,
p. 43-52.
Le manuscrit Leyde Or. 517, daté au colophon de février 1343, est un recueil de glos-
saires turc et mongol intitulé Kitāb maǧmūʿ turǧumān turkī wa-ʿaǧamī wa-muġalī wa-
fārsī connus comme les « manuscrits de Leyde » qui incluent des mots de mongol
écrits à l’aide de l’alphabet arabe. Dans son article, Yoshio Saitô identifie l’écriture des
nombres dans le manuscrit comme un type de cursive copte appelé ḥurūf al-zimām,
utilisée au départ en Égypte pour les comptes. Les nombres zimām étant présents dans
The Manuscripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal (xive s.)16, l’auteur suggère que le Yémen est un
autre lieu d’origine possible du manuscrit.
Voir le détail ici :
https://brill.com/view/journals/jim/11/1/article-p43_3.xml?body=pdf-29620
Reproduction du ms. Or. 517 :
https://altaica.ru/Arab/e_leid_man.php

4 avril 2020. « Culture Ministry warns against tampering with historical manu-
scripts », Alsahwa Net
Nous citons intégralement cette annonce extrêmement importante de notre confrère
Alsahwa Net, qui renvoie à l’Agence Saba news et lance un appel à l’UNESCO. Elle con-
firme des bruits de pillage et de disparition importante des manuscrits de Dār al-
maḫṭūṭāt, à Sanaa, l’une des plus importantes bibliothèques publiques du Yémen. La
mainmise houthie n’atteindrait pas seulement la Maison des manuscrits ou même les
livres manuscrits ailleurs sur leur chemin, mais s’étendrait aussi aux archives des
Waqfs.
« The Yemeni Ministry of Culture warned on Thursday against tampering with con-
tents of the Grand Mosque Manuscripts House in the capital Sana’a by the Houthis
militants. It said that it follows up with deep concern practices by the Houthis militia
against contents of the manuscripts since the Houthis seized management of the
manuscripts house. The Houthis imposed their own management of the house and
banned existing workers from doing their jobs at the house, the ministry said in a
statement published by the state-run Saba news agency. New manager of the house
who was designated by the Houthis attempted to seize rare manuscripts and stole
their database.
Yemen possesses hundreds of original and authentic manuscripts that were written
hundreds of years ago by prominent Yemeni scholars in various disciplines. Large
number of those old manuscripts is being preserved at the Manuscripts House of the
Grand Mosque in the capital Sana’a. However, this treasure trove has been at risk of

16
Voir n. 15.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 24


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disappearance due to looting attempts by the Houthis-affiliated officials. The govern-


ment appealed to the UNESCO to preserve Yemen’s cultural heritage as the country
experiences armed conflict. It demanded the UNESCO to exercise pressure on the
Houthis to stop their ill-practices against the old manuscripts ».
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-38841

ÉPIGRAPHIE
2020. Arianna D’Ottone, « The mints of Taʿizz and Thaʿbat in Rasulid times: Literary
sources and numismatic evidence », Rivista Italiana Di Numismatica E Scienze Affini
121, p. 171-225.
L’auteur présente des pièces inédites, récemment vendues aux enchères et déjà pu-
bliés, qui ont été frappées dans les ateliers de Taez et Ṯaʿbāt sous les Rassoulides, et les
place dans un contexte culturel plus large.
Pour les nCmY, Taʾrīḫ al-Yaman par Ğamāl al-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Ḥāsib al-Miṣrī
(m. 840/1436) est la référence principale car il contient des détails pertinents sur les
monnaies de Taez et leur frappe. En outre, sont mentionnés Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya d’al-
Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410), Ṭabaqāt fuqahāʾ al-Yaman d’Ibn Samra (m. après 586/1190-1),
Nūr al-maʿārif (xiiie-xive s.), Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadiyya (xiiie-xive s.), The Manus-
cripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal (m. 778/1377)17, ainsi que des pièces de monnaie et des ins-
criptions monumentales pour tracer l’histoire des monnaies et de leur frappe, en par-
ticulier, ce que relatent les sources, au moment de l’investiture de chaque sultan ras-
soulide.
L’article comprend les photos de 89 pièces de la collection Tübingen Forschungsstelle
für islamische Numismatik (FINT), 15 pièces du British Museum, 10 pièces du cata-
logue Peus Auction de 2017 et 1 pièce d’une collection privée située à Bruxelles, ac-
compagnées d’une explication en anglais. L’auteur les a classés par ordre chronolo-
gique de sultans et de forme, et donne leurs caractéristiques, ainsi qu’une traduction
anglaise des légendes.

ABOU DHABI
16-21 janvier 2019. Abu Dhabi, Manarat Al Saadiyat. Première Conférence et exposi-
tion sur les manuscrits à Abu Dhabi
Le Département de la Culture et du Tourisme d’Abu Dhabi (DCT Abu Dhabi) a organi-
sé la première conférence entièrement dédiée aux manuscrits dans la capitale des

17
Voir n. 15.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 25


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Émirats Arabes Unis (ÉAU). L’exposition avait pour but de mettre en avant le rôle joué
par Abu Dhabi dans la sauvegarde et la publication du patrimoine arabe. Il s’agissait
d’illustrer une profondeur culturelle, ancienne, aux ÉAU ainsi que son histoire au tra-
vers de manuscrits significatifs. L’événement méttait l’accent sur les liens culturels des
ÉAU avec les centres conservant des manuscrits arabes dans le monde afin de les ren-
forcer tout en permettant d’échanger des savoirs et des expertises sur les manuscrits
arabes.
La Conférence était organisée autour de six sessions différentes de nature à souligner
l’importance historique de l’édition, de la publication et de la préservation des manus-
crits, avec la contribution de modérateurs renommés, venant de différents pays du
monde arabe : Mohammed Ali Alshwabkha (Jordanie), Abdullah Al-Munif (Arabie
Saoudite), Abdullah Ghalis (Kuweït), Ahmed Chouqui Binebine (Maroc), Mohammed
Ibrahim Hoor (Jordanie), Abdullah bin Saleem Al Rasheed (Arabie Saoudite).
https://abudhabiculture.ae/en/events/manuscripts-conference-and-exhibition-arabic-
manuscripts-reality-and-issues
https://visitabudhabi.ae/en/see.and.do/leisure/events/manuscripts.conference.and.ex
hibition.arabic.manuscripts.reality.and.issues.aspx)
On note en outre la participation de Daniel Crouch Rare Books à l’événement.
info@crouchrarebooks.com

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 26


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Daniel Crouch Rare Books


Londres
4 Bury Street / St James’s / London / SW1Y 6AB / +44 (0)20 7042 024
New York
24 East 64th Street / New York / NY 10065 / USA / +1 (212) 602 1779

ARABIE
19 février 2020. Paris, Geuthner. Rencontre « Geuthner et l’Arabie »
Présentation par les auteurs ou éditeur de publications récentes chez Geuthner, réu-
nies sous le thème « Geuthner et l’Arabie ». Il s’agissait de : Paul Bonnenfant, auteur

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 27


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de : Djedda patrimoine mondial. Archives françaises commentées, 2019, 470 p. ISBN :


978-2705340407 ; Jean-Francois Breton & François Villeneuve, éditeurs des Actes des
22e rencontres sabéennes, publiés sous le titre de La guerre en Arabie antique, 2019, 260
p. ISBN : 978- 2705340315, et de Louis Blin, auteur de : La découverte de l’Arabie par les
Français, coll. « Varia », 2019, 788 p. ISBN : 978-2705340117.

ÉPIGRAPHIE
8 janvier 2020. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, Doha. Conférence de
Muhammad Maraqten
Dans le cadre du séminaire de l’Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, à Doha,
Muhammad Maraqten (Université de Heidelberg) a donné une conférence intitulée :
« Aṣl al-ḫaṭṭ al-ʿarabī fī ḍawʾ al-iktišāfāt al-aṯāriyya al-ḥadīṯa », où il a fait un état des
lieux des recherches sur la genèse de l’écriture arabe à partir des sources épigra-
phiques, abondamment illustré.

DUBEÏ
Dubai. Juma Al Majid Center for Culture and Heritage
Mr. Juma Al Majid, is a philanthropist born in 1930 in Dubai who has devoted his life to
the promotion of knowledge. In 1991 he founded a public library for scholarly re-
searchers that, with the passing of time, became a nonprofit organization, the Juma Al
Majid Center for Culture and Heritage. Apart from hosting scientific courses and con-
ferences, the Center has funded a number of actions related to the preservation of
manuscripts and prints, both locally and internationally. The main aim of this center
was to gather the cultural heritage of the United Arab Emirates in order to make it
available for the international Scholarship.
The purpose of this entry is to highlight three of their Open Access publications avail-
able in their http://www.almajidcenter.org/, which can be downloaded from their
http://www.almajidcenter.org/publications.php :
1) “The Art of Restoration”
(http://www.almajidcenter.org/downloadpub.php?f=Pdf_1557301982_regular.pdf&typ
e=p), in which the methodology they use for the disinfection, restoration and preserva-
tion of the manuscripts is explained in detail. The actions performed by the Juma Al
Majid Center are also listed in this paper; from 1997, Mr. Juma Al Majid, accompanied
by specialists from the center, visited different countries (such as Sudan, Yemen, Pales-
tine, Iran, Kuwait, Tunis, Libya, Djibouti, Niger, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Kazakhstan, Syr-
ia, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Bosnia, Bahrein, Jordan, Tajikistan and Turkey) to collect Arab
and Islamic manuscripts, which were afterwards restored following their own method.
The Juma Al Majid Center has also distributed for free its restoration technology to dif-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 28


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ferent countries along the Islamic world. Besides, the Juma Al Majid Center is respon-
sible for the disinfection of more than 20.000 manuscripts around the globe and the
Ottoman archives in Algeria. Particularly noteworthy is their labor of restoration of the
Qurʾan of Aleppo and the four Qurʾans of Tashkent.
2) The organization gives a prominent relevance to their efforts in preserving the
cultural heritage of West Africa, with several projects of manuscripts preservation, res-
toration, digitization and cataloguing carried out both in Mauritania and Mali, as it
can be appreciated in other of their publications, “Works of Juma Al Majid Center for
Culture and Heritage in preserving manuscripts in West Africa” (Aʿmāl Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid
li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ fī ḥafẓ al-maḫṭūṭāt fī ġarb Ifrīqiyā).
3) In 2011, they published the book Quran in Russia
(http://www.almajidcenter.org/downloadpub.php?f=89.docx&type=d), as a result of a
research in which articles, books, decrees and laws related to the Qurʾan published in
Russia during the 19th and 20th centuries were gathered by Ivim Razhvan. The book is
divided into three sections; the first of them is devoted to the qurʾanic manuscripts
(maṣāḥif) included in Russian collections; the second deals with the resurgence of Is-
lam (naḥḍa) in Russia, and the third section focuses on the Qurʾan in the Russian im-
perial chancellery.
The first section on manuscripts includes the most noteworthy article in relation to
the scope of nCmY; based on notes of the Russian archeologist Vera Kratchkovskaya,
the paper describes a qurʾanic manuscript written in nasḫ script in Chinese ink, dated
in the year 982/1574, which was found in Medina close to the tomb of the Prophet. At-
tached to the precious manuscript, there was a document indicating that the donor of
the codex was Mehmet Pasha, who was a minister during the reign of the Ottoman sul-
tans Suleiman the Magnificent (r. 30 September 1520–6 September 1566 CE) and Su-
leiman’s grandson, Murad III (r. 15 December 1574–16 January 1595).
4) In 2017, Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, Qarāṣina ġarb al-baḥr al-Mutawassiṭ
min al-qarn 6 H/12 M ḥattā al-qarn 9 H/15 M, Dubai, Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa
wa-al-turāṯ, 341 p.
Dr. Maḥmūd Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, an Egyptian historian who had his Ph.D. from Sohag
University on the eastern bank of the Nile, is the author of a book about piracy of West
Mediterranean from the 6th/12th to the 9th/15th centuries. Piracy (qarāṣina) had an
important role both in Christian and Islamic regions, though its analysis has not yet
been done. The author based his study on various Arabic documents such as Los doc-
umentos árabes diplomáticos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón edited by Maximili-
ano Agustín Alarcón Santón and Ramón García de Linares (published in 1940), Mec-
can travelogues by Maġribian travelers such as Riḥla by Ibn Ǧubayr (d. 614/1217), juris-
prudential books such as Fatāwī by al-Burzulī (d. 841/1438), geographical book entitled
Nuzhat al-muštāq fī iḫtirāq al-āfāq by al-Idrīsī (d. 6/12 C.), historical books like Kitāb al-
ʿibar by Ibn Ḫaldūn (d. 808/1405).
The book is composed of 4 chapters excluding an introduction (pp. 7–12), the review
of previous studies and historical sources (pp. 13–24), a preface (pp. 25–58), an epi-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 29


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logue (pp. 261–264), 12 appendixes (pp. 265–305), reference and table of contents
(pp. 307–341). After the geographical and political situation of West Mediterranean re-
gions is exposed in the preface, we reach the heart of the book on the historical im-
portance of the pirates in West Mediterranean.

Chapter 1 (pp. 59–109) focuses on piracies by pirates. Starting from the definition of
the words relating to piracies, the author discusses how qarṣana and other words like
luṣūṣ were used in Arabic sources (its first appearance is dated 575/1179, according to a
reference from 1975 used by Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, Michel Mollat, “De la pi-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 30


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raterie sauvage à la course réglementée (XIVe-XVe siècle)”, Mélanges de l’École française


de Rome. Moyen-Âge, Temps modernes, 1975, ser. 87-1, pp. 7–25), and compares them
with ǧihād in the Islamic law. Their ways to invade or attack are detailed further.
Chapter 2 (pp. 111–169) discusses who the pirates were. European Christian pirates and
African-Middle Eastern Muslim pirates were active in the West Mediterranean. Piracy
was therefore practiced by various people from different groups in spite of the damage
that this implied for trade and politics in the region.
Chapter 3 (pp. 171–213) analyses the influence of piracy on commerce and merchants.
As the West Mediterranean has important trade routes that connected Europe and
North Africa, Spain and Egypt, merchants and commodities were permanently target-
ed by pirates.
Chapter 4 (pp. 215–260) clarifies the roles of rulers such as caliphs and ḥākims. They
needed to protect merchants and travellers from pirates, and pay compensation to the
merchants or ransom to pirates when the formers were robbed or kidnapped by the
latter. Being good rulers, they could not ignore pirates.
This book is about West Mediterranean, but its approach can be used also for the Red
Sea, Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, and as comparative study. The piracies around the
Arabian Peninsula also played a political important role. For instance, people called
“mīd” in Arabic sources were active in the Persian Gulf and the Western Indian Ocean
during the 7th and 9th centuries A.D.18. They had their own ships and battled against
Muslim people who tried to conquer Sind. Further, they rebelled against the ʿAbbāsids
to the point that they invaded Baṣra. This topic can be broadened and work as a start-
ing point for the building of a history of piracy in the Indian Ocean that includes pira-
cy in Somali in modern times (see below, Actualités, <2017. Gualtiero Mattesi>, p. 39).
About the author, https://www.hindawi.org/contributors/31619616/

GOLFE
2020. Walid A. Saleh, « The Place of the Medieval in Qurʾan Commentary »,
Zeitsprünge 24/1-2, pp. 45–54.
In this recently published article, Walid Saleh, one of the most renowned experts in
Qurʾanic commentary (tafsīr), examines the reasons behind the utilization by modern
Salafi scholars of the medieval works of tafsīr. According to him, the main reason is
that in the medieval period, the Qurʾanic commentary was mostly based in a philolog-
ical tradition, and this philological perspective was perceived as timeless. The second
reason that Saleh identifies is the employment of these texts as a source of legitimacy

18
Manabu Kameya, “Struggle over the Persian Gulf and Western Coast of India: Relation between
ʿAbbāsid and Mīd in the Mid-8th Century”, Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Stud-
ies 80, 2014, pp. 1–24 [in Japanese].

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 31


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by Azhari and Salafi movements in the early 20th century. Saleh argues that modernity
destroyed the role that Islamic law and rational theology (kalām) played as institutions
of power and cultural organizations, and the return to the Qurʾan and the Sunna al-
lowed the emergence of a new kind of scriptural theology in which tafsīr was seen as a
means of achieving religious authority.
Saleh states that the interest of the traditionalist groups in tafsīr placed it as one of the
central Islamic sciences and, in consequence, the critical editions and publications re-
lated to Qurʾanic commentary have greatly proliferated in the two last decades, thus
transforming this field of studies. Among the recent editions highlighted by Saleh, sev-
eral have been published in the Gulf countries; two of them in Saudi Arabia, two in the
UAE and two in Qatar:
1) al-Ṯaʿlabī al-Naysābūrī (d. 427/1035), Al-Kašf wa-al-bayān ʿan tafsīr al-Qurʾān, ed.
Ṣalāḥ BāʿUṯmān, Ḥasan al-Ġazālī, Zayd Mahāriš & Amīn Bāša, Jeddah, Dār al-
Tafsīr, 2015, 33 vols.
2) al-Wāḥidī al-Naysabūrī (d. 468/1076), Al-basīṭ, ed. Muḥammad b. Sāliḥ al-Fawzān
et al., al-Riyāḍ, Imām Muḥammad b. Saʿūd University, 2009, 25 vols.
3) Makkī b. Abī Ṭālib al-Qaysī (d. 437/1045), Al-hidāya ilā bulūġ al-nihāya, ed. under
the supervision of al-Šāhid al-Būšayḫī, Sharjah, The University of Sharjah, 2008,
13 vols.
4) al-Ṭībī (d. 743/1343), Futūḥ al-ġayb fī al-kašf ʿan qināʿ al-rayb (ḥāšiyat al-Ṭībī ʿalā
al-kaššāf), ed. Muḥammad Sulṭān al-ʿUlamāʾ, Dubai, Ǧāʾizat Dubay al-dawlīya li-
al-Qurʾān al-karīm, 2013, 17 vols.
5) al-Mahdawī (d. 440/1048), Al-Taḥṣīl li-fawāʾid kitāb al-Tafṣīl al-ǧāmiʿ li-ʿulūm al-
tanzīl, ed. Faraḥ Naṣrī & Muḥammad Šaʿbān, Doha, Wizārat al-Awqāf, 2014,
7 vols.
6) Ibn ʿAṭiyya (d. 542/1048), Al-Muḥarrar al-waǧīz fī tafsīr al-kitāb al-ʿazīz (Tafsīr Ibn
ʿAṭiyya), ed. Idārat al-Šuʾūn al-islāmiyya, Doha, Wizārat al-Awqāf, 10 vols. [3rd
ed., n. d.].
https://brill.com/view/title/55765

OMAN
2013. Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf, « Private documents as a source for regional history:
The Archive of the ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ », dans : Steffen Wippel (ed.), Regionalising
Oman. Political, Economic and Social Dynamics, Dordrecht, pp. 251-265.
Abandoned ḥārāt—the mud-brick oasis settlements of the Omani interior—
constitute, through their architecture, material culture remains and spatial organisa-
tion, veritable archives that offer valuable insights into past ways of life in those towns,
including their economy, social structures and interaction, and politics. Oral history
accounts of former residents also provide important sources, as the lived experience of

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narrators allows for the correlation of material witnesses with the respective socio-
economic, cultural, and political processes in action (Mershen 199819). Beyond the first-
hand experience of ‘oral history’, which is temporally limited by the lifespan of narra-
tors—we can refer to ‘oral testimony’ and ‘oral traditions’ for material that has been
orally handed down the generations (Riley et al. 2005).
In the case of the old ḥāra of al-Ḥamrāʾ, the notion of the abandoned settlement as an
archive has acquired an additional dimension and literal meaning. The discovery of
what came to be known as the ʿAbrīyyin-archive of al-Ḥamrāʾ consists of several thou-
sand letters, dating from the second half of the eighteenth through to the mid-
twentieth century, addressed to the tribal leaders of the ʿAbrīyīn. The letters of this ar-
chive allow for the retrieval of concrete information from a more distant past—
beyond the time span covered by a narrator’s memory retrieved through oral history.
A first find of 2,900 documents in a no longer inhabited dwelling in al-Ḥamrāʾ in the
year 2000 was followed by a discovery in the same house of an even larger cache two
years later, the documents of which, at the time of writing, are still awaiting closer in-
spection. The ʿAbrīyīn-archive is housed at the University of Tuebingen and is com-
prised of a digitalised photographic corpus of letters addressed to the sheikhs of the
ʿAbrīyīn over roughly 170 years up to the mid-twentieth century. A first monograph, re-
sulting from her PhD research, published by Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf in 2008, deals
with the roughly 1,300 letters that are addressed to Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān al-ʿAbrī
(the tribal leader of the ʿAbrīyīn from 1242/1826–1827 until his death in 1290/1873).
Her chapter contribution to Steffen Wippel’s (ed.) volume Regionalising Oman. Politi-
cal, Economic and Social Dynamics (Hoffmann-Ruf 2013) is entitled “Private documents
as a source for regional history: The Archive of the ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ.” Based on the
letters addressed to Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān al-ʿAbrī by Sayyid Saʿīd b. Sulṭān al-
Būsaʿīdī and other members of the ruling family, tribal leaders, and correspondents
ranking lower in the tribal hierarchy, Hoffmann-Ruf analyses this sheikh’s role in the
turbulent political environment of the nineteenth century—a period that witnessed
Wahhabi rising territorial ambitions, as well as growing British influence in the region,
embedded in the ever-shifting power politics of the Omani tribes (Hoffmann-Ruf
2008, pp. 41ff). At the same time, she poses the question of whether the extensive cor-
respondence was a means to strengthen his position as tribal leader.
The location and storage circumstances of the letters (they were kept in earthenware
food storage jars in a ground-floor storage room in one of al-Ḥamrāʾs grand sheikhly
dwellings, the Bayt al-Ṣafā, for such a long time) correspond well with the private na-
ture of the letters and their confidential content. The letters reveal a plethora of micro-
historical information ranging from political developments in the wider region to in-
formation on everyday administrative, political, and military concerns, as well as
commercial and various local and regional social interactions concerning the mem-
bers of this Omani oasis town community.

19
For full references, see below.

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As stated by the author, the nature of this archival source allowed her to cross the bar-
rier between the macro-historical level depicted by nineteenth century Omani histori-
ographers such al-Sālimī (1961) and Ibn Ruzayq (1977), and Western accounts such as
Lorimer’s Gazetteer (1908–1915), and the micro-historical level reflected in the letters.
In the here reviewed chapter, the author demonstrates how such sources may help to
challenge repeatedly presented concepts such as tribal dichotomy and tribal affiliation
being the primary cause for ‘social groupings and their behaviour’, concluding that her
comparison of the macro-historical with the micro-historical depictions did not yield
convincing concordance between the two. The correspondence also demonstrates that
social networks and social spaces are not static but are engaged in a continuous pro-
cess of shaping and transforming themselves. The author aptly visualises the concrete
spatial and temporal dimension of the groups of correspondence in comparative fig-
ures and graphs, produced as part of her quantitative analysis of the tribal affiliations,
places of residence, dates, and temporal length of correspondence.
The geographical range of issues that are addressed in the letters is wide-reaching;
some refer to events that had recently happened in East Africa or in what today is Sau-
di Arabia, illustrating the efficiency of the ʿAbrīyīn sheikh’s news channels, which the
author puts on a level comparable to those of the British and lets her conclude “that
the interior of Oman in the nineteenth century was not as remote as mainly European
sources claim it to be.” However, the majority of letters addressed to the sheikh docu-
ment communication networks that relate to a closer regional context, places with a
large ʿsheikh’ population, such as neighbouring Bahla, some towns of al-Ẓāhira, and
areas that were part of the ʿAbrīyīn tribal dār (territory), such as Wādī Banī Ḫārūṣ,
Wādī Saḥtan and Wādī Banī Ġāfir. This greater frequency of correspondence with cor-
respondents living in proximity to al-Ḥamrāʾ leads the author to conclude that the let-
ters are “a means to maintain and stabilise Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān’s political influ-
ence as a tribal leader.”
The author demonstrates that Shaykh Muḥsin’s correspondence with persons and
groups, the majority of whom lived in proximity to al-Ḥamrāʾ, constituted an essential
component of his networking and was used to maintain and strengthen his position of
a negotiator and leader who based his decisions on consensus. Challenging the tradi-
tional perception of a sheikh as a predominantly military leader, whose courage, brav-
ery and fighting skills figure as his most valued qualities, Hoffmann-Ruf’s analysis of
Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān’s correspondence presents a convincing alternate and more
differentiated view of the sheikh as—above all—a well-informed mediator who em-
ploys his knowledge to reach informed decisions that receive the support of the com-
munity.
In the reviewer’s opinion, this discussion could be further supported by establishing
the association between the role of a mediator with two core Ibāḍī principles—the in-
terdependent concepts of iǧmāʿ (consensus) (Ghubash 2006, p. 7) based decisions and
šūrā (consultation), referring “to the practice whereby the leader or shaikh consults
with others before taking decisions of importance to the society, tribe or family which
he heads” (Jones 2007; also Jones & Ridout 2015, p. 198). The significance of consulta-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 34


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tion is spatially manifested in the maǧlis or sabla (Bonnenfant et al. 1977, p. 115). These
Omani towns’ male meeting halls constitute integral components of the ḥārāt and fo-
cal points of a community’s male members’ social interaction (Sachedina 2013, p. 111–
116; Bandyopadhyay 2011, pp. 151f). The above argument can be further strengthened by
Hoffmann-Ruf’s observation of the tone of the letters as always being “very polite and
obliging.” This fact seems to indicate a nineteenth century social environment that
compares to the description of the contemporary Omani culture of politeness as pos-
tulated by anthropologist Fredrik Barth. The Omani male society’s internalised code of
politeness, tact and constraint (Barth 1983, p. 98) is interpreted by Jones (2007, p. 161)
as “a mode of being integral to a sense of social identity and to the manner in which
shura is practiced.”
We may further expand this discussion by invoking the notion of ‘diplomacy’ as an in-
tegral principle of the dealings reflected in Sheikh Muḥsin’s correspondence. Much of
the correspondence recalls diplomatic cables and reflects tribal diplomacy comprised
of letters, visits and envoys as means of communication. To further the line of thought
we may refer to a recent monograph that convincingly expanded the concept of di-
plomacy beyond international interactions by developing the thought of how Oman’s
trade-based and long-established cosmopolitanism has created the conditions for di-
plomacy as a guiding principle and habitus of social and political engagement (Jones
& Ridout 2013, pp. 4–25).
Due to the lack of comparable archival material prior to the discovery of the ʿAbrīyīn-
archive, little micro-historical information has been disseminated on local socio-
political processes at work in mid- and late nineteenth century Omani interior—a pe-
riod characterized by Oman’s changing fortunes, internal strife and transformations
linked to increasing European colonial influence (McBrierty & Al Zubair 2004, pp. 28–
35). Accordingly, Hoffmann-Ruf’s discussion of letters from the hitherto only known
private archive from the pre-modern Omani interior not only provides new and inter-
esting insights into the role of the tribal leaders, but also sheds light on the dynamics
of everyday tribal politics (including issues pertaining to tribal dār expansion or con-
traction, control of the bayt al-māl and right to collect zakāt), while using the trans-
regional topics discussed in some of the letters to place the ʿAbrīyīn’s correspondence
into the wider region’s political and social context. Her research has opened a window
onto the opportunities offered by the investigation of this and similar archival sources
for future research on both the micro- and macro-historical levels, investigating tribal
structures, socio-economic organisation of communities in the Omani interior, and
the dynamics of local social history and its integration into trans-regional develop-
ments. It can be anticipated that the results will inspire research on the second cache
of the ʿAbrīyīn-archive and possibly further—yet to be discovered—private archives
from pre-modern Oman.
Birgit Mershen
Research Associate
Ruhr University Bochum, Faculty of Philology
Department of Oriental and Islamic Studies.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 35


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References
Sources

Al-ʿAbrī, Ibrāhīm b. Saʿīd (1378/1959), Tabaṣṣurat al-muʿtabirīn fī tārīḫ al-ʿAbrīyīn, Un-


published manuscript, Sultan Qaboos University Library, Muscat.
Al-Sālimī, Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdallāh b. Ḥumayyid b. Sallūm, Tuḥfat al-aʿyān bi-sīrat
ahl ʿuḥfa, Egypt, Maṭābiʿ al-kitāb al-ʿarabī, 1380/1961.
Ibn Ruzayq b. Buḥayt, Ḥumayd b Muḥammad. 1397/1977. Al-fatḥ al-mubīn fī sīrat al-
sāda Āl-Bū-Saʿīdīn, Muscat, Wizārat al-turāṯ al-qawmī.
Lorimer, John Gordon (1908–1915). Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman, and Central
Arabia [Repub. Westmead, Farnborough, Hants, England, Gregg International
Publishers ltd. & Shannon, Ireland, Irish University Press, 1970].

Secondary literature

Bandyopadhyay, Soumyen. 2011. Manah: An Omani Oasis, an Arabian Legacy; Architec-


ture and Social History of an Omani Settlement, Liverpool, Liverpool University
Press.
Barth, Fredrik. 1983. Sohar: Culture and Society in an Omani Town, Baltimore/London,
John Hopkins University Press.
Bonnenfant, Paul & Guillemette, & Sultan Al-Harthi. 1977. “Architecture and Social
History at Mudayrib”, Journal of Oman Studies 3/2, pp. 107–135.
Ghubash, Hussein 2006. Oman—The Islamic Democratic Tradition, transl. from French
by Mary Turton, New York, Routledge.
Hoffmann-Ruf, Michaela. 2008. Scheich Muḥsin bin Zahrān al-ʿAbrī. Tribale Macht im
Oman des 19. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, Schwarz.
_____ . 2013. “Private documents as a source for regional history: The Archive of the
ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ”, in: Steffen Wippel (ed.), Regionalising Oman. Political,
Economic and Social Dynamics, Dordrecht, Springer.
Jones, Jeremy 2007. Negotiating Change: The New Politics of the Middle East, London,
I. B. Tauris.
_____ & Nicholas Redout. 2013. Oman, Culture and Diplomacy, Edinburgh, Edinburgh
University Press.
_____ . 2015. A History of Modern Oman, New York, Cambridge University Press.
McBrierty, Vincent & Mohammad Al Zubair. 2004. Oman. Ancient Civilisation; Modern
Nation. Towards a Knowledge and Service Economy, Dublin, Trinity Press.
Mershen, Birgit. 1998. “Settlement Space and Architecture in South Arabian Oases:
Ethnoarchaeological Investigations in Recently Abandoned Settlement Quarters
in Inner Oman”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 28, pp. 201–213.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 36


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Riley, Mark, David Charles Harvey, Tony Brown & Sara Mills. 2005. “Narrating land-
scape: The potential of oral history for landscape archaeology”, Public Archaeolo-
gy 4/1, pp. 15–26, DOI: 10.1179/pua.2005.4.1.15.
Sachedina, Amal 2013. Of Living Traces and Revived Legacies: Unfolding Futures in the
Sultanate of Oman. UC Berkeley. ProQuest ID, Sachedina_berkeley_0028E_13852.
Merritt ID: ark:/13030/m5935g2s. Retrieved from
https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5ts8978s.

QATAR
2011. Mohammed Hammam Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy
Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Founda-
tion for Education, Science and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic
Heritage Library, p. A-W + 155, ill. ISBN : 99921-797-0-8.
Pages introductives bilinges (arabe-anglais).

14 janvier 2020. Doha, University City of London. Conférence de Wendy Duff sur les
émotions des archivistes
Organisée par Sumeyya Ahmed (University City of London, UCL), la conférence de
Wendy Duff (University of Toronto) provoque l’intérêt dès son titre, « Emotional Res-
ponses to Archives: A Conversation about the emotions archivists experience when
working with records », en mettant l’accent sur un aspect de la vie des archivistes aux
antipodes des qualités d’organisation des données qu’implique la science archivis-
tique. Il s’agit en fait de souligner la « dangerosité » de ce travail qui « expose » les ar-
chivistes à des contenus parfois chargés émotionnellement, alors que leur conserva-
tion est essentielle pour l’histoire collective. Les propos de W. Duff s’appuient sur une
enquête menée à partir d’un questionnaire envoyé à des archivistes en Amérique du
Nord, Australie et Nouvelle Zélande, conçu pour recueillir les réactions, positives et
négatives, nées du contact avec les contenus archivés aux différents moments de la
chaîne (acquisition, organisation, description, préservation et préparation à l’accès).
La conférence a été suivie, le lendemain, par un séminaire de sensibilisation aux ar-
chives, toujours organisé par Sumeyya Ahmed, au musée de l’Esclavage, à Doha. Les
deux initiatives venaient en appoint du cours sur les archives délivré par Sumeyya
Ahmed à UCL, le seul ayant existé dans le pays.
https://ischool.utoronto.ca/news/emotional-responses-to-archives/

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 37


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29 février 2020. QNL. James Onley « Maps out historical role of Indian Navy in the
Gulf »
Cette présentation de James Onley, Directeur des recherches historiques et des colla-
borations à la Qatar National Library, est liée à l’exposition « Qatar, India & The Gulf »,
dont il est le commissaire et dont il a réalisé le catalogue avec la collaboration de Riz-
wan Ahmad (nCmY 10/29, Actualités, <Novembre 2019-février 2020. Doha, Qatar Na-
tional Library. Exposition « Qatar, India & The Gulf. History, Culture & Society »>, p.
33-34. J. Onley explore l’histoire de la participation de la marine indienne dans le golfe
Arabique depuis 1612 et son rôle significatif dans les cartes du littoral de l’Arabie de
l’Est des années 1760 aux années 1860. La présentation est suivie d’un tour de
l’exposition, centré sur les cartes et diagrammes illustrant les liens étroits et multi-
formes sur le long terme qui existèrent entre le sous-continent indo-pakistanais et le
Moyen-Orient.
https://thepeninsulaqatar.com/article/29/02/2020/QNL-lecture-maps-out-historical-
role-of-Indian-Navy-in-the-Gulf

7 mai 2020 (annonce). La revue AlMuntaqa en accès libre sur JSTOR. ISSN : 2616-
8073.
Publiée par le Markaz al-ʿarabi li-al-abḥāṯ wa-dirasat al-siyasat/Arab Center for
Research and Policy Studies (ACRPS, Doha, Qatar) depuis 2018, la revue donne accès
en anglais à une sélection des meilleurs travaux en sciences sociales et humaines
émanant du monde arabe universitaire. Ces contributions à la recherche ont été initia-
lement publiées en arabe dans des revues à comité de lecture de l’ACRPS.
https://www.dohainstitute.org/en/BooksAndJournals/Pages/AlMuntaqa.aspx

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 38


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OCÉAN INDIEN & GOLFE D’ADEN


2017. Gualtiero Mattesi, Caccia ai pirati somali, préface Amiral d’escadre Valter
Girardelli, Milan, Mursia, coll. « Biblioteca del mare », 94 p. ISBN : 978-88-4255513-1.
L’action se déroule en 2011, entre le golfe d’Aden et l’océan Indien, sur des mers qui
baignent la péninsule Arabique. C’est l’un des participants à l’opération « Ocean
Shield », dirigée contre les pirates de la région, qui raconte, le Contre-Amiral Gualtiero
Mattesi (né à Tarente en 1959), commandant un groupe de bateaux des Nations Unies
pour l’opération et, depuis 2011, Commandant du 1er groupe naval de l’ONU pour « Uni-
fied Protector », une action d’embargo naval de la Libye. Il s’agit donc de la relation
d’un acteur et témoin direct, qui représente un rapport – aisé d’accès –, à découvrir par
lui-même et à défaut de pouvoir consulter les documents d’archives avant leur ouver-
ture au public, suivant le délai légal, sauf les documents classés secrets.
La piraterie est endémique dans cette région : elle a été sur la durée la plaie des voya-
geurs, des commerçants, des migrants (à titre de comparaison, voir ci-dessus : Actuali-
tés, <2017. Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya>, p. 31). Le livre de G. Mattesi donne une
idée globale de ce qui se passe en 2011 au Nord-Ouest de l’océan Indien, là où l’on a
habituellement connaissance d’agressions ponctuelles par des pirates dont on dé-
couvre l’existence par les médias, ces temps derniers au sujet des migrants, par ex. des
Somaliens se rendant dans le Golfe ou, dans l’autre direction, des Yéménites fuyant
vers Djibouti. Dans le livre, il n’est pas seulement question de pirates somaliens, mais
aussi de Yéménites (voir en particulier le chapitre « Yemeni 21 non passa », p. 75-82). Le
livre nous plonge dans cette guerre d’usure, ses tactiques pour contrarier et bloquer les
actes de piraterie à l’endroit des migrants et des navires de commerce au xxie s.

15 juin 2020. Preben Kaarsholm, Revue [Gwyn Campbell, Africa and the Indian
Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
coll. « New Approaches to African History », 14, 2019, 316 p.], dans : H/Soz/Kult,
Kommunikation und Fachinformation für die Geschichtswissenschaften.
http://www.hsozkult.de/publicationreview/id/reb-29409

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 39


Actualités

ACTUALITÉS INTERNATIONALES
Depuis 2016. Leyde. Collection « Studies in the History of Collecting & Art Markets »
chez E. J. Brill.
Il s’agit d’une collection à comité de lecture consacrée à des contributions originales
sur les mécanismes sociaux, culturels et économiques de la circulation de l’art. Le vo-
lume 9, de Lynn Catterson, Florence, Berlin and Beyond, ISBN : 978-90-04-43104-1, est
prévu pour le mois d’août 2020.
https://brill.com/view/serial/HCAM

2020. Hambourg, Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures and Islamic Painted
Page
Il s’agit de la mise à la disposition de ceux qui travaillent sur les manuscrits coraniques
d’un nouvel outil conçu par le Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures (CSMC) et
Islamic Painted Page, Université de Hambourg.
La base de données accessible par le lien : www.islamicpaintedpage.com bénéficie
d’une page de recherche « Qurʾan Details », qui permet aux chercheurs d’accéder à
quelques 4.700 entrées détaillées dédiées à des pages d’intérêt historique, couvrant 110
collections du monde entier, représentant des productions sans limitation de lieux et
de temps.
À titre d’exemple, les recherches suivantes peuvent être menées :
 description des pages de Coran (type d’enluminure, décoration ou reliure),
 type de Qurʾan (fragment, ǧuzʾ, etc.),
 références aux sourates du Coran,
 type d’écriture (coufique, nasḫ, etc.),
 nombre de lignes par page,
 dimensions des pages (hauteur et largeur),
 nom éventuel du Coran (par ex. Coran Oljaytu de Bagdad),
 nom du calligraphe.
Sans compter les données standard, telles que la date et le lieu de production, lieux de
conservation, cotes et feuillet, et la bibliographie qui inclut aussi bien les publications
en ligne que celles sur papier. Environ 20 % des entrées sont illustrées.
Par ailleurs, la page « Main search » donne accès à 48.000 entrées sur l’ensemble de la
base de données, qui couvre des miniatures de manuscrits islamiques publiés, enlu-
minures, reliures, de même que les entrées à des corans de plus de 300 collections.
Près de 50 % des pièces de la base de données sont pourvues d’images. Des liens sont
aussi donnés à VIAF (Virtual International Authority File), WORLDCAT et FIHRIST.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 40


Actualités

Le CSMC s’attache à poursuivre le développement de la base de données The Islamic


Painted Page, un site hébergé et soutenu par l’Université de Hambourg.
New Qur’an Search Facility on the Islamic Painted Page website

2020. Federico Ugolini, Visualizing Harbours in the Classical World, Iconography and
Representation around the Mediterranean, Londres, Bloomsbury, coll. « Ancient Art
and Architecture », 248 p. ISBN : 978-1350125735.
[Résumé repris du livre] « In recent years, there has been intense debate about the re-
ality behind the depiction of maritime cityscapes, especially harbours. Visualizing
Harbours in the Classical World argues that the available textual and iconographic ev-
idence supports the argument that these representations have a symbolic, rather than
literal, meaning and message, and moreover that the traditional view, that all these
media represent the reality of the contemporary cityscapes, is often unrealistic. Bridg-
ing the gap between archaeological sciences and the humanities, it ably integrates
iconographic materials, epigraphic sources, history and archaeology, along with visual
culture.
Focusing on three main ancient ports—Alexandria, Rome and Leptis Magna—
Federico Ugolini considers a range of issues around harbour iconography, from the tri-
umphal imagery of monumental harbours and the symbolism of harbour images, their
identification across the Mediterranean, and their symbolic, ideological and propa-
gandistic messages, to the ways in which aspects of Imperial authority and control
over the seas were expressed in the iconography of the Julio-Claudian, Trajan and
Severii periods, how they reflected the repute, growth and power of the mercantile
class during the Imperial era, and how the use of imagery reflected euergetism and
paideia, which would inform the Roman audience about who had power over the
sea ».
Le livre se compose des sept chapitres suivants :
1. Introduction
2. Alexandria, Rome and Leptis Magna and the Triumphal Imagery of Monumen-
tal Harbours
3. Harbours in Graeco-Roman Art: Symbolism and Identity across the Mediterra-
nean
4. Portraying Maritime Cityscapes: An Imperial Perspective
5. The Mercantile Class: Economic Growth and Influence during the Imperial Era
6. A Postcard from the Ancient Mediterranean: Aspects of Euergetism and Paideia
in Representations of Maritime Cities
7. Epilogue. Maritime Cities: An Iconography of Power
et se clôt sur des index.
https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/visualizing-harbours-in-the-classical-world-
9781350125735/?utm_source=Adestra&utm_medium=email&utm_content=Visualizing
%20Harbours%20in%20the%20Classical%20World&utm_campaign=NL-
CT_New%20Classics%20Monos_JUN20

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 41


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Janvier 2020. Joanna Smalcerz, Smuggling the Renaissance. The Illicit Export of Art-
works Out of Italy 1861–1909, Leyde, E. J. Brill, coll. « Studies in Architectural and Ur-
ban History », 8, 244 p. ISBN : 978-90-04-42149-3.
Dernier volume paru de la collection « Studies in Architectural and Urban History »,
chez E. J. Brill.
https://brill.com/view/title/54914

7 may 2020 (annonce). États-Unis, Harvard Law School. Projet « SHARIAsource »


SHARIAsource est un projet du Programme de droit islamique de l’École de droit de
Harvard (Harvard Law School). L’objectif est de rendre accessible et exploitable con-
tenu et contexte du droit islamique, abordés de manière compréhensives. Il s’agit d’un
portail ouvrant sur les ressources numériques en la matière et des instruments de tra-
vail. Œuvre d’une équipe, il veut organiser l’information disponible sur le droit isla-
mique.

Projet SHARIAsource. Capture d’écran.


SHARIAsource

REVUE DE PRESSE
Le Yémen entre dans sa sixième année de guerre. La crise sanitaire du COVID-19 n’a
pas épargné le pays qui enregistre son premier cas le 10 avril. Le ministère de la Santé
estime que les capacités des infrastructures hospitalières sont limitées et restent du-
rement affectées par la crise humanitaire. Selon un rapport de l’Organisation mondiale
de la Santé, la moitié des infrastructures sanitaires ont été détruites par les affronte-
ments armés au cours de ces cinq dernières années. Dans un contexte politique et sa-
nitaire incertain, le Gouvernement yéménite a relevé des cas de pillages d’antiquités et
de manuscrits historiques dans les villes de Taez et de Sanaa.
Durant le confinement, de nombreuses bibliothèques du Moyen-Orient ont accéléré la
numérisation de manuscrits et leur mise en ligne. C’est ce qu’a fait le musée des Arts
islamiques du Qatar, avec 800 manuscrits d’époque médiévale et ottomane dorénavant
en accès libre sur le site de leur bibliothèque, tandis que la Bibliothèque nationale
d’Israël s’apprête à rendre publique une base de données de 2.500 manuscrits du
Moyen-Orient numérisés. Par ailleurs, la Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd annonce
avoir numérisé 73.000 manuscrits rares sur un total de 90.000 dans le cadre d’un vaste
projet de conservation des manuscrits à travers le Royaume.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 42


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Malgré la crise sanitaire, un colloque scientifique en ligne organisé par le centre Zāyid
d’Abu Dhabi a rassemblé plusieurs organisations et chercheurs du monde entier spé-
cialisés dans la conservation de manuscrits arabes. Le centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid a en ce
qui le concerne mis en avant ses projets de conservation physique des manuscrits
arabes en Afrique de l’Ouest, notamment au Mali et en Mauritanie.

YÉMEN
Janvier 2020. Sabanew – Un réseau de contrebandiers de manuscrits historiques
démantelé par les forces de sécurité dans la ville de Taez.
Les forces de sécurité du Gouvernorat de Taez ont pu identifier un réseau de contre-
bandiers qui détenaient des manuscrits historiques vieux de 800 ans dérobés au mu-
sée national de Taez20. Les manuscrits en question étaient destinés à être revendus sur
le marché de la contrebande à l’étranger. La police du Gouvernorat a intercepté et ar-
rêté les trois suspects qui tentaient de quitter la ville par le poste de contrôle d’al-
Hanǧar à l’ouest de Taez. Les contrebandiers ont également affirmé aux autorités dé-
tenir plusieurs autres antiquités dérobées au musée National. A l’issue de leur arresta-
tion, le lot de manuscrits a été remis au Directeur du musée Ramzī al-Damīnī en pré-
sence du sous-secrétaire au ministère de la Culture ʿAbd al-Hādī al-Zaʿzī21.
La ville de Taez est le théâtre d’une série de violents affrontements entre les forces
gouvernementales, les Houthis ainsi que des groupes armés locaux depuis le début de
la guerre civile en 2015. La fragmentation des forces de sécurité sur le terrain a provo-
qué une augmentation des affrontements armés. Des pillages ont été orchestrés contre
le musée National et les sites historiques du Gouvernorat où plus d’une centaine
d’antiquités a été dérobé et vendu sur le marché de la contrebande.

Mars 2020. Saba – Les Houthis lancent une opération de conservation des manus-
crits de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa.
Le Directeur du Bureau des Waqfs (Maktab al-awqāf wa-al-iršād) ʿAbd Allāh ʿĀmir s’est
rendu sur le site de la maison des manuscrits de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa (qubāt
al-ʿūsaǧā fī Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt) afin de suivre le projet de restauration de plus de 11.000
manuscrits historiques22. Le projet est financé par l’autorité générale des antiquités
sous le contrôle des autorités Houthis et supervisé par l’ingénieur Muršid al-Barīhī.
Dans un court entretien avec le Directeur du Bureau des Waqfs, ʿAbd Allāh ʿĀmir a ré-
affirmé que ce projet a pour but de préserver des milliers de manuscrits en état de dé-
composition. La protection de ces manuscrits passe par la conservation et la préserva-
tion de ces trésors selon l’application de techniques de conservation aux standards in-
ternationaux.

20
https://www.sabanew.net/viewstory/58362
21
https://almawqeapost.net/news/47479
22
https://www.saba.ye/ar/news3089460.htm

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 43


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Avril 2020. Sabanew – Le Gouvernement yéménite appelle l’UNESCO à intervenir


dans la lutte contre la falsification de manuscrits par les Houthis.
Le ministère de la Culture a publié un communiqué dans lequel le Gouvernement af-
firme suivre l’évolution de la situation à la Bibliothèque de la Grande Mosquée de Sa-
naa23. Le communiqué évoque des cas de falsifications de manuscrits opérées par les
Houthis et des pratiques visant à intimider les conservateurs de la bibliothèque qui
souhaitent poursuivre leurs travaux. La gestion et la conservation des manuscrits ont
été confiées à d’autres spécialistes désignés par les Houthis. D’après les témoignages de
chercheurs de l’Université de Sanaa, les Houthis ont eu accès aux trésors archéolo-
giques des musées et bibliothèques de la capitale. Certains objets ont été placés sur le
marché de la contrebande ou revendus à l’étranger tandis que des manuscrits ont été
détruits sur l’idée que leurs contenus s’inscrivent à contre-courant de l’idéologie du
groupe. Les Houthis poursuivent les fouilles au Nord du Yémen. Après Sanaa, Šibām,
Ḏamār, Zabīd, Ǧiblā et al-Ǧund, les Houthis ont eu accès aux sites archéologiques de la
Mosquée de Ṣaʿda et des villes de Kawkabān et d’al-Maḥwīt.
Le Yémen figure depuis mars 2019 sur la liste des pays qui ont ratifié la convention de
l’UNESCO sur la protection des antiquités. Le ministère appelle en outre l’UNESCO et
les partenaires internationaux à faire pression sur les Houthis afin de garantir
l’indépendance et l’intégrité de la Bibliothèque de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa et de
ses archives.

ARABIE SAOUDITE
Mai 2020. Saudi Gazette – La Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd à Riyad renferme
plus d’un millier de manuscrits historiques.
La Monarchie saoudienne place au cœur de sa politique culturelle à l’horizon 2030 la
conservation de milliers de manuscrits anciens et rares. Le décret royal n° M/23 relatif
à la protection du patrimoine et des manuscrits a été promulgué le 12 août 2001 à
l’initiative du Roi Salman lorsqu’il était le Gouverneur de Riyad. En 2020, la mission de
maintien et de préservation bénéficie du soutien plein et entier du Roi Salman et du
Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. Le pays compte mettre en place 11 organismes cultu-
rels spécialisés dont deux sur le développement des bibliothèques et la gestion du pa-
trimoine, qui contribueront au rayonnement culturel de la Monarchie sur la scène in-
ternationale.
Depuis quelques années, la Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd a lancé un processus
de numérisation de ses fonds24. Selon Saudi Gazette, les conservateurs du musée au-
raient numérisé jusqu’à présent 73.000 manuscrits sur 90.000. La Bibliothèque dispo-
serait également de 6.000 manuscrits rares, dont une copie d’un Coran du ixe-xe s. en

23
https://www.sabanew.net/viewstory/60833
24
https://saudigazette.com.sa/article/593122/SAUDI-ARABIA/79000-valuable-manuscripts-housed-in-
King-Fahd-National-Library

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 44


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écriture coufique et d’un autre Coran, du xe s., en écriture nasḫī. Au-delà, la Biblio-
thèque serait sur le point d’achever la numérisation de tous les manuscrits du
Royaume.
Dans un communiqué à l’Agence de presse saoudienne, le Secrétaire-Général de la Bi-
bliothèque nationale, Mohammed Bin Abdulaziz al-Rashed, a annoncé que ses
équipes travaillaient à la mise en œuvre du décret royal d’identification et
d’enregistrement des manuscrits appartenant à des individus ou à des collectionneurs
privés. Leurs propriétaires reçoivent un numéro d’identification et un certificat
d’authenticité qui permettent à la Bibliothèque de proposer ses services d’analyse et
de renforcer la longévité du manuscrit par des techniques d’anoxie.

DUBEÏ
Mai 2020. Al-waṭan – Le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid participe à un colloque scientifique
en ligne sur la construction du patrimoine national et arabe.
Le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid pour la Culture et le Patrimoine a participé à un colloque
scientifique en ligne organisé par le Centre d’étude et de recherche Zāyid à Abu Dhabi,
intitulé : « Construction du patrimoine national et arabe, entre réalités et attentes »25.
L’événement a rassemblé plusieurs personnalités du milieu de la conservation des
manuscrits arabes, en particulier Muḥammad Fātaḥ Zaġal, Chercheur associé au
Centre Zāyid. Durant son discours, le chercheur a évoqué la négligence et l’absence
d’initiatives des autorités émiraties à l’endroit de la préservation et de la valorisation
des manuscrits arabes et islamiques.
Le colloque a été une opportunité pour le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid de souligner son
rôle pionnier dans la restauration et la préservation des manuscrits arabes d’Afrique
de l’Ouest. Basām Dāġistānī, Chef du département préservation et restauration du
Centre, a souligné les efforts du Directeur de Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid dans la mise en œuvre
de projets de préservation des manuscrits arabes à Tombouctou (Mali) et à Tichitt
(Mauritanie).
Voir la présentation du Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid dans ce numéro des nCmY, Actualités,
<Dubai. Juma Al Majid Center for Culture and Heritage>, p. 28-31.

ÉGYPTE
Mai 2020. Middle-East-Online – Manuscrits arabes : des sources fondamentales à la
construction de la civilisation arabe moderne, d’après le récit de ʿAbd al-Sattār al-
Ḥalūǧī.
Le docteur ʿAbd al-Sattār al-Ḥalūǧī, Professeur de littérature à l’Université du Caire, a
publié l’ouvrage « Les manuscrits et l’héritage arabe » (Al-maḫṭūṭāt wa-al-turāṯ al-

25
https://alwatan.ae/?p=626353

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 45


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ʿarabī) édité par la Maison égyptienne du Liban au Caire26. Celui-ci met en avant le rôle
des manuscrits arabes dans la construction et la documentation de l’histoire arabe.
L’auteur livre dans un premier temps une définition du manuscrit comme un outil de
projection de puissance des dynasties de l’Empire arabo-musulman telles que les
Omeyyades, les Abbassides et les Fatimides. Le manuscrit est un objet historique qui
traverse le temps et les civilisations, illustrant une pratique de l’écriture depuis 7.000
ans et qui se présente sous divers supports : le papyrus, la pierre, la tablette d’argile
brûlée ou la peau de chèvre.
Al-Ḥalūǧī considère en outre que l’étude des manuscrits arabes est une nécessité pour
comprendre les évolutions d’une civilisation car elle renferme de précieuses informa-
tions sur l’auteur et le contexte historique. L’analyse matérielle du manuscrit apporte
des informations sur les techniques d’écriture, de reliure et de décoration qui sont des
étapes-clés dans la conception de ce dernier. L’auteur insiste également sur
l’importance de la notion d’origine persane de fihrist, au sens de bibliographie-état des
lieux de nos connaissances, pluridisciplinaires, suivant l’œuvre du warrāq Ibn al-
Nadīm (m. 384/995) dans son livre Al-fihrist. Selon lui, ce travail d’indexation à l’image
des travaux d’al-Nadīm est nécessaire pour l’identification et l’authentification des
sources manuscrites.
Les progrès technologiques de ce siècle permettent de repenser le travail d’archivage
et de catalogage des manuscrits. Al-Ḥalūǧī insiste sur l’importance de tirer parti de la
numérisation de l’information pour entamer une série de projets à l’échelle globale de
conservation et de numérisation des antiquités et des sources manuscrites difficiles
d’accès ou qui ne peuvent pas être exposés à la lumière en permanence.

Mai 2020. Al-Šurūq – L’archéologue égyptien ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān appelle à numé-
riser 4.500 manuscrits du Monastère de Sainte-Catherine.
L’archéologue et Professeur à l’Université du Sinaï-Sud ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān appelle
les autorités égyptiennes à un projet de numérisation des archives historiques du Mo-
nastère de Sainte-Catherine27. La bibliothèque du Monastère renferme 600 manuscrits
et 1.000 rouleaux en langue arabe, 2.319 manuscrits en grec, 284 en latin et des sources
en 9 autres langues. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān souligne l’importance d’un travail de numé-
risation de ces sources rares telles que des manuscrits datant du ive s., des calligraphies
(dīwānī) du xiie s. et une copie incomplète de la Bible en syriaque sur un parchemin de
peau de cerf.

26
https://meo.news/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%86-%D9%84%D8%A7-
%D9%8A%D9%83%D8%AA%D8%A8-%D9%84%D9%86%D9%81%D8%B3%D9%87-
%D9%88%D8%A5%D9%86%D9%85%D8%A7-%D9%8A%D9%83%D8%AA%D8%A8-
%D9%84%D9%84%D8%A2%D8%AE%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%86
27
https://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=30052020&id=25b42e53-87d6-4c87-a5f9-
fd75bc3d9d35

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 46


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L’étude des fonds du Monastère de Sainte-Catherine a débuté en 1950. En 1963,


l’Université d’Alexandrie et la Bibliothèque du Congrès à Washington D. C. ont lancé
une mission scientifique conjointe sous la direction des Docteurs ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd al-
ʿAbādā, ʿAzīz Sūriyāl ʿAṭiyya, Aḥmad Fikrī et Ǧūzīf Nasīm Yūsuf. Les équipes ont photo-
graphié 5.000 documents rédigés en 12 langues. Dans les années 2000, le ministère
égyptien du Tourisme et des Antiquités ont entamé les travaux de restauration d’une
partie de la bibliothèque du Monastère. En 2017, le docteur Ḫālid al-ʿAnānī, ministre
du Tourisme et des Antiquités, a annoncé la mise en œuvre de la deuxième phase du
projet. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān affirme par ailleurs que le contexte sécuritaire dans le
Nord du Sinaï et les difficultés d’accès au Monastère renforcent l’urgence de numériser
la totalité de ces fonds en péril potentiel.

KOWEÏT
Juin 2020. Al-ǧazīra – La coalition formée par l’Arabie saoudite et les Émirats
Arabes Unis est accusée d’avoir détruit plus de 80 % des antiquités yéménites.
L’Observatoire koweïti des droits de l’Homme a accusé dans un rapport sur les viola-
tions commises pendant la guerre civile yéménite28 la coalition formée par l’Arabie
Saoudite et les Émirats Arabes Unis d’avoir détruit plus de 80 % du patrimoine histo-
rique et culturel yéménite depuis le début des opérations en 2015. Le Directeur de
l’Observatoire, Yaḥyā al-Ḥadīd, a exprimé ses préoccupations quant à la préservation
d’un patrimoine millénaire en proie aux effets destructeurs des affrontements en
cours. Tandis que le conflit ne fait qu’accentuer la formation de réseaux de contre-
bande d’antiquités au Yémen, de nombreux manuscrits yéménites en arabe et en hé-
breu ont été volés lors d’attaques contre des sites archéologiques par les parties en
conflit. Ces manuscrits ont été transportés par voie de contrebande vers l’Arabie Saou-
dite et les Émirats Arabes Unis afin d’être revendus à des collectionneurs privés.

PALESTINE/ISRAËL
Mai 2020. Diniyya al-Watan – Manuscrits de Palestine, ce qu’ils nous révèlent.
D’après le récit de ʿAmr Ramaḍan Ṣabrī.
Le chercheur et juriste palestinien ʿAmr Ramaḍan Ṣabrī livre un compte-rendu de lec-
ture d’un ouvrage sur l’histoire des manuscrits palestiniens dont il s’est procuré une
copie auprès de Ḥisām Abū al-Naṣr, auteur de Tāriḫ al-maḫṭūṭāt bi-Falasṭīn (The Histo-

28
https://www.aljazeera.net/news/humanrights/2020/6/4/%D8%B3%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9-
%D9%88%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A8-%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%85-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%B9%D9%88%D8%AF%D9%8A
‫السعودي‬-‫التحالف‬-‫اهتام‬-‫وهتريب‬-‫رس قة‬

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 47


Actualités

ry of Manuscripts in Palestine)29. L’ouvrage de 56 pages fut publié en mai 2017 par le


centre de recherche de l’Organisation de libération palestinienne à Jérusalem30.
Dans un premier temps, le chercheur met en avant l’importance de l’histoire palesti-
nienne depuis la civilisation de Canaan (2000 av. J.-C.), les croisades chrétiennes et la
période islamique. Ces civilisations ont produit de nombreux matériaux, notamment
des manuscrits et manuels qui demeurent toutefois cachés et dispersés dans plusieurs
bibliothèques publiques et institutions ainsi que parmi les collectionneurs. ʿAmr Ra-
maḍan Ṣabrī déplore l’absence d’une bibliothèque pouvant rassembler un héritage
millénaire en un endroit unique.
Le manque d’initiative au regard de la préservation des manuscrits palestiniens con-
duit à un morcellement du patrimoine. Les manuscrits historiques palestiniens sont
actuellement dispersés dans les bibliothèques privées de Yaʿqūb Ṭahbūb, ʿArīf Dawīk et
Rāšid al-Ḥalwānī, les bibliothèques publiques de Gaza, Jérusalem, Bethléem et Hé-
bron, ainsi que dans les mosquées d’al-Ǧazār à Acre, al-Aqṣā et Ḫālidiyya à Jérusalem,
Barqīn à Hébron. Dès 1947, les manuscrits palestiniens ont suscité l’intérêt
d’archéologues israéliens. Au total, sept manuscrits ont été achetés, dont trois appar-
tenant à la collection des manuscrits de la mer Morte (maḫṭūṭāt Qumrān), découverte
en 1947, et quatre autres au Monastère orthodoxe syriaque Saint-Marc à Jérusalem.
Parmi ces manuscrits figure celui d’Ithāf al-aḫsā bi-faḍā’īl al-Masǧid al-Aqṣā (publié
880/1475) rédigé par un savant et théologien égyptien chaféite, le šayḫ Šams al-Dīn
Muḥammad al-Suyūṭī al-Manhāǧī al-Mutawwafī (849/1445-911/1505) actuellement
conservé à la Bibliothèque de l’Université hébraïque de Jérusalem.
Malgré l’absence d’un centre commun de préservation des manuscrits palestiniens,
l’auteur salue les efforts de préservation et de numérisation du patrimoine palestinien
conduit par Heritage Revival Foundation, la Bibliothèque d’al-Bīrā, le Centre pour la
restauration de manuscrits d’al-Aqṣā et la Fondation Bayt al-Quds pour les études pa-
lestiniennes. L’écrivain conclut que les manuscrits palestiniens sont un trésor national
et une source d’information sur l’histoire de l’identité palestinienne, marquée au fil du
temps par les influences islamiques et chrétiennes. Ce patrimoine doit donc être im-
pérativement préservé.

Juin 2020. Al-Ḥurrā – La Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël s’apprête à mettre en ligne


2.500 manuscrits du Moyen-Orient numérisés.
La Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël à Jérusalem mettra en ligne plus de 2.500 manus-
crits rares provenant du Moyen-Orient31. Les conservateurs de la Bibliothèque ont nu-
mérisé les manuscrits durant trois ans en respectant les standards de conservation. La

29
https://pulpit.alwatanvoice.com/articles/2020/05/06/521454.html
30
Ḥisām Abū al-Naṣr, Tāriḫ al-maḫṭūṭāt bi-Falasṭīn, Jérusalem, Centre de recherche de l’Organisation de
libération palestinienne, 2017, p. 1-59.
31
https://www.alhurra.com/latest/2020/06/11/
‫االنرتنت‬-‫اسالمية‬-‫خمطوطات‬-‫تعرض‬-‫االرسائيلية‬-‫الوطنية‬-‫املكتبة‬

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 48


Actualités

nouvelle plateforme, accessible au public, exposera le contenu numérisé avec une


courte explication trilingue (anglais, arabe et hébreu). Parmi le contenu déjà numérisé
et bientôt en ligne, des manuscrits coraniques et des œuvres littéraires ornés de
feuilles d’or et de lapis-lazuli datant du ixe s. La Bibliothèque dispose également d’une
copie des manuscrits du poète persan Nūr al-Dīn Ǧāmī (817/1414-898/1492) et d’une
amulette datant du xe s. fabriquée à partir d’un coran. Raquel Ukeles, Directrice des
collections Islam et Moyen-Orient à la Bibliothèque nationale, a affirmé que le proces-
sus de numérisation permet d’étudier certains manuscrits qui ne peuvent pas être ex-
posés à cause de leur fragilité.

QATAR
Mai 2020. Agence de presse iranienne – Le musée des Arts islamiques à Doha ren-
ferme plus de 800 manuscrits coraniques.
Durant la crise sanitaire du COVID-19, le musée d’Arts islamiques du Qatar, à Doha, a
mis en ligne dans le cadre de son programme de musée digital la collection
d’antiquités, de mobiliers et de documents historiques qui ont été numérisés. Parmi les
ressources mises en ligne sur le site du musée, une banque de plus de 800 manuscrits
coraniques datant du xiie s. jusqu’à la période ottomane au xixe s.32 a été publiée.
Parmi ces manuscrits figure la dernière section (ǧuzʾ)33 d’un Coran en 30 volumes da-
tant du xiie-xiiie s., produit au Maroc ou en Tunisie. Il s’agit d’un des exemplaires les
plus rares du monde arabe. Le manuscrit est écrit à l’encre marron foncé. Les marques
diacritiques sont rendues en bleu, rouge et jaune. Les titulatures royales sont marquées
de couleur or et les titres et bordures d’images en rouge. La bibliothèque du musée a
répertorié deux des cinq pages manuscrites de ce volume qui s’inscrit dans la plus
grande collection coranique du Bīsūnġūr al-Tīmūrī. Les archives de la bibliothèque
renferment également les plus anciennes traductions européennes du Coran telles que

32
https://iqna.ir/ar/news/3476419/
‫قرأآنية‬-‫خمطوطة‬-800-‫عىل‬-‫يتوي‬-‫الاساليم‬-‫الفن‬-‫متحف‬-‫قطر‬
33
https://www.qm.org.qa/en/blog/museum-islamic-arts-quran-manuscripts

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 49


Actualités

la traduction latine de Théodore Bibliandre (1543)34, française d’André du Ryer (1649)35


et allemande d’Abraham Hinkelman (1694)36.

34
Théodore Bibliandre (1504-1564) ; Mohammed Hammam Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings
of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Ed-
ucation, Science and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 26-31
(ill.).
35
André du Ryer (1580-1660) ; Abdelhamid Drira, « Kazimirski dans l’histoire du Coran : histoire de la
traduction du Coran du XIIe s. au début de XXe s. », The Arabist. Budapest Studies in Arabic, 40, 2019,
p. 11-46, p. 22sq., en ligne : https://eltearabszak.hu/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Arabist-40-1.pdf ;
M. H. Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and
Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, Doha,
Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 50-57 (ill.).
36
Abraham Hinkelman (1652-1695) ; M. H. Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy
Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Education, Sci-
ence and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 42-45 (ill.).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 50


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ENCART : PROJECT OF PUBLICATION

Research of the philological notes from


The Arabian Journey 1761–1767
Peter Forsskål’s zoological notes
and F. C. von Haven’s linguistical notes

Philippe Provençal
(Natural History Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen)

This project started when it came to my attention in the course of my re-


search on Arabic biological terms that a modern survey of the linguistic
observations made during the Danish-Arabian Expedition 1761–1767 was
missing, and that a large part of these observations had in fact never been
published. Here lay a treasure trove of linguistic observations made by
trained philologists, which were waiting to be investigated.
The aims of the project are the following:
1. Publish Frederik von Haven’s hitherto unpublished philological
notes together with an updated commentary.
2. Finish the current work with Peter S. Forsskål’s notes of Arabic an-
imal names.

Background
The Danish-Arabian Expedition 1761–1767 (often called the Carsten Nie-
buhr Expedition) was planned as a multidisciplinary one.
The Royal Danish Expedition to Arabia 1761–1767 (hereafter referred
to as the Arabian journey), and its place in the history of scientific expedi-
tions, has recently been described by Lawrence J. Baack (2013). The results
and collections of the expedition have been analysed in publications by
Ian W. J. Hopkins (1962), Wolfgang Klausewitz & Jørgen G. Nielsen (1965),
Stig Torben Rasmussen (1990), Frank Nigel Hepper & Ib Friis (1994),
Philippe Provençal (2010; 2017) and at two symposia, one in Eutin in 1999
(Josef Wiesehöfer & Stephan Conermann, 2002), and one in Copenhagen
in 2011 (Ib Friis et al., 2013)1.

1
See the complete references in our bibliography for all works cited in the project
presentation.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 51


Actualités

The scientific staff of the expedition consisted of the philologist


Frederik Christian von Haven (1727–1763), the natural historian Peter S.
Forsskål (1732–1763), the physician Christian Carl Kramer (1732–1764) and
the cartographer Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815). In its first years the expedi-
tion went to Istanbul, Egypt, the Red Sea and Yemen, and the members of
the scientific staff successfully assembled a wide collection of animals,
plants and artefacts and made notes, descriptions, drawings and maps of
the areas through which the expedition travelled. Scientists and scholars
have been using much of this material since the 18th century. However,
some of the most important results from the Arabian Journey 1761–1767
were the philological ones. Not only was the philologist of Arabic and oth-
er Semitic languages, Von Haven, appointed as a member of the scientific
staff, but the philological tasks were clearly stipulated and described in
the Royal Order of 15 December 1760.

The state of the art


Forsskål’s notation of Arabic designations for plants, animals and their
products were written in the local Arabic dialect and published by Nie-
buhr in Forsskål (1775a and b). The Royal Order of 15 December 1760 stipu-
lated that Forsskål should note the local Arabic names of plants, animals
and their products in both Latin and Arabic characters, and that if the
same item had different names in different places, these various names
should be noted.
Significant updating and systematisation of the botanical descrip-
tions and the Arabic botanical designations will be found in the works of
F. N. Hepper & I. Friis, The Plants of Pehr Forsskål’s Flora Aegyptiaco Arabi-
ca, 1994, and in Ph. Provençal, The Arabic Plant Names of Peter Forsskål’s
Flora Aegyptiaco-Arabica, 2010. Ph. Provençal’s book represents, together
with F. N. Hepper & I. Friis, a completely updated systematization and
cataloguing of Forsskål’s botanical work by having been written as a sup-
plement to the former. On the other hand, the zoological notes still await
a corresponding updating, but this task is currently being undertaken by
Ph. Provençal at the Natural History Museum of Denmark.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 52


Actualités

This page from the Descriptiones Animalium of Peter Forsskål is from the chapter
Faunæ Orientali Conspectus. It shows a few of the zoological notes of the author together
with the notes on local Arabic names of the species treated.

While the philological notes provided by both Niebuhr and Forsskål


have been published and are the subject of earlier investigations, the phil-
ological notes gathered and written by F. C. von Haven remain un-
published, even though they make up a substantial part, 228 pages, of his
journal from the Arabian journey. These pages are 23 x 38.5 cm in size (S.
T. Rasmussen. & A. H. Haslund 2005, p. 21). The pages are all written by
hand. Most of the journal is based on a draft and both the draft and the
journal itself were written in the course of the journey. The number of
lines varies but may reach 61 lines on a page.

Interest of von Haven’s journal


Examples found during a preliminary examination of von Haven’s journal,
which were carried out by Ph. Provençal at the Royal Library in Copenha-
gen on June 13, 2009, showed that the Arabic and Semitic terms that von
Haven noted and commented were specialised. They are not among the
usual lexemes, which are found in the accepted dictionaries.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 53


Actualités

Take, for example, the word ʿasqalān, which Von Haven noted in
Egypt. He wrote: “a small red animal or worm, which is used to be laid on
the breasts when children are not able to get milk from them. It is said to
give milk in abundance.” The word ʿasqalān is the same as the Arabic
name for the town of Ascalon in Palestine, but this animal has not been
found in any of the consulted dictionaries (A. de B. Kazimirski (1860),
F. J. Steingass (1884), E. W. Lane (1877)) and is absolutely worthy of a closer
examination.
There are, then, 228 pages of unpublished notes on the dialects of
Egypt and Yemen gathered in 1761–1763, which are waiting for a modern
survey.

This is a photograph of a jambiya which was acquired by the members of the expedition
during their stay in Yemen in 1763.
Courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark. Item number EFb1.
Photo, Torben Eskerod.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 54


Actualités

The age of the notes makes them linguistically very interesting, as


they testify to the vocabularies of vernacular Arabic of their time. Besides
contributing words and concepts which may have vanished during the in-
tervening 258 years, this exceptional fieldwork may also contribute to our
understanding of the interaction between dialects and Classical Arabic
and among the various dialects.
Copenhagen, 19 July 2020.

Literature cited
Baack, Lawrence J. 2013. “A naturalist of the Northern Enlightenment: Pe-
ter Forsskål after 250 years”, Archives of natural history 40/1, pp. 1–19.
Forsskål, Peter. 1775a. Descriptiones Animalium—Avium, amphibiorum,
piscium, insectoum, vermium quæ in itinere orientali observavit Petrus
Forskål, post mortem auctoris edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen,
Möller.
_____ . 1775b. Flora Aegyptiaco—Arabica sive descriptions plantarum quas
per Ægyptum Inferiorem et Arabiam Felicem detexit ilustravit Petrus
Forskål, post mortem auctoris edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen,
Möller.
_____ . 1776. Icones Rerum Naturalium, quas in itinere orientalis depingi
curavit Petrus Forskål. Post mortem auctoris ad regis mandatum aeri
incisas edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller.
Freytag, Georg & Wihelm Friedrich. 1837. Lexicon arabico-latinum, Halle,
C. A. Schwetschke.
Friis, Ib, Michael Harbsmeier & Jørgen Bæk Simonsen. 2013. Early scientific
expeditions and local encounters. New perspectives on Carsten Nie-
buhr and ‘The Arabian Journey’. Proceedings of a symposium on the
occasion of the 250th anniversary of the Royal Danish Expedition to
Arabia Felix, “Scientia Danica” H4, vol. 2, pp. 1–252, Copenhagen,
Royal Academy of Science and Letters.
Hepper, Frank Nigel & Ib Friis. 1994. The Plants of Pehr Forsskål’s Flora Ae-
gyptiaco Arabica, Kew, Royal Botanic Gardens.
Hopkins, Ian W. J. 1962. “The maps of Carsten Niebuhr: 200 years after”,
Cartographic journal 4, pp. 115–118.
Kazimirski, Albert de Bibenstein. 1860. Dictionnaire Arabe-Français, Mai-
sonneuve et Cie, Paris.
Klausewitz, Wolfgang & Jørgen G. Nielsen. 1965. “On Forsskål’s collection
of fishes in the Zoological Museum of Copenhagen”, Spolia Zoologi-
ca Musei Hauniensis XXII.
Lane, Edward William. 1956. Arabic—English Lexicon, New York, Frederic
Ungar Publishing Co. [rééd. 1879 Londres, William & Norgate].

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 55


Actualités

Niebuhr, Carsten. 1772. Beschreibungen von Arabien aus eigenen Beobach-


tungen und im Lande selbst gesammelten Nachrichten abgefasset von
Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller.
_____ . 1774. Reisebeschreibungen nach Arabien und andern umliegenden
Ländern, Copenhagen, Möller.
Provençal, Philippe. 2002. “The cultural significance of the results in Natu-
ral History made by the Arabic Travel 1761–1767—Peter Forsskål’s
contribution to Arabic lexicography”, in: Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815)
und seine Zeit, Josef Wiesehöfer und Stephan Conerman (eds),
Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag.
_____ . 2010. The Arabic plant names of Peter Forsskål’s Flora Aegyptiaco-
Arabica, coll. “Biologiske Skrifter”, 57, Copenhagen, Royal Academy
of Science and Letters, pp. 1–155.
http://www.royalacademy.dk/Publications/Low/2824_Provençal,%2
0Philippe.pdf
_____ . 2017. “Les manuscrits de l’expédition scientifique danoise de 1761–
1767 au Yémen”, Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen, Nouvelles séries
5/24, pp. 74–96.
http://www.cdmy.org/cmy/cmy24.pdf
Rasmussen, Stig Torben (ed.). 1990. Den Arabiske Rejse. En dansk ekspedi-
tion set i videnskabshistorisk perspektiv, Copenhagen, Munksgaard,
Det Kongelige Bibliotek.
_____ & Anne Haslund Hansen (eds). 2005. Min Sundheds Forliis. Frederik
Christian von Havens rejsejournal fra Den arabiske Rejse 1760–1763,
Copenhagen, Vandkunsten.
Steingass, Francis Joseph. 1982. Arabic English Dictionary, New Delhi,
Cosmo Publication [rééd. London, Crosby Lockwood & Son, 1884].
Wiesehöfer, Josef & Stephan Conermann (eds). 2002. Carsten Niebuhr
(1733–1815) und seine Zeit: Beiträge eines interdisziplinären Symposi-
ums vom 7.–10. Oktober 1999 in Eutin, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 56


nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 57
M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Articles
NOTE ON A STEELYARD BALANCE
IN AN ARABIC MANUSCRIPT IN HEBREW CHARACTERS FROM YEMEN1

Mohammed Abattouy
(Doha Historical Dictionary of Arabic
The Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies, Doha)

with the collaboration of


Gabriele Ferrario
(University of Bologna)

Abstract
The website of Les Enluminures, an antique store based in Paris specialising in illuminated medieval
manuscripts, displays a few pages of a precious manuscript containing several Arabic scientific texts on
astronomy, optics and philosophy, in Hebrew characters of Yemenite style. The codex’s provenance is
from Sanaa, and it is dated 904/1499. On folio 83v, a short passage on statics includes a picture of the
steelyard balance, which is the subject matter of this note. In the following short account, we present a
short description of the manuscript, with a focus on the folio containing the drawing of the steelyard,
which is transcribed into Hebrew and Arabic characters and translated into English. This preliminary
work yielded a first result: the determination of the source of the first part of the Arabic text in Hebrew
characters in an important scientific and didactic book of the polymath al-Bīrūnī.

Résumé
Le site web Les Enluminures, une maison d’antiquaires de Paris, spécialisée dans les manuscrits médié-
vaux, affiche quelques pages d’un précieux manuscrit contenant plusieurs textes scientifiques arabes
d’astronomie, d’optique et de philosophie, en caractères hébreux, écrits dans un style yéménite. Le co-
dex provient de Sanaa et est daté de 904/1499. Sur le feuillet 83v, un court passage de statique contient
l’image d’une balance à peson, qui constitue le sujet de cette note. Nous souhaitons présenter une brève
description du manuscrit, puis nous concentrer sur le feuillet contenant le dessin de la balance, qui est
transcrit en caractères hébreux et arabes et traduit en anglais. Cet examen préliminaire a fourni un
premier résultat : la détermination de la source de la première partie du texte, un fameux livre scienti-
fique à caractère didactique d’al-Bīrūnī.

1
[N. d. l’Ed. The Editorial Committee of nCmY is grateful to Les Enluminures for having kindly reacted to
his message and shared an image of the folio of the manuscript with acceptable resolution. This allowed
definitely the transcription of the text in Hebrew characters to happen].

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 58


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

‫ملخص‬
‫ اذلي يوجد مقره بباريس ويتخصص يف‬،‫ لبيع احملفوظات القدمية‬Les Enluminures ‫يعرض موقع الويب التابع ملتجر‬
‫ بضع صفحات من خمطوط مثني يتض ّمن مجموعة من النصوص العلمية العربية يف الفكل‬،‫خمطوطات العرص الوس يط‬
‫ يعود منشأأ هذا اجملموع اىل صنعاء ويتحدّد اترخيه يف‬.‫ ُك ِتبت حبروف عربية وبأأسلوب ميين‬،‫واملناظر والفلسفة‬
‫يشلك موضوع هذه‬ ّ )‫ جند نصا قصريا يتوي عىل صورة مزيان قبّاين (قرسطون‬،‫ظ‬83 ‫ يف الورقة‬.‫ م‬1499/‫ هـ‬904
‫ ونقدم يف املقاةل‬.‫ اليت هندف من نرشها اىل تقدمي وصف موجز للمخطوط والرتكزي عىل الفقرة املتعلّقة بملزيان‬،‫الورقة‬
‫ وقد أأدى الفحص ا أل َّويل اىل العثور عىل نتيجة أأوىل تمتث ّل يف‬.‫النص مكتوب حبروف عربية وعربية ويف ترمجة اجنلزيية‬
.‫حتديد مصدر القسم ا ألول من النص يف كتاب علمي وتعلميي شهري للعا ِلم املعروف البريوين‬

Keywords
steelyard balance, Arabic science, Hebrew Manuscript, Yemen, Kūšyār b. Labbān (d. 420/1029), History
of Sciences, science of weights

Mots-clés
balance à peson, science arabe, manuscrit hébreu, Yémen, Kūšyār b. Labbān (m. 420/1029), histoire des
sciences, science des poids

‫لكامت مفتاحية‬
‫ عمل ا ألثقال‬،‫ اترخي العلوم‬،)1029/420 ‫ كوش يار بن ل ّبان (مات‬،‫ المين‬،‫ خمطوط عربي‬،‫ العمل العريب‬،‫املزيان القباين‬

I. Introduction
The website2 of Les Enluminures, an antique store based in Paris specialising in illumi-
nated medieval manuscripts3 displays a few pages of a manuscript by the Persian as-
tronomer and mathematician Kūšyār b. Labbān (d. 420/1029), Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ wa-al-
balīġ (The comprehensive and extensive astronomical tables), in Arabic in Hebrew
characters, in a recognizable Yemenite style. According to the extensive description
provided by the auction house online, the manuscript is on paper, its provenance is

2
I mentioned the Hebrew manuscript which is the subject matter of the present note in an invited lec-
ture presented on 18 October 2017 at the Institute for Advanced Studies, Princeton: “The Corpus of the
Arabic Science of Weights: Textual Tradition, Theoretical Scope and Significance in the History of Me-
chanics” (seminar of Professor Sabine Schmidtke at the School of Historical Studies
https://www.hs.ias.edu/islam_past_events). The present note originated in discussions with Dr. Anne
Regourd held in Doha, Qatar, in early 2020. I thank her for engaging encouragement and stimulating
comments on an earlier version of the paper.
3
Les Enluminures: Original Illuminated Manuscripts specializing in manuscripts and miniatures from
the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; online at https://www.lesenluminures.com.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 59


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

from Sanaa, and it is dated 904/1499.4 On folio 83v, a short passage on statics includes a
picture of the steelyard balance, which is the subject matter of this note. In this note,
we wish to present a short description of the manuscript, with a focus on the folio con-
taining the drawing of the steelyard, hoping that this short account will help in provid-
ing more information on the codex and its contents.

Fig. 1. Picture of the steelyard in the Hebrew manuscript on f. 83v © Les Enluminures.

4
See the full description of the manuscript, its historical details and philology at
https://www.textmanuscripts.com/medieval/astronomy-hebrew-60473.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 60


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

II. Description of the codex5


The codex in Hebrew characters of which f. 83v presents a short passage on statics, in-
cluding a picture of the steelyard (qarasṭūn), is composed of iii + 128 + iii folios (134 in
total). Its paper size is 235 × 165 mm, f. 6 is a singleton (186 × 120 mm). It does not con-
tain any watermarks. There is a modern foliation in Arabic numerals on the upper left
fore edge recto side in pencil, and a medieval foliation on the verso side. The codex is
written in black ink, contains table rulings, diagrams, and headings in rubric, with sin-
gle column text throughout (justification 170 × 110 mm).
It also contains over one hundred large astronomical tables in rubric and black
ink on ff. 25v–82r (justification 167 × 112 mm), seventy-seven geometric calculations in
rubric and black ink on ff. 83r, 86v–91v, 92v–94v, 95v–96v, 97v, 99v–106r, and 109v, and
twenty-one calculation tables in rubric and black ink on ff. 1r, 82v, 118v–119r, 125v–126r,
127v, and 128v.
The main part of the codex reproduces in Hebrew characters the Zīǧ of Kūšyār
b. Labbān, an early and little-studied astronomical handbook which survives in nine
Arabic-alphabet copies and four Hebrew-alphabet copies, of which this one is among
the most interesting. Contemporary notes in the manuscript claim that it is based up-
on Kūšyār’s own autograph, and it contains the complete tables (absent in many of the
extant copies), which is evidently a positive feature and a good tool to gain precise
knowledge about the measures and data contained in these tables.

5
In the following description of the codex, we follow mainly the description provided online on the
website of the auction house.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 61


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 2. Two pages of astronomical tables from the Hebrew manuscript.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 62


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

The codex was written in Yemen, in Sanaa precisely, in 1499, according to the
date stated in the colophon. The collection (maǧmūʿ) contains the following texts and
fragments, all of them, like the Zīǧ of Kūšyār, are in Arabic, written out in Hebrew
characters.
 f. 1r: a note on the Milky Way (al-maǧarra).
 f. 1r: a short passage copied from Al-zīǧ al-Ḥākimī of the renowned Egyptian as-
tronomer Ibn Yūnus (10th century)6.
 f. 83v: a short passage on statics, the ancient and medieval science of equilibri-
um, including a picture of the steelyard balance.
 ff. 84r–84v: a long note on the dateline (or, in their terms, the possibility that the
same instant could be Thursday for one person and Friday for another, for ex-
ample).
 f. 84v: a short passage on finding hidden things, by a certain Muḥammad b.
Aflaḥ al-Ḫazarūnī, on whom no further information could be gleaned from his-
torical sources.
 f. 85r: two short items attributed to Plato’s Timaeus.
 ff. 1–119: Kūšyār b. Labbān’s Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ, tables and instructions for their use
in computing the positions of the planets and other astronomical information
(the tables start on f. 84).7
 ff. 119v–120r: The beginning of a treatise on twilight. The author mentions Ibn
Muʿāḏ al-Ǧayyānī (d. after 471/1079)8 and Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ṭāhir.9 The first
is a known Andalusi mathematician and astronomer who also wrote on the sub-
ject.
 ff. 120v–125v: Fragment of a rather extensive, unidentified work on arithmetic,
divided in maqāla (book), bāb (chapter), and faṣl (section).
Apparently, the logic behind binding the texts in this collection suggests that it
was done by someone familiar with scientific subjects. He probably collected them for
his own use, and with the aim of preserving these Arabic texts in Hebrew characters,
to ensure their transmission in the cultural milieu of the Yemenite Hebrew communi-
ty.
As for the provenance of the manuscript, the online description informs us that
it was in the collection of the Yemeni Jewish scholar Joseph Qafah, himself born in the
old city of Sanaa in 1917. Written in Yemen (Sanaa) in 1499, dated by colophon, the co-

6
D. A. King, “Ibn Yūnus,” 2007, pp. 573–574.
7
According to the description online of the manuscript, obviously from here onwards a new numbering
begins.
8
E. Calvo, “Al-Jayyānī,” 2007, pp. 652–563.
9
Probably Abū Manṣūr ʿAbd al-Qāhir b. Ṭāhir al-Baġdādī (d. 428/1037), a mathematician who wrote a
famous Kitāb fī al-misāḥa on arithmetics. See A. S. Saʿīdān, “The ‘Takmila fi’l-Hisab’ of al-Baghdadi,”
1987, pp. 437–443.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 63


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

dex is part of the heritage of the Jewish community of Sanaa, which was a robust
community of the country and the only non-Muslim minority.

III. The Arabic science of weights and balances


The balance is an instrument of everyday life, charged with history and science. In Is-
lamic classical times, this familiar instrument was the object of an extensive scientific
and technical debate of which dozens of treatises on different aspects of its theory,
construction, and use are the precious remains. Being the focus of intense research
work in the last decades, the Arabic science of weights is now a constituent part of the
history of theoretical mechanics.10 Different sorts of balances were the object of such
an extensive enquiry, including the normal equal-armed balance (called in Arabic
mīzān, ṭayyār, and šāhīn), the steelyard (called successively qarasṭūn, qaffān, and
qabbān) and sophisticated balances for weighing absolute and specific weights of sub-
stances.
Several drawings of balances are preserved in Arabic manuscripts, such as those
of al-Ḫāzinī (fl. ca. 515/1121 [Fig. 3]), 11 al-Ḥarīrī (d. 516/1122), 12 and al-Qazwīnī
(d. 682/1283).13 Further, some specimens of the Arabic medieval balances have survived
and are presently kept in museums [Fig. 4].

10
The corpus of the Arabic science of weights was reconstructed and its status reevaluated in studies
such as: M. Abattouy, “Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context: Thābit ibn Qurra, al-Isfizārī and the Arabic
Traditions of Aristotelian and Euclidean Mechanics,” 2001; id., Matn al-Muẓaffar al-Isfizārī fī ʿilmay al-
aṯqāl wa-al-ḥiyal. Taḥqīq naqdī wa-dirāsa tārīḫiyya li-nuṣūṣ ǧadīda fī taqlīd al-mīkānīkā al-ʿarabiya [The
Mechanical Corpus of al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Ingenious Devices: Critical Edition and
Historical Analysis of New Texts in the Tradition of Arabic Mechanics], 2013 [in Arabic]; id., “The Cor-
pus of Mechanics of Al-Isfizārī: Its Structure And Signification in the Context of Arabic Mechanics,”
2016, pp. 124–146; id., “The Corpus of the Arabic Science of Weights (9th–19th Centuries): Codicology,
Textual Tradition and Theoretical Scope,” 2018.
11
On Al-Ḫāzinī and his encyclopedia of mechanics Kitāb mīzān al-ḥikma [Book of the balance of wis-
dom] (515/1121), see a short bio-bibliographic outline in M. Abattouy, “Al-Khāzinī,” 2007, and online at
http://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Khazini_BEA.htm.
12
Abū Muhammad al-Qāsim al-Ḥarīrī was a poet and writer, author of the famous Maqāmāt [The As-
semblies], a collection of stories written in a style mixing verse and literary prose. See: Th. Preston,
Makamat Or Rhetorical Anecdotes of Al Hariri of Basra, 1850, and the English translation by Th. Chenery,
The Assemblies of Al Harîri, 1867, vol. 1.
13
Abū Yaḥyā Zakariyā b. Muḥammad al-Qazwīnī a physician and geographer, author of a celebrated
treatise of cosmography ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt [The Wonders of Creation], extant in illustrated manu-
scripts. See: P. Berlekamp, Wonder, Image, and Cosmos in Medieval Islam, 2011.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 64


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 3. Picture of a steelyard and its graphical reproduction,


from al-Ḫāzinī’s Book of the Balance of Wisdom (515/1121).14

14
M. Abattouy, The Corpus of Al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Mechanical Devices. New Arabic
Texts in Theoretical and Practical Mechanics from the Early XIIth Century. English Translation, Partial
Analysis and Historical Context, 2015, p. 83.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 65


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 4. Steelyard in bronze with engraved inscription (Middle East; 8th–9th century, arm: 52.5 cm;
David Museum in Copenhagen, Inv. no. 12/1994).15

The balance most widely used in the Islamic lands of medieval times was the
equal-armed platform scale, made mostly in copper. There were tiny balances for gold
and jewels, average ones for retail traders, and huge balances for the merchants of
grains, wood, wool, etc. In general, the balances had beams and weights made of steel
or iron. Steelyards were also widely employed.
The use of steelyards dates back to Ancient times in the Mediterranean region. A
counterweight is moved along the arm until it and the object to be weighed are in bal-
ance. The arm can typically be turned, since it has several balance points and their
scales, making it possible to weigh both heavy and light objects. Steelyards were used

15
The steelyard is engraved not only with numerals and a weight indicator (raṭl = ca. 1 pound), but also
an early religious inscription in Kufi script: “In the name of the merciful and compassionate God/ there
is no god but Allāh, He alone, He has no equal/ Muḥammad is the messenger of Allāh.” See online:
https://www.davidmus.dk/en/collections/islamic/materials/metal/art/12-1994.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 66


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

since the advent of Islam, and the balance shown in Fig. 4 bears the name of the
Umayyad Caliph Marwān b. Muḥammad, known as Marwān II (r. 127/744–132/750 CE).
The Greek name of the steelyard balance is charistion. The instrument was used
extensively in Roman times. It later entered the Arab world, where its name was ren-
dered as qarasṭūn.16 Composed of a lever or a beam (ʿamūd) suspended by a handle
that divides it into two unequal arms, the center of gravity of the instrument is located
under the fulcrum. In general, the shorter arm bears a basin or a scale-pan in which
the object to be weighed is set or suspended from a hook. The cursor-weight,
rummāna in Arabic, moves along the longer arm in order to achieve equilibrium. This
arm, which has generally a quadrangular cross section, bears two different scales
which are engraved along the two opposite sides. Due to the fact that the steelyard can
be suspended by two hooks, there are two independent graduations. According to the
choice made, there will be different relations between the lengths of the longer and
smaller arms of the lever, corresponding to the different scales. On the beam or near
the fulcrum, the number of units or fractions corresponding to the capacity of the bal-
ance was engraved, as was the official stamp of the authorities. The advantage of the
steelyard is that it provides an acceptable precision in weighing and allows heavy loads
to be supported by small counterweights. In addition, it can be carried around easily.17

IV. A “Hebrew” balance similar to Arabic steelyards


The balance we find in the above-mentioned manuscript is identical to Arabic speci-
mens preserved in manuscripts or as mechanical vestiges, like the ones reproduced in
Figs 3–4. Its depiction looks similar to Arabic pictures of this kind of balance: Two un-
equal arms compose a beam from which a scale and a moving weight are suspended;
the moving weight is supposed to be displaced along the beam to ensure equilibrium
with the weighed object deposited in the scale pan [Fig. 1]. The illustration depicts a
scale balance in rubric and black ink (dimensions: 100 × 110 mm).
Here are the few components of the rudimentary drawing:
 The beam occupies the middle of the page in the form of a bar from which a
scale hangs; its extremity on the right finishes in a triangular form intended to
prevent the moving weight from falling off. The beam is drawn in thick black
ink, with borders in red. The usual markings or graduations are absent from it;
they are usually employed to mark specific positions along the beam which are
intended to help signal the reading of weights. Their absence is another proof of
the rudimentary character of the drawing.

16
On the ancient history of the steelyard, see Th. Ibel, Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter, 1908;
P. Damerow, J. Renn, S. Rieger & P. Weinig, “Mechanical Knowledge and Pompeian Balances,” 2002.
17
M. Abattouy, “The Arabic Science of Weights (‛ilm al-athqāl): Textual Tradition and Significance in the
History of Mechanics,” 2008, pp. 84–89.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 67


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

 An important piece of traditional steelyards is also absent: the conventional


“tongue” or lisān, a protuberant piece attached to the beam to ascertain equilib-
rium when it meets the suspension system of the balance.
 The scale for weighing is prominently depicted on the right, suspended from the
short arm of the steelyard with three chains in red, with a pan at the bottom.
 The usual rummāna or moving weight in the form of a pomegranate is clearly
visible in the right part of the depiction, near the end of the beam. It is a mobile
object, sliding along the beam and acting as counterpoise to the weight(s)
placed in the scale suspended from the short part of the beam; this short part of
the beam doesn’t appear in the manuscript page (it is left to the reader to imag-
ine its presence on f. 83r). The movable cursor is a fundamental part of the equi-
librium system when it is produced by even distribution of weights on each side
of the vertical axis.
 The names of different parts of the balance are marked clearly, each part desig-
nated by the corresponding word.
 The hook (ʿaqrab) from which to suspend the balance is absent too; it should be
placed precisely on the notch near the position where the round chain attached
to the scale meets the body of the beam, in the middle of the short part of the
later. It is maybe marked on the right hand page, absent from the available pic-
ture. The suspension item indicated in the middle of the beam does not apply to
the classical depictions of steelyards.
The drawing of the balance is inserted on the page and surrounded by text,
which is a traditional usage we find in medieval manuscripts, from all cultural areas. It
is preceded and followed by two paragraphs of text, which the author of this note was
unable to understand, because of his ignorance of Hebrew characters. It is clear that
the text is about the steelyard balance depicted on this same page. It is probably part
of a longer text.

V. Transcription and translation of the passage on statics


The transcription and translation of the explanatory Judaeo-Arabic text found on the
side of the illumination of the balance is an important achievement, due to the kind
collaboration of our colleague Gabriele Ferrario.18 This important passage was tran-
scribed into Hebrew and Arabic characters, then translated into English.
We present hereafter the edition, the Arabic transliteration and English transla-
tion of the Judaeo-Arabic text on the page 83v of the codex, and then some comments
on the content.

18
University of Bologna, Department of Philosophy and Communication Studies. The author wishes to
thank Gabriele Ferrario for his transcription of the concerned passage in Hebrew and Arabic characters,
and its translation into English.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 68


‫‪M. Abattouy‬‬ ‫‪Note on a Steelyard Balance‬‬

‫‪Text edition‬‬
‫אן יכון אלֿתאני ואלֿתאלֿת פי גנבה ואחדה והי‬ ‫מא תכאפי אלנסבה‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫ֿצאהרה פי ֿתקל אלקרסטון והו אלקבאן פאן נסבה‬
‫בעד אלעקרב פיה ען אלעלאקה אלי בעד אלרמאנה ענהא כנסבה ֿתקל אלרמאנה‬
‫אלי אלֿתקל אלֿדי יעאדלה פי אלכפה – והֿדה צורה ֿדלך עלי מא וגד באלנסיך‬
‫סורה קרסטון‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫ֿדכר אצול פי מעני נסב תתעלק באלדואיר‬
‫נסבה זאויה תקע עלי מרכז דאירה אלי זאויה אֿכרי‬
‫עלי ֿדלך אלמרכז או אלי זאויה תקע עלי מרכז דאירה‬
‫אֿכרי מסאויה להא מֿתל נסבה אלקוס אלי אלקוס‬
‫וֿדלך אלהאויה אלתי תקע עלי אלמחיט לאנהא נצף‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫ואלצעאף‬
‫ֿ‬ ‫אלתי תקע עלי אלמרכז ונסבה אלאצנאף‬
‫ואחדה לאן אחרי אלזאויתין אן כאנה מֿתלי‬
‫אלזאויה אלאֿכרי פתכון אלקוס מֿתלי אלקוס וכֿדלך‬
‫אן געל נצפה או ֿתלֿתה לאן תלך אלזאויה אֿדא‬
‫קסמה עלי ֿדלך אלגז פתציר אלזואיה אלקסי מֿתל זאויה‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫פתכון אלנסב מתסאויה מֿתל מא קלנא פי אלמֿתלֿתאת‬
‫וכֿדלך אן כאנת אֿכרי מֿתל אלחמסין אלסבעין – תם‬
‫תמת‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬


‫‪M. Abattouy‬‬ ‫‪Note on a Steelyard Balance‬‬

‫‪Arabic transliteration‬‬
‫ما تاكيف النسب ان يكون الثاين والثالث يف جنبه واحده ويه‬ ‫‪١‬‬

‫ظاهرة يف ثقل القرسطون وهو القبان؛ فان نس به‬


‫بعد العقرب فيه عن العالقة اىل بعد الرمانة عهنا كنس بة ثقل الرمانة‬
‫[‪19.]sic‬‬ ‫اىل الثقل اذلي يعادهل يف الكفة ‪ -‬وهذه صورة ذكل عىل ما وجد بلنس يك‬
‫صورة قرسطون‬ ‫‪٥‬‬
‫ذكر أأصول يف معىن نسب تتعلق بدلوائر‬
‫نس بة زاوية تقع عىل مركز دائرة اىل زاوية أأخرى‬
‫عىل ذكل املركز او اىل زاوية تقع عىل مركز دائرة‬
‫أأخرى مساوية لها مثل نس بة القوس اىل القوس‬
‫وذكل الزاوية الىت تقع عىل احمليط ألهنا نصف‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫اليت تقع عىل املركز ونس بة الانصاف والضعاف‬
‫واحدة ألن احدى الزاويتني أأو أكنه مثيل‬
‫الزاوية ا ألخرى فتكون القوس مثيل القوس وكذكل‬
‫ان جعل نصفه أأو ثلثه ألن تكل الزاوية اذا‬
‫قسمت عىل ذكل اجلز[ئ] فتصري زواية القيس مثل زاوية‬ ‫‪١٥‬‬
‫فتكون النسب متساوية مثل ما قلنا يف املثلثات‬
‫وكذكل ان اكنت أأخرى مثل امخلسني الس بعني ‪ -‬مت‬
‫متت‬

‫‪19‬‬
‫‪The last word is incomprehensible.‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

English translation
What is the inverse ratio (takāfu˒ al-nisba)? It is when the second and the third [terms]
are on the same side, and this is apparent/obvious in the weights of the steelyard
(qarasṭūn), which is the qabbān, where the ratio of the distance of the hook (al-
ʿaqrab) from the fulcrum (ʿilāqa) to the distance of the [running/mobile] counterpoise
(rummāna) from it is like the ratio of the weight (ṯiql) of the counterpoise (rummān)
to the weight that balances it in the scale (kaffa). And this is its image, according to
what was found in the [manuscript copy?].

Image of the steelyard

Mention of the principles on ratios related to circles.


The ratio of an angle that is located on the centre of a circle to another angle lo-
cated on that centre, or to an angle located on the centre of another equal circle, is like
the ratio of the arc to the arc. This is so, because the angle that is formed on the cir-
cumference is half the one that is formed on the centre, and the ratios of the parts and
of the multiples are equal; for one of the angles is like two angles, then the arc is dou-
ble the arc. The same is correct in the case of the half or the third. So if this angle is di-
vided on this portion—, then the [little] angle of the arc is like the angle and the ratios
are equal, as we said in the case of triangles, and similarly if the other is (like) fifty or
seventy. The End. [The treatise] is completed.

The original text is divided in two parts: The first part is a sentence quoting the
formula of the law of the lever as formulated by Abū al-Rayḥān Muḥammad b. Aḥmad
al-Bīrūnī (362/973–after 442/1050), the famous Muslim polymath from the first half of
the 5th/11th century. The passage is extracted from his book Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil
ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art of astrology], written
in Ghaznah, Afghanistan, in 1029 CE.20
By discovering the source of the first part, it is proved beyond doubt that at least
in part, the text preceding the illumination is related to the balance and belongs to one
of the classical treatises on this topic. As for the second passage, no source was found.21

20
Al-Bīrūnī, Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art of
astrology], 1934, reproduced from Brit. Mus. MS. Or. 8349. Publication in facsimile of the manuscript,
with English translation facing the text by R. Ramsay Wright.
21
The author of this note analysed thoroughly the fortunes of nisba mutakāfiʿa; see: M. Abattouy, “Sur
quelques démonstrations grecques et arabes de la loi du levier: transmission et transformation,” 2000.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 71


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 5. Extract from the facsimile of al-Bīrūnī’s manuscript of Kitāb al-tafhīm


related to the inverse ratio, the mathematical relation laying at the core of the law of the lever.22

VI. Conclusion
In medieval times, Arabic-speaking Jews copied out many Arabic books on science,
philosophy, and other subjects into the Hebrew alphabet. The copied text in the Judeo-
Arabic codex under scrutiny in this note of Kūšyār b. Labbān, entitled Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ,
is his major astronomical work, a Zīǧ [astronomical handbook with tables]. It is writ-
ten in Arabic, the scientific language in the Islamic territories between 9th–16th centu-
ries at least. It consists of four Books: I) Elementary operations; II) Tables; III) Cosmol-
ogy; IV) Proofs.23 The Zīǧ of Kūšyār b. Labbān is extremely interesting because it is a
relatively early work, which contains two parts (Books III–IV) on theoretical founda-
tions, not provided in most other zīǧs, and because Kūšyār’s own innovations made his
methods somewhat different from those of his predecessors in the Arabic tradition of
astronomy and even in Ptolemy’s Almagest, the latter being the most important source
of ancient Greek astronomy.24 It was known in the Islamic world from the ninth centu-
ry, after it was translated twice at least and extensively commented upon. The version
contained in this codex includes tables and instructions for their use in computing the

22
Al-Bīrūnī, Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm, 1934, p. 17, definition no. 55.
23
The Arabic original of the zīǧ was edited in part with English translation and commentary: M. Bagheri,
Books I and IV of Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj: An Arabic Astronomical Handbook by an Eleventh-
Century Iranian Scholar, 2006. The critical edition was based on nine different manuscripts, preserved
in Istanbul (3), Cairo, Leiden (2), Berlin, Moscow and Alexandria. Only three of these manuscripts con-
tain the entire text.
24
See for more details E. S. Kennedy, A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables. Transactions of the Ameri-
can Philosophical Society, 1956; Gl. van Brummelen, “Mathematical Methods in the Tables of Planetary
Motion in Kūshyār b. Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj,” 1998.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 72


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

positions of the planets and obtaining other astronomical information. This astronom-
ical handbook was popular among the Jews of Yemen, and there are three other copies
transcribed into Hebrew characters, all of them of Yemeni provenance.25
Furthermore, we identified the source of the first part of the folio on the balance
in a famous sentence of al-Bīrūnī’s Kitāb al-tafhīm presenting the law of the lever, the
most important law of ancient and medieval mechanics, used since Greek times to de-
scribe equilibrium in the various types of balances.
The source of the second part should be a text of mathematics, on the geometry
of circles, arcs and angles. The determination of this text should give us a further idea
on the scientific texts available to the scribe who copied or authored the folio 83v in
Sanaa in 1499.

Bibliography
Manuscript source & object

KUSHYAR IBN LABBAN, Al-zij al-jami wa-l-baligh (“The comprehensive and extensive
tables”) [Astronomical handbook], online at:
https://www.textmanuscripts.com/medieval/astronomy-hebrew-60473
Les Enluminures: Original Illuminated Manuscripts specializing in manuscripts
and miniatures from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Website:
https://www.lesenluminures.com
Steelyard, bronze with engraved inscription Middle East; 8th–9th century, David Col-
lection, Copenhagen, Islamic Art: Metal, Inv. no. 12/1994. Online at:
https://www.davidmus.dk/en/collections/islamic/materials/metal/art/12-1994

Edited sources

Bagheri, Mohammad. 2006. Books I and IV of Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj: An Arabic
Astronomical Handbook by an Eleventh-Century Iranian Scholar, Doctoral thesis,
Utrecht University, The Netherlands.
Al-Bīrūnī, Abū al-Rayḥān Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad (362/973-after 442/1050), Kitāb al-
tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art
of astrology], pub. in facsimile of the manuscript, with English translation facing
the text by R. Ramsay Wright, London, Luzac, 1934.

25
Identified by Y. T. Langermann, “Arabic Writings in Hebrew Manuscripts: A Preliminary Relisting,”
1996, p. 151. For more on astronomy in Yemen, see David A. King, Mathematical Astronomy in Medieval
Yemen: A Bibliographical Survey, 1983.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 73


M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Studies

Abattouy, Mohamed. 2000. “Sur quelques démonstrations grecques et arabes de la loi


du levier : transmission et transformation,” in: Abdessalam Ben Maissa (ed.),
Ᾱliyyāt al-istidlāl fī al-ʿilm. Les mécanismes de l’inférence dans les sciences, Rabat,
The Faculty of Letters Press, coll. “Colloques et séminaires,” 84, pp. 7–43. A PDF
version of the article is online at:
https://www.academia.edu/44293239/M_Abattouy_2000_Quelques_d%C3%A9mo
nstra-
tions_grecques_et_arabes_de_la_loi_du_levier_Transmission_et_transformation
_____ . 2001. “Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context: Thābit ibn Qurra, al-Isfizārī and the
Arabic Traditions of Aristotelian and Euclidean Mechanics,” Science in Context
14, pp. 179–247.
_____ . 2007, “Al-Khāzinī,” in: Thomas Hockey (ed.), The Biographical Encyclopedia of
Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 629–630; online at:
http://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Khazini_BEA.htm
_____ . 2008. “The Arabic Science of Weights (ʿilm al-athqāl): Textual Tradition and
Significance in the History of Mechanics,” in: Emilia Calvo, Merce Comes, Roser
Puig & Monica Rius (eds), A Shared Legacy: Islamic Science East and West, Barce-
lona, Universitat de Barcelona, pp. 83–114.
_____ . 2013. Matn al-Muẓaffar al-Isfizārī fī ʿilmay al-aṯqāl wa-al-ḥiyal. Taḥqīq naqdī wa-
dirāsa tārīḫiyya li-nuṣūṣ ǧadīda fī taqlīd al-mīkānīkā al-ʿarabiyya [The Mechani-
cal Corpus of al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Ingenious Devices: Criti-
cal Edition and Historical Analysis of New Texts in the Tradition of Arabic Me-
chanics], London, Al-Furqān Foundation, pp. 14–28. [In Arabic].
_____ . 2015. The Corpus of Al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Mechanical Devices.
New Arabic Texts in Theoretical and Practical Mechanics from the Early XIIth Cen-
tury. English Translation, Partial Analysis and Historical Context, London, Al-
Furqān Foundation.
_____ . 2016. “The Corpus of Mechanics of Al-Isfizārī: Its Structure And Signification in
the Context of Arabic Mechanics,” Micrologus: Nature, Sciences and Medieval So-
cieties 24, pp. 121–172.
_____ . 2018. “The Corpus of the Arabic Science of Weights (9th–19th Centuries): Codi-
cology, Textual Tradition and Theoretical Scope,” in: Ibrahim Chabbouh &
François Déroche (eds), Research Articles and Studies in Honour of Iraj Afshar,
London, Al-Furqān Foundation, pp. 229–278.
Berlekamp, Persis. 2011. Wonder, Image, and Cosmos in Medieval Islam, New Ha-
ven/London, Yale University Press.
Brummelen, Glen van. 1998. “Mathematical Methods in the Tables of Planetary Motion
in Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj,” Historia Mathematica 25, pp. 265–280.

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Calvo, Emilia. 2007. “Ibn Muʿādh al-Jayyānī,” in: Thomas Hockey et al. (eds), The Bio-
graphical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 652–563. Online
at:
https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Ibn_Muadh_BEA.htm
Chenery, Thomas. 1867–1898. The Assemblies of Al Harîri, transl. from the Arabic, with
an introduction, and notes, historical and grammatical, London, Williams &
Norgate [Imprint on cover: Royal Asiatic society, 1898], 2 vols.
Damerow, Peter, Jürgen Renn, Simone Rieger & Paul Weinig. 2002. “Mechanical
Knowledge and Pompeian Balances,” in: Jürgen Renn & Giuseppe Castagnetti
(eds), Homo Faber: Studies on Nature, Technology, and Science at the Time of
Pompeii, Rome, L’Erma, pp. 93–108.
Ibel, Thomas. 1908. Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter, Erlangen, Junge.
Kennedy, Edward S. 1956. A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables. Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, The American Philosophical Socie-
ty, “Monograph,” 46, part 2.
King, David A. 1983. Mathematical Astronomy in Medieval Yemen: A Bibliographical Sur-
vey, Malibu (CA), Undena Publications for the American Research Center in
Egypt, ser. “Publications of the American Research Center in Egypt, Catalogs,” 4.
_____ . 2007. “Ibn Yūnus,” in: Thomas Hockey et al. (eds), The Biographical Encyclope-
dia of Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 573–574. Online at:
https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Ibn_Yunus_BEA.htm
Langermann, Y. Tzvi. 1996. “Arabic Writings in Hebrew Manuscripts: A Preliminary Re-
listing,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6, pp. 137–160.
Preston, Theodore. 1850. Makamat or Rhetorical Anecdotes of Al Hariri of Basra, Trans-
lated from the Original Arabic with Annotations, London, James Mad-
den/Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Saʿīdān, Aḥmad Salīm. 1987. “The ‘Takmila fi’l-Hisab’ of al-Baghdadi,” in: David A. King
& George Saliba (eds), From Deferent to Equant: A Volume of Studies in the History
of Science in the Ancient and Medieval Near East in Honor of E. S. Kennedy, New
York, New York Academy of Sciences, pp. 437–443.
Sezgin, Fuat. 1978. Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums. Vol. 6: Astronomie bis ca. 430H,
Leiden, E. J. Brill.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 75


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa) by


al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ: Editio Princeps of a Treatise on
Miscellaneous Theological Topics*

Mostafa Ahmadi
(Independent Researcher)

Hassan Ansari
(Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ)

Jan Thiele
(Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo, CSIC, Madrid)

Abstract
This article offfers a critical edition of the surviving parts of al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa,
a work on miscellaneous theological topics. A unique fragment of this treatise is preserved in the
manuscript collection of the Ambrosiana Library in Milan (ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b). Al-Raṣṣāṣ quotes Al-
ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa in several of his works. We provide these cross-references in this article in order to
confijirm our identifijication of ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b.

Résumé
Cet article offfre une édition critique des parties préservées d’Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, un texte d’al-
Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ qui traite de sujets théologiques variés. Un fragment unique de ce traité est préservé
dans la collection des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Ambrosienne de Milan (ar. E 208, feuillets
151b–160b). Al-Raṣṣāṣ cite Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa dans plusieurs de ses textes. Nous fournissons ces
références dans ce qui suit afijin de confijirmer notre identifijication du manuscrit ar. E 208, feuillets
151b–160b.

‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪّم ﻫﺬﻩ اﳌﻘﺎةل ﲢﻘﻴﻘًﺎ ﻟﻸﺟﺰاء اﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ »اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ« ﻟﻠﺤﺴﻦ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص وﻫﻮ ﻛﺘﺎب ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﰲ‬
- ‫ب‬١٥١ ‫ ق‬، ٢٠٨ ar. E) ‫ ﰎ الاﺣﺘﻔﺎظ ﲜﺰء ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨــﻪ ﰲ ﶍﻮﻋــﺔ ﺧﻄﻴــﺔ ﲟﻜﺘﺒــﺔ أﻣــﱪوزايان ﲟﻴﻼﻧــﻮ‬،‫ﻋﲅ اﻟالكم‬
‫ وﻗﺪ ذﮐﺮ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺬا وﻳﻘﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﺗﻪ؛ وﳓﻦ ﺑﺪوران ﻧﻘﺪم ﻫﺬﻩ الاﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﺎت ﰲ ﻫﺬا‬.(‫ب‬١٦٠
.‫اﳌﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ أﮐﱶ ابﻟﻨﺴـﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﻄﻮﻃﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‬

* The English introduction was written by Hassan Ansari and Jan Thiele, and the critical edition was
prepared by the three authors of this article. Hassan Ansari wishes to thank the Institute for Advanced
Study, Princeton for granting him a Long-Term Membership during the preparation of this article. Jan
Thiele gratefully acknowledges funding from the Spanish Government’s Ramón y Cajal programme
(RYC-2015-18346). We wish to thank the librarians of the Oriental Department at Staatsbibliothek zu
Berlin for their assistance in consulting manuscripts for the preparation of this article. We are grateful to
the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 76


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Keywords
Zaydism, Yemen, manuscript, Ambrosiana collection (Milan), al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ (d. 584/1188), kalām,
Muʿtazilism

Mots-clés
Zaydisme, Yémen, manuscrit, collection de l’Ambrosienne (Milan), al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ (m. 584/1188),
kalām, muʿtazilisme

‫اﻟﳫﲈت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ اﳌﻌﱱةل‬،‫ ﻋﲅ اﻟالكم‬،(١١٨٨\٥٨٤ ‫ اﳊﺴﻦ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص )ت‬،‫ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ أﻣﱪوزايان ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬،‫ ﳐﻄﻮﻃﺔ‬،‫ اﻟﳰﻦ‬،‫اﻟﺰﻳﺪﻳﺔ‬

I. Introduction
This contribution presents an as yet unedited Zaydī kalām work, which is preserved in
a unique manuscript copy at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan. The Ambrosiana
houses the largest collection of Zaydī manuscripts in the Western world. It consists of
some 1,900 codices collected by the Lombardian merchant Giuseppe Caprotti
(1862–1919) in Yemen between 1882–1919 that are of outstanding importance for the
historiography of Zaydī thinking and manuscript culture. The majority of its contents
is nonetheless unaccounted for by modern scholarship.
The work presented in this study is a kalām treatise by the sixth/twelfth-century
Zaydī scholar al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Raṣṣāṣ (d. 584/1188) from Yemen. The text is
entitled Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa. Al-Raṣṣāṣ was an influential representative of the
Bahšamī branch of Muʿtazilism, which developed in Yemen after the unifijication of the
South Arabian and the Iranian Zaydī communities under a single political and
religious rulership. (Previously, the two community had recognized diffferent Imams.)
Al-Raṣṣāṣ was the teacher of the later Imām al-Manṣūr bi-Allāh ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamza
(d. 614/1217), who patronized Bahšamī scholarship and persecuted its ideological
detractors. It was under al-Manṣūr bi-Allāh’s reign that Bahšamī kalām, as espoused in
the works of his teacher al-Raṣṣāṣ, came to be the theological mainstream among the
Zaydī community of Yemen.1
Al-Raṣṣāṣ was a prolifijic author, primarily in the fijield of rational theology, but he
also left some works on legal methodology. His theological works include manuals or
compendia that discuss the proof of God, His attributes and His relation to His
creatures, as is typical for this genre of text. However, most of his theological works put
great emphasis on metaphysical issues. These texts offfer sophisticated discussions of
questions related to ontology, encompassing specifijically the ontology of the world
within the conceptual framework of kalām atomism, and also the ontology of God’s

1 Fora detailed account of the historical context see H. Ansari, S. Schmidtke & J. Thiele, “Zaydī Theology
in Yemen,” 2016, pp. 476–483 (reprinted as H. Ansari, S. Schmidtke & J. Thiele, “Zaydī Theology in Yemen,
Third/Ninth through Ninth/Fifteenth Centuries,” 2017); for a comprehensive study on al-Raṣṣāṣ see
J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013.

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M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

attributes. Al-Raṣṣāṣ was also centrally concerned with causality. So far, only a small
portion of his shorter works has been edited: a fragment of Al-barāhīn al-ẓāhira, a
treatise on the essence-existence distinction;2 Kitāb al-muʾaṯṯirāt wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt,
an attempt to formulate a comprehensive theory on causation;3 Muḫtaṣar fī iṯbāt al-
aʿrāḍ, on the proof of accidents;4 Al-ʿašr al-fawāʾid al-lāzima ʿan ṣīġat dalīl wāḥid,
containing ten questions on the free will problem;5 and a relatively short manual on
theology, entitled Al-mūǧaz fī uṣūl al-dīn.6 All of his longer theological works still
remain in manuscript, including Kayfijiyyat kašf al-aḥkām wa-al-ṣifāt ʿan ḫaṣāʾiṣ al-
muqtaḍiyāt wa-al-muʾaṯṯirāt, an important systematic exposition of the Bahšamī
theory of attributes, a major work on atomism, entitled Al-kāšif li-al-baṣāʾir ʿan iṯbāt al-
ǧawāhir, and his longer theological compendia. Finally, a number of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works
are lost, including three treatises he repeatedly quotes in the context of metaphysical
discussions.7 The aim of this article is to continue previous effforts to produce critical
editions of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works in kalām and to make them accessible to a wider scholarly
audience.
Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa must have been one of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s earlier works in the
chronology of his extant writings. It was completed before the year 573/1177–1178.8 The
text has survived only partially in an apparently unique copy contained in MS
Ambrosiana, ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b. It is preceded by a fragment of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Kitāb
al-tibyān li-Yāqūtat al-īmān wa-wāsiṭat al-burhān, which is incomplete at the beginning
(fols 1–151a). The codex can be dated thanks to the scribe’s colophon at the end of the
Tibyān, which states that the copy was completed in Rabīʿ I 620/April–May 1223
(fol. 151a). Two ownership statements allow us to identify one Yaḥyā b. Ǧābir as the
person who possessed (and possibly copied) the manuscript.9 We have no proper
biography of Yaḥyā b. Ǧābir, but he is listed in the entry on Muḥammad b. al-Amīr al-
Muqtadir (d. 720/1320) in Ṭabaqāt al-Zaydiyya al-kubrā among other late sixth/twelfth
and early seventh/thirteenth-century Yemeni-Zaydī personalities who left their notes
(ḫaṭṭ) in a manuscript containing the two collections of Zaydī traditions entitled

2 Edited in H. Ansari, “Al-Barāhīn al-ẓāhira,” 2007.

3 In J. Thiele, Kausalität, 2011.

4 In J. Thiele, “A Zaydī Treatise on the Proof of Accidents,” 2018; translated into


Turkish by Z. Şeker (2019).
5 Edited and distributed online by Ǧ. al-Šāmī.
6 Edited and distributed online by Ǧ. al-Šāmī.

7 For short descriptions of the content of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works see J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 23–54.

8 See J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 56–57; the terminus ante quem can be established thanks to a reference

to Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa in Al-tibyān, and the latter can be dated before the death of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s
teacher, qāḍī Ǧaʿfar b. Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Buhlūlī in 573/1177–1178. Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa also
refers to Al-tibyān, and so both texts must have been written in parallel.
9 MS Ambrosiana, ar. E 208 is described in O. Löfgren & R. Traini, Catalogue, 1975–2011, vol. 3, p. 92,

no. 1038 and H. Ansari & S. Schmidtke, “Muʿtazilism in Rayy and Astarābād,” 2012. The ownership
statements are found on fols 61a and 151a. Fol. 61a also includes a list of books possessed by Yaḥyā b.
Ǧābir; a facsimile of it is found in O. Löfgren & R. Traini, Catalogue, 1975–2011, vol. 3, between pp. 138 and
139; the book list has been discussed by H. Ansari & S. Schmidtke, “Muʿtazilism in Rayy and Astarābād,”
2012, pp. 66–67, and A. d’Ottone, “La bibliothèque d’un savant yéménite au xiiie siècle d’après une note
manuscrite autographe,” 2013.

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M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Maǧmūʿ al-fijiqh li-Zayd b. ʿAlī and ʿUlūm Āl Muḥammad [= Amālī Aḥmad b. ʿĪsā b.
Zayd].10
In their catalogue of the Ambrosiana collection, Löfgren and Traini record our
text under the title Masāʾil, based on the following three lines on the bottom of
fol. 151a:
‫ﻳﺘﻠﻮ ذكل ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ | ﻓﳱﺎ ﻃﺮاﺋﻖ ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﺸـﻴﺦ اﻷﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺣﺴﺎم ادلﻳﻦ وزﻳﻦ اﳌﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ اﳊﺴﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﶊﺪ | اﻟﺮﺻﺎص رﲪﻪ ﷲ‬
Al-Raṣṣāṣ himself quotes a text of his entitled Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa frequently in his
Kayfijiyyat kašf al-aḥkām wa-al-ṣifāt ʿan ḫaṣāʾiṣ al-muʾaṯṯirāt wa-al-muqtaḍiyāt and once
in his Al-tibyān.11 These references allow us to confijirm that the fragment presented in
this article actually is Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa.
Al-Raṣṣāṣ’s text consists of miscellaneous theological issues. The title of the
work, “The new methods,” might allude to the fact that he attempts in this book to
propose some new solutions to problems raised by his detractors. It is written in the
dialectical form of questions and answers. The topics of these questions are arranged
arbitrarily, and in the absence of either a transparent structure or an overall argument
it is impossible to speculate how much or which parts of the original text are missing
at the end.
The copy of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa does not include any introduction. Rather,
it starts immediately after the basmala and ḥamdala with the fijirst question (§1), which
discusses the hypothesis that “things cannot possibly possess an attribute by virtue of a
non-existent entity” (lā yaǧūzu istiḥqāq ḏāt min al-ḏawāt li-ṣifa min al-ṣifāt li-maʿnā
maʿdūm). After a short demonstration of this hypothesis, al-Raṣṣāṣ adds a detailed
discussion of the corollary of its antithesis: namely that one must concede the
possibility that things can possess multiple so-called ṣifāt ḏātiyya (“attributes of the
essence” or “attributes of the self”), which could either be identical (mutamāṯila) or
distinct (muḫālifa). The term ṣifa ḏātiyya (or ṣifat al-ḏāt) denotes in Bahšamī doctrine
attributes that describe things as what they are in and by themselves (for example
“being an atom” [kawnuhu ǧawharan] for atoms, “being black” [kawnuhu sawādan] for
black; with regard to God, al-Raṣṣāṣ speaks of “His most specifijic attribute” [ṣifatuhu al-
aḫaṣṣ]).12 From a Bahšamī perspective, it was consequently absurd to assume that
things possess more than one such attribute. The next section (§2) discusses the
principle that things resemble one another whenever their ṣifat al-ḏāt is identical, and
that they are distinct whenever their ṣifat al-ḏāt is distinct. In the two following
sections (§§3 and 4), the text examines contrariety between things. This is followed by
a discussion of an objection to the principle that things are known by virtue of their
ṣifa ḏātiyya (§5): al-Raṣṣāṣ refutes the claim that this hypothesis leads into circular

10 See H. Ansari & J. Thiele, “MS Berlin, State Library, Glaser 51,” 2015, p. 69.

11 These cross-references are provided below.


12For the ṣifat al-ḏāt/ṣifa ḏātiyya in Bahšamī doctrine see R.M. Frank, Beings, 1978, pp. 53–57, and
specifijically for al-Raṣṣāṣ’s conception, J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 194–198.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 79


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

reasoning.13 The topic of the next section (§6) is visual perception. It is followed by two
sections related to ethics: the fijirst of the two (§7) discusses gratitude (šukr) and
ingratitude (niʿma), and the second (§8) pain (alam), reward (ṯawāb) and
compensation (ʿiwaḍ). The next section (§9) deals with analogical reasoning and
discusses under which conditions a valid analogy between this world and God’s realm
(istidlāl bi-al-šāhid ʿalā al-ġāʾib) can be drawn. In the following section (§10), al-Raṣṣāṣ
refutes an objection against the Bahšamī notion of so-called “skilful acts” (fijiʿl muḥkam),
that is, acts that require specifijic skills beyond their mere physical requirements.14 In
the last section of this fragment (§11), an opponent asks about the interdependence
among being living (ḥayy), desiring (muštahin), and disliking (nāfijir). The text of Al-
ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa breaks offf in the middle of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s response to this eleventh
question.
There is no overall logical or thematic relationship between the questions of Al-
ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, even though a number of sections can be thematically grouped:
§§1–5 examine the “attribute of the essence” from diffferent angles, and §§6 and 7
address moral obligations. However, it appears that al-Raṣṣāṣ addresses in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-
mustaḥdaṯa a number of issues, whose inquiry he resumed in a more comprehensive
and systematic fashion in later writings. Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa would thus have laid
some groundwork for subsequent texts: it seems specifijically relevant for his later
reflections on the theory of attributes in the Kayfijiyya, which frequently cites Al-ṯarāʾiq
al-mustaḥdaṯa, as we will outline in the next section.

II. Cross-references
In the following we provide cross-references to quotations from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-
mustaḥdaṯa found in al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Kitāb al-tibyān and the Kayfijiyya.15 They confijirm the
identifijication of MS Ambrosiana, ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b as al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Al-ṯarāʾiq al-
mustaḥdaṯa and offfer some additional insights into the missing content of the work.

13 More precisely, the objection goes as follows: the claim that God knows Himself (a corollary of His
omniscience) presupposes that He knows, this presupposes that He lives, this presupposes that He
exists, this entails that He is a ḏāt (“entity,” “object” or “thing”), this is tantamount to He is known; this
according to the opponent’s objection, leads to the absurd conclusion that God’s knowing Himself
presupposes that He is known.
14 For this notion see D. Gimaret, Théories de l’acte humain, 1980, p. 19, and J.R.T.M. Peters, God’s Created

Speech, 1976, pp. 241–242. The opponent in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa asks if these “skilful acts” are caused
(muʾaṯṯira) by the agent’s knowledge, power or will and then dialectically refutes each possibility. Al-
Rasṣṣāṣ’s response consists—in accordance with the Bahšamī theory—in the claim that skilful acts are
caused by the agent’s power on condition that he knows, and that our acting “in a specifijic manner” (ʿalā
waǧh dūn waǧh) is caused by our power on condition that we will.
15 We use the following sigla for the manuscripts of the Kayfijiyya: MS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80: ‫أ‬

(accessible online: http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000259E400000000 ); MS Berlin


Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29: ‫( ب‬accessible online: http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/
SBB0000423500000000); MS Ḍaḥyān (northern Yemen), Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī:
‫( ض‬accessible online: https://elibrary.mara.gov.om/mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale-althqafett/
mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale-althqafett/ktab/?id=11593#book/5); MS Leiden UB, OR 6355: ‫ل‬
(accessible online: http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:2037053).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 80


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫‪Citation 1: Kitāb al-tibyān‬‬


‫‪MS Milan, Ambrosiana ar. E 208, fol. 78b–79a:‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ﲟﺎ اﳌﻌﻠﻮم أﻧـّـﻪ‬


‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ﲟﺎ اﳌﻌﻠﻮم أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻛﲈ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺤﺘﺎج ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ أن ّﻧﺒﲔ ّأن ﻛﻮن اﳌﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ّ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻊ وأن ّﻧﺒﲔ ّأن إرادة اﻟﺸـئي ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ ﻟﻀـﺪّﻩ و ّأن اﻹرادة ﻻ ﻳﺼـ ّـﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘــﻬﺎ ﺑﺄن ﻻ ﻳﻜــﻮن‪ .‬ﻓﻬــﺬا وﺟــﻪ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻨﺎ إﱃ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ذﻛﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺎب واﻋﲅ ّأن ﻫﺎﺗﲔ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﳊﺪوث أو ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ‬
‫اﳊﺪوث ﺑﻞ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎن ابﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث ﻓﺈن ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﳊﺪوث ﻓﻼ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﳍﲈ ﰲ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل وذكل ّ‬
‫ﻷن‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا وذلكل ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻊ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﱔ واﻟﻨﺎﰂ وﻻ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل وﰲ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻐﲑ ادلواﻋﻲ وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﺴـ ّﳣﺮ‬
‫إرادة وﻻ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ وﻛﺬكل ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ أﺣﺪان ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻘﻊ وﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﺮﻩ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻓﻴﻔﻌهل ﺑﺄن ّ‬
‫وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص ادلواﻋﻲ واﻹرادة وﻳﺴـ ّﳣﺮ اﻧﺘﻔﺎؤﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص اﻟﺼﻮارف واﻟﻜﺮاﻫــﺔ ﻓﻘــﻂ وإﻧـّـﲈ‬
‫ﻷن ادلاﻋﻲ إﱃ اﳌـﺮاد‬ ‫اﺳـ ّﳣﺮ وﺟﻮد اﻹرادة ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص ادلواﻋﻲ ووﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﺮاﻫﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص اﻟﺼﻮارف ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻋﻮ إﱃ إرادﺗﻪ واﻟﺼﺎرف ﻋﻦ اﳌﻜﺮوﻩ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ إﱃ ﻛﺮاﻫﺘﻪ ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﳍــﲈ ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ ﰲ ذكل‪ ،‬ﻓــﻼ ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ إذا‬
‫ﰷﻧﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﺎن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺘﲔ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث ﻓﺒﲔ اﻟﻌﻠﲈء اﺧﺘﻼف ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫــﲈ ﰲ وﻗــﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﳁﳯﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎل أﳖّ ﲈ ﺗﺆﺛّﺮان ﰲ ذكل ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ اﳌــﻮﺟﺒﺎت و ّأن ﻛــﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻻ ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ هل ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮﻩ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث وذكل ﻫﻮ اذلي ّﳝﺮ ﻟﻘﺎﴈ اﻟﻘﻀﺎة ﻋﲈد ادلﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳉّﺒﺎر ﺑﻦ أﲪــﺪ وﻟﻠﺸـﻴــﺦ اﳉــﻠﻴﻞ أﰊ‬
‫ﶊّﺪ اﳊﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ أﲪﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺘّﻮﻳﻪ رﲪﻬﲈ ﷲ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻛﺘﳢﲈ وﻣﳯﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎل ّأن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا و ّأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ ﴍط ﰲ ذكل وأﺟﺮوا وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮﻩ ﳎــﺮى‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا وﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﴍط ﰲ ذكل وذكل ﻫﻮ اﶈﲄ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴـ ّﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ذكل إﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫أﺣﲀم اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ّ‬
‫ابﳊﻖ أﰊ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ رﴈ ﷲ ﻋﻨﻪ وﻫﻮ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﴰﺲ ادلﻳﻦ أدام ﷲ ّﻋﺰﻩ وﻫﻮ اذلي‬ ‫اﻹﻣﺎم اﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ّ‬
‫ﻧﴫانﻩ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬

‫‪ ٨‬اﻟﺼﻮارف[ اﻟﺼﻮاف ‪ ١١‬و ّأن[ ‪+‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬

‫‪The issue referred to is the question to what extent the agent’s knowledge, will or‬‬
‫‪aversion afffect his acts. The question is discussed in §10 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa,‬‬
‫‪where al-Raṣṣāṣ defends the Bahšamī position that acts are performed “in a specifijic‬‬
‫;‪manner” (ʿalā waǧh dūn waǧh) on condition that the agent knows or acts intentionally‬‬
‫‪yet it is the agent’s power, which causes his acts to happen.‬‬

‫‪Citation 2: Kayfijiyya‬‬
‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 65a–b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 2b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 5; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 172b:‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﳐﺎﻟﻔًﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﲀن ﻻ ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ّإﻻ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ وﻟﻮ‬
‫ﰷﻧﺖ هل ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﲀﻧﺖ اثﺑﺘﺔ هل ﰲ ﰻ ﺣﺎل ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﰲ ﰻ ﺣﺎل وأن ﻻ ﺗﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳉﻮاز ﰲ ﺣﲂ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻓﱱﻳهل‪ .‬إذ ﺣﲂ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺗﺮاﺧﻴﻪ وﻻ اﻧﻔاكﻛﻪ ﻋﳯﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن وﰲ اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ وﻏﲑ ذكل‪ .‬ﻓﺒــﻄﻞ ﲠــﺬﻩ اﶺــةل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠــﻬﺎ ﲠــﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻪ ﰲ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫اﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ‪ .‬إذ اﳌﲈﺛةل ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ّإﻻ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﺘﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻬﺬا ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ّأن ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫ذاﺗﻴّﺘﲔ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ّإﻻ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذاﺗ ًّﻴﺎ‬

‫‪ ٢‬هل‪ — [٢‬أ؛ ﰠ )ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ( ل | ﺣﺎل‪ + [١‬ﻓﲀن )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‪ ،‬ض | وأن ﻻ[ وأﻻ‪ ،‬ل ‪ ٣‬ﻋﳯﺎ[ ﻣﳯﺎ‪ ،‬أ ب‬
‫‪ ٥‬ﻏﲑﻫﺎ[ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٦‬إذ[ إذا‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٨‬ﻣﻘﺘﴣ[ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎة‪ ،‬ض‬

‫‪Here, al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, §1, where he argues‬‬


‫‪that one thing cannot possess two distinct “essential attributes” (ṣifatayn muḫtalifatayn‬‬
‫”‪ḏātiyyatayn)—the unacceptable corollary of postulating two “essential attributes‬‬
‫‪would be that a thing would be distinct from itself.‬‬

‫‪Citation 3: Kayfijiyya‬‬
‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 65b-66a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 3b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 6–7; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 173a–b:‬‬

‫واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّأن ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ أو ذاﺗ ًّﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟــالكم ﰲ ذكل اﻟﴩط ﰷﻟــالكم ﻓﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّﻣﺎ أن‬
‫ﺑﴩط أو ﻻ ﺑﴩط‪ .‬ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﴩط ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﳛــﺘﺎج ﰻ ﴍط إﱃ ﴍط إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﳖﺎﻳــﺔ هل وذكل ﳏﺎل وإ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻨــﳤـﻲ إﱃ ﴍط ﻻ ﳛــﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط‬
‫ﻷن اذلي ﻷﺟهل ﳚﺐ الاﻧﳤﺎء إﱃ‬ ‫ﺑﺄن ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻧﻘﺘﴫ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ وأن ﻧﻘﴤ ّ‬
‫ﴍط ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط هل ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﳚﺐ الاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺑﺄﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﴩط‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻻ ﺑﴩط ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ واﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ أوﱃ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻟﻜــﻮﳖﲈ ﲨﻴـ ًﻌﺎ‬
‫ـﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻓﻴﻜﻮن أوﱃ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪّم‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺘﺪاﻣﲔ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺟﻨﺲ وﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﺴ ّ‬
‫ﻷن ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﱵ ﱔ ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﴩط ﻣﻘﺘﴣ‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﳜﻠﻮ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻋﻨﻪ أو ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻩ أو ﺗﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻋﻨــﻪ أو ﻋــﻦ‬
‫ﻏﲑﻩ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ واﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪّم‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ‬ ‫ـﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬ ‫ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺴ ّ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴﺔ ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

‫ ل‬،‫ ل | ﻧﻘﴤ[ ﻳﻘﺘﴤ‬،‫ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ[ ﻫﻨﺎ‬٤ ‫ أ‬،‫ أ | ﻣﻘﺘﴣ[ ﻣﻘﺘﴤ‬،‫ أو[ أوﱃ‬٢ ‫ أ‬،(‫اودا )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب‬+ [‫ ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ‬١
‫ ل‬،‫ أ ب | وﳏﺎل[ ﳏﺎل‬،‫ ﳜﻠﻮ[ ﳜﻠﻮا‬٩ ‫ ب ل‬،‫ ﱔ[ ﻫﻮ‬٨ ‫ ل‬،‫ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ‬+ [٢‫ ﻳﻜﻮن‬٦

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion that is closely linked to the one referred to in the
previous Citation 2, and which is also found in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa: things
cannot possibly possess more that one “essential attribute.” If they possessed more
than one, they would either be identical or distinct. In either case one would have to
concede that a thing could be “other” (ġayran) than itself.

Citation 4: Kayfijiyya
MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 66b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 4b; Ḍaḥyān,
Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 8; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 174b:

‫اﻷﺧﺺ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟــﻬﺎ أوﱃ‬ ّ ‫ﴍﻃﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻪ اﻟﺜﻼث وﺻﻔﺘﻪ‬ ً ‫وﻛﺬكل ﻓﺈﻧ ّﲈ ﰷن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن‬
‫ﻷن ﺟﻨﺴﻪ وﻗﺒﻴهل اثﺑﺖ ﻣﻊ اﳉـﻮاز ﻓﻠــﻮ ﰷن ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ‬ ً ‫اﻷﺧﺺ‬
ّ ‫ﴍﻃﺎ‬ ّ ‫ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ وﺻﻔﺘﻪ‬
٣ ‫ إذ ﻻ‬.‫ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺎت اﻟﺜﻼث ﻟﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﳌﻮﺟﻮدات ﻣﻦ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ واﻷﻋﺮاض‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬ ّ ‫ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮت اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل‬

‫ أ‬،‫ ض | ﻓﻠﻮ[ ڡﻠﻮا‬،‫ وﺻﻔﺘﻪ[ وﺻﻔﺔ‬٢

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa which argues that an


“efffector” (muʾaṯṯir) cannot be actual if the condition for its being efffective (šarṭ
taʾṯīrihi) is not fulfijilled. The quoted section is missing in the surviving fragment of the
text.

Citation 5: Kayfijiyya
MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 66b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 4b; Ḍaḥyān,
Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 9; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 174b:

‫اﻷﺧﺺ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﺎﺗﻪ اﻟﺜﻼث وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا ﴍط‬ ّ ‫وﻋﺰ‬ ّ ‫ﺑﺄن ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ‬
ّ ‫وﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ذكل إذا ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‬
‫اﻷﺧﺺ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ وﺟﺪ‬
ّ ‫وﻋﺰ‬ ّ ‫ﰲ اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ أن ﻳﻘﻮل ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳚﻮز ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ‬
٣ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ واﻷﻋﺮاض ﳊﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ وﻫﻮ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد وذكل ﻷﻧـّـﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻠــﺰم ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺼــﻮل اﻟﴩط‬
‫ﺟﻮاز ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻛﲈ ﻳﻠﺰم ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﺟﻮاز ﺣﺼﻮل اﻟﴩط ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒــﻮت اﻟﴩط وإن‬
‫اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﺆﺛ َّﺮ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﲞﻼف اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﲆ‬
٦ ‫اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴّﻨّﺎ ذكل ﳇّﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 83


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫اﻷﺧﺺ[ —‪ ،‬أ ‪ ٤‬اﳌﻘﺘﴣ[ اﳌﴩوط )ﲱﺢ ﻓــﻮق‬


‫ّ‬ ‫وﻋﺰ[ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ‪ ،‬ب ‪ ٢‬ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬
‫وﻋﺰ[ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ‪ ،‬ب |‬ ‫‪ ١‬ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻄﺮ(‪ ،‬ض | ﺛﺒﻮت[ ﺣﺼﻮل‪ ،‬ب؛ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺣﺼﻮل‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٥‬ﺣﺼﻮل[ ﺛﺒﻮت‪ ،‬أ | ﲞﻼف…‪ ٦‬اﻹﻃﻼق[ —‪،‬‬
‫ب‬

‫‪Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to the same discussion as in the previous Citation 4.‬‬

‫‪Citation 6: Kayfijiyya‬‬
‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 69b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 9b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 21; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 179a–b:‬‬

‫ﺣﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒــﻮﲥﺎ ّإﻻ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘــﺤﻴﻞ اﺧــﺘﺼﺎص اﻟﻌـ ّـةل اﳌﺆﺛّــﺮة ﻓــﳱﺎ ابذلات‬
‫وراﺑﻌﻬﺎ ّأن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳉﻨﺲ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ أو اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﲣﺘﺺ ّ‬ ‫اخملﺘﺼﺔ ابﻟﺼﻔﺔ وﲟﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ وﻗﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻞ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ّإﻻ ﲟﻮﺻﻮف واﺣﺪ‪ .‬إذ ﻟﻮ ﺟﺎز اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﲟﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻮﺟﳢﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻶﺧﺮ ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﳢﺎ ﳍــﲈ ﻣـ ًﻌﺎ ﻓﻴــﺆدّي ذكل إﱃ اﻧﻘــﻼب اﻟﺼﻔــﺔ ﺣـﳬًﺎ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل‬
‫ﻣﺴـﺘﻮﰱ ﰲ ّأول ﻣﺴﺄةل ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬

‫‪ ١‬ﳌﺎ[ ‪ +‬ﻻ‪ ،‬ل ‪ ٤‬ﻓﻴﺆدّي[ وﻳﺆدي‪ ،‬ض‬

‫‪Here, al-Raṣṣāṣ explicitly refers to the fijirst masʾala of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, where‬‬
‫‪he argues that two “attributes” (ṣifāt) cannot be grounded in one single “cause” (ʿilla),‬‬
‫‪because otherwise the ṣifa would convert into a ḥukm (that is, a “characteristic” that is‬‬
‫‪ontologically distinct from an “attribute”).16‬‬

‫‪Citation 7: Kayfijiyya‬‬
‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 73a–b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 16b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 40–41; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 186a:‬‬

‫وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ أن ﻳﻘﻮل ّأن اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻟﻮﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﱔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ذواﲥﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم ﰲ اﻟﻌـ ّـةل‬
‫اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة أن ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﰲ إﳚﺎب ﲨﻴﻊ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت إذ ﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ ﴍط اﻹﳚﺎب ﶺﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻬﺎ وذكل ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫اﻟﻌةل ﳊﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻺﳚﺎب ﻟــﻬﺎ وﻫــﻮ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ّ‬
‫وإﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺻﻔﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻞ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ واﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ّ‬
‫أن ّ‬
‫ﰷن ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺣﺼﻮهل ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ‪ .‬إذ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺣﺼــﻮل اﳌﺆﺛِّــﺮ أو اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻣــﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿــﻌﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄـﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛــﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ أو اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴــﺔ‬ ‫وﻛﻮن ﻫﺬﻩ ّ‬
‫اﻟﻌةل ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ﳐﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﳏﺎل ﻷﳖّ ﺎ إن ﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻓﺬكل ﳏﺎل ّ‬

‫‪16 For‬‬‫‪a discussion of this passage and the diffference between ṣifa and ḥukm see J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013,‬‬
‫‪pp. 136–137.‬‬

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M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ وﻗﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻛﲈ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﰲ ّأول ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﺘﺎب وإن ﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب‬
‫اخملﺼﺺ ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ‬ ِّ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﰲ ﺣﺎل أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﳚﺐ ﻓامي ﻗﺒهل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال ﻟﻔﻘﺪ‬
٩ ‫ذاﺗﻴﺔ واﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎق اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪة ﻟﺼــﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴــﺔ أﻛــﱶ ﻣــﻦ واﺣــﺪة ﳏﺎل ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣﺒـ ّـﲔ ﰲ اﻟﻄـﺮاﺋﻖ‬
‫اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل‬

[‫ أو اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ‬٥ ‫ أ‬،‫ أو اﳌﻘﺘﴤ[ واﳌﻘﺘﴣ‬٤ ‫ ض‬،‫ ﳊﺼﻮل[ ﲝﺼﻮل‬٣ ‫ ب‬،‫ أن[ — ل | ذواﲥﺎ[ ذاﲥﺎ‬١
ّ ٦ ‫ ب‬،‫ ب | ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ[ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ‬،‫ ل؛ اوﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ‬،‫واﻗﺘﻀﺎﻩ‬
‫ ض‬،‫ ل | إن[ إﻣﺎ أن‬،‫ أ | ﺑﺼﻔﺎت[ ﺑﺼﻔﺎ‬،— [‫اﻟﻌةل‬
‫ أ‬،‫ ﻛﺘﺎب‬+ [‫ ﰲ‬٩ ‫ ل‬،‫[ ﳑﺎ‬١‫ ض | ﻣﻦ‬،‫ او ﻻ‬+ ‫ ل | أوﱃ[ ﻣﺸﻄﻮب‬،‫ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮب[ ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺟﻮب‬٨

This passage contains two cross-references: the fijirst refers to a missing section of Al-
ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, which argues that a muqtaḍī (that is an attribute that causes
another attribute)17 cannot be actual if the condition of its being efffective (iqtiḍāʾ) is
not fulfijilled; the second quotation refers to the same discussion as in Citation 3.

Citation 8: Kayfijiyya
MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 75b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 20a; Ḍaḥyān,
Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 51–52; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 189b:

‫ﻷن‬ ّ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻠﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ‬


ّ ‫اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳉﻨﺲ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬
ً ‫اﻟﻌةل ﻟﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة اﻟﱵ أوﺟﺒﳤﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن‬
‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻟﻬﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّأن ﲤﺎﺛﻞ‬ ّ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
٣ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰷﺷﻔًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﲤﺎﺛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻓﳱﺎ ﻓﻜﺬكل ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ‬
ّ ‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ﳑﺎ ًﺛﻼ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل‬
‫ﻷن اﳌﲈﺛةل ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ﻏﲑًا‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬
ّ ‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل‬

‫ ب‬،— [‫ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت‬٤ ‫ ض‬،‫ أوﺟﺒﺖ[ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ‬٣ ‫ ب‬،‫ ﻫﺬﻩ‬+ [‫ ﻣﺜﻞ‬٢ ‫ ض‬،‫ ﺗﻜﻮن[ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‬١

Al-Raṣṣāṣ argues here that the notion of equality (mumāṯala) presupposes the
presence of multiple objects. Otherwise, one would arrive at the absurd conclusion
that things could be other than themselves, as discussed in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-
mustaḥdaṯa.

17For al-Raṣṣāṣ’s defijinition of the muqtaḍī in his Kitāb al-muʾaṯṯirāt see J. Thiele, Kausalität, 2011,
pp. 78–79, ٤, ٤٧.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 85


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫‪Citation 9: Kayfijiyya‬‬
‫;‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 75b–76a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 20b–21a‬‬
‫‪Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 53–54; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 190a–b:‬‬

‫اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﻤهل ﻗﺒﻴﻞ واﺣﺪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺈﳚﺎب اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ذكل أوﱃ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ّ‬
‫ﳐﺼﺺ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ وﻻ ﺣﺎﴏ ﻳﻌﻘﻞ إذ اﻟﲁ ﻗﺪ ﴰﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ واﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ .‬إذ ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪً ا أو ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ إذا ﰷن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ أو ﻣﺮاد أو ﻣﻜﺮوﻩ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺬكل اﻟﻐﲑ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺎت وإذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪً ا أو ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ إذا ﱂ‬
‫اﻟﻌةل ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ّإﻻ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻷن ّ‬‫ﻳﻜﻦ هل ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ وﻻ ﻣﺮاد وﻻ ﻣﻜﺮوﻩ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﲨﻊ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻨﻔﻲ واﻹﺛﺒﺎت ﰲ ﺣﲂ واﺣﺪ وذكل‬ ‫ﻛﲈ ﺗﻘﺪّم وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ وﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺟامتﻋﻪ ذلات واﺣﺪة واﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ذكل ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﴐورة‪ .‬وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻘﻮل إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻــﻔﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّــﻖ‬
‫ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أوﺟﻪ أو وهجﲔ ﻛﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ إذا ﺗﲀﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﳱﲈ اﻟﴩوط اﻟﱵ ذﻛﺮان‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ وأوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّإﻻ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻜﻮن اﳊﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪً ا إذا ﱂ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻦ ﻋﻠّﺘﻪ ﻋﻠ ًﻤﺎ وﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ إذا ﱂ ﺗﺘﲀﻣﻞ اﻟﴩوط اﻟﱵ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ إﱃ ﻏﲑ ذكل‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﳚﺐ أن‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﺑﺄﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ وأن ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّإﻻ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ وذكل‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﳏﺎل‪ .‬وأﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻓﻠﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﻤهل ﻧﻮع واﺣﺪ ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟــﺒﺖ ﺻــﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﺘﲔ ﳑّﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ ﲠﲈ وذكل ﻳﺆدّي إﱃ أﺣﺪ ابﻃﻠﲔ إ ّﻣﺎ‬
‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﻬﺎ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﲠﲈ وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ﻏﲑًا ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫وإ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻬﺎ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﲠــﲈ وذكل ﳏﺎل‬
‫]…[‬

‫‪ ١‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺔ[ — ل | ﳑّﺎ[ ﻓامي‪ ،‬ب ‪ ٢‬ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ[ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ض | ﺣﺎﴏ[ ﻣﺎ ﴏ‪ ،‬ل ‪ ٤‬وإذا[ ﻓﺈذا‪ ،‬أ | أوﺟﺒﺖ[ أوﺟﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ل ‪ ٥‬هل[ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ل ض | وﻻ‪ [١‬أو ﻻ‪ ،‬ل ض | وﻻ‪ [٢‬أو ﻻ‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٦‬ﻛﲈ[ ‪ +‬ﯨڡﺪ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٨‬أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ[‬
‫—‪ ،‬ب | اﻟﴩوط[ ﻟﻠﴩوط‪ ،‬ل | ذﻛﺮان[ ﻛﺮانﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ض ‪ ١٠‬ﻋﻠّﺘﻪ[ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ل | أو ﰷرﻫًﺎ[ وﰷرﻫًﺎ‪ ،‬ب ض‬
‫‪ ١٣‬اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ ﲠﲈ[ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﳍﲈ‪ ،‬ل ‪ ١٦‬أن ﻻ[ أﻻ‪ ،‬ض | اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ[ —‪ ،‬أ‬

‫‪In analogy to the discussion in Citation 8, al-Raṣṣāṣ argues that the notion of‬‬
‫‪distinctness (muḫālafa) presupposes the presence of multiple objects. Otherwise, one‬‬
‫‪would arrive at the same absurd conclusion that things could be other than‬‬
‫‪themselves, as discussed in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa.‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫‪Citation 10: Kayfijiyya‬‬


‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 81a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 28a; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 80; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 197b:‬‬

‫وﻣﱴ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﰲ اذلوات ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﺸﱰك ﰲ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺎن وﱂ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ الاﺷﱰاك‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻦ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ّأن ﻣﺎ اﺧﺘﻠــﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّــﺔ ﺛﺒﻮﺗــﻪ ﰲ اذلوات ﻓﻬــﺬا ﺣﳬــﻪ‪ .‬وإذا ﱂ ﳚﺐ ابﻻﺷـﱰاك ﰲ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﱂ ﳚﺐ ابﻻﺷﱰاك ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ اتﺑﻊ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت ﻓﻴﺜﺒﺖ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺜــﺒﺖ هل اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ إذا‬
‫اﺧﺘﺺ ﲟﻘﺘﻀﻴــﻪ ّإﻻ أن ﳚــﻮز اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻪ ﺑﴩط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ هل ّ‬
‫ﻷن‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻞ ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ هل وﻟﻴﺲ ﳚﻮز ﻓامي ّ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫اﺧﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﻓﻼ ﳚﻮز إ ًذا ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺣﺼﻮل ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻩ ﳌﺎ ّ‬

‫‪ ١‬وﻣﱴ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ[ — ل | ﻳﺸﱰك[ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ )ﲱﺢ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ( ض ‪ ٢‬اﻟامتﺛﻞ[ ‪ +‬ﻋﲆ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ض | ّأن‬
‫ﻣﺎ[ إﳕﺎ‪ ،‬ل ض ‪ ٣‬ﻳﺜﺒﺖ[ ﺛﺒﺖ‪ ،‬أ ض | هل[ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٤‬هل‪ ،— [١‬ب ‪ ٥‬ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ[ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ‪ ،‬أ ض‬

‫‪Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same missing discussion from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as‬‬
‫‪in Citation 7.‬‬

‫‪Citation 11: Kayfijiyya‬‬


‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 81b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 28b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 81–82; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 198a–b:‬‬

‫واذا ﺛﺒﺖ ذكل وﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮد اذلوات اتﺑـ ًﻌﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓــﻬﺎ ﰲ اﳉﻨــﺲ وذلكل‬
‫ﲟﺠﺮد اﶈ ّﻞ وﰷن‬ ‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ ّ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﺟﺎز أن ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﴍط وﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﻮن واﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ واﳊﻴﺎة واﻟﻌﲅ ﻓﲀن وﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﻮن‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد‬ ‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد اﶈﻠّﲔ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ ﻻ ﺑﻮن ﺑﻴﳯﲈ وﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ وﰷن وﺟﻮد اﳊﻴﺎة‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﺟﻮد اﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﶺﺎد ﻣــﻊ رﻃﻮﺑــﺔ وﲣﻠــﺨﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴــﺔ وروح إﱃ ﻏــﲑ ذكل وﰷن وﺟــﻮد اﻟﻌــﲅ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮد ﺑﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻟﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺒﲎ‪ .‬واﻧ ّﲈ ﺟﺎز اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬﻩ اذلوات ﳌﺎ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﲠﺎ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻨﻘﺾ أﺣﺪ أﺻﻠﲔ ﻗﺪ ّﺗﻘﺮرا‬ ‫وإﻻ ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ واﺣﺪً ا ﱂ ﳚﺰ اﺧﺘﻼف ﴍط وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ّ‬ ‫اﻷﺟﻨﺎس ّ‬
‫وﻋﻠﲈ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن اﳌﻀﺎ ّد ﻷﺣــﺪ اﳌﺜــﻠﲔ ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣﻀﺎدًّا ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ ّ‬
‫وإﻻ ﻟــﺰم ﻛــﻮﳖﲈ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﲔ واﻟــﺜﺎﱐ ّأن‬
‫اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺑﺄزﻳﺪ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑــﻪ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﺧــﺮ ﺑﻞ ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﴍط‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن وﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل‪.‬‬ ‫وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ واﺣﺪً ا ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬
‫ﻷن اﳌﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﱴ ﺟﺎز أن ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﴍط وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﻓﻴﺸﱰط‬ ‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﻨﻘﺾ أﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ اﻷﺻﻠﲔ ّ‬
‫ﰲ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط ﰲ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ وﰷن ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺿ ًّﺪا وﻗﺪّران ّأن هل ﺿ ًّﺪا ﻟﺰم ﻣﻦ ذكل أﺣﺪ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺑﺄن ﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﺎ ّد أﺣﺪ اﳌﺜﻠﲔ ﻻ ﻳﻀﺎ ّد اﻵﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﴤ ّ‬ ‫ابﻃﻠﲔ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺿ ًّﺪا ﻟﻶﺧﺮ وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼف ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪّم وإ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺿـ ًّﺪا ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻷﻧـّـﻪ ﻻ ﳜﻠــﻮ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﺸــﱰط‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺜﻠﲔ أو ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ّإﻻ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد‬ ‫وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬا اﻟﻀ ّﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد ّ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫أﺣﺪﻫﲈ دون اﻵﺧﺮ أو ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ‪ .‬ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺄن أﺣﺪ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ ﻣﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ إذ ﺻﺎر‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﴤ ّ‬ ‫وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﻣ ًﻌﺎ ّ‬
‫ﰻ واﺣــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﺿـﺪّﻳﻪ ﻟﻴــﺲ وﺟــﻮدﻩ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ ﲟﺠﻤــﻮع ﴍﻃــﻲ وﺟــﻮد ﺿـﺪّﻳﻪ اﳌﺜــﻠﲔ و ّ‬ ‫وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬا اﻟﻀـ ّﺪ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ ﲟﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﴩﻃﲔ واﺧﺘﺼﺎص أﺣﺪ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ دون اﻵﺧﺮ ﰲ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺑﴩط زاﺋﺪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ‪ + [١‬ﲟﺠﺮد )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٤‬اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ[ ‪ +‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮد )ﻣﺸﻄــﻮب(‪ ،‬ض‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ ١‬اذلوات[ اذلات‪ ،‬ل ‪٣‬‬
‫ّ‬
‫‪ ٥‬اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ[ ‪ +‬اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‪ ،‬ض ‪ ٧‬وﻋﻠﲈ[ أو ﻋﻠﲈ‪ ،‬ل | وإﻻ ﻟﺰم[ والاﻟﺰام‪ ،‬ب ‪ ٩‬واﺣﺪًا[ واﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ض‬
‫وﻏــﲑ ذكل[ —‪ ،‬ب ‪ ١٢‬إ ّﻣﺎ أن[ اﻣﺎان‪ ،‬ب | ﻳﻀﺎ ّد‪ [١‬ﺿــﺎدّ‪ ،‬أ ض ل ‪ ١٣‬ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ[ ‪ +‬ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘــﺪم‬
‫)ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‪ ،‬ض | ﳜﻠﻮ[ ﳜﻠﻮا‪ ،‬ب ‪ ١٤‬وﺟﻮد‪ [٣‬وﺟﻮدﻩ الا ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد )ﲱﺢ(‪ ،‬أ ‪ ١٥‬ﳏﺎل[ ‪ +‬أن‬
‫)ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ض | ﻳﺸﱰط‪ [٣‬ﻳﺸﱰﻃﻪ )ﲱﺢ(‪ ،‬ض ‪ ١٦‬ﻣﴩوط[ ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ‪ ،‬ض ‪ ١٩‬ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ[ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ب‬
‫ل‬

‫‪This passage includes two cross-references to Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa. Both refer to §3‬‬
‫‪of the treatise, where al-Raṣṣāṣ argues that whenever the coming into existence of a‬‬
‫‪thing is possible, the existence of its contrary (ḍidd) must be possible too, such that the‬‬
‫‪existence of two contraries must always be possible under the same condition(s).‬‬

‫‪Citation 12: Kayfijiyya‬‬


‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 86a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 34b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 103–104; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 204b:‬‬

‫ﳜﺘﺼﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﰻ واﺣﺪة ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﴩط ّ‬ ‫وإن اﻗﺘﻀﺎءﻫﺎ ﺑﴩط ﻓﻼ ﳜﻠﻮ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ أﲨﻊ ﺑﴩط واﺣﺪ أو ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ أﲨﻊ ﺑﴩط واﺣﺪ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪّم ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد ﻣﻦ اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ ذكل ﳇّــﻪ ﳌــﻌﲎ واﺣــﺪ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﳊﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻪ‪ .‬وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ ﺑﴩوط ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ﺟﻮاز اﺟامتع ﺗكل‬
‫ﻷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗــﻪ ﻣــﻊ اﺳــﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ ﻋــﲆ‬
‫اﺧﺘﺺ ابﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ّ‬‫اﻟﴩوط ﳌﻌﲎ واﺣﺪ ﳑﺎ ّ‬
‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‬‫اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ّ‬

‫ﳜﺘﺼﻬﺎ[ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ب ؛ ﳜﺼﻬﺎ ل ‪ ٥‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ[ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ل‬


‫‪ ١‬ﳜﻠﻮ[ ﳜﻠﻮا‪ ،‬أ ب | ّ‬

‫‪Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same missing discussion from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as‬‬
‫‪in Citation 7.‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫‪Citation 13: Kayfijiyya‬‬


‫‪MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 87a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 35b; Ḍaḥyān,‬‬
‫‪Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 108; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 206a:‬‬

‫وﳏﺎل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻪ ﰲ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ‪ .‬إذ اﳌﲈﺛةل‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ّإﻻ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ذاﺗﻴﺘﲔ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل ﻓﺒﻄﻞ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﳌﺎ ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ذكل ّ‬

‫‪ ٣‬ﰲ[ ‪ +‬ﻛﺘﺎ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ض‬

‫‪Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same section from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as in Citation 2.‬‬

‫‪III. Critical Edition of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa18‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ اﻟﺮﲪﻦ اﻟﺮﺣﲓ‬ ‫‪١٥١‬ب‬


‫واﶵﺪ وﺣﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺄةل ﰲ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ذات ﻣﻦ اذلوات ﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳌﻌﲎ ﻣﻌﺪوم‬ ‫]‪[١‬‬

‫ﳜﺘﺺ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ اذلوات دون ﺑﻌــﺾ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴــﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔــﺔ‬ ‫اذلي ﻳﺪ ّل ﻋﲆ ذكل ّأن اﳌﻌﲎ اﳌﻌﺪوم ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﲱﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﱂ ﳜﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﲁ ﻣﺎ ّ‬‫ﲱﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻟﻌﺪم الاﺧﺘﺼﺎص‪ .‬وﻟﻮ أوﺟﳢﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﺎ ّ‬
‫إ ّﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﶺﻴﻊ اذلوات اﻟﱵ ﻳﺼــﺢ ﻋــﻠﳱﺎ أو ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛــةل أو ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت‬
‫ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﳊﲂ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﳜﺮهجﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﺻﻔﺔ إﱃ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﺣﳬًﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ّ‬
‫اﳌﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻌﲅ اذلات ﻋﻠﳱﺎ إﻻ ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻐﲑ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻌﻘﻞ اﳊﲂ ّإﻻ ﻋﲆ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﰷﺣامتل اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﺮض وﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮدة ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮی ﻫﺬا اجملﺮی‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ ﳌﺎ ﺟﺎز أن ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﻦ دوﳖﲈ ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫اﳌﻮﺻﻮف‪ ،‬إذ ﻟﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﻛﺬكل ﻟﲀﻧﺖ ذااتً أﺧﺮی وﻣﻮﺻﻮﻓًﺎ آﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﲀن ذكل ﻳﺆدّي إﱃ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت‬
‫واﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﺎت إﱃ ﻏﲑ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ وﻫﺬا ﳏﺎل‪ .‬وإﻧ ّﲈ اﳌﻮﺻﻮف ﻳﻌﻘﻞ وﻳﻌﲅ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻓﲀن ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﻻ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻫــﺬﻩ‬
‫اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ دون اﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﻦ ﻓﲀﻧﺖ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺣﳬًﺎ‪ ،‬وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻷانّ ﻓﺮﺿﻨﺎ اﻟالكم ﰲ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ذلوات ﻛﺜﲑة‪.‬‬

‫‪18 As‬‬‫‪is typical for Yemeni manuscripts, diacritical pointing is used very sparingly in MS Ambrosiana ar.‬‬
‫‪E 208 and had to be reconstructed to large extent by the editors.‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺐ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة‪ ،‬إذ ﻟﻮ ﺗﻌﺪّت‬ ‫ﻷن ّ‬ ‫وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل ّ‬
‫ذكل وﻻ ﺣﺎﴏ ﻟﻠﺰم اﻟﺘﻌﺪّي إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫــﯽ‪ ،‬وﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻟﱱاﻳــﺪ اﻟﻌــﻠﻞ ﺣــﲂ وﻫــﻮ ﺗﺰاﻳــﺪ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﺗﻨﺎﱔ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫﯽ ّ‬ ‫ﻷن ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫﯽ ﻻ ّ‬‫اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ّ‬
‫وإﻻ ﱂ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻣﻪ وذكل ﺧﻠﻒ ﻣــﻦ اﻟــالكم‪،‬‬ ‫ّأن ﻟﱱاﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﲑًا ﰲ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ّ‬
‫وﻷﳖّ ﺎ ﻟﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣــﺪة ﻟﻠــﺰم أن ﺗﻜــﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻻ ﻳﱱاﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻺﳚﺎب أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ّ‬
‫إﻻ ﺑﱱاﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﳛﺼﻞ ﲝﺴـﺒﻪ وﻣﻮﺟﺒًﺎ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﳑﺎﺛــةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ ﻷﳖّ ﺎ‬ ‫وﳏﺎل ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣامتﺛــةل أﻛــﱶ ﻣــﻦ واﺣــﺪة ّ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﱔ ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﺼــﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﳑﺎﺛــةل‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﲀن ً‬
‫ﻷن ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ أن ﻳﻘﻮم إﺣــﺪی اذلاﺗــﲔ ﻣــﻘﺎم اﻷﺧــﺮی‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﺴـﺘــﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫ﻷن اﳌﲈﺛةل ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ّ‬
‫ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ | ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ﻹﳚﺎب‬ ‫وﳏﺎل أن ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٢‬أ‬
‫ﻷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴣ ﻣــﱴ ﰷن ﰷﺷـﻔًﺎ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗــﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ ّ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت واﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ واﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻷﳖّ ﺎ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﳋﺎﻟﻔــﻬﺎ‬ ‫ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫ﻷن ﺣﻘﻴــﻘﳤﺎ‬ ‫ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﲑﻳﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬وﱔ ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﳏﺎل ّ‬
‫ﱔ أن ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮم إﺣــﺪی اذلاﺗــﲔ ﻣــﻘﺎم اﻷﺧــﺮی‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﺴـﺘــﺪﻋﻲ ﻏﲑﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓــﲀن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮن اذلات‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ذوااتً ﻛﺜﲑة ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻷانّ ﻓﺮﺿﻨﺎ اﻟالكم ﰲ ذات واﺣﺪة وﻷﳖّ ﺎ ﻟــﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﳐﺎﻟﻔــﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟﴚء اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻀﺎ ّد اخملﺘﻠــﻔﲔ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺟﺐ إذا ﻗﺪران ﺿ ًّﺪا ﻟﻬﺎ وﻃﺮوءﻩ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ّ‬
‫اﻟﻐﲑ ﺿﺪّﻳﻦ وﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻣﻌﺪوﻣﺔ وذكل ﳏﺎل‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻟﻌـ ّـةل‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪوﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫وﻣﱴ ﻗﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﻓﺈذا ﰷﻧﺖ اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل اتﺑﻌﺘﲔ ﻟﻠﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم إذا اﺳـﺘﺤﻘّﺖ اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﺻﻔﺘﲔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ أو ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻟذلات أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻻ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻷﳖّ ﺎ وإن ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫اﳌﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﱴ ﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﳌﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ أو ﳋﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﲅ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ ﴍط ذكل وﱔ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و ِ‬
‫وﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ ﴍط إﳚﺎﺑﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻮﺟﺐ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٢١ :١‬ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ[ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ )ﻣــﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴــﺢ( ‪ ٢٤‬ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ‪ + [٢‬ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ‪ ٣٤‬ﰷﻧﺖ[ ‪ +‬اﳌﲈﺛــةل )ﻣﺸﻄــﻮب(‬
‫اتﺑﻌﺘﲔ[ اتﺑﻌﲔ ‪ ٣٥‬اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ…اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ[ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ أو ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ )ﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ(‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﻏــﲑًا ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ ّ‬


‫ﻷن‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ اذلات ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﻣامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ أو ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ّ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ذكل اﻟﴩط ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﰻ ﺻﻔﺔ أﺛ ّﺮت ﰲ ﺣ ٍﲂ ٍ‬
‫ﺑﴩط ﻓﺎﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﻓامي اﺧﺘﺺ ﺑﺘكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮة أن ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﳌﺎ أﺛﺮ ﰲ ﲢـ ّـﲒ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﱂ ﳚــﺰ ﰲ ذات‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﻆّ اﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ‪ .‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّأن ﻛﻮن اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ً‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﻳﺴـﺘﻘﲓ ﻛﻮن ﺻﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ وﱔ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد ﺗكل اذلات ﻟﺘﺜﺒﺖ ّ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﲒة ّ‬ ‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ّإﻻ و ّ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﻣﺆﺛ ّﺮة ﲠﺬا اﻟﴩط‪ .‬وﻛﺬكل اﳊﺎل ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﳖّ ﺎ ﳌﺎ ﰷﻧﺖ ﻣﺆﺛّــﺮة ﰲ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻟﻴﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﲟﻘﺘﻀﺎﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ّ‬ ‫اﺧﺘﺺ ﲠﺎ أن ّ‬
‫ﰻ ﻣﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﺟﺒﺖ ﰲ ّ‬
‫اﺧﺘﺼﺖ اذلات ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ﻟــﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫وﻛﺬكل اﳊﺎل ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت واﳌﺆﺛّﺮات‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ّ‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬ ‫ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺼﲑ ذوااتً ﻛﺜﲑة وﻻ ذاﺗﲔ‪ ،‬إذ ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻏﲑًا | ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ‬‫أن ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٢‬ب‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ‬
‫ﰻ ذات ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ أو ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﺬكل‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﺬكل ﱂ ّ‬ ‫ﳜﺘﺺ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺎز ذكل ﱂ ﳜﻞ إ ّﻣﺎ أن ّ‬
‫ﰻ ذات ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﺰم ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ذوااتً‬ ‫اﺧﺘﺼﺖ ّ‬‫ﰻ ذات أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺗ ّﳣﲒ ﲠﺎ‪ .‬وإن ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ّ‬‫ﻷن ﻣﻦ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٤٨‬‬ ‫ﻷن اذلات إﻧ ّﲈ ﺗﺼﲑ ذااتً ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﰷﻧﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات اثﺑﺘــﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴــﻊ‬ ‫أزﻻ ّ‬‫ﻛﺜﲑة أﺑﺪً ا و ً‬
‫ﳐﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة‪ ،‬وﰷﻧﺖ إﻧ ّﲈ ﺗﺼــﲑ ذوااتً ﻛﺜــﲑة‬ ‫اﻷﺣﻮال وﰷﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ّ‬
‫أزﻻ‪ .‬ﻓﺜــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻛﺜﲑة ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ذااتً واﺣﺪة وأن ﺗﻜﻮن ذوااتً ﻛﺜﲑة أﺑﺪً ا و ً‬
‫‪٥١‬‬ ‫ّأن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺼﲑ ذوااتً ﻛﺜﲑة ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﰷﻧﺖ ذااتً واﺣــﺪة‪ ،‬وإذا اﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﺖ اﻟﻐﲑﻳــﺔ ﻋــﲆ‬
‫اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻟﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫اﳌﺴﺄةل‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٢‬‬

‫إن ﻗﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﻟﲂ ّإن ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺔ واﳌﲈﺛــةل ﺑﴩط الاﻓـﱰاق والاﺗــﻔﺎق دون أن ﻳﻜــﻮن‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫الاﺗﻔﺎق ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻠامتﺛﻞ والاﻓﱰاق ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻼﺧﺘﻼف ﻳﻨﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﻟﲂ ّإن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﻘﺘﴤ‬
‫ﺣﳬﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّﻳﻦ ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻨﻌﱲ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎت ﰲ اذلوات ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﱔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻷﻧّﲂ ﻗﺪ أﺟﺰﰎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات أن‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﺣﳬﲔ ﺿﺪّﻳﻦ وﻫﲈ اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ﺿﺪّﻳﻦ وﻫﲈ الاﺷﱰاك ﻓﳱﺎ والاﻓﱰاق ﻓﳱﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ّ :‬إن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ﻓﺮﻗًﺎ وذكل ﻷانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﳕﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو‬
‫ـﺤﲒ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ وﺳــﺎﺋﺮ‬‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّﺗﲔ ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣــﱴ ﰷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴣ ﰷﺷـﻔًﺎ ﻋــﻦ اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﺘـ ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﻋﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأن اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﻣــﱴ ﰷﻧﺖ ﰷﺷــﻔﺔ ﻋــﻦ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ ﰷن‬
‫اﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ أو ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﺎ ﰷﺷﻔًﺎ ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ أو ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓذلكل ﻣﻨﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻊ أﻧ ّﻪ‬

‫اﻫﺮا ‪ ٤٩‬اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة[ ‪ +‬ﳇﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻄﻮﺑﺔ‬


‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮا[ ﺟﻮ ً‬
‫‪ً ٤٢‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣامتﺛةل ﰲ اذلوات ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ واﳌﺘﻀﺎدّة اﻟﲀﺷﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛــﺬكل اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫واﳌامتﺛةل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﳖّ ﲈ ﻟﻴﺴـﺘﺎ ﰷﺷﻔﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻــﻔﺔ اذلات‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ذكل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈانّ ﻻ ﻧﻌــﲅ اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ‬
‫واﳌﲈﺛةل إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻌﲅ ﲟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﳜﺎﻟﻒ اذلات وﳝﺎﺛﻞ إ ّﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ﲨةل أو ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓذلكل ﺟﺎز أن | ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ﺻــﻔﺔ‬ ‫‪١٥٣‬أ‬
‫اذلات ﻣﻊ اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩﻃﲔ ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮان ﰷﺷﻔﲔ ﻋﳯﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﲈ ﰷﺷﻔًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ّﺗﺒﲔ ذكل ّأن ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات إﻧ ّﲈ ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﲤﺎﺛﻞ اﳌﺸﱰﻛﲔ ﻓﳱﺎ واﺧﺘﻼف اﳌــﻔﱰﻗﲔ ﻓــﳱﺎ‪ ،‬ﳁــﱴ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﳬﲔ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳊﺎﻟﲔ ﰲ الاﺷﱰاك والاﻓﱰاق ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وإﻧـّـﲈ‬
‫ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ذكل ﻟﻮ اﻗﺘﻀﺖ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﺷﱰاك وﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﻓـﱰاق أو الاﺧﺘــﻼف ﻣــﺮة ﺑﴩط‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫الاﻓﱰاق وﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﺷﱰاك‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ ﻋﺮوض ﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨــﻌﻨﺎ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اذلوات‪ ،‬وذكل ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣــﲂ اخملﺎﻟــﻒ واﳌﻀﺎ ّد ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻪ ﻣــﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﺑﺼﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ وﻻ ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّﺗﲔ وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل إﻻ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻣﻀﺎدّة ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺠﺐ ﻓامي ﻳﻘﺘﴤ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬وﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪة ﲤﺎﺛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪّم ﻣﻦ اﻗﺘﻀﺎء اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﻣﻊ الاﻓـﱰاق والاﺷـﱰاك ﳜﺎﻟﻔــﻪ ّ‬
‫ﺑﺼﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ‪ ،‬وﲣﺎﻟﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻫﺬان ذلات واﺣﺪة وإﻧ ّﲈ ﰷن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﳌﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻔﺘﻪ وﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﳌﻦ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺎةل واﺣﺪة‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺒﲔ اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿــﻌﲔ أن ذﻛــﺮان ﻟــﻠﴩط ﰲ اﻗــﺘﻀﺎء ﺻــﻔﺔ اذلات ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺔ واﳌﲈﺛــةل ّ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻊ‬ ‫وﳑﺎ ّ‬
‫ﺣﻖ اﳌﴩوط أن ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وأن ﻻ‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﴩط ﻳﻘﺘﴤ الاﻧﺘﻈﺎر وﻣﻦ ّ‬ ‫وﳎﺎز‪ ،‬ﻻ أﻧ ّﻪ اﺷﱰاط ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّ‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ّأن ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎرق ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ﰲ ﺻﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻻ ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺜﺒﺖ وﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻔﺎرﻗﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال‪ .‬ﻓﺈذا أردان إزاةل اﻹﺷﲀل‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات‬ ‫وﻛﺬكل ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻷن اﳌﴩوط‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﳑﺎﺛةل اذلات ﳌﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ وﳐﺎﻟﻔﳤﺎ ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل ﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ّ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اترة وﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ أﺧﺮی ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﻘــﻒ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﳌﺘﺠـﺪّد‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﳌﺘﺠـﺪّد ﰷن‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ و ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻻ | ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻃﺮوء اﻷﺿﺪاد ﻓامي ﻳﺒﻘﯽ وزوال وﻗﺖ اﻟﺼ ّﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮا ّﰒ ﺻﺎر ﻣﺎﺿ ًﻴﺎ و ّ‬
‫ـﺘﻘﺒﻼ ً‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ً‬ ‫‪١٥٣‬ب‬
‫ﻓامي ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺪ ذكل‪.‬‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫وﳑﺎ ﻳﻮﰣ اﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ أﻧ ّﻪ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻟﺰم أن ﺗﻜﻮن اذلات ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ‬
‫ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ‬‫ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﻟﻜﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﰷﺷﻔﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ذاﺗﻴﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺘﲔ ﳍﲈ‪ ،‬وذكل ّ‬
‫ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﰲ ﺣﺎل اﻟﻌﺪم واﻟﻮﺟﻮد‪ .‬واﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ إﻻ ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ﻟﻼﺧﺘــﻼف‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ الاﺧﺘﻼف ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻌﺪم‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﲀﺷــﻒ‬
‫ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩط‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﰷﺷﻒ ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﱴ ﰷن اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﰷﺷﻔًﺎ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ‪ .‬وذكل‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮا ﻣﺴ ً‬
‫ـﺘﻘﺒﻼ )ﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ( ‪ [... ٣٢‬ﳇﻤﺔ أو ﳇﻤﺘﲔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮأ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ ٢٦ :٢‬ﻳﺼﺢ[‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﴍﻃﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﻀﺎدّة وﻣﺼ ّﺤ ًﺤﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﻜﻮن اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ّ‬


‫ﻣﺘﺤﲒًا ﻣﻊ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﰷﺋﻨًﺎ‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﴩط ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ً‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﳉﻬﺎت‪ ،‬وﻛﻜﻮن اﶺةل ﺣﻴّﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺻﻔﺎت اﶺةل‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﲀن ﳐﺘﻠﻔًﺎ ﰲ اذلوات وﻣﺘﻀﺎدًّا‬
‫وﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻓﺴﺎدﻩ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل اﻗﺘﻀﺎء ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﻋﻨﺪ الاﻓﱰاق والاﺷﱰاك ﻷانّ ﱂ ﻧﻘﻞ‬
‫إﳖّ ﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ﻣ ًﻌﺎ ذلات ﻣﻊ ذات واﺣﺪة‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ﻟذلات ﻣﻊ ذاﺗﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﲅ ﳝﺘﻨــﻊ اﺟامتﻋﻬــﲈ ﻟــذلات ﻣــﻊ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﻟذلاﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ‪.‬‬ ‫ذاﺗﲔ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٣‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ وﺟﻮد ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ً‬ ‫ﺣﻖ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ أن ّ‬ ‫اذلي ﻳﺪ ّل ﻋﲆ ّأن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘــﺪح ﰲ ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد إﱃ أزﻳــﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛــﺘﺎج إﻟﻴــﻪ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ّ‬ ‫ّأن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻀﺎدّﻫﲈ ﺑﺄن ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ إﻧ ّﲈ اﻣﺘﻨــﻊ وﺟــﻮدﻩ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﺧــﺮ ﺑﻞ ﻷﺟﻞ أﻧـّـﻪ ﳛــﺘﺎج ﰲ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟــﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﱂ ﳜــﱰ ﲢﺼــﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻷن اﳌﻮﺟﻮد ﳛﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج اﻵﺧﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ أو ّ‬ ‫وﺟﻮدﻩ إﱃ أﻣﺮ ﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ‪ ،‬إ ّﻣﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﳛﺘﺎج اﻵﺧﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬وذلكل ﻻ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺗﻀﺎ ّد اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻧﻌﲅ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ وﺟﻪ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎع اﺟامتﻋﻬﲈ ﺳﻮی اﻟﺘﻀﺎدّ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻖ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ أن ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد إﱃ أزﻳﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج إﻟﻴﻪ اﻵﺧــﺮ‪ ،‬وﻗــﺪ ﺛــﺒﺖ ّأن‬ ‫ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ اﻣﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ اﶺﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﻟﻴﺲ ﲟﻮﺟﻮد ﻻ ﺑ ّﺪ ﻣﻦ أن ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫وإﻻ ﺑــﻄﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ّ ،‬‬‫ﻳﺼﺢ | وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﺪل ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ّ‬ ‫ﻓﲅ ﻳﺒﻖ إﻻ أن ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٤‬أ‬
‫ﲱﺔ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﲂ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻟﺒﻄﻠﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﺑﻴﳯــﲈ‬ ‫وﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ وﺟﻮد ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﻀ ّﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﻲ ﺿﺪّﻩ إﻻ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ وﺟﻮدﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ﳛﺘﺞ إﱃ أزﻳﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج إﻟﻴــﻪ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ اﳊ ّﺪ اذلي ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺒــﺪل ّ‬
‫ﻷن‬ ‫ﲱﺔ وﺟﻮد ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﺟﺒﺖ ّ‬
‫اذلي ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻫﻮ اذلي ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ وﻫﻮ اذلي ﳛﺘﺎﺟﺎن إﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﻷﻧ ّﻪ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ اﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل اﺟامتﻋﻬﲈ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻟﺒﻄﻠﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﱂ ّ‬
‫ﰻ ﺣﺎل وﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﰷن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ ﻋﲆ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧ ّﻪ إذا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ‬
‫ﻫﺬا ﻷﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﱂ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وذلكل اﻣﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺳﻮا وﺟﺪ اﻵﺧﺮ أو ﻋﺪم‪،‬‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﻣﺘﻨﺎع وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ إﱃ ذاﺗﻪ ﻻ إﱃ وﺟﻮد ﺿﺪّ هل‪ ،‬وذكل ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٣٨‬ﻟﻬﺎ[ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ‪ ٤٠‬ﺛﺒﺖ[ ‪ +‬ﺧﻼ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ٢ :٣‬ﻣﻦ‪ + [٢‬وﺟﻮد )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ١٣‬وﺟﺒﺖ[‬
‫وﺟﺐ ‪ +‬وﺟﻮد )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ١٦‬ﻳﻜﻦ‪ + [١‬ﻟﻮﻻ ‪ ١٧‬اﻵﺧﺮ‪ [١‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٤‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ أن ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬وادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ذكل ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّأن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻟﺼﺢ‬‫ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮﻻﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ اﻵﺧﺮ‪ .‬و ّأن ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘّﻬﲈ أن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ ّ‬ ‫وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً‬
‫وﺟﻮدﻩ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل إﻻ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ دون اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺴـﻮاد ﰲ ﳏ ّﻞ‬
‫ﻷﺟﻞ ﲡﺪّد وﺟﻮد اﻟﺒﻴﺎض ﰲ ﳏ ّﻞ آﺧﺮ‪ .‬وﻻ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﴚء ﰲ ﲨةل ﻷﺟﻞ ﲡﺪّد وﺟﻮد اﳉﻬﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﰲ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫يح واﺣــﺪ‪ ،‬وﻻ‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﺒﺪل إﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋــﲆ ﳏ ّﻞ واﺣــﺪ أو ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻓﳱﲈ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺪل ّ‬
‫ﲨةل أﺧﺮی‪ .‬وﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻷن ﻣﺎ ﳜﺘﺺ ﲟــﺤ ّﻞ أو ﲨــةل ﻓﺈﻧـّـﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫يح ﻣﻊ اﺳـﳣﺮار وﺟﻮدﻩ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﻐﲑﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﳜﺘﺺ ﲟﺤ ّﻞ أو ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻓامي ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺣﻠﻮهل ﰲ ﻏﲑﻫﲈ ﻣﻊ اﺳــﳣﺮار وﺟــﻮدﻩ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﳜﺘــﺺ ابﻟــﺒﺎرئ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻹرادة واﻟﻜﺮاﻫــﺔ وﳜﺘــﺺ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﰲ ﳏ ّﻞ ﰲ اﻹرادة واﻟﻜﺮاﻫﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﳯﲈ وﰲ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﰷن ﻻ ّ‬ ‫اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ اﳌﺘﻀﺎدّات ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﻧﻮﻋﻪ ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ وﻻ ﻳﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﳾء ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻪ ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺢ ﻓﳱﲈ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ أن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وأن ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّأن ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﰲ اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ وﻷانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﺒﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺪل ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮان ﻣﻦ ّأن ذكل ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ وﻟﻠﻌﲅ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎن ذكل ّأن اﳌﺘﻀﺎدّات ﻋﲆ ﴐﺑﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪرك ﰷﻷﻟﻮان‪ ،‬ﻓﺈانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﺎ ابﻣﺘﻨﺎع ﻛﻮن اﶈ ّﻞ ﻋﲆ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺴﻮاد واﻟﺒﻴﺎض وﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻷﻟﻮان‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ابﻧﺘﻔﺎء أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻋﻨﺪ ﲡﺪّد ﺣﺼﻮل اﻵﺧــﺮ وذكل ﻫــﻮ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻀﺎد ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ | ﻓﺈذا رأﻳﻨﺎ ﺳﻮادًا وﺑﻴﺎﺿً ﺎ ﰲ ﳏﻠّﲔ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﲈ وﻫﻮ أن ﻧﻌﲅ ّأن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪١٥٤‬ب‬
‫إذا ﻃﺮأ ﻋﲆ اﻵﺧﺮ ﻧﻔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ وإن ﰷن ﲟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺪرك‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﺘﻀﺎدّﻩ إﻻ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫اﳊﻲ ﻋﲆ ﺻــﻔﺘﲔ ﺻــﺎدرﺗﲔ ﻋﳯــﲈ أو ﺣــﳬﲔ ﺻــﺎدرﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﰲ أﺣﲀﻣﻪ وﺗﻀﺎدّﻫﺎ وﻫﻮ اﻣﺘﻨﺎع ﻛﻮن اذلات أو ّ‬
‫اﳊﻲ ﻣﱴ ﲡﺪّد هل إﺣــﺪی اﻟﺼــﻔﺘﲔ أو أﺣــﺪ اﳊــﳬﲔ اﻧﺘﻔــﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﳯﲈ‪ .‬وإانّ ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ﻣﱴ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ّأن اذلات أو ّ‬
‫اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﺬكل إﱃ ﺗﻀﺎ ّد ﻣﺎ أوﺟﳢﲈ وذكل ﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ّ ،‬ﰒ إذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻀﺪّﻳﻦ ﰲ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫يح واﺣــﺪ ﻟــﲀان ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻓــﻴﺎن أو ّ‬
‫ﰠ‬ ‫هجﺘﲔ أو ﳏﻠّﲔ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ أﳖّ ﲈ ﻣﻦ هجﺘﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻋــﲆ ﳏ ّﻞ واﺣــﺪ أو ّ‬
‫وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﰲ اﶈ ّﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﺪل ﻟﲀن ﲡﺪّد وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﳝﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ إﱃ إﺛﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ إﱃ إﺛﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺿ ًّﺪا ﻟﻠﺠﻮاﻫﺮ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳﺼﺎدف وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﻗﺒهل ﺑﻮﻗﺖ إﻻ وﻳﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﻻ ﳏﺎةل ﳊﺼﻮﳍﲈ ﻋــﲆ ﴍط ﺗﻀﺎ ّدﻫــﲈ وﻫــﻮ ﳎــﺮد‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ وﻗﺖ أو ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻻ ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺿ ًّﺪا هل ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ أن ﻟﻮ ﰷن ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ّ‬
‫ﻷن‬‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ذكل اﻟﻮﻗﺖ أو ﻋﲆ ذكل اﻟﻮﺟﻪ‪ .‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ّأن ذكل ﻻ ﻳﻨﺎﰲ ﰲ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ واﻟﻔﻨﺎء ّ‬ ‫وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ً‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻨﺎء وإن اﺧﺘﺺ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻓﻀﺪّﻩ وﻫــﻮ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ﻻ ﳜﺘــﺺ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﺑــﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧــﻪ ابﻗـﻴًﺎ وﻣــﻦ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ًذا ﻻ ﻳﻀﺎ ّد ﻓﳱﲈ ّإﻻ ﻋﲆ اﳉﻨﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪورات اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬
‫وﻋﺰ ﳁﺎ ﻣﻦ وﻗﺖ إﻻ و ّ‬
‫وﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﰲ ﻧﻮع وﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﳉﺎز أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﳯﺎ ﻓﺘﻜﻮن اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌةل اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ وﺟ ٍﻪ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺿﺪّﻫﺎ ً‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ّ‬
‫ﲱﳤﺎ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮب‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺼﺢ ﻇﻬﻮر ّ‬ ‫ﲱﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ّ‬
‫اﻟﻌةل اﳌﻮﺟﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ّ‬ ‫وﺑﻴﺎن ذكل ّأن ﻣﺎ ّ‬
‫أﺻﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ّﺗﻘﺮر ذكل ﻓﻠﻮ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺛﺒﻮت‬ ‫ابﻟﻌةل ﻟﺘﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ً‬‫اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ إﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫اخملﺘﺼﺔ ﲠﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ‬
‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﲠﺬﻩ اذلات ّ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﲎ اﳌﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﺘكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﳌﻀﺎدّة ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ أﺣﺪ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮان ﻣﻦ ّأن ّ‬‫ﻟﻌﺎد ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ أوﲵﻨﺎ ﰲ »ادلﻻةل ﻋﲆ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻏﲏ« ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن ّأن ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺿﺪّﻫﺎ ﺑﻮهجﲔ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّأن اذلي ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺤﻬﺎ ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ ﺿﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذﻛــﺮان‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮن اذلات ً‬
‫ﺟﺎﻫﻼ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺜﺒﺎت ﺟﻮاز أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺗﺰول ﺑﺰواهل وإﻧ ّﲈ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك؛ واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّأن ّ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮن ً‬
‫ﺟﺎﻫﻼ | ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﺑﴩط أن ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪١٥٥‬أ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺿﺪّﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﺟﺐ ﻟﻮ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺛﺒﻮت‬ ‫ﲱﺔ أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ّ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺟﺎﻫﻼ‪ .‬وإذا ﺛﺒﺖ ّأن ّ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌةل ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب وﻛﻮﳖﺎ اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫ﺿ ّﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ّ‬
‫ﻟﻌةل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮل ﺑﺼ ّﺤﺔ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺗﻀﺎ ّد‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻳُﻐﻨﳱﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﲎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ وﳛﻴﻞ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ دون اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻳﺆدّي إﱃ اﻟﻘﻮل ﺑﺒﻄﻼﳖﺎ‪ ،‬وﻳﻌﻮد ﻋﲆ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد‬
‫ﰲ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﺮاض ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ إﻻ واﻟﺘﻀﺎ ّد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ وﻟﻮ ﻻ ذكل ﻷﺟﺰان أن ﺗﺘﻀﺎ ّد اﻷﻛﻮان ﻋﲆ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ﲞﻼف‬ ‫اﳉﻨﺲ دون اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﳜﺮج اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﰷﺋﻨًﺎ ﰲ هجﺔ ﻣﻌ ّﻴﻨﺔ وﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﰲ اﳉﻬﺎت‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا واﰣ ﳌﻦ ﺗﺄ ّﻣهل ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ذكل ﳌﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٥‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ابﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻮ ﻻ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ ﳌﺎ ّ‬


‫ﰠ‬ ‫إن ﻗﻴﻞ‪ :‬إذا ﰷﻧﺖ اذلات إﻧ ّﲈ ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﰷن ﻋﻨﺪﰼ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ وﺟﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣـﻴًّﺎ وﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣـﻴًّﺎ ﺑﻞ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺘــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ّأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻞ ّ‬
‫ﻓﺈن ﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺬات ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﲱﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ذااتً ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا ﺑﻞ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﲠــﺬﻩ ادلرﺟﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴــﻒ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣ ﺗﱰ ّ ًﺒﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫ذااتً وﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻫﻮ ّ‬
‫ﰻ واﺣــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻣـﺮﻳﻦ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣ ﺗﱰ ّﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ؟ وﻫﻞ ﻫــﺬا إﻻ ﻗــﻮل ﺑﻮﻗــﻮف ّ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ّ‬
‫ﻓﺈن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ّ ،‬‬‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ابﻟﴚء اتﺑ ًﻌﺎ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ وﱔ ّ‬

‫‪ ٢٨ :٤‬ﻋﲆ[ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ‪ ٤٥‬ﳌﺎ[ ‪ +‬ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ٥ :٥‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا‪ + [٢‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ٦‬وﺷﻴﺌًﺎ[‬
‫ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ًذا ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ وﺟﺐ وﻗﻮف ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣﻊ أﳖّ ﺎ ﻣ ﺗﱰ ّﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺬا أانّ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺪّران أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳋﺮج ﻋﻦ ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب‪ :‬أانّ ﻻ ﻧﻘﻮل إﻧ ّﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ ﲟﻌﲎ أﻧ ّﻪ إﻧ ّﲈ ﰷن ذااتً ﻷﺟﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻟﻮﻻ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ‬
‫ﰷن ذااتً وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲏ ﺑﺬكل ّأن ذاﺗﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ اﳌ ّﳣﲒة ﻣﻦ اﶈﺪاثت ﰷﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ دون ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﺳﻮی ذاﺗﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﲞﻼف ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻮهل ﰲ اﻟﺴﻮاد أﻧ ّﻪ ﺳﻮاد ذلاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟﺴﻮاد ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﻮادًا ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ذااتً ﻣﳣـ ّـﲒة ﻋــﻦ ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ وﻛــﺬكل اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧـّـﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ‬ ‫أﻧ ّﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ | ذلاﺗﻪ ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٥‬ب‬
‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ذااتً ﻣ ّﳣﲒة ﻋﻦ ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ذكل‪ّ ،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈن اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ إﻧـّـﲈ ﰷن ذااتً ﻟﻜﻮﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ً‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮا‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل اﻟﺴﻮاد إﻧ ّﲈ ﰷن ذااتً ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻮادًا‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻣﻘﺼﻮدان ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﻮاد ﺳﻮاد ذلاﺗﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬و ّأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻮادًا ﺻــﻔﺔ واﺟﺒــﺔ هل ﻻ ﺗﻔﺘﻘــﺮ ﰲ‬
‫ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ إﱃ ﺻﻔﺔ أﺧﺮی ﺗﺮﺟﻊ إﱃ اﻟﺴﻮاد وﻻ إﱃ ﻏﲑﻩ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ﻛﻮن اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ﺟﻮﻫـ ًـﺮا‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﰷن‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺬكل ﺑﻄﻞ ﻣﺎ أوردﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ إﻟﺰام اﻟﺘﻮﻗّﻒ ﻷانّ ﱂ ﳒﻌﻞ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﲠﺎ ﻳ ّﳣﲒ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ‪ ،‬وﱔ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ وﻋﺰ اﻷﺧﺺ‪ ،‬وﱔ‬ ‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺣﻴًّﺎ وﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا‪ ،‬وﲠﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اذلوات‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﱵ وﺟﺒﺖ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﱘ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻷﺟﻞ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﲠﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﰷن واﻗﻔًﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ‬ ‫وﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ وﻗﻮف ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأن ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴًّﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًﺎ واﻗﻔًﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا‪ ،‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا واﻗﻔًﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‬‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺬكل ﲱﻴﺢ ﻟﻜﻦ إﻟﺰاﻣﻪ ﻟﻨﺎ أن ﳒﻌﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻣ ﺗﱰ ّﺐ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻷانّ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻴ ّﻨﺎ ﻣﺮادان ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻨﺎ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ وذكل ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮدان أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا‬ ‫اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻞ إﻧ ّﲈ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ‬ ‫ذلاﺗﻪ وﺣﻴًّﺎ وﻣﻮﺟﻮدًا ذلاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺑﻴ ّﻨﺎ ّأن ّ‬
‫اﻷﺧﺺ اﻟﱵ ﲠﺎ ﻓﺎرق ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اذلوات‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﺰ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﳏﳣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن أراد أﻧ ّﻪ ﳜﺮج‬ ‫وﻗﻮهل‪ :‬ﻟﻮ ﻗﺪّران أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳋﺮج ﻋﻦ ّ‬
‫ﺣﱴ إذا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأن ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﲠﺎ ﻳ ّﳣﲒ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻷن ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ّ‬‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻓﺬكل ﻻ ّ‬ ‫أﺻﻼ ﱂ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﱂ ً‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ّأن اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﰲ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟــﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﲑﻩ وﱔ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬وﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻷن ﻛــﻮن‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ذكل ّ‬ ‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮن اﻟﴚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ ّ‬

‫‪ ١٠‬ﻋﲆ…‪ ١٢‬ﻣﳯﲈ[ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ‪ ١٨‬ﰷن[ ‪ +‬ﺳﻮا )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﲱﺔ‬‫ﻷن اﻟﻌﲅ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﻏﲑ ﳾء وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻫﻮ ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻳ ﺗﱰ ّﺐ ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ابﻟﴚء ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻊ ّأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ واﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠــﻮ ًﻣﺎ | ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻴﺚ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ ﺻــﻔﺘﻪ اﻷﺧـ ّـﺺ‬ ‫وإن أراد اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ أﻧ ّﻪ ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٦‬أ‬
‫وﺻﻔﺘﻪ اﻷﺧﺺ ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﺼ ّﺤﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﳁﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ د ّل ﻋﲆ ﺑﻄﻼن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻫﻮ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺺ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ وﺣﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ وﻫﻮ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻷزﱄ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺬكل ﲱﻴﺢ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ذكل‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺺ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻫﺎ اﻵﺧﺮ وﻫﻮ ّ‬ ‫وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻠﺖ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﲈن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎن‬ ‫ﻟﲁ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ و ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗّﻔًﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﺑﻄﻞ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ د ّل ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻄﻼن ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻴﺚ ّأن ﺑﻄﻼﻧــﻪ‬ ‫وﻋﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻄﻼن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﺑﻄﻞ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وذكل واﰣ ّﺑﲔ ﲝﻤﺪﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ّأن ّ‬‫وﻋﻘﺪ اﳉﻮاب ﰲ ذكل ّأن اﻟﺴﺆال ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ّ‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﺑﻞ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴ ّﻨﺎ‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ اﻷﺧـ ّـﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ اﻷﻣﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّ‬
‫وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﻘﻒ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻫــﻮ ّ‬
‫ﲱــﺔ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ وﳐﱪًا ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﻧﻜﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ وﻟﻬﺬا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻗﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﳾء ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻘًﺎ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّإﻻ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٤٨‬‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫وﻋﺰ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻓﲅ ﺗﻘﻒ ّ‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎن ﻣ ًﻌﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬‫ّأن ّ‬
‫ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬وﰲ ذكل ﺑﻄﻼن‬ ‫ﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻓﲅ ﺗﻘﻒ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وإن وﻗﻒ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ‬
‫اﻟﺸـﳢﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﳖﺎ إﱃ ﻗﺪهمﺎ ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٦‬‬

‫اﻹدراك إذا ﻋﻠّﻖ ابﻟﺒﴫ ﱂ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ّإﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﻻةل أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬


‫ﻳﺼﺢ إﺛﺒﺎت أﺣﺪ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﲔ ﻣــﻊ ﻧﻔــﻲ اﻷﺧــﺮی‪،‬‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل‪ ،‬ﻛﲈ ﻳﻘﺎل أدرﻛﺖ ﺑﺒﴫي ﺣﺮارة اﳌﻴﻞ و ِﺣﺪّة ادلواء‪ ،‬وإن ﱂ ﻳﺮﻫﲈ ﺑﺒﴫﻩ ﻓﻬﻮ‬ ‫وﻗﻮل ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮل إﻧ ّﻪ ّ‬
‫ﻷن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈهل ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺎز‪ ،‬والكﻣﻨﺎ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﻠﻔﻆ‪.‬‬‫ابﻃﻞ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﺑﻪ ﴏﻓﻪ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻊ إﱃ‬
‫ﻳﺒﲔ ّأن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈهل ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺎز ﻫﻮ أﻧ ّﻪ ﳌﺎ ﻗﻴّﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ّ‬‫واذلي ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫اﻹدراك ﶈ ّﻞ اﳊﻴﺎة ﻟﻌﻠﻤﻪ ابﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل رؤﻳﺔ اﳊﺮارة ابﻟﺒﴫ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ّأن اﻟﻠﻔﻆ ﻟﻮ أﻃﻠﻖ إﻃﻼﻗًﺎ وﱂ ﻳﻘﻴﺪ ﺑــﺬكل‬
‫وﻻ ﻋﻠّﻖ ﺑﻪ ﳌﺎ ﺳـﺒﻖ | إﱃ ﻓﻬﻢ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﻨﻪ إﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّأن أﺣﺪان إذا ﻗﺎل‪ :‬أدرﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪١٥٦‬ب‬

‫ﺑﺒﴫي ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ إﱃ أﻓﻬﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ّإﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ دون اﻹدراك ابﻟﺒﴫ ً‬
‫ﳌﺴﺎ ﻓﻌﺮﻓﻨﺎ أﻧـّـﻪ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﻟﺴـﺒﻘﻪ إﱃ اﻷﻓﻬﺎم ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ وأﻧ ّﻪ ﳎﺎز ﰲ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻹﻃﻼق إﱃ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٣٦‬ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪ [٢‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ‪ ٤٥‬ﻋﲆ‪ [٣‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ‪ ٤٧‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻘًﺎ[ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘًﺎ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﺑﺈدراك ﻣﺪرك‬ ‫ﲝﺎﺳﺔ ّ‬ ‫وﳑﺎ ّﺗﺒﲔ ذكل ّأن أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺟﺮی ﻋﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺄﳖّ ﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻘﻠﻮن اﻹدراك ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫دون ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ّإﻻ وﻳﺮﻳﺪون ﺑﻪ ذكل اﻹدرك اخملﺼﻮص دون ﻣﺎ ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻹدراﰷت‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺎرت ﻟﻔﻈــﺔ اﻹدراك‬
‫ﺗﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺈﻓﺎدة ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﳯﺎ دون ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻔــﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻌﻠّﻘــﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻹﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎت ابﳊﻮ ّاس ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وإﻧ ّﲈ ّ‬
‫ﺑﺘكل اﳊﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﱵ ﱔ ﴍط ﰲ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ‪ ،‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّأن أﺣﺪان إذا ﻗﺎل‪ :‬أدرﻛﺖ ﲞﻴﺸﻮﱊ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫اﳊﺎﺳــﺔ ﺑﺈدراﻛــﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ دون ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ ﻣــﻦ اﳊـﻮ ّاس‪،‬‬ ‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﺗــكل ّ‬‫ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ إﱃ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ ّإﻻ أﻧ ّﻪ أدرك ﺑﻪ اﻷراﰁ اﻟﱵ ّ‬
‫وﻛﺬكل إذا ﻗﺎل‪ :‬أدرﻛﺖ ُﺑﺄذﱏ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ أو ﺑﻔﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ أو ﺑــﺒﴫي ﺷــﻴﺌًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧـّـﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺴـﺒــﻖ ﻣﻨــﻪ إﱃ اﻷﻓــﻬﺎم إﻻ‬
‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﻫﺬﻩ اﳊﻮ ّاس ﺑﺈدراﻛﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺬكل ّأن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈل اﻹدراك ﻣﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ابﻟﺒﴫ ﻻ‬ ‫إدراك اﳌﺪرﰷت اﻟﱵ ّ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّإﻻ ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﳑﺎ ّﺗﺒﲔ أﻧ ّﻪ ﳎﺎز ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ إدراك اﳊﺮارة ِوﺣﺪّة ادلواء ﳌﺎ‬
‫ﰠ ﻣﻦ اﻷﲻﯽ إدراﻛﻬﲈ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ اﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪة ﳌﺎ ﻗﺪّﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّأن أﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﰠ إدراﻛﻬﲈ ّإﻻ ابﻟﺒﴫ دون ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﳊﻮ ّاس وﳌﺎ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫وإﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻮن ﺑﻪ ذكل اﻹدراك اخملﺘﺺ ﺑﺘــكل‬ ‫ﲣﺘﺺ ﺑﺈدراك ﻣﺪرك ّ‬ ‫ﲝﺎﺳﺔ ّ‬‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻠﻮن اﻹدراك ﻣﻌﻠﻘًﺎ ّ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫اﳊﺎﺳﺔ دون اﻹدراك اذلي ﻳﻜﻮن ﺷﺎﺋ ًﻌﺎ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﳊﻮ ّاس‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻠﻮن ذكل ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﳊﺮارة ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ إدراﻛﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﳊﻮ ّاس‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜــﻮن اﺳــﺘﻌﲈل اﻟﻠﻔﻈــﺔ اﳌﻘﻴّــﺪة ﲠﺎ ﰲ ﻫــﺬا‬
‫اﳊﺎﺳﺔ وﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﺷـﻴﺎع ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺪرﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﳐﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺘكل ّ‬ ‫ﳎﺎزا‪ .‬وأﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ّ‬‫اﻹدراك ً‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﳊﻮ ّاس‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ًذا اﻷوﱃ ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ إدراﻛﻬﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ابﻟﻌﲔ دون اﻟﺒﴫ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﻮل‪ :‬أدرﻛﺖ ﺑــﻌﻴﲏ ﺣـﺮارة‬
‫ﻓﺼﺢ ّأن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﴫا ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﲱﻴﺤﺔ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫وﻷن هل ﻋﻴﻨًﺎ وإن ﱂ ﺗﺴ ّﻢ ً‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻘﻮهل ﻟﻸﲻﯽ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫اﳌﻴﻞ‪ ،‬وذلكل ّ‬
‫اﻹدراك اﳌﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﺒﴫ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ دون ﻏﲑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا واﰣ ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٧‬‬

‫| إن ﻗﻴﻞ‪ :‬إذا ﰷن اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻫﻮ الاﻋﱰاف ﺑﻨﻌﻤﺔ اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻣﻊ ﴐب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﻈﲓ‪ ،‬وﻋﻨﺪﰼ ّأن اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻻ ﳛﺴﻦ‬ ‫‪١٥٧‬أ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ّإﻻ ابﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق‪ ،‬والاﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺑﻪ وﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ﻣ ًﻌﺎ‪ ،‬وﰷن ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺣﺴـﻨــﻪ ﻋــﻦ وﺟﻮﺑــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴــﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺄن الاﻋﱰاف ﻻ ﳚﺐ إﻻ إذا ﰷن ﻫﻨﺎك ﲥﻤﺔ ﻓﻴــﺠﺐ إزاﻟــﳤﺎ وأﻧـّـﻪ ﳛﺴــﻦ ﻣــﻊ زوال‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻊ ذكل اﻟﻘﻮل ّ‬
‫ّ‬
‫اﻟﳤﻤﺔ وﻻ ﳚﺐ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّأن ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻦ وﺟﻮﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻞ هل‪ّ :‬إن اذلي ﻳﻘﻮل أﻧ ّﻪ واﺟﺐ وأﻧ ّﻪ ﳚﺐ ﻟﻼﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق إﻧ ّﲈ ﻫﻮ اﻋﺘــﻘﺎد ﻋﻈــﻢ ﺣﺎل اﳌﻨﻌــﻢ ﻷﺟﻞ‬
‫ﰻ ﺣﺎل ﺧﻄﺮت اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﺎهل‪ ،‬ﻓﲅ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ّأن ذكل واﺟﺐ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬وﻻ ّ‬
‫ذكل ﻋﻦ وﺟﻮﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ إﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ والاﻋﱰاف ﲠﺎ ﻓﺬكل ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﻟﻼﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎق‪ ،‬وإﻧـّـﲈ ﳚﺐ ﻹزاةل اﻟﳤﻤــﺔ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪ زواﻟﻬﺎ ﻻ ﳚﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ الاﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﴍط ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧ ّﻪ إﺧﺒﺎر ﻋﻦ وﺻﻮل ﻧﻌﻤﺔ إﻟﻴﻪ‬

‫‪ ١١ :٦‬ﻻ[ ‪ +‬ﻳﻌﻘﻠﻮن )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( | ﻣﺪرك[ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ‪ ١٢‬اﻹدرك[ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ‪ ٤ :٧‬إزاﻟﳤﺎ[ ﻹزاﻟﳤﺎ‬
‫‪ ٧‬واﺟﺐ[ ‪ +‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( | اﳌﻨﻌﻢ[ ‪ +‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﲑ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳُﻨئب ﻋﻦ ﻋﻈﻤﺔ ذكل اﻟﻐﲑ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻻ ﳛﺴﻦ ّإﻻ إذا ﰷن ﺻــﺪﻗًﺎ‪ .‬وﻣــﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ اﻟــﻐﲑ‬
‫ﻛﺬاب‪ ،‬ﻓــذلكل ﱂ ﳛﺴــﻦ ّإﻻ ﻣــﻊ الاﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎق‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘًّﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳐﱪﻩ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ أﺧﱪ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ً‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ابﻹﻇﻬﺎر ﻏﺮض ﻣﻊ زوال اﻟﳤﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﻐﺮض ﺑﻪ ﻣﻊ اﻧﺘﻔﺎء وﺟــﻮﻩ اﻟﻘﺒــﺢ ﻋﻨــﻪ وإن ﱂ ﳚﺐ‪ ،‬وإذا ﱂ‬
‫ﴐوراي وﻛــﺬكل اﻟﻌــﲅ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻏﺮض وﻗﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺑﻪ ﰷن ﻋﺒﺜ ًﺎ ﻗﺒﻴ ًﺤﺎ‪ ،‬وإذا ﰷن اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻮﺟﻮب اﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﺎل اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻷﺟﻞ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎذلي ﳚﺐ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺒﺪ ﻳﻨﴫف إﱃ ﻋﺰﻣﻪ ﻋﲆ إﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ والاﻋﱰاف ﲠﺎ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﳤﻤﺔ وإﱃ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ الاﻧﴫاف ﻋﲈ ﻳﺪﻋﻮﻩ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﺎهل‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﴫف ذكل إﱃ أﻣﻮر اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٨‬‬

‫إذا ﻗﻴﻞ‪ّ :‬ﻫﻼ ﰷن الاﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﰷﻓﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻷﱂ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎر ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﻟﻮﺻةل إﱃ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأن‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫اﳌﳫّﻒ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻌﻪ أﻗﺮب إﱃ ﻓﻌﻞ اﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ وﺗﺮك اﳌﻌﺼﻴﺔ اﻟذلﻳﻦ ﻫﲈ ﺷﻴﺌﺎن ﰲ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬ﻛﲈ‬
‫ّأن ﴐب اﻟﻮادل ﺑﻮدلﻩ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎر ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﻟﻮﺻةل إﱃ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﻌﲅ واﻷدب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﰷن‬
‫ﺣﺎﺻﻼ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ‬ ‫ابﻟﺘﻌﲅ واﻟﺘﺄدّب اﻟذلﻳﻦ ﻫﲈ ﺳﺒﺒﺎن ذلكل‪ ،‬وإن ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻷدب ً‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻪ أﻗﺮب إﱃ الاﺷـﺘﻐﺎل ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫اﻟﴬب‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻧﻔﻊ اﻷدب ً‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﳌﺸﻘّــﺔ اﻟﴬب ]‪ [...‬ــﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ّ :‬إن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ﻓﺮﻗًﺎ | وذكل ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ّ‬ ‫‪١٥٧‬ب‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﲈ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺎن‪ ،‬ووﺻﻠﺘﺎن إﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘًّﺎ ﻋﻠﳱﲈ وﻻ ﻋﲆ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﲞﻼف ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻷﻧ ّﻪ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ـﺘﺤﻖ ابﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﳌﺸﻘّﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺒﻘﯽ ﻣﺸﻘّﺔ اﻷﱂ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚــﱪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﺒــﺢ ﻟــﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻋــﻮض ّ‬
‫ﻷن‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ّ‬
‫ـﺘﺤﻖ ّإﻻ ﺑﻔﻌهل وﺻﺎر ذكل‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻪ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﻏﲑ اﳌﳫّﻒ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﻘﱰن ﺑﻪ اﻟﺘﻌﻈﲓ اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺴ ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﲟﲋةل ﺗﳫﻴﻒ ﷲ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﰷ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﳖّ ﺎ وإن ﰷﻧﺖ ﻟﻄﻔًﺎ ﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ وﺗﺮك اﻟﻘﺒﺎﰁ اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺎ‪ :‬اﻟﴩﻋﻴﺎت ً‬
‫ﻓﻌﻼ و ً‬
‫ﳜﺮج ﺑﺬكل ﺗﳫﻴﻔﻨﺎ ّإايﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻇﻠ ًﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚــﱪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜــﲈ وﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﺮﰷ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺨﺮج اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑةل اﳌﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺤﻘﻨﺎ ﲠﺬﻩ اﻟﺘﲀﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ ً‬
‫ﻓﻌﻼ و ً‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ـﺘﺤﻖ ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺬكل ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﻠ ًﻤﺎ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻟﻄﻔًﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ دون ﺛﻮاب ﻳﺴ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻮن اﻷﱂ ﻟﻄﻔًﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑهل ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻩ‪ .‬ووﺟﻪ اﶺﻊ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ّأن اﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﳌﺴ ّ‬
‫ـﺘﺤﻖ‬
‫ابﳌﻠﻄﻮف ﻓﻴﻪ ﰲ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺒﻘــﯽ اﳌﺸﻘّــﺔ ّ‬
‫اﳌﴬة اﳊﺎﺻــﻠﺘﺎن ﰲ اﻟﻠﻄــﻔﲔ‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎرﻳﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻫﲈ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن إﻟﺰام اﳌﺸﻘّﺔ واﻧﺰال ّ‬
‫اﳌﴬة ﻇﻠ ًﻤﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٣ :٨‬اﻟﺜﻮاب[ ‪ +‬ﻛﲈ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ... ٧‬ـﻢ[ ﳇﻤﺘﺎن ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮآن‪ ،‬وﻟﻌهل وﳌﺸﻘﺔ اﻷﱂ ‪ ٨‬وﻟﻴﺲ[ ‪ +‬ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘّﻬﺎ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬
‫‪ ١٦‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑهل[ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻪ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی‬ ‫]‪[٩‬‬

‫اﺑﻄﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ واﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻋﲅ ّأن الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻳﻨﻘﺴﻢ ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻛﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺪل ﺑﻪ ر ً‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ـﺘﺪﻻﻻ ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷـﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﳊــﲂ‪ ،‬واﻵﺧــﺮ أن‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﲔ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذكل اﺳ ً‬
‫ـﺘﺪﻻﻻ ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّﻋةل اﳊﲂ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن اﺳ ً‬
‫ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﳊﲂ ﻓﲀﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬ﻓﺈانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺜﺒﻮت أﺣﲀهمﺎ‪ّ ،‬ﰒ إذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل‬ ‫ً‬
‫وﻋﺰ وإﻻ اﻧﺘﻘﺾ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﻟﳱﺎ‬ ‫وﻋﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻪ ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺟ ّﻞ ّ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﲀم ﰲ ّ‬
‫ﲱــﺔ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ﺑﺼ ّﺤــﺔ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ ﻣﻨــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ ّ‬
‫ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی أانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﻛــﻮن أﺣــﺪان ً‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻗﺎدر‪ .‬وﻛﺬكل ﻓﺈانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﻛﻮن أﺣﺪان ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ وأﳖّ ﺎ | ]‪ [...‬ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا‬ ‫‪١٥٨‬أ‬
‫أﻣﺮا وﺧﱪًا‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﴫﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻛﻮن الكﻣﻪ ً‬ ‫وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻮﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل و ّ‬
‫ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا؛ إذ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻣﻊ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﳉﺎز‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪان ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻣﻊ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﲀن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮن ﻫﺬا اﳊﲂ ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮن‬
‫أﺣﺪان ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ‪.‬‬
‫وأ ّﻣﺎ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّﻋةل اﳊﲂ ﻓﴬابن‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ّ‬
‫اﻟﻌةل ﰲ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬واﻵﺧﺮ أن ﻻ ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪،‬‬
‫وإﻻ ﻋﺎد ذكل‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ الك اﻟﻮهجﲔ ﳚﺐ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻌﻠﻮل أﻳامن ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻠّﺘﻪ ّ‬
‫ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ّﻋةل ﻓﻴﻪ ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ واﻹﺑﻄﺎل وذكل ﻻ ﳚﻮز‪.‬‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻷول ﳓﻮ اﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ﻳ ّﱲ إﻻ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈانّ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ ذكل ﳌﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﲅ ﳌﺮاﺗﺐ اﻟﻌﲅ اﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ وﻣﻨﺎزهل اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺔ‪ّ ،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈن ذكل إﻧ ّﲈ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ودلﻩ ﲟﺸﻘّﺔ ّ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ﻳ ّﱲ إﻻ ﺑﻪ وﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺗﳫﻴﻒ ّاهلل ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻌﺒﺎدﻩ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﳍﻢ ﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻈﳰﺔ ﻻ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎس ﲠﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ادلﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ذكل ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ّأن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﺑﺄن ﳛﺴﻦ أوﱃ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌةل وﱔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ﻳ ّﱲ ّإﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺻةل ﰲ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻷن ﻫﺬﻩ ّ‬ ‫وأﺧﺮی ّ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟﻨﻔﻌﲔ اﳌﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﳱﲈ ﰲ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ وإن اﺷﱰﰷ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ودلﻩ ﲟﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﲓ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﻟﻌﲅ ّ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫اﳌﺸﺎق وﲢﻤﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﳌﺜﻠﻬﲈ وﰲ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﻳ ّﱲ ّإﻻ ﺑﺬكل اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺾ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻠﻨﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﻋﻈﳰﲔ ﲝﻴﺚ ﳛﺴﻦ ﲢ ّﻤﻞ ّ‬
‫اﳌﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻴﻪ ابﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﻈﳰﺔ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﺎ أﻧ ّﻪ أﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺘﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ﻟﻮدلﻩ ﰲ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪ ٢ :٩‬اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ[ ‪ +‬ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ١١‬وﺟﻪ‪ + [٢‬ﳉﺎز أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪان ﻣﺮ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ١٢‬ﻣﻊ[ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ‬
‫اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﰻ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﺔ ﲞــﻼف ﻣﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫــﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪر‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﺎﱐ أﻧ ّﻪ داﰂ ﲞﻼف ﻣﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ابﻟﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎت‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ﻣﺸﻮب ّ‬
‫وأ ّﻣﺎ اﻟﴬب اﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّﻋةل اﳊﲂ وﻫــﻮ أﻧـّـﻪ ﺗﻜــﻮن‬
‫اﻟﻌةل اثﺑﺘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻛﺜﺒﺎﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ أﻗﻮی‪ ،‬وذكل ﰷﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ّأن‬ ‫ّ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫اﻟﻈﲅ ﻟﻮ وﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﷲ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﲀن ﻗﺒﻴ ًﺤﺎ ﲟﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻈﲅ اذلي ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﺤﻪ ﴐورة ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫــﺪ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻪ‬
‫اذلي ﻷﺟهل ﻗﺒﺢ وﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻇﻠ ًﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ | ﳚﺮی اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ذكل‪.‬‬ ‫‪١٥٨‬ب‬

‫ﺳﺆال‬ ‫]‪[١٠‬‬

‫إذا ﻗﺎل ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮن ﰲ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻫﻞ ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ أم ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫أم ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ؟‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﻮهجﲔ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّأن اﳌﺮﺟﻊ ابﻹﺣﲀم ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ :‬اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ :‬ﻫﺬا ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﺷﻚ ّأن وﺟﻮد‬ ‫ّإﻻ إﱃ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ﴐب ﻣﻦ اﻟﱰﺗﻴﺐ والاﺗّﺴﺎق وذكل ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ‪ ،‬وﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا؛‬
‫ﻓﺈن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻟﻴﺲ إﻻ ﻛــﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ً‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ّ ،‬‬
‫اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻏﲑﻩ أو ﻗﺒهل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّأن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم أﺣﺪ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل‪ ،‬ووﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﰼ إﻧ ّﲈ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﻘﻠﻮن ذكل ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﺴـﺘﺪﻟّﻮن ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ :‬اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻓﺈن ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻻ ﺑ ّﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑﲔ اﳌﺪﻟﻮل ّ‬
‫وإﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲝﲂ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺼﺎدر ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ّأن ذكل ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ّ .‬‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ هل ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺄن ﻳﺪ ّل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﺪ ّل ﻋﲆ ﻏﲑﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ّ‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫وﻻ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ هل ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫وأﻳﻀً ﺎ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﻨﺪﰼ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻫﻮ وﻗﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﳐﺼﻮص ووﻗﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬ﻓﻺن ﺟﺎز الاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻋــﲆ ّأن اﳌﺆﺛّــﺮ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻓﻴﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮن‬‫ﻗﺎدرا ﳉﺎز ذكل ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ذكل ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﻮل ﻻ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ]‪ [...‬ووﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻫﻮ ﺣﺪوهثﺎ‪ ،‬وذكل ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﺑﻜﻮﻧــﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻗــﻮﻋﻬﺎ‬ ‫وﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺪوهثﺎ وأﻣﺮ زاﺋﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﳊﺪوث وأﻣﺮ زاﺋﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ راﺟ ًﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻣﻊ ّأن اﳊﺪوث‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ ،‬وذكل ﺧﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ اﻟالكم‪.‬‬
‫راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬

‫ابﻟﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎت[ اىﻟﯩﻌﺼﺎت ‪ [... ١٧ :١٠‬ﻟﻌهل ﺳـامي‬


‫‪ّ ٢٧‬‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﻮهجﲔ‪ ،‬أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّأن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫وإن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ :‬اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ إﺣﲀم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ :‬ﻫﺬا ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا؛ واﻟﺜﺎﱐ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ذكل‬ ‫ﳏﳬًﺎ راﺟﻊ إﱃ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﳐﺼﻮص‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺑﻴ ّﻨﺎ ّأن ذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫راﺟ ًﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻟﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن دلﻳﻪ واﳊﺎل ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﲱﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ راﺟﻌﺔ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﳌﺎ ﻧﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ّأن اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﶈﳬﺔ ﻗﺪ ّ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺢ‬ ‫اﳉﻮاب‪ّ :‬أن ّ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫ﳐﺼﻮﺻﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﻊ ﺧﻼف ذكل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم | ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴﻘــﻊ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺼﺪ وإرادة ﺑﺄن ﻳﺮﻳﺪ اﻟﲀﺗﺐ ﺣﺮﻓًﺎ‬ ‫‪١٥٩‬أ‬
‫ﲱﺖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﳏﳬﺔ ّإﻻ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻟﻜﺘﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ذكل راﺟ ًﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﳌﺎ ّ‬
‫وﺟﻪ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ذكل وﻳﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ‪ .‬وﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن اﳌﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺮﻳــﺪً ا ﻟــﻮﺟﺐ ﻣــﱴ أراد‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫وﻷن اﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺈﺣﲀم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ إﱃ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫اﻷﱊ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻌﺔ أن ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻛﲈ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل‬ ‫وﺟﻪ ﳐﺼﻮص ﻣﻦ اﻟﱰﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ وذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﲱﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮ ﻣﻦ أﻧ ّﻪ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻧﻘﻮل أﻳﻀً ﺎ أﻧ ّﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴـﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل ّإن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ّ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا وذكل‬ ‫ﻟﺼﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﱊ أن ﻳﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ .‬ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﻛﺬكل ّ‬‫ﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫راﺟﻊ إﱃ ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬وﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻣ ﺗﺮ ًﺒﺎ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬‫ابﻃﻞ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل ّإن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜــﻮن‬ ‫أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل ﻧﻘﻮل ّأن اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ً‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا وﻏﲑ ﳑﺘﻨﻊ أن ﻳﻘﻒ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل أو وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ ]اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ[ ﻋﲆ ﴍوط ﻛــﲈ ﻧﻌــﲅ ﻣــﻦ ّأن‬
‫ﲱﺔ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻣﳯﻢ ﻋﲆ ﴍوط‪ .‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّأن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ابﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدر ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎدرﻳﻦ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻒ ّ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨــﻪ إﻻ ﻋﻨــﺪ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﻻت اﻟــﱵ ﻳــﻜﺘﺐ ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬وﻋﻨــﺪ وﺟــﻮد اﶈ ّﻞ اذلي‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺪر ﻋﲆ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ اﳋﻴﺎﻃﺔ ّإﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ وﺟﻮد‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل اﳋﻴﺎط ﻗﺎدر ﻋﲆ اﳋﻴﺎﻃﺔ وإن ﻋﺪﻣﺖ اﻹﺑﺮة وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ ّإﻻ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد اﶈ ّﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈن اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻗﺎدر ﻋﲆ إﳚﺎد اﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ّ‬ ‫اﻹﺑﺮة‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ ّإﻻ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد اﳊــﻴﺎة‪ ،‬وﻛــﺬكل‬ ‫وﻛﺬكل ﰲ اﻟﻘﺪرة واﻟﻌﲅ وﺳﺎﺋﺮ أﻓﻌﺎل اﻟﻘﻠﻮب ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ‬‫ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ّإﻻ ﻣﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺬكل ﻻ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫اﳊﻴﺎة ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﻣﺆ ًﺛﺮا ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل ﻣﻨﻪ ّإﻻ ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﺬكل ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫ﳏﳬًﺎ وإن ﱂ ّ‬
‫دون وﺟﻪ ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪.‬‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬ ‫ﻓﺄ ّﻣﺎ ﻗﻮهل‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴـﺘﺪ ّل ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲝﲂ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺼﺎدر ﻋﻨﻪ وﻻ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ هل ﺑﻪ؟‬
‫ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب ﻋﻨﻪ ّأن ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﺼ ّﺤﺔ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧـّـﻪ ﴍط ﻓــﳱﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺈن ﺑﻴﳯﺎ وﺑﲔ | ﻣﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﺼ ّﺤﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﰷﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﴩوط ﲟﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫‪١٥٩‬ب‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺼ ّﺤﺔ وﻫﻮ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻟــﻮﻻ اﻟﴩوط ﳌﺎ ﻳﺼـ ّـﺢ اﳌﴩوﻃﺎت وﻫــﺬا اﻟﻮﺟــﻪ أﺣــﺪ وﺟــﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ اﻷدةل‬

‫‪ [... ٢٤‬ﳇﻤﺘﺎن ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮآن ‪ ٢٨‬ﻓﻌﻞ‪ [١‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ‪ ٣٧‬ﺗﻌﺎﱃ[ ‪ +‬ﻋﺎﱂ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ٤٥‬أﺣﺪ[ ‪ +‬ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ‬
‫)ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﲟﺪﻟﻮﻻﲥﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻄﻞ ﻗﻮهل أﻧ ّﻪ ﻣﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﺆﺛ ًّﺮا ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ هل ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﻷان ﻗﺪ ﺑﻴ ّﻨﺎ‬
‫ّأن هل ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ وﻫﻮ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﴩوط ﲟﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤٨‬‬ ‫وأ ّﻣﺎ ﻗﻮهل ّأن وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻫﻮ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ‪ ،‬وذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا ﻓﻜﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا أو ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﻷن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ّإﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب ّأن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﺒﻴﻞ ّ‬
‫‪٥١‬‬ ‫وﻗﻮع ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺣ ّﺪ ﻳﺘﻌ ّﺬر ﳑﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻌﺎﱂ إﳚﺎدﻩ ﻋﲆ ذكل اﻟﱰﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﳬًﺎ وﻻ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺔ اﺧﺘﺺ ﲠﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﳬًﺎ اﺧﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ واذلي ﻳﺒـ ّـﲔ‬
‫ذكل ّأن اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮاﻗﻊ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون‬
‫‪٥٤‬‬ ‫أﻣﺮا أو ﺧﱪًا ﻓﻴﻜﻮن واﻗ ًﻌﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون‬ ‫ﻛﻴﲀ ً‬
‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮان ﻓﻴﻮﻗﻌﻪ ً‬ ‫وﺟﻪ‪ ،‬أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّأن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ الك ًﻣﺎ ر ً‬
‫وﺟﻪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻛﺬكل ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻘﻊ اﻟالكم اﳉﺰل اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﳌﻌﺮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﱔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮن واﻗ ًﻌﺎ ﻋﲆ‬
‫أﻣﺮا وﻏﲑ ذكل‪ ،‬وإن ﰷن ﳏﳬًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎن ّأن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻏﲑ اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وﻣــﱴ ﺛــﺒﺖ‬ ‫وﺟﻮﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳓﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﱪًا أو ً‬
‫‪٥٧‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ واﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ‬ ‫وﺟﻪ اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﳌﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺮﻳﺪً ا‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﺗﺄﺛﲑ اﻟﴩوط ﲞﻼف‬ ‫دون وﺟﻪ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﲱﺔ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ وﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﻣ ًﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ذكل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﺆﺛ ّﺮ ﰲ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﺳﺆال آﺧﺮ‬ ‫]‪[١١‬‬

‫وانﻓﺮا ﺑﴩط ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن‪،‬‬ ‫اﳊﻲ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ً‬
‫إذا ﻗﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ّأن ﻛﻮن ّ‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻣﱴ أدرك ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸـﳤﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ اﳊ ّﺪ اذلي ﻳﺸـﳤﻴﻪ اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل زايدة ﰲ ﺟﺴﻤﻪ ًّ‬
‫وﳕﻮا‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ّ :‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎان ﰲ ﺟﺴﻤﻪ ً‬
‫وذﺑﻮﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺼﻼح‪ ،‬وﻣﱴ انل ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻔﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل ً‬
‫ﻷن زايدة اﳉﺴﻢ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ إﻧ ّﲈ ﻳﻮﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ّ :‬إن ذكل ﻻ ﻳﺪ ّل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذﻫﺒﱲ إﻟﻴﻪ ّ‬
‫‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﲟﺠﺮی اﻟﻌﺎدة وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن | ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﳚﺮي اﻟﻌﺎدة ﺑﺄﻧ ّﻪ ﳜﻠﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺰايدة ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪١٦٠‬أ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻘﺎدر ابﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋــﲆ أﳖّ ــﲈ ﻳﻮﺟﺒﺎﻧــﻪ‬
‫اﳌﺘﺼﻮر ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ّ‬
‫وﻻ ﳜﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ ّ‬
‫وﻳﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﻧﻪ؟‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ّ :‬إن ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨــﻘﺼﺎن‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪون ابﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن؟ أﺗﺮﻳﺪون ﺑﺬكل أﻧ ّﻪ وﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ذات أﺧﺮی ﳑﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴــﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎان‪ ،‬ﳁﻌﻠﻮم ّأن ﺟﻮاز ذكل راﺟﻊ‬ ‫وﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻜﻮن ذكل زايدة أو ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ذكل ً‬
‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا‪.‬‬
‫ﻷن ﺟﻮاز أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ اذلات ﻣﺎ ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ أو أن ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ً‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرا ّ‬
‫إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻘﺎدر ً‬

‫‪ ١١ :١١‬وﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ[ ‪ +‬أو )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬


‫‪M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele‬‬ ‫)‪“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa‬‬

‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﺜﺒﺘﺎ ﰷﻷﻋﺮاض‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧ ّﻪ ّ‬


‫ﻳﺼﺢ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻫﺬا اﳌﻌﲎ ﻓامي ﺗﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ً‬ ‫وذلكل ّ‬
‫أن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻮاد ﰲ ﳏهل ﳑﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴﻪ أﺟﺰاء ﻛﺜﲑة ﻣﻊ أﻧ ّﻪ ﺗﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻﺳــﺘﺤﺎةل ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴًّﺎ‪ ،‬أم ﺗﻌﻨﻮن ابﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻳﺄﺗﻠﻒ إﱃ ﺟﺴ ٍﻢ ﺟﺴ ٌﻢ آﺧﺮ أو ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن الاﺋﺘﻼف‬
‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎان‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ‪ :‬وﻣﻌﻠﻮم أﻳﻀً ﺎ ّأن ﺟﻮاز ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺰايدة وﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻟﻴــﺲ ﲟــﻘﺘﴣ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫زايدة والاﻧﻔﺼﺎل ً‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﲒًا‪ ،‬وذلكل ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﰲ اﻷﻋﺮاض ذكل ﳌﺎ‬ ‫وانﻓﺮا ﺑﻞ إﻧ ّﲈ ﺟﻮاز اﻹﺋﺘﻼف والاﻓﱰاق ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ً‬
‫‪١٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﲒة‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ﺟﻮاز ذكل ﻟﻠﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل الاﺋﺘﻼف والاﻓﱰاق ﰲ اﶺﺎدات ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ّ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﳖّ ﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﲝﻴّﺔ‪ ،‬أم ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮن ّأن ﻣﻌﲎ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ أن ﻳﺄﺗﻠﻒ إﱃ‬
‫اﳊﻲ ﺑﺄن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻓﺘﺜــﺒﺖ ﻷﺟﻞ ذكل ﻣــﻦ ﲨــةل‬ ‫اﳊﻲ ﺟﺴﻢ آﺧﺮ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳﺼﲑ ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻢ ّ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫اﳊﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﳊﻲ ﻓﺘﻜﻮن ذكل زايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ذكل وﻫﻮ أن ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﺎ ﰷن ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﻮازﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر‬ ‫اﳊﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺬكل أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻻ ّ‬‫وﺟﻪ ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّ‬
‫ﻟﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺰﻳﺪ إﱃ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺟﺴ ًﻤﺎ آﺧﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻷانّ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺪران ّأن ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻴًّﺎ وﱂ ﳜﻠﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﻮة وﻻ ً‬
‫ﻧﻔﻮرا ّ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬ ‫وﳜﻠﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻓﻴﺼﲑ ﺑﺬكل ﻣﻦ ﲨةل اﳊﻲ وإن ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺷﻬﻮة وﻻ ﻧﻔﻮر‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ‪ :‬ﻟﺴـﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﲏ ابﻻﻗﺘﻀﺎء ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ اﻗﺘﻀﺎء اﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ وإﻧ ّﲈ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ اﻗــﺘﻀﺎء ادلﻻةل‪ ،‬ﻗــﻴﻞ ﻟــﲂ‪ :‬وﻫــﺬا‬
‫ﻓﺈن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻻن ﻋﲆ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن | ﺑﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ﴐورة‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﻮر ﻻ ّ‬ ‫أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ّ‬ ‫‪١٦٠‬ب‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮان دﻻةل ﻋﲆ ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻳﻌﲅ زايدة اﳉﺴﻢ ﻋﻨﺪ اﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪة ﴐورة‪ ،‬وﻛﺬكل ﻻ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وإن ﱂ ﻧﻌﲅ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻣﺸـﺘ ٍﻪ أم‬‫ﻷانّ ﻗﺪ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻓامي ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ وﻓامي ّ‬
‫ﻻ‪ ،‬وﻷﻧ ّﻪ ﱂ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﳯﲈ وﺑﲔ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن وﻻ ﺟﻮازﻫﲈ ﻋﻠﻘﺔ وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ ﱂ ﳚــﺰ أن ﻳــﺪ ّل‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﻷن ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻻ ﺑ ّﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑﲔ اﳌﺪﻟﻮل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮا ّأن ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ّ‬
‫وانﻓﺮا‪ ،‬ﳁﱴ‬ ‫وانﻓﺮا ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ّإﻻ ّأن ّ‬
‫ﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﻳﺼ ّﺤﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ً‬ ‫ﴍط ﰲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ً‬
‫وانﻓﺮا‪ ،‬وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﺗﺄﻣﻨﻮا ذكل ﱂ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻮﻩ ﻏﻨ ًّﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﺗﻌﻠﻤــﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﰷن ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺄﻣﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮاز ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ً‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﲂ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺪهل وﺣﳬﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻨ ًّﻴﺎ ﱂ ّ‬
‫ﻟﺼﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻊ ذكل ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺪهل وﺣﳬﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫واﳉﻮاب‪ :‬أانّ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻧﻌﲅ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ّ‬
‫ﺑﺄن ّﻧﺒﲔ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﲟﺸـﺘ ٍﻪ وﻻ انﻓﺮ‪ ،‬وذكل ﺑﺄن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗﻪ أو ﳌﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ذاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وﻣﱴ ﰷن ﻛﺬكل وﻋﲅ ّأن هل ﰲ إﳚﺎد اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ ﻧﻔ ًﻌﺎ ﻋﻈﳰًﺎ وذلة‬
‫ﻣﴬة ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﰷﻣةل ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ هل ﻋﲆ أﺑﻠﻎ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ وﻫﻮ ﻛﻮن ذكل ﻟذلات أو ﳌﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اذلات‪ ،‬وﻋﲅ أﻧ ّﻪ ﻻ ّ‬
‫أﺻﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧ ّﻪ ﳚﺐ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻊ‬ ‫انﻓﺮا ً‬
‫اﳌﴬة ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻨﻔﺎر وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗﻪ ﳝﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً‬
‫ﻷن ّ‬ ‫إﳚﺎدﻩ ّ‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﲱﺖ وﺟﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﳁﱴ وﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻊ اﳌﺪرﰷت‬ ‫اﳌﺪرﰷت ﻟﺼ ّﺤﺔ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺸـﳤﺎة هل وﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻣﱴ ّ‬

‫‪ ٢٩‬ﺑﻴﳯﲈ‪ + [٢‬ﻋﻠﻘﺔ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب( ‪ ٣٣‬ﻏﻨ ًّﻴﺎ[ ‪ +‬وﻣﱴ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب(‬

‫)‪nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020‬‬ ‫‪104‬‬


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

‫ﻷن اﻟﻨﻔﺮة ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ إﻻ ابﳌﺪرﰷت وﻗﺪ وﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ‬ ً ‫انﻓﺮا‬
ّ ‫أﺻﻼ‬ ً ‫اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ وﻣــﱴ اﺳــﺘﺤﺎل ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻟﻨــﻔﺎر‬،‫انﻓﺮا ﻋﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺎةل واﺣﺪة‬ ً ‫انﻓﺮا ﻋﻦ ﳾء ﻣﳯﺎ ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﴚء‬ ً
٤٢ ‫ﻣﴬة ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﳱﺎ ﰷن‬ ّ ‫ ﳁﱴ ﻋﲅ ّأن هل ﰲ إﳚﺎد اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ﻧﻔ ًﻌﺎ ﻋﻈﳰًﺎ وﻻ‬،‫اﳌﴬة اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ هل‬ ّ ‫اﺳـﺘﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻷن اﳌﻠﺠﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻎ داﻋﻴﻪ ﺣ ًّﺪا ﻻ ﻳﻘﺎوﻣﻪ ﺻﺎرف وﰷن داﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﲜﻠﺐ ﻧﻔﻊ إﱃ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ أو دﻓﻊ ﴐر‬ ّ ‫ﻣﻠﺠﺄ‬
‫ﻷن اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﰷﳌﻮﺟﻮد ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ وﻻ‬ ّ ‫ ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت أﻛﱶ ﳑﺎ أوﺟﺪﻩ‬،‫ﻋﳯﺎ‬
٤٥ ‫ وأن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ﻗﺒﻞ أن أوﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻓامي ﱂ ﻳﺰل وﰲ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺟــﻮد أﻓــﻌﺎهل‬،‫ﴐر ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﳾء والاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﻋﲆ ﻗﺪر ﻣﳯﺎ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴﻪ دﻻةل ﻋــﲆ ﺑﻄــﻼن ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻠــﺠﺄ إﱃ‬
‫ ﻓﻴﺒــﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤـ ًﻴﺎ ﻣــﻊ‬،‫ وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺠﺄ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤـ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗــﻪ أو ﳌﺎ ﻫــﻮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﰲ ذاﺗــﻪ‬،‫ذكل‬
٤٨ […] ‫ وﻣﱴ ﰷن ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل‬،‫اﻟﻮﺟﻮب‬

(‫ ﻳﻮ )ﻣﺸﻄﻮب‬+ [‫ ﳑﺎ‬٤٤
References
Manuscripts
MS Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, accessible online, http://resolver.
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nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 105


M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

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of the Muʿtazila in the Classical Period, Albany, New York, State University of New
York Press.
Gimaret, Daniel. 1980. Théories de l’acte humain en théologie musulmane, Paris, J. Vrin.
Löfgren, Oscar & Renato Traini. 1975–2011. Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Vicenza/Cinisello Balsamo, Neri Pozza/Silvana Editoriale,
4 vols.
Peters, J.R.T.M. 1976. God’s Created Speech: A Study of the Speculative Theology of the
Muʿtazilî Qâḍî l-Quḍât Abû l-Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Jabbâr bn Aḥmad al-Hamaḏānī,
Leiden, E.J. Brill.
Al-Raṣṣāṣ, al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad, Al-ʿašr al-fawāʾid al-lāzima ʿan ṣīġat dalīl wāḥid,
ed. Ǧamāl al-Šāmī, Ṣaʿda, s.n., 1438/[2017]. Online, https://de.scribd.com/
document/341623505/‫واﺣﺪ‬-‫دﻟﻴﻞ‬-‫ﺻﻴﻐﺔ‬-‫ﻋﻦ‬-‫اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬-‫اﻟﻔﻮاﺋﺪ‬-‫اﻟﻌﴩ‬
_____ , Al-mūǧaz fī uṣūl al-dīn, ed. Ǧamāl al-Šāmī, Ṣaʿda, s.n., 1438/[2017]. Online,
http://www.zaidiah.com/content/‫اﻟﺮﺻﺎص‬-‫ﶊﺪ‬-‫ﺑﻦ‬-‫اﳊﺴﻦ‬-‫اﻟﻜﺒﲑ‬-‫ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻣﺔ‬-‫ادلﻳﻦ‬-‫أﺻﻮل‬-‫ﰲ‬-‫اﳌﻮﺟﺰ‬
Şeker, Zeynep & Jan Thiele. 2019. “Arazların İspatı Üzerine Zeydî Bir Eser: El-Hasan Er-
Rassâs’ın Muhtasar Fî İsbâti’l-A’râz’ı,” Kader 17/1, pp. 255–271.
Thiele, Jan. 2011. Kausalität in der muʿtazilitischen Kosmologie: Das Kitāb al-Muʾaṯṯirāt
wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt des Zayditen al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ (st. 584/1188), Leiden,
E.J. Brill.
_____ . 2013. Theologie in der jemenitischen Zaydiyya: Die naturphilosophischen
Überlegungen des al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ, Leiden, E.J. Brill.
_____ . 2018. “A Zaydī Treatise on the Proof of Accidents: The Mukhtaṣar fī ithbāt al-
aʿrāḍ by al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ,” Shii Studies Review 2/1–2, pp. 319–335.

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A POLYTHEMATIC WORK FROM THE RASŪLID ERA:


THE MANUSCRIPT OF ʿUNWĀN AL-ŠARAF
OF IBN AL-MUQRIʾ (D. 837/1433)
IN THE LIBRARY OF THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

Kinga Dévényi
(Corvinus University of Budapest)

Abstract
The article provides a meticulous description of an Arabic manuscript from among the Yemeni Arabic
manuscripts which are found kept at the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences in Budapest. The manuscript contains an encyclopaedic work by Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433),
an accomplished author of Rasūlid Yemen. After giving information about the author and his time, the
article describes the work, ʿUnwān al-šaraf, which contains five treatises on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence, Rasūlid
history, Arabic grammar, prosody, and rhyme. The interest of this composition lies in its peculiar form.
The main text on jurisprudence, which runs horizontally, is so contrived that the four other treatises
can be read out of it vertically.

Résumé
L’article fournit une description méticuleuse de l’un des manuscrits arabes yéménites de la Collection
orientale de la Bibliothèque de l’Académie hongroise des sciences à Budapest. Le manuscrit contient
une œuvre encyclopédique d’Ibn al-Muqriʾ (m. 837/1433), un auteur accompli du Yémen rassoulide.
Après avoir donné des informations sur l’auteur et son époque, l’article décrit l’ouvrage intitulé ʿUnwān
al-šaraf, qui contient cinq traités portant sur la jurisprudence chaféite, l’histoire rassoulide, la gram-
maire arabe, la prosodie et la rime. L’intérêt de cette composition réside dans sa forme particulière. Le
texte principal sur la jurisprudence, rédigé horizontalement, est conçu de telle sorte que les quatre
autres traités peuvent être lus verticalement.

‫خالصة‬
‫تقدم املقاةل وصفا دقيقا خملطوطة عربية من بني اخملطوطات العربية المينية املوجودة يف القسم الرشيق ملكتبة أأاكدميية‬
‫ وهو مؤلف‬،)‫ م‬١٤٣٣/‫ هـ‬٨٣٧ ‫ وهذه اخملطوطة يه معل موسوعي البن املقرئ (ت‬.‫العلوم اجملرية يف بودابست‬
‫ مث‬،‫ والتعريف بلعرص اذلي عاش فيه‬،‫ بد أأت املقاةل برتمجة املؤلف‬.‫وعامل برع من علامء المين يف عهد ادلوةل الرسولية‬
‫ وحتتوي اخملطوطة‬،‫ عنوان الرشف الوايف يف عمل الفقه والتارخي والنحو والعروض والقوايف‬:‫انتقلت اىل وصف خمطوطة‬
‫ و أأصبح هذا التأأليف‬.‫ والعروض والقافية‬،‫ والنحو العريب‬،‫ واترخي ادلوةل الرسولية‬،‫ يف الفقه الشافعي‬:‫عىل مخس رسائل‬
‫مشهورا برتتيبه الفريد حبيث أأن النص الرئييس يف الفقه يمت عرضه أأفقيا وميكن قراءة الرسائل ا ألربعة ا ألخرى منه‬
.‫معوداي‬

Keywords
manuscripts, Yemen, Hungary, Rasūlid era, polythematic work, Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al-
šaraf

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Mots-clés
manuscrits, Yémen, Hongrie, époque rassoulide, œuvre polythématique, Ibn al-Muqriʾ (m. 837/1433),
ʿUnwān al-šaraf

‫لكامت رئيس ية‬


‫ عنوان‬، )‫ م‬١٤٣٣/‫ هـ‬٨٣٧ ‫ ابن املقرئ (ت‬،‫ كتاب متعدد املواضيع‬،‫ عهد ادلوةل الرسولية‬،‫ اجملر‬،‫ المين‬،‫اخملطوطات‬
‫الرشف‬

I. Introduction
Manuscripts from the rich literary heritage of Yemen can sometimes be found in li-
braries outside Yemen. From among these, a relatively unknown collection is held by
the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (hence-
forward LHAS), Budapest, where Yemeni manuscripts are available both in Arabic and
Hebrew. After its foundation in 1826 by Count József Teleki (1790‒1855), the Library of
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences opened its doors for scholars in 1844, and for the
use of all the citizens of the country in 1867, after having moved to its newly construct-
ed neo-classical palace. In the course of the following decades, the collection was de-
veloped from several sources among which donations have always played a prominent
part. This holds true for the collection of Hebrew manuscripts, Geniza fragments, and
early printed books which had once formed part of the private collection of the emi-
nent scholar David Kaufmann (1852‒1899), professor of the Rabbinical Seminary of
Budapest. After Kaufmann’s untimely death, soon followed by the death of his wife,
the collection was donated to the Academy in 1905 by his mother in law1. Among the
over 600 Hebrew manuscripts of the Kaufmann collection, 35 are considered to have
Yemeni origin, distinguished by their style of writing. These include manuscripts of
different parts of the Bible, liturgical poems (piyyuts), and prayer books (mahzors)2.
From among the ca. 500 Geniza fragment units, 15 can be confirmed as having a Yem-
eni background3.
The collection of Arabic manuscript is of smaller size4. It contains only 306
works in 179 manuscripts. The background of the collection is also more varied. No

1
The donation deed is preserved in the Collection of Manuscripts and Old Books of the Library. RAL
No. 533. 1905.
2
No modern printed catalogue of the collection exists. The only printed catalogue which has been pub-
lished so far is M. Weisz, “Katalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Bücher in der Bibliothek des Pro-
fessors Dr. David Kaufmann s[eligen] A[ndenkens]”, 1906. Online entries are available both in the cata-
logue of the LHAS and the National Library of Israel.
3
No printed catalogue exists. The David Kaufmann Geniza fragments are available online at the plat-
form of the Friedberg Genizah Project as part of the website of the Friedberg Jewish Manuscript Society
of Toronto, Canada (https://fjms.genizah.org/).
4
It has recently been catalogued by K. Dévényi et al., Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Library
of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2016.

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great collector can be singled out, although a significant part can be traced back to the
small community of Muslims who lived in Hungary in the beginning of the 20th cen-
tury, while another part was acquired in Istanbul by a Hungarian theologian, Lipót
Mosony(i) (born Dangelmajer) (1886‒1940), who had been sent there in 1914 to search
for archival documents relevant to the history of Hungary. From among the Arabic
manuscripts, four non dated titles are relevant to Arabia, one directly to Yemen. These
are as follows:
 Ḥāšiya ʿalā Ḥāšiya ʿalā Šarḥ Muḫtaṣar al-Muntahā fī al-uṣūl by the Meccan qāḍī
Muḥammad b. Ḥumayd al-Kafawī (d. 1174/1760) (Arab O. 39/4, ff. 95‒104v).
 Menāsikü l-ḥacc, an anonymous Ottoman Turkish tract, containing passages in
Arabic, on the rituals of Meccan pilgrimage (Arab O. 62/10, ff. 123r‒133v).
 Nubḏa yasīra fī tarāǧim afāḍil ahl al-Madīna al-munawwara fī al-qarn al-ṯānī
ʿašar, an anonymous, apparently unique manuscript on the lives of illustrious
people living in Medina in the 12th/18th century.
 ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-naḥw wa-al-
qawāfī (Arab O. 20).
This lastly mentioned, encyclopaedic work of Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), an ac-
complished author of Rasūlid Yemen (626/1229‒858/1454) will be presented here.

II. The author and his time


Before the Rasūlid era, the Zaydī Imamate controlled only some parts of Northern
Yemen, while most of the country was held by non-Zaydī dynasties5. This fragmenta-
tion of the South changed with the reign of the second Rasūlid sultan, al-Muẓaffar
Yūsuf (647/1249‒694/1295), who not only consolidated the dynasty’s rule, but also
achieved an unprecedented unity under his long reign6, irrespective of the fact that the
Zaydī and Ismāʿīlī tribes of the North enjoyed great autonomy7. This unity, coupled
with the solid economic foundations of the Rasūlids’ rule based on trade and agricul-
ture and with the dynasty’s passion for culture, provided a solid background for the
flourishing of civilization during the whole era and especially in the 13th and 14th cen-
turies, which are generally considered as the pinnacle of Rasūlid political power and
cultural grandeur8. Before the Rasūlids, who were staunch Šāfiʿīs, it was the Ayyūbid
dynasty that had ruled the Southern part of Yemen from 597/1173 and they were the
ones who contributed greatly to the spread of Sunnī Islam in the region.

5
P. Dresch, Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen, 1989, p. 173.
6
D. M. Varisco, “Texts and Pretexts. The Unity of the Rasulid State under al-Malik al-Muẓaffar”, 1993,
pp. 21 ff.
7
J. Hathaway, “The Forgotten Province: A Prelude to the Ottoman Era in Yemen”, 2006, p. 201.
8
C. E. Bosworth, The New Islamic Dynasties. A Chronological and Genealogical Manual, 1996, p. 195;
M. ʿA. R. Ǧāzim, Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadīya, 2008.

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Although the origin of the Rasūlids is obscure and according to some sources
they descend from a clan of Oghuz Turks9, they succeeded in claiming descent from
the local Ghassanids and ultimately from Qaḥṭān, the progenitor of the South Arabs10.
This genealogy made them the first dynasty of ‘local’ origin, which without doubt con-
tributed greatly to their acceptance and the stability of their rule over an extended pe-
riod in the history of Yemen.
The author, whose full name is Šaraf al-Dīn Abū Muḥammad Ismāʿīl b. Abī Bakr
b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Muqriʾ b. Ibrāhīm b. ʿAlī b. ʿAṭiyya al-Šafdarī al-Šāwarī al-Šarǧī al-
Yamānī al-Ḥusaynī al-Šāfiʿī al-Asawī, was born in 754/1353 or 755/1354 in the tribe of
Šāwar, in a Yemeni locality of the region of Šarǧa called Abyāt Ḥusayn11, which is locat-
ed on the shores of the Red Sea. He is generally known as Ibn al-Muqriʾ or al-Muqriʾ al-
Zabīdī. Having received his initial education from the elders of his tribe, in 782/1380 he
departed to Zabīd, one of the cultural capitals of the epoch, to continue his studies in
jurisprudence, grammar, and several other fields of learning. He excelled in all his cho-
sen subjects and his fame surpassed that of his peers12. So much so, that he has soon
become an authority on jurisprudence, grammar, and logic, in addition to being an ac-
complished writer both in prose and poetry13, and a professor in the Muǧāhidiyya Mad-
rasa in Taʿizz14 and the Niẓāmiyya Madrasa in Zabīd15 by appointment of the Sultan al-
Ašraf Ismāʿīl (r. 778/1377‒803/1400)16. His knowledge and intelligence far surpassed the
confines of Rasūlid Yemen and made him worthy of praise by biographers and histori-
ans. Al-Šawkānī (1173/1759‒1255/1839), for instance, asserted that no person similar to
him had ever been born in the Yemen who could surpass his intelligence, sharp under-
standing and correct thinking17.
Ibn al-Muqriʾ placed his bright mind at the disposal of the Rasūlid court, whose
sultans appointed him into various positions, from teaching in Taʿizz and Zabīd, to be-
ing an ambassador of Yemen in Cairo18. He enjoyed the favour of the Rasūlid sultans
and earned an excellent pay throughout his life. However, the position he had been
hoping for—that of the chief qāḍī of Yemen—was denied from him even after the
death of the famous lexicographer and powerful intellectual, Maǧd al-Dīn al-

9
C. E. Bosworth, The New Islamic Dynasties. A Chronological and Genealogical Manual, 1996, p. 195.
10
D. Mahoney, “Writing the Ethnic Origins of the Rasulids in Late Medieval South Arabia”, 2018.
11
To which his name, al-Ḥusaynī, refers.
12
Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, p. 142.
13
Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, p. 144.
14
The Muǧāhidiyya Madrasa is listed by R. Giunta, The Rasulid Architectural Patronage in Yemen, 1997,
pp. 203‒206, on the basis of several medieval sources.
15
This madrasa is also listed by R. Giunta, The Rasulid Architectural Patronage in Yemen, 1997, pp. 138‒
140 on the basis of various Arabic sources.
16
Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 292.
17
Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, pp. 143‒144.
18
Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, pp. 292‒293.

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Fīrūzābādī (d. 817/1415), the holder of this office. This can most probably be attributed
to his legendary obliviousness, as was noted by his near contemporary al-Saḫāwī19.
He died in Zabīd in 837/1433 leaving behind a fair number of treatises in addi-
tion to the ʿUnwān al-šaraf, his most peculiar work. His main field of composition was
Šāfiʿī jurisprudence where, in addition to the main part of the present collection, he
authored two works (Al-iršād fī iḫtiṣār Al-ḥāwī li-al-Qazwīnī, Iḫlāṣ al-nāwī min Iršād al-
ġāwī) based on Al-ḥāwī of ʿAbd al-Ġaffār al-Qazwīnī (d. 665/1266), and a compendium
(Al-rawḍ) based on the Rawḍat al-ṭālibīn wa-ʿumdat al-muftīn of al-Nawawī
(d. 677/1277). To the same topic belongs his Al-ḏarīʿa ilā naṣr al-šarīʿa. He also com-
posed a history of the Yemen and was an accomplished poet, his poetry being loaded
with difficult words and rhetoric figures20.

III. The polythematic work entitled ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī21 fī al-fiqh wa-
al-naḥw wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-qawāfī
This encyclopaedic work contains treatises on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence (fiqh), Arabic
grammar (naḥw), Rasūlid history (tārīḫ), prosody (ʿarūḍ), and rhyme (qāfiya). The
9th/15th century was a period of encyclopaedias in the world of Islam, and the choice
of the topics can easily be explained as including four that would be most useful as
texts to be memorised in the madrasa curriculum, in addition to the flattering history
of the Rasūlid dynasty (from the time of its foundation until the composition of this
work) by which, as well as to the sophisticated arrangement of the work, the author
could hope to elevate his position.
The interest of this composition, however, does not lie in its contents, but rather
in its being a tour de force concerning its form. According to al-Saḫāwī22, the composi-
tion of this work is allegedly linked to the fact mentioned above that Ibn al-Muqriʾ was
aspiring for the position of chief judge and he was inspired by a work of al-Fīrūzābādī,
all the lines of which started with the letter alif and by which he gained the favour of
the Sultan. Be as it may, Ibn al-Muqriʾ started to work on this composition during the
reign of the ruler al-Ašraf Ismāʿīl, who, according to what Ibn al-Muqri’ states at the
beginning of the part on prosody, ordered the composition of this work (amara bi-taʾlīf
hāḏā al-kitāb wa-ǧamʿihi mawlānā al-Sulṭān al-malik al-Ašraf Ismaʿīl b. al-ʿAbbās …)
(Arab O. 20, ff. 1v‒2v, column 1 and top right corner). This Sultan, however, could not
honour Ibn al-Muqriʾ for his elaborate work, because he had died before it was fin-
ished. This happened during the reign of the next ruler, al-Nāṣir Aḥmad (r. 803/1400‒

19
Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 295.
20
For a complete bibliography of his works, see I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, n. d., vol. 1, p. 216.
21
Some manuscripts give the title as ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-šāfī fī al-fiqh wa-al-naḥw wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-ʿarūḍ
wa-al-qawāfī. See e.g. Sotheby’s Arts of the Islamic world 2017, lot 43.
http://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2017/arts-of-the-islamic-world-l17220/lot.43.html
[Last accessed 19 January 2020].
22
Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 293.

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827/1424), which is noted at the end of the treatise on history: “kamula hāḏā al-tārīḫ
wa-bi-tamāmihi yatimm al-kitāb fī al-yawm al-ṯānī min šahr al-muḥarram aḥad ašhur
sanat arbaʿ wa-ṯamānimiʾa fī madīnat Taʿizz al-maḥrūs (sic) …”, i.e. that this history and
by this the whole book was completed on the 2nd day of the month of Muḥarram in
the year 804 (12 August 1401) in the town of Taʿizz, the capital of the Rasūlids (Arab
O. 20, ff. 72v‒73r, column 3). The part on Arabic grammar is a shorter text and was fin-
ished a few days earlier as is noted by the author: “hāḏā āḫir al-maǧmūʿ fī al-ʿarabiyya
wa-kāna al-farāġ min taʾlīf ḏālika fī al-ṯāmin min ʿArafa sanat ṯalāṯ wa-ṯamānimiʾa”, i.e.
that this is the end of the compendium on Arabic language which happened on the
8th of the month of ʿArafa 803 (20 July 1401) (Arab O. 20, ff. 63r‒63v, column 5). To fill
the remaining pages in this column as well, Ibn al-Muqriʾ appended to the text of
grammar a short autobiographical note emphasising the magnanimity of the two
Rasūlid sultans in his regard (Arab O. 20, ff. 64r‒73r, column 5).
In his undertaking, Ibn al-Muqriʾ did not adhere to any previous models. On the
contrary, he followed his own ingenious device in planning the texts. The layout of the
pages is very peculiar, since the main text on jurisprudence, which runs horizontally, is
so contrived that the four other treatises can be read out of it vertically. The text thus
forms seven columns from which every odd column, written in red ink, contains a dif-
ferent treatise. The title lists the works on the basis of their importance and prestige,
starting with jurisprudence and grammar. The author’s main professional interest
combined with the general high status of jurisprudence and its textual importance in
this particular work is emphasized by the fact that this text occupies the central place
being the only one written horizontally. The order of the works written in the columns
is as follows: column (1) deals with prosody, (3) with history, (5) with grammar, and (7)
with rhyme (figs 1, 2).

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Fig. 1. F. 1v, the beginning of the texts which also shows the general layout of the work23.

23
All the images are by courtesy of the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences.

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Rhyme Gramm. History Prosody


‫ا‬ ‫بحمد ه احد من خلقه ونشهد ان ال‬ ‫ومستحقه الذي ال يقوم‬ ‫الحمد‬ ‫الحمد هلل ولي‬ ‫ا‬

Fig. 2. F. 1v, top of the page showing the columnal arrangement of the text
corresponding to the above schematisation.

To help the reader, the words which also form part of an additional treatise are
written in red ink. The words of the first and last treatises (prosody and rhyme) are
generally made up of the first and last letters of each line, although sometimes longer
sequences (more letters or complete words) are used (fig. 3).

Fig. 3. F. 3r, detail showing the use of final letters and words of the treatise of jurisprudence
(in black ink) for the treatise on rhyme (in red ink).

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To ease the comprehension, these letters are not only repeated outside the red
border in the present manuscript24, but also at the top right and left corners in the
form of words, instead of individual characters. In addition to the texts of the addi-
tional treatises, red ink is used to indicate the chapter headings of the main work on
jurisprudence (fig. 4).

Fig. 4. Fol. 2v, l. 3, chapter heading (Bāb masḫ al-ḫuff, ‘Chapter on wiping the sole’)
of the treatise on jurisprudence is in red ink (column 4), similarly to the words and letters
that also form part of the four other treatises.

IV. The contents of individual works


Ibn al-Muqriʾs five compositions contained in this volume are relatively short texts
suitable to be taught as basic texts in the madrasa curriculum that should be amplified
in the course of teaching by way of commentaries, glosses and superglosses. Hence, his
aim seems not to excel in the originality of the contents of his treatises, but to create a
highly original form, difficult to achieve, so as to yield the esteem of the Sultan and the
admiration of his peers.
The main work on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence follows the general contents and ar-
rangement of such works from the part on ritual purity (Kitāb al-ṭahāra) until the final
part on judgeship (Kitāb al-qaḍāʾ). The other four treatises are short compendia on his-
tory, prosody, grammar, and rhyme in the usual style of the given genres, and with their
well-established contents. The originality of the form, however, might have prevented
the book from becoming a popular collection of short texts that can be effectively used
in teaching25. One cannot but sympathize with the talented author who, for all his ef-
forts and originality, could not achieve his aim of gaining on account of this composi-
tion the position he aspired for.

24
Borders, dividing lines and the repeating of the columns 1 and 7 at the top were introduced later. It
seems that in the early manuscripts only the use of red ink helped the reader separate the treatises. See,
e.g. the manuscript mentioned in fn. 20 which is dated 840/1436–1437, i.e. three years after the author’s
death.
25
G. Puin, “Ein Buch aus Kette und Schuss, ‘‘Unwān al-Šaraf von Ibn al-Muqriʾ’”, 2012, p. 150, lists alto-
gether 19 manuscripts of this work in different libraries. This number cannot be the final amount of ex-
isting manuscripts (e.g. he did not mention the manuscript described here either), but it nevertheless
suggests a fair amount of circulation considering the nature of the composition. See also GAL II, p. 191
and S II, p. 254. It goes, however, beyond the aim of the present article to present an overview of the dif-
fusion of this composition or to compare the copies and the devices used to separate the individual
treatises.

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V. The manuscript Arab O.20 in the Oriental Collection of the LHAS


This manuscript is a nicely written 17th century copy of the original composition. The
text lacks a colophon; hence, nothing refers to the copyist or the date and place where
the copy was made. No collation notes are given either, although, as it will be seen lat-
er, f. 55v shows evidence of the use of an earlier copy. The full title is written in black
ink on f. 1r apparently by the copyist (fig. 5). The name of the author is not given.
Catch-titles ʿUnwān al-šaraf and ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī are written on the tail and the
head respectively.

Fig. 5. F. 1r with the title in black ink and the Library’s 19th century stamp.

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Incipits (f. 1v)

The main (horizontal) text on jurisprudence: bi-ism Allāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm al-
ḥamdu li-llāh walī al-ḥamd wa-mustaḥiqqihi al-laḏī lā yaqūm bi-ḥamdihi aḥad min
ḫalqihi …[l. 11] fa-hāḏā kitāb ǧalīl katabtuhu lam usbaq baʿd ilayhi allaftuhu
muḫtaṣaran fī al-fiqh …
column 1, prosody: amara bi-taʾlīf hāḏā al-kitāb wa-ǧamʿihi (maw[lānā]) – the
column ends in “maw”, which is not contained in the text repeated outside the margin.
column 3, history: al-ḥamdu li-llāh ḥaqq ḥamdihi wa-ṣallā Allāh ʿalā
Muḥammad wa-ālihi wa-baʿd fa-hāḏihi nubḏa ǧamaʿtuhā wa-ṭurfa iḫtaraʿtuhā
muʾarriḫan…
column 5, grammar: bi-ḥamd Allāh astaftiḥ wa-al-ṣalāt ʿalā rasūlihi
Muḥammad wa-baʿd fa-aqūl al-kalām ṯalāṯat ašyāʾ wa-hiya ism wa…
column 7, rhyme: al-ḥamdu li-Allāh al-laḏī ʿallama (al-[insān]) – the column
ends in “al-”, which is not contained in the text repeated outside the margin.
The texts end in l. 18 on f. 73v, closely following the text established in the 1996
edition.

Writing surface

Paper
Thick, glazed, laid paper. Eight horizontal chain lines (fig. 6) with an average distance
of 27 (26‒28) mm.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 6. F. 54r as seen through a lightsheet with clearly visible horizontal chain lines.
Part of one of the watermarks (the lamb) can also be seen in the middle of the inner margin,
its centre being chain line four.

No sign of pricking or ruling. Quires: 76 leaves in 7 quinions, and a bifolio. No


signatures.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Watermarks and countermarks

The watermarks are placed in the middle of a bifolio, so that they are cut in half by be-
ing folded. Hence, they are only discernible with some difficulty. There are three wa-
termarks, and one countermark.

Watermark 1: lamb in a quatrefoil cartridge


One of the watermarks is a lamb, Agnus Dei, in a cartridge formed by four arcs of a cir-
cle, i.e. a quatrefoil (fig. 7). The use of such watermark was typical of 17th century Ve-
netian paper, but it was also used—often surmounted by a star, a crown, a cross and
sometimes letters—in other parts of Italy from about 1580 until the 18th century. It
was so well-spread that it was often used in conjunction with a second watermark and
with various countermarks26. This watermark occurs on ff. 2/9, 3/8, 4/7; 42/49; 44/47,
45/46; 52/59, 54/57; 63/68, and 72/73. Chain line four runs in the middle of the water-
mark, which is ca. 45 × 45 mm.

26
C.-M. Briquet, Les filigranes, 1907, vol. 1, p. 19.

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Fig. 7. Watermark of lamb carrying a cross and a flag in a quatrefoil, ff. 72 (up) and 73 (bottom).

Watermark 2: crown, star, crescent


The second watermark is a seven-point crown with a six-point star and a crescent
(fig. 8). It seems to be identical with example 216 (dated 1658) in Nikolaev27, and exam-
ple “c” in Regourd28, type VI-A according to the classification of Mošin & Grozdanovic
Pajić29. While the lamb refers to a Christian symbol, the crown-star-crescent water-
mark and other combinations of these elements are thought to have been developed
in Europe for papers to be exported to the Islamic lands30. The use of this watermark

27
V. Nikolaev, Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire, 1954.
28
A. Regourd, “Les routes commerciales entre Zabīd et l’Europe”, 2006, p. 179. For the other types of this
watermark as they appear among the papers with watermark in Zabīd, see ibid., pp. 177‒178 as well,
where reference is made to a manuscript in the collection of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ḥaḍramī, m/ḥ/19, dated
1114/1702. See the digitized watermarks in: A. Regourd (dir.), Catalogue cumulé des manuscrits de biblio-
thèques privées de Zabid. I. La bibliothèque de ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Hadhrami, fasc. 1, Les papiers filigranés,
2008, nos 147, 150 et 151.
29
V. Mošin & M. Grozdanovic Pajić, “Das Wasserzeichen ‛Krone mit Stern und Halbmond’”, 1963.
30
B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 23.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

reaffirms the dating of the manuscript to the 17th century, at the same time providing
a closer definition to the second half of the century on the basis of Mošin & Grozda-
novic Pajić31, whose examples run from 1658 until 1677, and Wiesmüller32, whose man-
uscript dates from 1665. Similarly to watermark 1, chain line four marks the centreline
of the image. This watermark occurs on ff. 22/29, 23/28; and 64/67.

Fig. 8. Watermark of crown, six point star, and crescent, ff. 23 (up) and 28 (bottom).

Watermark 3: a quatrefoil
This watermark occurs on ff. 14/17, 15/16, and 31/40 (fig. 9). Its total size is 42 × 35. The
length of the clover’s pedicle accounts for the difference of the otherwise quasi sym-
metrical image33. Its centreline is again chain line four.

31
V. Mošin & M. Grozdanovic Pajić, “Das Wasserzeichen ‛Krone mit Stern und Halbmond’”, 1963, p. 50.
32
B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 26.
33
C.-M. Briquet, Les filigranes, 1907, vol. 2, p. 363, nos 6308‒6345.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 9. Watermark of a quatrefoil, ff. 17 (up) and 14 (bottom).

Countermark
Only one countermark appears in the manuscript, on f. 31 (fig. 10). It consists of two
letters under a trefoil. The letter to the right is a B, while the other seems to be an I,
although it is somewhat difficult to see because of the writing. It cannot be ascer-
tained whether the letters are joined by a bar or not. If not, the countermark seems to
be identical with No. 219 (from 1659) in Nikolaev34. If the letters are joined, then the
countermark is similar, if not identical to that of fig. 26 described by Wiesmüller35 in a
manuscript dated to 1665. It belongs to the series of well-known Venetian counter-
marks consisting of two or three letters joined this way. Since the trefoil was replaced
by a lily in 175736, this provides a terminus ante quem for our manuscript.

34
V. Nikolaev, Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire, 1954.
35
B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 26.
36
B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 29.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 10. The countermark on f. 31.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Text block

76 (I, 74, I) originally unnumbered folios, 20th century library foliation by pencil, 18
lines/page, 206 × 150 mm, written area 152 × 102 mm.
Average page layout:

105 mm

206 mm
28 mm 10 33 mm 9 25 mm
mm mm

As is well shown by f. 73a (fig. 11), the borders and columns had been made be-
fore the copying of the text. This also seems to be proven by the fact that sometimes
the text has to be crammed to fit within a column (fig. 12).

Fig. 11. F. 73v, a blank page with red borders Fig. 12. F. 43v, the text is crammed,
and the Library’s 19th century stamp. especially in the middle column.

Script: fully pointed nasḫ, in one hand. Unvocalized, the sign of šadda is used.
Ink: black, additional treatises and headings of the main treatise on jurisprudence in
red. Marginal corrections in black or red.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Binding

Partial leather binding, pasteboards with marbled paper (ebru) covers (fig. 13). The
missing fore-edge and envelope flaps had once been also covered with marbled paper
as can be seen on a microfilm copy made in 1970. The fore-edge flap was lined with
leather. The doublures of the covers consist of blank paper. Although the flap is miss-
ing, the remaining part of the binding is in good condition.

Fig. 13. The front cover. Fig. 14. The back cover with the Library’s vignette.

Foliation, library marks, stamps, and vignettes

The first flyleaf (f. Ir) contains the call number (Arab O. 20.) in thick black ink written
by a librarian in the 2nd half of the 20th century. Underneath a faded, pencilled 11—
appears, most probably indicating a price. It is impossible to say what currency it re-
fers to and when it was added. Its verso (f. Iv) is blank. Pencilled library foliation in the
upper left corner starts on f. 1r which contains the full title in black ink. In the middle
of the page, the slightly faded light blue 19th century stamp of the Library of the
Hung(arian) Academy appears. It reads in Hungarian: “MAGY.AKADEMIA KÖNYVTÁRA” (fig.
5). In the middle of the page, the slightly faded light blue 19th century stamp of the Li-
brary of the Hung(arian) Academy appears again (fig. 11). The small oval stamp of the
Library appears on ff. 10v, 21v, 29v and 39v. It reads in Hungarian: M. T. Akadémia
Könyvtára (Library of the H. A. of Sciences).
At the end of the manuscript, f. 74 is blank, but contains two large stains. The
back flyleaf does not contain library foliation, the call number is written again on it in

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

the upper right corner by the same hand as on f. Ir. The 19th century blue vignettes of
the Library indicating the call number are glued in the upper left corner of both the
paper doublure of the back cover and the back cover itself (fig. 14).

VI. Marginal notes and corrections


The manuscript contains only rare marginal notes and corrections in Arabic in black
and red ink. In fact, it starts with a correction in red ink in the very first letter of the
first treatise on prosody (fig. 15). These are generally limited to the correction of words,
or the addition of words omitted during the copying. Sometimes these marginal notes
only serve the purpose of legibility especially when words are too crammed within the
columns.

Fig. 15. F. 1v, l. 1 showing the correction of lām to alif.

A particularity of the manuscript is the emphasis it places on the chronology of


dynasties in the course of Yemeni history as presented in the work, since the scribe
mentions the name of the dynasties in red ink in the margin as a kind of “chapter
heading”. The following “headings” or “sub-titles” are given in the margin: awwal al-
dawla al-ašrafiyya (f. 16v), awwal al-dawla al-muǧāhidiyya (f. 26r), awwal al-dawla al-
afḍaliyya (f. 40v), awwal al-dawla al-ašrafiyya al-kubrā al-ṯāniya (f. 52r), awwal al-dawla
al-saʿīdiyya al-nāṣiriyya (f. 62v).
As has been mentioned above, f. 55v shows clearly that the manuscript was
closely following its source (fig. 16). This page contains only 17 lines, three of which are
written in red ink, calling the attention of the reader to the fact that nothing is missing
from the text, these (allegedly four) lines had been originally left blank37.

37
The copyist should have copied this text into four lines, as he mentioned it, thereby completing the
number of lines on the page to the usual 18.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 16. F. 55v, the text in red explains that these lines had intentionally been left blank
in the original from which this manuscript was copied.

At some instances, however, complete lines were inserted in the margins. Rarely, the
rubricated letters of column (1) are omitted (e.g. f. 65v), but these can easily be sup-
plied from their originals in column (2) (fig. 17).

Fig. 17. F. 65v, columns 1-3, the rubricated letters ʿayn–wāw–alif are missing
in the last three lines from column 1.

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K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Provenance

No ownership marks or notes prior to the vignettes and stamps of the Academy can be
found in the manuscript. The first sizeable purchase of Islamic manuscripts happened
in 1886, when the Academy acquired the legacy of Dániel Szilágyi (1831–1885). Szilágyi
immigrated to Istanbul after the defeat of the Hungarian revolution in 1849 and lived
there until his death. He was an interpreter, book-collector, and owner of a well-known
antiquarian bookshop in the district of Pera. His collection contained 438 Turkish
manuscripts, but there were also about 40 Persian and 25 Arabic volumes in it38. Alt-
hough no precise list was prepared at the acquisition, and the early card catalogue
does not show the provenance of manuscripts either, on the basis of the allocated call
number it seems reasonable to suppose that this manuscript had also belonged to the
Szilágyi collection.

VII. Conclusion or conclusions


The manuscript is a neat, 17th century copy of a peculiar tour-de-force written by Ibn
al-Muqriʾ, an accomplished author of Rasūlid Yemen, on five topics related to Islamic
law, Rasūlid history, Arabic grammar, prosody and rhyme. It is a neat copy devoid of
marginal notes and comments. This seems to prove our supposition that although the
peculiar format of the composition, whereby its author wanted to achieve the esteem
of the Sultan, still attracted some interest several centuries after its composition, at the
same time, this arrangement prevented it from remaining a popular textbook of the
madrasa curriculum.
From another point of view, this undated manuscript helps us realize the use-
fulness of the study of paper in narrowing down the period in which a manuscript was
written. In this case, the usage of these three particular watermarks and a countermark
attest a 17th century origin for the manuscript.

Bibliography
Manuscript sources

Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ
wa-al-naḥw wa-al-qawāfī, MS Arab O. 20, Library of the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences.

Edited sources

Anonymous (8th/14th c.), Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadīya: ǧibāyat bilād al-Yaman fī ʿahd
al-Sulṭān al-malik al-Muʾayyad Dāwūd b. Yūsuf al-Rasūlī, al-mutawaffā sanat

38
Á. Vámbéry, “Jelentés néh. Szilágyi Dániel (…) gyűjteményéről”, 1886, p. 204; I. Kúnos, “Collection
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nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 128


K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

721/1321, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Ǧāzim, Sanaa, Al-maʿhad al-firansī li-al-
āṯār wa-al-ʿulūm al-iǧtimāʿiyya bi-Ṣanʿāʾ, 2008.
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A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

CHRONIQUES DE MANUSCRITS :
NOTE SUR AḪBAR AL-ZAYDIYYA BI-AL-YAMAN
ET AUTRES ŒUVRES DU MUṬARRIFITE AL-LAḤǦI1

Anne Regourd
(CNRS, UMR 7192, Paris)

En hommage au Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ

Résumé
Cette note se penche sur l’itinéraire des manuscrits connus des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman du
muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī (vivant en 545/1150), une source importante pour le zaydisme des origines au Yé-
men. Elle fait le point sur la bibliographie de l’auteur, possiblement étendue par la découverte plus ré-
cente du Kitāb al-maṯalayn.

Abstract
This note is an update of our knowledge of the history of the manuscripts of the Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-
Yaman of the Muṭarrifī al-Laḥǧī (alive in 545/1150), an important source for early Zaydism in Yemen. It
takes the opportunity to return to the bibliography of the author, which might be extended by the more
recently discovered Kitāb al-maṯalayn.

‫خالصة‬
َّ ،‫تستند معلومات هذه ادلراسة املوجزة عىل خمطوطات كتاب أأخبار الزيدية بل مين للل َّ ْحجي‬
‫املطريف مذهب ًا (واكن حي ًا‬
‫ وتتيح لنا‬.‫ اذلي يعترب من أأمه املصادر املعروفة لنا عن البداايت املبكرة لتارخي الزيدية يف المين‬،)1150/545 ‫س نة‬
‫اخملطوطات الكشف عن مؤلفات أأخرى للمؤلف حيث ّتبني أأن هل كتاب بمس املثلني مل يكن معروف ًا من قبل أأخر‬
.1980

Mots-Clés
Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī (vi-
vant en 545/1150), muṭarrifites, Kitāb al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ʿAbd Allāh al-
Ḥibšī, David Thomas Gochenour, Wilferd Madelung

1
Mes vifs remerciements pour leur aide précieuse à : Tamon Baba, Deborah Freeman-Fahid & Michaela
Hoffmann-Ruf des nCmY, ainsi qu’à Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, Bassam Daghestani, Jean-François
Faü, René-Vincent du Grandlaunais, Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād, Mutlaq Al-Juraid, Yasuyuki Kuriyama,
Christoph Rauch, Ayman Fuʾad Sayyid, Helal Abu Shamleh, à la Bibliothèque de l’Université de
Tübingen et au Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ.

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A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Keywords
Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī
(alive 545/1150), Muṭarrifīs, Kitāb al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī,
David Thomas Gochenour, Wilferd Madelung

‫لكامت رئيس ية‬


َّ ‫ ابو الغمر‬،‫أأخبار الزيدية بل مين‬
ّ ‫ امل‬،)1150/545 ‫مسمل بن محمد بن جعفر اللحجي الشظيب (اكن حي ًا س نة‬
،‫طرفية‬
David Thomas ( ‫ دافيد توماس جوشانور‬،‫ عبد هللا احلبيش‬،‫ كتاب املثلني‬،‫كتاب ا ألترجة يف شعراء ال مين‬
)Wilferd Madelung( ‫ ويلفرد ماديلوجن‬،)Gochenour

I. Introduction
Il y a cinq ans, paraissait à Sanaa la « quatrième partie » d’Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl
al-Bayt ʿalayhim al-salam wa-šiʿatihim bi-al-Yaman, abrégé désormais en Aḫbār al-
Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman2. L’auteur, Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī
(vivant en 545/1150), est bien connu des dictionnaires bio-bibliographiques et ce livre
en particulier, car il est identifié comme l’une des premières sources sur les imams
zaydites – descendants du Prophète (sayyids), les plus hautes autorités religieuses et
politiques de la communauté zaydite au Yémen – et sur des oulémas, organisés en cinq
générations (ṭabaqāt) sur deux volumes. Mais l’édition « sur manuscrit unique »
(« maḫṭūṭa yatīma ») réalisée par Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, ancien Délégué aux
manuscrits du Yémen, ministère de la Culture (2012-2015), fait resurgir la question des
manuscrits recensés de cette œuvre.
C’était le moment de faire le point sur l’auteur et son œuvre. Celle-ci s’est encore
enrichie entre la fin des années 1990 et le début des années 2000 de nouvelles attribu-
tions ou de nouveaux manuscrits qui méritent discussion. Sera manifeste une nouvelle
fois l’érudition du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, à qui ce numéro des nCmY rend hommage,
ainsi que son vif et constant intérêt pour le progrès des recherches sur le Yémen.

II. L’auteur et son œuvre


De la vie d’al-Laḥǧī, actif au milieu du vie s. de l’Hégire, on ne sait pas grand’ chose. La
date de sa naissance n’est pas connue, mais sa seconde nisba, al-Šaẓabī, nous renseigne

2
Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-
Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat sanat 566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat],
mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al-šayḫ al-fāḍil Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī
aǧzala Allāh ṯawābahu [kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H], 1437/2015. Voir dans ce numéro, Actualités,
<2015/1437>, p. 9-10. Voir : GAL S 1, p. 587 ; Al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt al-Zaydiyya, 1413/1992, vol. 1, p.
84, n° 184 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī »,
notice 1102, p. 1029a.

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sur son lieu3. Quant à la date de sa mort, elle a été discutée4, mais 545/1150 paraît bien
trop précoce, puisqu’à un moment du premier volume de ses Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-
Yaman, l’auteur dit qu’il rédige en 544/1149 et que la conquête de Ṣaʿda par l’Imam al-
Mutawakkil, cette année-là, est mentionnée à la fin des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman
comme un événement appartenant au passé. Enfin d’après les formules accolées à son
nom dans le manuscrit de la quatrième partie en notre possession, al-Laḥǧī est décédé
lorsque le copiste achève son travail en 566/août 1171 (voir ci-dessous, IV.).
Les incursions autobiographiques de ce livre nous renseignent sur lui, de même
que quelques autres sources yéménites. On retiendra en ce qui nous concerne qu’il a
étudié à Waqaš, centre majeur du mouvement muṭarrifite, en 510/1116-1117, ses maîtres
étaient Ibrāhīm b. ʿAlī al-Ḍāmī, dont il rapporte la mort en 516/1122-1123, Ibrāhīm b. Abī
al-Hayṯam, Asʿad b. ʿAbd al-Fāḍil al-ʿUbaydī al-Yāmī, Ibn Rifād al-Ṣanʿānī al-Qušayrī,
ʿAlyān b. Saʿd al-Baḥirī al-Arḥabī et Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥ.ǧiyya al-Sanḥānī al-Nuwayra.
Il a visité Ṣaʿda à son retour du pèlerinage à La Mecque en 513/1120, et il donne le nom
d’un gouverneur (qāʾim) de Ṣaʿda et de ses environs en l’année 530/1135-1136, ʿAlī b.
Zayd b. al-Malīḥ al-Ḥasanī5.
Partie prenante des débats théologiques et politiques intenses de son époque,
ses prises de position, connues aussi par son œuvre, font foi de son affiliation à la ten-
dance zaydite muṭarrifite, dont il devient le zélote6. Il est décrit à la tête de la secte

3
Voir l’apport des sources manuscrites à la discussion sur le prénom (ism) d’al-Laḥǧī, Muslim ou
Musallam, dont une note marginale du manuscrit d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min
Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 5, n. 1.
4
530 ou 545 H, voir ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-
Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028a : 530 H peut-être une mauvaise lecture de Yāqūt, Muʿǧam al-buldān,
« Laḥǧ », 1866-1873, vol. 4, p. 352, qui dit seulement qu’al-Laḥǧī était vivant aux alentours de 530 H.
L’année 545/1150 d’après Ḫ. al-D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām. Qāmūs tarāǧim al-ašhar al-riǧāl wa-al-nisāʾ min al-
ʿArab al-mustʿarabīn wa-al-mustašriqīn, 1990, p. 223a,b, sous Muslim etc., qui dit s’appuyer, dans sa n. 1,
p. 223b, sur I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, 1955, vol. 2, p. 432 ; A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du
Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 106, n° 2 ; D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval
Yemeni History in Light of Recent Publications and Discoveries », 1986. Ouvert (m. vie s.) dans :
A. b. Ṣ. Ibn Abī al-Riǧāl, Maṭlaʿ al-budūr wa-maǧmaʿ al-buḥūr fī tarāǧim al-riǧāl al-Zaydiyya, 1425/2004,
vol. 4, notice 1244, « Musallam b. Asʿad », p. 410.
5
The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al-
Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990, p. vi-vii ; Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt,
ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, Tarǧamatuhu, p. 6sq., occur-
rences arrangées chronologiquement, Šuyūḫuhu, p. 16-21 ; D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi is-
lam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, p. 187sq., dont tableau V, p. 190 ; Ṣārim al-Dīn Ibrāhīm b. al-Qāsim
b. al-Muʾayyad bi-llāh, Nasāmāt al-asḥār fī ṭabaqāt ruwāt kutub al-fiqh wa-al-aṯār al-maʿrūfa bi-ṭabaqāt
ʿulamāʾ al-Zaydiyya, ms. photocopie n° 296, Le Caire, Dār al-kutub, p. 435 (repris de : W. Madelung,
« The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 180, n. 25).
6
W. Madelung, « A Muṭarrifī manuscript », 1975 ; D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi islam into
Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, chap. 5, section 5, particulièrement p. 196sq. Pour une description du débat
doctrinal entre la Muṭariffiyya et la Muḫtariʿa zaydites, J. Thiele, Theologie in der jemenitischen Zay-
diyya : die naturphilosophischen Überlegungen des al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ, 2013.

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muṭarrifite par l’Imam zaydite al-Mutawakkil Aḥmad b. Sulaymān (m. 566/1170)7, un


ancrage perpétué dans la mémoire par des sources du ixe/xve au xiie/xviiie s.8.
Au moins trois œuvres lui sont attribuées :
1. Al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, connue par doxographie : l’œuvre est attestée
sous le nom d’Al-utrunǧa ‫ األترنجة‬etc. par Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī (m. 626/1229), qui décrit
son auteur comme « l’homme de lettre du Yémen » (adīb al-Yaman). Puis par Ibn al-
Qifṭī (m. 646/1248), qui souligne la rareté du livre et les circonstances dans lesquelles il
est lui-même entré en possession d’un manuscrit – c’est la raison pour laquelle nous
nous rangeons à sa lecture du titre de l’œuvre. D’après Ibn al-Qifṭī, elle recense les
poètes préislamiques (ǧāhiliyya) et islamiques du Yémen jusqu’à la période contempo-
raine d’al-Laḥǧī9.
Selon al-Ḥibšī, un manuscrit se trouverait à Tübingen (n° 1300), à partir duquel
une copie (photocopie ? ; microfilm ?) aurait été réalisée pour le Maʿhad al-maḫṭūṭāt
al-ʿarabiyya bi-al-Kuwayt (n° 33). Des recherches effectives pour les retrouver, étendues
à l’Institut des manuscrits arabes, à présent au Caire, n’ont cependant pas abouti10. Il
est fort possible qu’il s’agisse d’un télescopage, car la cote donnée par al-Ḥibšī pour un
manuscrit à Tübingen, 1300, est la cote Ahlwardt du manuscrit des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya
bi-al-Yaman à la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (entrée suivante).
2. Tāʾrīḫ Musallam al-Laḥǧī wa-ṭabaqāt mašāhir al-Yaman wa-yusammā ṭabaqāt
Musallam li-al-Laḥǧī, ou Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, subdivisée en quatre parties
sur deux volumes, qui décrivent cinq générations (ṭabaqāt). Une source essentielle sur
le début du mouvement zaydite muṭarrifite, sur laquelle nous revenons plus bas11.

7
W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 179-180, n. 24.
8
Citées dans Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-
šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 9-10.
9
Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Muʿǧam al-buldān, « Laḥǧ », 1866-1873, vol. 4, p. 352 ; al-Qifṭī, Inbāh al-ruwā ʿalā
anbāh al-nuḥā, 1406/1986, vol. 1. p. 361, source de l’entrée n° 216, « al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad b. Ḫāla-
wayh al-naḥwī al-luġawī, Abū Abd ʿAllāh » (cité par A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à
l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 107, avec une coquille : « al-Ḥasan » pour al-Ḥusayn) ; id., Al-muḥammidūn
min al-šuʿarāʾ wa-ašʿārihim, 1390/1970, p. 332, source de l’entrée n° 289, « Muḥammad b. Ziyād b.
Aḥmad al-ʿAryānī al-Ṣudāʾī al-Yamanī » (cité par ibid.). Voir al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt al-Zaydiyya,
1413/1992, vol. 1, p. 42, n° 53 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musal-
lam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028b ; ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman,
1425/2004, p. 475b-476a. Sous « al-ʿAmrānī – Abū al-Fatḥ Musallam b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān b. Asʿad b.
ʿUṯmān al-ʿAmrānī al-Yamanī », I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, 1955, vol. 2, p. 432, qui ne connaît de
lui que cette œuvre et est suivi par ʿU. R. Kaḥḥāla, Muʿǧam al-muʾallifīn, vol. 12, p. 232a,b, « Musallam al-
ʿAmrānī – Musallam b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān al-ʿAmrānī, al-Yamanī (Abū al-Fatḥ) » ; Ḫ. al-
D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām, 1990, p. 223a, perplexe, discute et ne retient que certains points d’al-Baġdādī.
10
ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 475b-476a.
11
GAL S 1, p. 587. Pour plus de détail sur le contenu de cette œuvre, voir : Al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt
al-Zaydiyya, 1413/1992, vol. 1, p. 236, n° 644 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya,
1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028b-1029a.

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III. Le Kitāb al-maṯalayn


Cette liste, connue, a été augmentée à la fin des années 1980 par la découverte d’un
manuscrit en Libye. La nouvelle a été diffusée en 1990 par la revue Al-fayṣal12 et, à ma
connaissance, mention n’a été faite à cette œuvre, le Kitāb al-maṯalayn, que dans des
bio-bibliographies en langue arabe de collègues yéménites, celles de ʿAbd al-Salām al-
Wagīh (1999) et celle de ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī dans sa mise à jour des Maṣādir al-fikr al-
ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman (2004). Elle est enfin citée par Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-
Aḥmadī dans son édition des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya (2015)13. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Wagīh pré-
cise tenir son information du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ14.
3. Kitāb al-maṯalayn : son existence est uniquement connue par le ms. 431 de
l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi (Libye)15. Le livre traite des proverbes et analogies
(tašbīh). Il est composé des sections suivantes :
‫ النوع ا ألول من كتاب املثلني املثل‬.1
‫ املثل املنظوم‬: ‫الباب ا ألول‬
‫فصل فمي أأورد يف ا ألبيات يمتثل بأأجعازها‬
)‫بب منه أآخر (للمحدثني واملودلين‬
‫بب أأفرد ألمثال أأيب الطيب املتنيب‬
‫ املثل املنثور‬: ‫الباب الثاين‬
‫بب من الباب الثاين من النوع ا ألول من كتاب املثلني‬
.‫من أأمثاهلم عىل أأفعل‬

‫ النوع الثاين من كتاب املثلني وهو التشبيه‬.2


‫ التشبيه املنظوم‬: ‫الباب ا ألول‬
‫بب من التشبيه املنظوم أأفردانه للمحدثني واملودلين‬
‫ التشبيه املنثور‬: ‫الباب الثاين من النوع الثاين‬
‫من املثل املناسب للتشبيه‬
‫نوع من املثل التشبهييي‬

12
Al-fayṣal 157, fév. 1990, p. 143, une page consacrée aux parutions.
13
ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102,
p. 1029a ; ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 476a ; Muqbil al-
Tam, éd. d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim
bi-al-Yaman, 1437/2015, bibliographie, p. 671.
14
Voir l’hommage au Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ dans l’Éditorial de ce numéro des nCmY.
15
F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 338-
339.

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‫بب منه أآخر‬


‫بب منه أآخر‬
.‫بب منه يف املثل عىل أأفعل‬

Il a fait l’objet d’un travail d’édition par Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād pour un degré
de magister présenté à l’Université Qāryūnis, en 1988. Publié en deux volumes (944 p.),
en 1998, il a été complété de ce que l’auteur de la publication n’avait pas inséré dans
son magistère dans un troisième volume (208 p.) publié en 200116. Il contient neuf in-
dex. L’attribution à al-Laḥǧī y est brièvement discutée17. La question se pose, car le
nom d’al-Laḥǧī apparaît sur la page de titre du manuscrit, avec d’autres éléments per-
tinents, comme suit :
ّ ‫كتاب املثلني صنعة الش يخ ا ألجل‬
‫املسمل بن محمد اللحجي‬
‫مما نسخ خبزانة موالان ومالكنا أأمري املؤمنني وامام املسلمني وخليفة رسول رب العاملني عىل خلقه أأمجعني‬
18‫لجل املنصور بهلل عز وجل أأيخ الآلآء والعزة أأيب محمد عبد هللا بن محزة‬
‫املوىل الس يد ا أ‬

Il s’agirait donc d’un manuscrit copié pour la bibliothèque personnelle de


l’Imam zaydite Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamza (561/1166-614/1217, r. 593/1196-
1197-614/1217) 19 (nusḫa ḫizāniyya). Les échanges de Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād qui
s’ensuivent avec le Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ et avec ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Maqāliḥ, fameux
homme de lettres et universitaire né à Ibb en 1937, le confortent dans la conclusion
qu’il s’agit d’un manuscrit unique, de même qu’une rencontre avec le grand poète yé-
ménite ʿAbd Allāh al-Baradūnī (m. 1419/1999) en visite en Libye. La discussion mérite-
rait donc d’être poursuivie à l’aide d’éléments internes au texte.
Le manuscrit est en mauvaise condition. Il comporte 240 feuillets (= 481 p.),
pour un nombre de 15 l/p., mais il est apode. Il a pour dimension : 25 × 18 cm, il a été
écrit à l’encre noire avec des titres rubriqués à l’encre rouge, sans régularité. Les notes
paratextuelles sont peu nombreuses, certaines n’ont pas subi de dommage. Fayṣal

16
Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998-2001. Ce travail de magister est cité sous le nom de Fayṣal Miftāḥ par
ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102,
p. 1029a, et par ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 476a ;
Muqbil al-Tam a accédé à un PDF du livre de Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād pour son éd. d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb
Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman, 1437/2015, bibliographie,
p. 671.
17
Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, vol. 1, p. 63.
18
Malheureusement absente du PDF du manuscrit. F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat
Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 339 ; al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, vol. 1, p. 63-64.
19
Date de début de règne discutée (583/1187-1188), voir E. J. van Donzel, « al-Manṣūr bi’llāh ʿAbd Allāh b.
Ḥamza b. Sulaymān b. Ḥamza », 1991 ; M. Schneider, « Les inscriptions arabes de l’ensemble architectu-
ral de Ẓafār-Ḏī Bīn (Yémen du Nord) », 1985, p. 64-88.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 136


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād signale une marque de propriété au nom de Ṣalāḥ ʿAbd Allāh al-
Sirāǧī al-Ḥāfirī20.
Le Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ fit une première demande pour obtenir une copie du
livre de Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād auprès de la Bibliothèque de l’Université de Qāryūnis il y a
une trentaine d’années. Mais il lui fut répondu que l’étude était en cours. Par la suite,
une lettre du bureau du Président de la République du Yémen fut envoyée au Bureau
des affaires de la Nation arabe libyen, et de là à l’Université, insistant pour qu’un
exemplaire imprimé du livre soit remis au Cadi al-Akwaʿ. Mais Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād
s’étant alors rendu en Égypte pour faire son doctorat n’a malheureusement pu ré-
pondre à la demande du Cadi. Cela peut expliquer qu’avant 2015, les références au livre
imprimé aient été absentes des bibliographies yéménites.

20
F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 339 ;
al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, description du ms., incluant des remarques sur l’écriture et
l’orthographe archaïques, vol. 1, p. 63-65.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 137


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 1. Début du Kitāb al-maṯalayn.


Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 138


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 2. Feuillet du Kitāb al-maṯalayn, début de la section 2 et premier chapitre, l. 4-5.


Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 139


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 3. Dernier feuillet du Kitāb al-maṯalayn.


Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye21.

IV. Histoire critique des manuscrits des Aḫbār al-Zaydīya fī al-Yaman en


présence
Le manuscrit Berlin 9664, 38b-70a22, daté 544/1149, contenant le début du premier vo-
lume des Aḫbār al-Zaydīya fī al-Yaman, est présent dans les listes de la GAL23, d’Ayman
Fuʾad Sayyid24 et de David Thomas Gochenour25, qui spécifie qu’il s’agit d’un fragment
substantiel du premier volume de l’œuvre, tandis qu’A. F. Sayyid restitue le titre com-
plet du ms. de Berlin comme suit : Kitāb fīhi šayyʾun min aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman.

21
Mes chaleureux remerciements à Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād pour m’avoir autorisée à reproduire ces
feuillets à partir du PDF qu’il a réalisé et au Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ, Dubeï.
22
W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, 1897,
p. 209a.
23
GAL S 1, p. 587.
24
A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 106, n° 2.
25
D. T. Gochenour, 1984. The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, et « A Revised
Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315-317.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 140


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

En 1990, Wilferd Madelung donne une première publication du livre à partir du


manuscrit de Berlin, précédée d’une discussion sur ses sources26. Confronté au pro-
blème d’une mauvaise copie, qui est, de surcroît, un unicum, il recourt aux manuscrits
de la quatrième partie du Rawḍat al-aḫbār wa-kunūz al-asrār wa-nukat al-āṯār wa-
mawāʿiẓ al-aḫbār (ou : Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī) d’Abū Muḥammad Yūsuf b. Muḥammad Ibn
al-Ḥafīṣ al-Ḥaǧūrī (1re moitié du viie/xiiie s.), ms. BnF Arabe 598227, et à Al-ḥadāʾiq al-
wardiyya fī manāqib al-aʾimma al-zaydiyya de Ḥamīd b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b.
Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Wāḥid al-Maḥallī al-Nuhmī (m. 653/1256), mss Vienne Glaser 116,
BM Or. 3786 et Or. 381328.
Il s’agit en fait du manuscrit n° 245 de la collection Glaser, réunissant quatre
textes sous une même reliure, qui fait partie de sa première collecte de 23 manuscrits
au Yémen, en 188429. L’autre manuscrit de cette collection ayant suscité l’intérêt des
chercheurs est un fragment ancien contenant le début du récit de l’histoire de la ville
d’airain (« Qiṣṣat madīnat al-nuḥās ») et la légende des Sept dormants : en effet, des
marginalia à valeur documentaire sur la page de titre livrent quelques dates
(909/1504 ; 1022/1613), de même qu’une indication de circulation dans un village près
de Sanaa30.
C’est lors d’une visite effectuée par D. T. Gochenour au Yémen en 1982 que ʿAbd
Allāh al-Ḥibšī lui présente un manuscrit daté du 30 ḏū al-qaʿda 566/4 août 1171. Ils
l’identifient comme étant la « quatrième et dernière partie » de l’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī ; elle
leur permet, en outre, de statuer positivement sur le manuscrit de Berlin. Le second
volume, ou « quatrième partie », contient la seconde partie de la troisième génération,
ainsi que la quatrième et la cinquième. À cette date, les seules copies connues de cette

26
The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al-
Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990.
27
Et dans une moindre mesure la partie 1, ms. bib. Saʿīdiyya, Hyderabad, Deccan, voir The Sīra of Imām
Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990,
p. VI, n. 7, et W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 180, n. 26 ;
pour d’autres manuscrits de Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī, voir GAL S I, p. 587, S II, p. 930, et A. F. Sayyid, Sources de
l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 133-134 ; pour l’identification du texte du ms. BnF
Ar. 5982 comme l’œuvre d’al-Ḥaǧūrī – et non celle d’al-Laḥǧī, voir W. Madelung, « The identity of two
Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 179-180. Le manuscrit est désormais en ligne,
https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc330102.
28
Références dans : W. Madelung, Streitschrift des Zaiditenimams Aḥmad an-Nāṣir wider die ibaditische
Prädestinationslehre, 1985, p. 13, n. 46a, et 14, n. 54. GAL I, p. 397, S I, p. 560.
29
W. Ahlwardt, Kurzes Verzeichniss der Glaser’schen Sammlung arabischer Handschriften, Berlin, 1887,
p. 43, n° 245, 5. Le manuscrit est désormais en ligne,
http://orient-digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/receive/SBBMSBook_islamhs_00005713.
30
Il a servi une exposition récente à la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, M. Lailach, C. Pohlmann & Ch. Rauch,
Reisende Erzählungen. Tausendundeine Nacht zwischen Orient und Europa, 2019. Sur l’apport spécifique
des marginalia, voir Ch. Rauch, « Nicht nur aus Arabien: Handschriften von Tausendundeiner Nacht und
andere Orientalia », 2019, p. 40-42, la page de titre est en illustration. Mentionné auparavant par
Sh. Tamari, « Note presentate da Soci – Iram dhāt al-’Imād, an Arab Atlantis », 1993, et id., Iconotextual
studies in the Muslim ideology of Umayyad architecture and urbanism, 1996.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 141


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

partie des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman sont la copie manuscrite entre les mains de
ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī et les deux copies xérographiées effectuées à partir de cette même
source par al-Ḥibšī lui-même et par D. T. Gochenour. Ce dernier l’utilise, concurrem-
ment avec la première partie (Berlin), dans sa thèse, soutenue en 198431, et donne
quelques précisions au sujet du manuscrit, très précieuses pour notre propos, dans un
article qui suit, en 1986 : « The original ms. belongs to a Zaidi from Najrān who unfor-
tunately refused to disclose his name or where he had obtained this manuscript. He
was looking for an estimation of the ms. value, evidently with the intention to sell it in
Saudi Arabia »32.
En 2001 Yasuyuki Kuriyama utilise cette source dans l’une de ses études, sans
donner de référence33. Après vérification auprès de l’auteur34, il s’agit de la copie qu’il a
réalisée à partir d’un manuscrit provenant de la région de Naǧrān, qui se trouvait en la
possession d’un membre de l’Université de Sanaa, alors qu’Y. Kuriyama était appointé
par l’Ambassade du Japon dans la capitale yéménite, en 1997-1999. La copie faite par
Y. Kuriyama s’est malheureusement détériorée, mais elle comprend 355 p., paginées, et
le feuillet portant le colophon est identique au manuscrit utilisé par Muqbil al-Tām
ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī.
En 2012, est annoncé le projet d’une co-publication en fac-similé du manuscrit
de Berlin et d’un manuscrit du King Fayṣal Center de Ryadh, contenant la seconde sec-
tion de la troisième, ainsi que les quatrième et cinquième ṭabaqāt. Les coéditeurs sont
le Markaz-i Dāʾirat al-maʿārif-i buzurg-i islāmī (Iran) et la Research Unit Intellectual
History of the Islamicate World, Freie Universität Berlin, sous la houlette des Muslim
History and Heritage Series. Le manuscrit de Ryadh est identifié comme étant celui
mentionné par D. T. Gochenour, depuis disparu des radars35.
Pour son édition du texte, Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī s’est appuyé sur une
copie du ms. 2449 de la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad
b. Saʿūd, datée du mercredi de la fin du mois de ḏū al-qaʿda 566/août 1171, qu’il a ache-
tée à la Maktabat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya (p. 28). La date de copie de ce manuscrit corres-
pond à celle du manuscrit entre les mains de ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī – si l’on admet que le
jour du mois d’achèvement de la copie est le fruit du calcul de D. T. Gochenour ; ils ont
en outre le même nombre de page, soit 355. D. T. Gochenour mentionne une note mar-
ginale sur la page de titre, discutant le nom (ism) d’al-Laḥǧī, qu’il faut lire « Musallim »

31
D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, chap. 5, section 5.
32
D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315, n. 24.
33
Y. Kuriyama, « Zaydi Hijras in Yemen in the Late Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries: With a Focus
on the Hijras of the al-Mutarrifiya », 2001 (article en japonais, résumé anglais dans : T. Baba, « Publica-
tions in Japanese Language on Yemen History and its related regions mainly based on Manuscripts and
Sources from Yemen (1964-2014) », 2015, p. 66, n° 32).
34
Communication personnelle, 2020.
35
S. Schmidtke, « The History of Zaydī Studies. An Introduction », 2012, n. 3, p. 186.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 142


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

– et non al-Muslim, suivie de la liste de ses maîtres36, qui n’est pas collectée par M. al-
Aḥmadī dans sa description, pourtant détaillée, des marginalia de son manuscrit37.
Il apparaît donc qu’en tout et pour tout, deux manuscrits des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya
fī al-Yaman aient fait l’objet de discussions scientifiques à ce jour, celui de Berlin et ce-
lui actuellement à la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b.
Saʿūd, le seul à contenir la « quatrième partie » de l’œuvre. Le texte de ce dernier a été
authentifié (muqābala ʿalā al-aṣl).

V. Conclusion
L’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī n’est donc connue de nous que par doxographie ou, lorsque nous y
avons un accès manuscrit, par des unica.
Au cours d’un point bibliographique, des informations dispersées, non connues
et plus récentes ont pu être réunies ici. Outre l’intérêt d’une discussion autour de
l’attribution du Kitāb al-maṯalayn à al-Laḥǧī pour l’œuvre de cet auteur – une discus-
sion qui n’est pas close, ce manuscrit conservé à Benghazi ouvre la voie à une réflexion
nouvelle sur la circulation des manuscrits du Yémen vers l’ouest.

Bibliographie
Sources manuscrites

Al-Ḥaǧūrī, Yūsuf b. Muḥammad Ibn al-Ḥafīṣ (vie/xiie s.), Rawḍat al-aḫbār wa-kunūz al-
asrār wa-nukat al-āṯār wa-mawāʿiẓ al-aḫbār (ou : Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī), 4e partie,
Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF) Arabe 5982. En ligne :
https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc330102
_____ , 1re partie (partielle), ms. bib. Saʿīdiyya, Hyderabad, Deccan.
Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb fī šayyʾ min aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman, ms. Berlin 9664 (Glaser 245),
38b-70a.
_____ , Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman, ms. bib. privée Naǧrān = ms. et photocopies
ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī/D. T. Gochenour, 1982 = membre de l’Université de Sa-
naa/Yasuyuki Kuriyama 1997-1999 = King Fayṣal Center, Ryadh, 2012 = ms. 2449,
Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b. Saʿūd = Makta-
bat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya, avant 2015.
_____ , Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Li-
bye. Repositoire (PDF) : Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ, Dubeï.

36
D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315. Voir la discus-
sion dans Ḫ. al-D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām, 1990, n. 1, p. 223b.
37
Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-
Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 28. M. al-Aḥmadī fait référence à une note marginale sur le sujet,
mais qui dit exactement le contraire, ibid., p. 5, n. 1.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 143


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Al-Maḥallī al-Nuhmī, Ḥamīd b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Wāḥid


(m. 653/1256), Al-ḥadāʾiq al-wardiyya fī manāqib al-aʾimma al-zaydiyya, ms.
Vienne Glaser 116,
_____ , ms. British Museum (BM) Or. 3786.
_____ , ms. British Museum (BM) Or. 3813.
Ṣārim al-Dīn Ibrāhīm b. al-Qāsim b. al-Muʾayyad bi-llāh, Nasāmāt al-asḥār fī ṭabaqāt
ruwāt kutub al-fiqh wa-al-aṯār al-maʿrūfa bi-ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ al-Zaydiyya,
ms. photocopie n° 296, Le Caire, Dār al-kutub.

Sources éditées

Ibn Abī al-Riǧāl, Aḥmad b. Ṣāliḥ (m. 1092/1681), Maṭlaʿ al-budūr wa-maǧmaʿ al-buḥūr fī
tarāǧim al-riǧāl al-Zaydiyya, éd. ʿAbd al-Raqīb Muṭahhar Muḥammad Ḥaǧar
& Maǧd al-Dīn b. Muḥammad b. Manṣūr al-Muʾayyadī, Ṣaʿda, Markaz ahl al-bayt
li-al-dirāsāt al-islāmiyya, 1425/2004, 4 vol.
Ibn al-Qifṭī, al-Wazīr Ǧamāl al-Dīn Abī al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Yūsuf (m. 646/1248), Inbāh al-
ruwā ʿalā anbāh al-nuḥā, éd. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Le
Caire/Beyrouth, Dār al-fikr al-ʿarabī, Muʾassasat al-kutub al-ṯaqāfiyya, 1406/1986,
4 vol.
_____ , Al-muḥammidūn min al-šuʿarāʾ wa-ašʿārihim, éd. Ḥasan Maʿmarī & Ḥamd al-
Ǧāsir, s. l., s. éd., coll. « Ǧāmaʿat Bārīs, Kulliyat al-ādāb wa-al-ʿulūm al-
insāniyya », 1390/1970.
Al-Laḥǧī, Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-
salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat
sanat 566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat], mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al-
šayḫ al-fāḍil Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī aǧzala
Allāh ṯawābahu [kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H] aʿtanā bihi wa-ḍabaṭahu al-Duktūr
Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, Ṣanʿāʾ, Maṭbūʿāt Maǧmaʿ al-ʿarabiyya al-saʿīda,
1437/2015, 673 p. [al-ṭabʿa al-ūlā].
_____ , Kitāb al-maṯalayn mansūb li-al-Musallam b. Muḥammad al-Laḥǧī (545 H), éd. &
étude Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād, Benghazi, Manšūrāt Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis, vol. 1-2,
1998, vol. 3, 2001.
The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb
Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, éd. Wilferd Madelung, Exeter, Ithaca Press for the
Board of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, 1990.
Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī (m. 626/1229), Muʿǧam al-buldān, éd. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld, Leipzig,
Brockhaus, 1866-1873, 6 vol.

Dictionnaires, catalogues & études

Ahlwardt, Wilhelm. 1887. Kurzes Verzeichniss der Glaser’schen Sammlung arabischer


Handschriften, Berlin, Berlin, Unger.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 144


A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

_____ . 1897. Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften der königlischen Bibliothek zu


Berlin, vol. 9, Berlin, A. Asher and C°.
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