A study that explores the use of sampling in the cycle of hood films between the

years of 1989 and 1995, highlighted by a detailed analysis of the use of audio

sampling in Do the Right Thing (Lee, 1989) and the use of visual sampling in a

section of Tales from the Hood (1995) called “Hardcore Convict”. Following such

analysis, would it be fair to say that the use of sampling in these films reinforces

opposition towards dominant ideology and mainstream representations of African-

American culture?

Russell Cook

Independent study submitted as part requirement for the B.A (Hons) degree in Film

Studies and Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Worcester.

(May 2010)

1
 Abstract

The ultimate purpose of my Independent Study is to try and understand the effects

of sampled music and sampled images upon a film text, and in turn to discern how

these effects impact upon audience interpretation of onscreen events. In doing so, I

hope to gain an insight into the importance of sampled music to contemporary

African-American musicians and composers, and the importance of sampled

images, depicting key moments in African-American history, to the understanding

of African-American culture as a whole. As a result, I hope to make sense of the

repeated use of sampling seen in the cycle of hood films produced between the

years of 1989 and 1995, allowing me to explore the prospect of these films being a

response to dominant ideology and mainstream representations of African-

American culture.

To conduct this study I will textually analyse two films: Do the Right Thing (Lee,

1989), and the fourth section of Rusty Cundieff’s Tales from the Hood (1995)

called “Hardcore Convict”. Such a process of analysis should highlight directorial

attempts at conveying meaning, both in an explicit or implicit fashion. To analyse

these moments effectively I will need to conduct a semiotic style of analysis of any

sampled material applied to them, enabling me to understand these key moments in

a new manner.

As a result of this style of analysis I hope to tread relatively new ground with

regards to understanding Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing and Rusty Cundieff’s

Tales from the Hood. Moreover, I hope to establish a deeper understanding of the

responses made by African-American directors during the 1980’s and 1990’s, to the

dominant ideological values and mainstream representations of black American

people and their culture.

2
 Table of Contents:

I. Acknowledgements

II. Independent Study

III. Bibliography

3
 Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude for the help I received from Dr.

Mikel Koven, Senior Lecturer in Film Studies at the University of

Worcester. Mikel has guided me through my independent study and has

helped me find direction when it was most important to do so. I would

like to thank Mikel for the assistance he gave me during the individual

tutorials and for being available when guidance was most required.

I would also like to thank Damian Wilkes, Lecturer in Urban and

Electronic Music Production at Kidderminster College. Via email

correspondence, Damian provided me with advice concerning key texts

and documentary footage in regards to hip-hop culture and sampling.

This proved very helpful, and enabled me to gain an understanding of the

importance of sampling to many contemporary African-American

musicians, providing me with grounds to begin my research.

4
 Independent Study

A fundamental way of studying film is to place it within its social and historical

context. In doing so, one can view film as either a means of representing or

dissecting societies’ values and beliefs. In this sense, film and all of its elements

can be seen to embody political policy, social pressures, family values, and so on.

Academics have argued and explored the idea that mainstream production

companies exploit film in this manner by using it as a tool for the reassertion of

dominant ideology. Alternately, independent filmmakers or those mainstream

filmmakers who understand how to manipulate the filmmaking process, subvert

dominant ideology by disputing hegemony, within a particular period. Numerous

aspects of the filmmaking process, such as the casting, the choice of location, the

themes, the representation of those themes by the films text, the choice of music

used, and the manner in which it is applied, all contribute to the portrayal of

meaning desired by a filmmaker.

Every element of film plays an important role in the types of messages

communicated to an audience; Gibbs and Pye note that ‘style constitutes the

medium of expression, giving access to the story and simultaneously shaping in a

variety of complex ways the film’s relationship to its material, its audience and its

traditions’ (2005, 10). For each specific type of film certain aspects of style may

prove more effective than others; for example in Noir there is an emphasis placed

on the importance of lighting and camera angle to help convey a feeling of

confinement and repression. In Horror movies, one could argue that the most

important element practiced is the arrangement of mise-en-scene to create an

unsettling diegetic world within which the plot can unfold. However, where the

5
hood or ghetto film is concerned, it is arguably the utilisation of extra-filmic

material such as the use of popular songs, or archive footage and photos of relevant

historic events. The sampling of sounds and images applied to a film text enables a

filmmaker to enhance the meaning conveyed by their work, whether this is through

the application of sampled music in post-production, or the inclusion of authentic

images depicting events that happened in reality. As a result, any meaning inferred

by the audience is going to be manipulated by the presence of sampled artefacts.

Sexton highlighted this idea when he wrote that, ‘musical meaning emerges from

its relationships with other media’ (Cook, 1998 cited in Sexton, 2007, 2). This

illustrates how meaning can be enhanced by applying one form of media to another,

for example by applying a sampled piece of music to a particular visual an audience

will arguably interpret what they see in relationship to what they also hear.

By looking at the style of a particular cycle of films produced within a particular

period, combined with an analysis of the samples applied to them, enough evidence

becomes available to ascertain an understanding of any potential meaning that may

reflect societal, political, or cultural concerns of that period. Therefore, by

conducting a study into the use of sampling in the cycle of hood films produced

between the years of 1989 and 1995 it will be possible to gain insight into the

values and attitudes of that period, highlighted by mainstream depictions of

African-American culture. The hood films, produced predominantly by African-

American male directors, have been seen by academics, like S. Craig Watkins for

example, as an antithetical response to the dominant ideology of that time. By

baring this in mind sampling can be seen as a part of this antithetical response due

to much of its subject matter. With regards to musical sampling Schloss points out

that ‘sampling, rather than being the result of musical deprivation is an aesthetic

6
choice consistent with the history and values of the hip-hop community’ (2004, 21).

This highlights how audio sampling holds particular relevance to the hood film, as

it is a fundamental component of the hip-hop community; at this time in history,

hip-hop was a style of music dominated by African-American musicians and artists.

Therefore, by applying it to film, the history and values it represents can work to

oppose dominant ideology. Films directed by Spike Lee, Mario Van Peebles, the

Hughes Brothers, and John Singleton are good examples of the attempts made by

African-American directors to deal with subject matter specifically relevant to the

lived experiences of African-Americans, through their focus primarily on the hood

and the culture of it. These films portray contemporary black issues from a black

perspective to a wide and multiracial audience. Prior to this film movement such a

feat had not been previously achieved. By combining these filmic narratives with

sampling that contains references to African-American culture and its history, the

filmmakers establish a response to the hegemonic representations of black people

and black community. They provide audiences with an alternative view of post

Civil-Rights America, and an alternative view of the effects of post-

industrialisation upon the African-American community. This style of filmmaking

opposes the representation of African-American people provided by mainstream

film, and due to the success of directors like Spike Lee and his ability to weave a

‘complex image of the inescapable social changes that occur in an increasingly

diverse America (Reid, 1997, 11), films directed by African-Americans, dealing

with black subject matter, help to display the opportunity of expression provided by

the new found access, post-civil rights, to popular culture for African-American

people. This enables an opposition to the whiteness imposed upon mainstream

depictions of their culture, family life, and values. Therefore, the cycle of hood

7
films between 1989 and 1995 illustrate the determination of African-American

directors to convey the truth, and their emphasis on the application of sampling to

film helps to validate the authenticity of their portrayal of the truth to the audience.

Ultimately then, the key focus of this piece is upon how this so called cycle of

hood films utilises sampling to achieve an antithetical response to the dominant

ideology and politics of the late 1980’s and early to mid 1990’s. However, there

must also be an exploration of the effects of sampling upon a film, and a detailed

breakdown of why each sample has such an effect upon any meaning inferred from

a text. By focusing on Do the Right Thing (Lee, 1989), we should be able to

achieve a clear understanding of exactly how effective sampling is in helping a film

to create a response to mainstream politics and representations of African-American

culture. Also, as a means of comparison, an exploration of the use of visual

sampling in “Hardcore Convict”, one of the key stories in Rusty Cundieff’s Tales

from the Hood (1995), will be conducted in a similar manner, with the hope of

exhibiting how sampling in both audio and visual form can impact upon the

meaning derived from a text. Visual sampling is becoming more and more

noticeable in contemporary films created by African-American directors, and

“Hardcore Convict” seems to have set some kind of standard for the use of visual

sampling as a means of evoking history’s failures.

First of all then, we must turn to Spike Lee’s Do the Right Thing (1989), which is a

film that has already established itself as a field of racial discourse for academics

and provides us with a clear example of the power of sampling upon a text. To

understand the effect of audio sampling in Do the Right Thing (Lee, 1989) one must

conduct a detailed analysis of the music used by the film. This can be done by

deconstructing a song into its verses and choruses, and by separating the original

8
pieces of music from the sampled pieces used within it. By breaking a piece of

music down in this way all of the samples used should be highlighted effectively,

allowing one to research the meaning of each in some detail. Such a study will

highlight the socio-historical background of the sampled music and should enable

us to gain new insight into its original meaning. In turn, we will be able to derive

new meaning from the samples upon re-listening to them within the context of a

new song. Therefore, when a number of samples come together within the construct

of a new piece of music what we should have is a collage of historical artefacts that

combine to carry one specific message. With that in mind, we will be able to see

how Spike Lee uses music to act as another voice within his film, and to further

evoke the tension and passions felt within its narrative.

Lee’s use of Public Enemy’s “Fight the Power” (1989) in Do the Right Thing

(DtRT) is unique and evocative: it is applied to ten individual scenes within the

film; nine times as diegetic sound, and once as nondiegetic sound. Unlike much

mainstream cinema, Lee uses music to awaken the viewer from a filmic sleep as

opposed to using it as a tool of maintaining a degree of passivity within the

audience known in film terms as the suspension of disbelief. Ferri notes that

‘traditionally, the idea of a “willing suspension of disbelief” has expressed the

process whereby we consciously allow our imaginations to run free and accept as

real what at first appears illogical and improbable’ (2007, 4). With this in mind, we

can see how mainstream cinema utilises music for that effect. However, Lee’s use

of music in DtRT is explicit and rousing; Reid notes that “Fight” ‘is used as a sonic

assault – it enters unpredictably, at an unmodulated, uncharacteristically loud

volume. It is intended to be obtrusive’ (1997, 52). Lee’s desire is to make sure our

attention is focused upon the message the music evokes in order to manipulate our

9
response to on-screen events. In doing so, he implores us to ask questions about

what is happening on-screen, to be active and not passive, with the hope that we

will be encouraged to stand up and let our own voices be heard within society. By

using the song within the diegesis of DtRT, Lee establishes another voice, one that

is a milieu of African-American voices carrying a message of bringing about unity

through racial equality. These are the very voices that are of particular interest to

our study as they constitute the vast majority of “Fight the Power”, as the song

utilises very little original material, aside from the majority of its lyrical content.

Therefore, most of the music heard in the song is sampled, and more significantly,

all from African-American musicians.

To fully understand Public Enemy’s “Fight the Power” within the context of DtRT,

a deconstruction of its elements is necessary. Each relevant sample and its original

context must be researched effectively, then placed back within the context of the

song and evaluated again to understand its new relevance to the overall piece.

Finally, an analysis of some of the key scenes that use “Fight” must be conducted,

and each sample heard within those scenes must be re-evaluated within the context

of the film’s narrative. With the new interpretations of each sample in mind, and a

new understanding of “Fight”, it should be possible to discern any meaning

intended by Lee’s use of it at particular moments within the film.

“Fight the Power” incorporates eleven different samples comprised of both vocal

melodies and instrumentation, so by focusing on some of the key samples heard

most often within DtRT, we should be able to understand their overall effect on the

film. The first notable sample heard is taken from the song “Pump me up” by

Trouble Funk (1982). Trouble Funk encapsulated a sound that was known as ‘Go-

Go’, a sound born in Washington during the 1970’s, and is thought of by many as a

10
pre-cursor to rap music. “Pump me up” encompasses a funky yet, tribal aesthetic

with a rap style vocal that establishes an ongoing energy and vibrancy akin to the

energy and power of live funk. Vincent notes that:

While the Go-Go beat is an urban funk explosion, the approach to the music

had more to do with the endless rhythms of Afro-Caribbean dance styles such

as reggae, calypso and salsa – all of which thrive on rhythmic energy – rather

than hit records (2004, 486)

This illustrates how Go-Go was an effective collection of indigenous sounds and

attitudes, and in turn highlights how “Pump me up” was part of a resurgence of

African-American identification in the early 1980’s as opposed to an attempt to

hijack the mainstream of popular culture. Citing Nelson, Vincent adds that the Go-

Go beat is a ‘ritual of black celebration that fulfils its role with an African beauty

that connects the links between Rio de Janeiro, Kingston, Havana, and Lagos’

(Nelson, 1993 cited in Vincent, 2004, 486). He is pointing out how Go-Go was a

unifying style of music that enabled its audience to feel a relationship with their

heritage and ancestry, and served as an escape from the social norms and legal

rulings imposed upon African-Americans by the dominant ideology of the United

States. This relationship is similar to that established by rap music, and in more

specific terms hip-hop, and its overall culture. Forman notes that, ‘Hip-Hop can be

seen as a series of practices with an evolved history and the ongoing potential to

challenge both social norms and legal stricture: in hip-hop there are always stakes

of crucial importance’ (2004, 1). Baring Forman’s comments in mind, it is

important to recognise how Go-Go, like hip-hop, can be seen as a movement that

enabled African-American youth to feel a relationship to the issues that were

11
relevant to their community and own specific ancestral history. Thus, the influence

of a song like “Pump me up” cannot be underestimated.

Understanding “Pump me up” with new historical and social relevance allows us to

begin an evaluation of the eight-second sample of the song, used by Public Enemy.

The sample appears at the very beginning of “Fight the Power”, and is looped to

create a recurring and rhythmic effect that builds in intensity until the beat begins.

The looping of Trouble Funk’s lyric “Pump, pump, pump, pump me up” blurs into

what sounds like the word “pump” repeating itself, giving the introduction of the

song a burst of energy and an anticipatory sense. The intensity conjured up by this

is arguably reflective of Public Enemy’s urge to convey their message to the

listener. It also reflects the intrigue of the audience upon hearing this sound: we

want the song to begin and take us on its journey. In addition to the atmosphere

created by hearing this sample, connotations of tribal chanting and indigenous

music are conveyed to the listener. As a result, it conjures up an oppositional image

to mainstream depictions of the lifestyle of an African-American citizen, offering a

portrayal far more in tune with traditional African culture. Regarding such symbolic

interpretation of music, Nattiez wrote that ‘musical symbolism is polysemic,

because when we listen to music, the meanings it takes on, the emotions that it

evokes, are multiple, varied, and confused’ (1990: 37). This exhibits how music

can affect our understanding of a scene in any number of ways. The introduction of

“Fight”, with its sample of “Pump” connotes images of a romanticised, family-like,

tribal community, asserting the idea that the people of the ghetto need to become

unified in order to have any chance of challenging negative depictions of African-

American people, and their culture.

12
The second sample to be heard in “Fight” is taken from the song “Hot Pants Road”

by the J. B’s (1972). Steve Huey notes that, ‘the J. B’s were the legendary

supporting cast of musicians behind James Brown, earning a well deserved

reputation as the tightest, best-drilled ensemble in all of funk’ (Huey, 2010). With

this description in mind we can see how they were a key player in the early days of

1970’s funk illustrated by the style of “Hot Pants Road” (Hot). The relentless

chopping of guitar, accompanied by an effective and solid groove that was created

by the bass-line and drums, along with the melody provided by the brass section

and Hammond organ, created a unique sound that pushed the boundaries of

African-American music. Funk, which many recognise as a product of James

Brown’s experimentation with rhythm and groove ‘emphasises the down-beat –

with heavy emphasis on the first beat of every measure, rather than the backbeat

that typified previous styles of African-American music’ (Anisman, 1998, 142).

Therefore, we can clearly understand “Hot” as being an example of the funk genre,

and as a result we can see how it was clearly changing the face of music; the J. B’s

were arguably one of the first acts to bring this unique rhythmic quality to

audiences on a large scale. A track like “Hot” illustrates how music in the post-civil

rights era helped reflect the shifting trends within society: African-American

popular culture was becoming more acceptable to white America. This was

illustrated clearly by the popularity of funk, and the replication of it the whole

world over, for example the Average White Band who were an all white Scottish

funk band. However, funk has been ‘perceived almost as blackness in its purest

form’ (Danielsen, 2006, 28), and as a result, the significance of the effect of ‘black’

music upon mainstream audiences of varying race is highlighted. Certain

boundaries were eroded by the societal/political developments of the 1960’s, and

13
the structure-less, energetic groove of “Hot” appears to reflect that erosion: no

longer did songs need to be three minutes long, comprised of a normal pop

structure, society was now open to new influences.

Public Enemy’s sampling of the bass line and guitar riff from “Hot Pants Road

gives “Fight the Power” a sense of relentlessness that evokes the power of

persistence and perseverance. As a result, it reasserts the song’s message about the

ongoing fight for rights and equality within contemporary American society.

However, Public Enemy refers to the funk aesthetic and the values of that era with a

sense of cynicism; suggesting that the Civil Rights movement in the 1960’s was

nothing but a smokescreen that covers up the fact that very little has changed since.

By combining the funk sound of “Hot”, with its connotations of the Civil Rights

movement, with their politically charged lyrics, Public Enemy establishes a

dichotomy within the framework of “Fight the Power”. On the one hand, they are

paying respect to a romanticised period of African-American history, and on the

other, they are pointing out the false hope created during that era by dominant

American ideology. Unlike the funk movement, the hip-hop movement recognised

this issue and became far more explicit in its criticisms of society. Public Enemy

illustrated this to full effect by choosing to tackle the issues head on and

‘deliberately strived to invest their work with distinctive styles and rhythms and

colours of the ghetto’ (Fuller, 1972 cited in Danielsen 2006, 30). Those styles,

rhythms, and colours are the very samples we are discussing here as they embody

the emotional response to the injustice felt by many African-American people.

In addition to the importance of sampling “Hot Pants Road”, one must recognise

Public Enemys’ sampling of James Brown’s grunting vocal, taken from the song

“Funky President” (1965). This guttural style of vocal became synonymous with

14
Brown, and connoted not only sexuality and passion, but power and in turn pride;

all of which are fundamental elements of funk music. The repetition of Browns’

grunting vocal throughout “Fight the Power” repeatedly reminds its listener of the

black aesthetic of the song due to its connotations of funk and soul music.

Therefore, by adding this sample to “Fight”, Public Enemy reinforces their message

of unity amongst African-American people, by reminding them of their relationship

to their own history. The harmonious and powerful connotations evoked by

bringing together numerous styles of African-American music, suggests that an

effective message is conveyed when the African-American community is united.

Therefore, by merely applying James Brown’s guttural voice to their music, along

with the percussive section of their track provided by a sample of Brown’s “Funky

Drummer” (1970), Public Enemy reinforce notions of black pride, further

empowering their own song “Fight the Power”. In relation to this effect Demers

notes that ‘Hip-hop references to the 1970’s often allude to the birth of a new Black

American consciousness’ (2003, 50), therefore, Public Enemy can be seen as

making a conscious attempt to strengthen their message by calling upon a key

iconic figure like James Brown to empower their message, with the ultimate hope

of making a larger impact upon their listener.

Moving on from the samples of James Brown it is important to recognise the effect

of sampling Bob Marley’s “I Shot the Sheriff” (1973). The song is imbued with

politics and references to an oppressive society imagined by Marley; arguably

reflecting the world as he saw it. The sample of “Sheriff” acts as a backing vocal

for Public Enemys’ rap lyrics and it gives them an evocative backdrop upon which

they can embed all of their political arguments and beliefs. Marley’s lyrics place

him in the position of a man who is wrongly accused of shooting somebody, but

15
whom accepts responsibility for acting in self-defence. It appears as though Marley

is creating an analogy for the relationship between dominant white ideology and the

oppression of African-American people. It would suggest that African-Americans

are represented unfairly and that they suffer the wrongful accusations of white

oppressors. This makes the song particularly relevant to the study of the ‘hood’

being explored here.

When we consider the effects of social conservatism, and in particular Reaganite

policy, it can be argued that as a political movement, it set out to demonise black

people and their communities as a way of removing the blame for a rise in crime

and poor living conditions from politicians and government. Watkins notes that:

Reaganism would explain the rapidly depreciating conditions of urban

ghettos and the increasingly poverty-stricken status of children as the

result of cultural deficiencies endemic to ghetto life, thus exempting

society, racism, and profound structural and economic transformations

from any responsibility’ (1998, 40).

With this in mind, a song like “Sheriff” becomes an important symbol of what is

wrong with such a system of values. Its representation of the unfair treatment of an

innocent man reflects the unfair treatment of the innocent African-American.

Therefore, by utilising a sample from Bob Marley’s song, Public Enemy reinforce

their message of inequality and the need to fight for justice and equal rights for all.

By incorporating such powerfully political samples Public Enemy pose a challenge

to the popular representations of young, black males. Many mainstream images and

texts during the 1980’s depicted the criminal as being ‘young, male, black and

poor’ and as a result, young African-American males were ‘figured as the enemy

within’ (Watkins, 1998, 38). “Fight” is a song about standing up and rejecting these

16
depictions by coming together and uniting against the wrongs of contemporary

society. Therefore, by using the sample taken from “Sheriff”, the chorus of “Fight”

is imbued with the powerful presence of James Brown and Bob Marley, providing

intense political grounding within the context of African-American beliefs and

values.

Another influential, African-American icon whose music is sampled for “Fight the

Power” is Afrika Bambaataa. A very brief sample of his song “Planet Rock”

(Bambaataa, A, 1982) can be heard at the end of the first chorus. The reason this

sample is so significant is due to Bambaataa’s influence upon African-Americans,

both musically and politically. With regards to his musical influence, Vincent notes

that ‘the contemporary black music style of remaking seventies records and the

showcasing of older artists on state-of-the-art beats were all pioneered by

Bambaataa’ (2004, 483). This highlights how influential a figure he was, as the vast

majority of African-American produced music during the 1980’s and 1990’s

involved the reinvention of older songs and genres. Further to this Bambaataa led a

much more political movement called the Zulu Nation that based its values heavily

on the values of Afrocentrism, which in turn became very influential to many

African-Americans in 1980’s America.

The next notable sample is West Street Mobs’ “Let’s dance (make your body

move)” (1981), as it appears at a number of key moments in Do the Right Thing

and reasserts the message Lee is trying to convey in his film. It has this effect due

to the lyrical content that is sampled, and in turn, the reference those lyrics make to

early hip-hop culture and African-American music. “Let’s Dance” incorporates a

number of styles and genres in its overall presentation, including electro, funk and

disco, all of which can be seen as deriving from rhythm and blues and soul, and can

17
be traced back to even earlier styles of African-American music and history.

Listening to the sample within the context of its original song suggests that the

words “come on and get down” connote a sense of coming together, and encourage

us to get involved in the fun atmosphere created by the song. However, when the

words are placed amongst the sampled grunts of James Brown, and the rhythmic

bass line taken from the J. B’s’ in “Hot Pants Road” the sample takes on a rousing

energy. It is the use of the sample in “Fight” that encourages the listener and

inspires them to become active, and not merely sit by and watch passively. Public

Enemy appear to be speaking to their audience via the use of sampling. They want

us to hear what they have to say, and want us to respond to it by making our own

stand against the inequality of American society. Much like all of the other samples

already mentioned then, “Let’s Dance” is meticulously placed amongst other

samples to convey a political message to the listener.

Another sample utilised is “Teddy’s Jam” by Guy (1988). In “Teddy’s Jam”, an

influential black musical icon is evoked in Teddy Riley. Riley and his band Guy are

attributed with developing the ‘New Jack swing sound, which was essentially

traditional soul vocals melded to hip-hop beats’ (Huey, 2010). The clever unison of

a popular style of African-American music (soul), and modern contemporary beats

and rhythms enabled a traditionally black style of music to infiltrate the mainstream

once again. Much like the specific placement of “Let’s Dance”, “Teddy’s Jam”

achieves a message as a result of being placed in relation to numerous other

samples. Also, as a song that established a new African-American sound, we can

see how it can be regarded as influential, and could be seen as an example of how

African-American people, in joining together have created some of the most

influential aspects of contemporary popular culture. This illustrates the importance

18
of popular culture to African-American people, it is a place where their views and

values can be expressed and conveyed to people on a mass scale.

The final sample relevant to our study is taken from “I Know You Got Soul” by

Bobby Byrd (1971). It is heard at two key moments during the film and appears to

appeal to the listeners’ sense of what is right; these moments will be discussed in

detail later. First, we must explore the importance of the samples original context.

Bobby Byrd established himself as a talented solo artist, and further to this, he is

recognised as playing a key part in the career of James Brown. For example, Byrd

and his family sponsored Brown’s parole from prison. Byrd also gave Brown a spot

in his vocal group (Unterberger, 2010). Byrd was integral to Brown’s career,

meaning that numerous musicians and dedicated Brown fans recognised this over

time. His sound was very much like Brown’s and the vast majority of his solo work

was produced by Brown. Byrd’s close ties to such a key African-American icon

present him as an important black voice within popular culture. Therefore, when the

words ‘I Know You Got Soul’ are used in a song by such a respected figure within

the black community, a degree of interest is created.

The lyrics, ‘I Know You Got Soul’ appeal to the listener and ask us to do the right

thing, encouraging us to stand up against dominant ideology and its oppressive

values when we hear them. The song provokes thoughts of the 1970’s, a decade that

saw an awakening of African-American consciousness; as a result, the sampling of

it empowers Public Enemy’s “Fight”. Demers notes that, ‘works by Public Enemy,

Ice Cube, the Fugees and others make both subtle and obvious mention of this

decade, interpreting it as a period in which blacks as a whole began to demand

control of their own political destinies’ (2003, 53). With her comment in mind, we

can see how such samples may affect our interpretation of a song, and in turn how

19
their use within a narrative like Lee’s Do the Right Thing (DtRT) can affect the

overall understanding we have of a particular scene. We can see first-hand, African-

Americans attempting to take control of how they are perceived by the rest of the

world.

With the samples explored so far, it is now important to explore their significance

in relation to their placement within the diegetic world of DtRT. Many of the

individual scenes in Lee’s film serve as powerful vehicles for his own political

viewpoint, so by analysing how samples are utilised within some of these scenes we

can ascertain an understanding of the meanings they provide to an audience. The

first most notable scene is where we initially hear “Fight” within the diegetic world

of the film. A group of young African-Americans are sat together, arguing about

something trivial, and at this point one of the male characters says to a female

character, “Yo, Ella! You got a brain right? Use it!” At this point, the camera pans

around to show an intense close up shot of Radio Raheem, a militant young, black

male, holding a portable stereo that is blasting out the introductory section of Public

Enemy’s song “Fight the Power”. This section encompasses the samples of “Hot

Pants Road”, “Funky Drummer”, “I know you got soul”, “Pump me up”, and “Let’s

dance”. Baring all of the information sourced regarding each of these samples in

mind, it is possible to understand this scene as a message from Lee to his audience.

Firstly, Trouble Funk’s key involvement with the “go-go” scene, as discussed

earlier, establishes “Pump” as being reflective of the rebirth of African-American

identification; with that knowledge we can see how Lee is encouraging his audience

to recognise the importance of black history. It is this kind of socio-political

awareness that Lee appears to be advocating as the right way to achieve racial

equality and political harmony, therefore, by utilising a sample like this one in

20
relation to the scene in question, he successfully conveys a message regarding the

importance of historical, political, and social awareness. Lee is stressing the

necessity of educating young African-Americans as a means of bringing about real

social and political change. The other samples applied to the same scene serve to

reinforce Lee’s viewpoint. In “Funky Drummer” there is reference to a key

African-American icon in James Brown, and in “ I know you got soul” a

connection to ancestral African-American values and beliefs is established;

combined with this are the perpetuating lyrics from “Let’s dance”, and the

punctuating bass line of “Hot Pants Road”. Together, these samples create a

resonating effect that tap into the subconscious of the audience and implores them

to search for what is right, and to stand up against societies’ persistent ignorance of

African-American culture, its history and its values.

The juxtaposition of young African-Americans squabbling amongst one another

and the highly politicised depiction of Radio Raheem exhibits how Spike Lee uses

his characters to carry messages. Radio Raheem is an embodiment of political

expression and acts as an intermediary figure that projects an important message

throughout the film on behalf of Lee’s own directorial viewpoint. Lee is making an

attempt to appeal to both young and older generations of African-Americans

through the powerful message conveyed by the image of Radio Raheem and “Fight

the Power”. The younger generation he appeals to is represented by the gang of

youths sat on the steps during the scene, whilst Mister Senor Love Daddy is

representative of any older generation. However, the responses to this message

differ between the younger characters and the older characters: the young people,

although fighting amongst themselves, acknowledge “Fight” and its politics, Senor

Love Daddy does not; he merely looks at Raheem through a glass window and

21
never actually hears the song. In fact, upon recognising Raheem’s presence he

continues to play records that arguably reflect an alternate viewpoint, and manages

to drown out the sound of “Fight”. It appears as though Lee is suggesting that as a

result of persistent encouragement, young African-Americans could be encouraged

to rise up and fight for what is right. Whereas, comparatively, older generations of

African-American people may provide more of a challenge suggesting that they are

far more complacent and accepting about the state of post-civil rights America.

Another scene from Do the Right Thing (DtRT) that is affected by the presence of

the samples in “Fight the Power", is where the community come together to play in

the water being sprayed from the fire hydrants. The sounds of laughter and the

sequence of images depicted by the scene are combined with the music of Steel

Pulse’s “Can’t Stand it” (1989). As a result a sense innocence and community is

conveyed to the viewer yet. However, Lee infiltrates this portrayal through a clever

utilisation of sound, interfering with the nondiegetic groove of “Can’t Stand it” by

applying “Fight” to the diegesis; blaring again from Raheem’s portable stereo,

creating a sonic disparity. These contrasting sounds evoke a sense of unrest and

unsettle the pleasant and care free atmosphere evoked by this scene. To reinforce

this move, Lee utilises Raheem as a visual counterpoint of the distaste he feels

towards this type of mindless and careless behaviour. Raheem appears to be

aggravated by what he sees upon his arrival making it possible to recognise how he

successfully serves as the visual embodiment of Lee’s personal values, serving as a

voice for him, amongst all of the other competing voices projected by the film. As

Watkins notes ‘Do the Right Thing can be best understood as an arena, a meeting

place in which different discourses encounter each other and struggle for

supremacy (1998, 164). The manipulation of the sonic and visual components of

22
this scene illustrates Watkins’ point effectively. On the one hand, the audience is

provided with a visual representation of the ghetto that differentiates itself from

typical depictions of poor African-American communities, suggesting that life in

the hood is peaceful, easy going and happy; but on the other hand, the sound of

Public Enemy’s “Fight the Power”, provided by Raheem’s portable stereo, acts as

an intervention of sorts, and forces the audience to acknowledge that problems still

exist in relation to the inequality of society. Raheem’s presence, along with the

music expelled from his stereo provides a contradictory tone to the nondiegetic use

of Steel Pulse’s “Can’t Stand it”. The sonic presence of “Fight” within the diegesis,

and the visual dominance of Raheem contrast with the careless behaviour of the

other young African-American characters. It appears as though Lee is suggesting

that the potential of African-American youth is not being achieved and he makes it

very clear that he sees this as one of the contributing factors to the perpetuation of

the conditions of ghetto life.

Amidst the chaos of this scene only a short section of “Fight the Power” is heard,

however the samples in that section effectively reinforce Lee’s message. Most

importantly in relation to this scene, is the use of Afrika Bambaataa and Soulsonic

Forces’ “Planet Rock” which recalls the movement led by Bambaataa in the early

1980’s. Bambaataa is recognised as one of the founding fathers of the Zulu Nation

who were ‘a group of like-minded Afrocentric musicians’ (Bush, 2010). On

Afrocentrism, Howe notes that:

Afrocentrism may, in its looser sense or more moderate forms, mean little

more than an emphasis on shared African origins among all ‘black’

people, taking a pride in those origins and an interest in African history

and culture – or those aspects of New World cultures seen as representing

23
 African ‘survivals’ – and a belief that Eurocentric bias has blocked or

distorted knowledge of Africans and their cultures (1998, 1).

With Howe’s description of Afrocentrism, we can see the impression Lee was

trying to make upon his narrative by evoking a musical embodiment of Afrocentric

beliefs and values that are personified by Bambaataa. The use of “Planet Rock”

appears to be more about the referencing of Bambaataa than the content of the

actual song. Therefore, by placing a reference to Bambaataas’ political and social

stance in the midst of the chaos depicted by the scene in Do the Right Thing, Lee

manages to convey an argument for the mobilisation of young African-Americans

as a means of achieving greater equality between white and black America. To

reinforce the message further the samples of “Teddy’s Jam” by Guy, “Funky

President” by James Brown, and “Hot Pants Road” by The JB’s can all be heard.

As mentioned earlier, “Funky President” recalls a key African-American icon in

Brown, and “Hot” does much to establish a sonic call for persistence with its

metronomic and consistent groove. The presence of “Teddy’s Jam” acknowledges

the ability to influence the world when a group of young African-Americans come

together and develop new ideas, perfectly contributing to the message evoked by

Lee’s construction of this scene.

To fully illustrate the overwhelming effect of sampling on Do the Right Thing, it is

now important to analyse the use of sound in one of the films’ most pivotal scenes:

when Radio Raheem enters Sal’s pizzeria for the first time. This scene encapsulates

the films’ political nuances by juxtaposing the militant impression the viewer has of

Raheem with the characterisation of Sal, who is portrayed as tolerant towards the

black community, so long as it poses no threat to him or his pizzeria. However, an

even deeper level of meaning can be explored when we analyse the sound applied

24
to the scene. Public Enemy’s “Fight the Power” dominates the diegesis due to the

excessively loud volume of Raheem’s portable stereo. It causes all of the characters

within the scene to raise their voices and as a result, it creates a sense of tension.

This tension gives the scene a feeling of aggression and anger, which is ultimately

reflected by Sal’s response to hearing the song. The music heard is from the section

leading up to and including the chorus of “Fight the Power”. The most notable

sample heard is taken from Bob Marley’s “I Shot the Sheriff”, which is also

accompanied by the drum loop taken from James Brown’s “Funky Drummer”, the

rousing vocal chant from West Street Mob’s “Let’s Dance (make your body move)”

and the consistent bass line sampled from the JB’s “Hot Pants Road”.

Firstly, and arguably most importantly we should discuss “Sheriff”. As discussed

earlier, the lyrical story in “Sheriff” can be seen as an analogy for the unfair

representation and depiction of African-American people and their communities.

Therefore, by applying this understanding of “Sheriff” to the scene in Sal’s

pizzeria, much larger issues become apparent: this is not just about the racial

tension depicted by Do the Right Thing; this is about the disparity between the lives

of black and white people in 1980’s/1990’s America. The behaviour of the

characters during the scene in Sal’s pizzeria combined with Public Enemy’s

politicised use of “Sheriff” establishes a true dividing line between two opposing

political viewpoints. Sal and his sons arguably reflect the socially conservative

values of 1980’s America, whereas Radio Raheem and Buggin’ Out represent an

opposing critique of that system of values. To reinforce this critique, the presence

of “Sheriff” represents an antithesis to dominant ideology and as a result this scene

provides a powerful portrayal of the issues that faced America during the 1980’s

and 1990’s.

25
On the use of “Fight” during this scene Reid wrote that ‘Radio Raheem’s Public

Enemy not only imposes music upon Sal’s space but infuses the popular

neighbourhood hangout with unwelcome social criticism from a young, urban,

black male perspective’(1997, 64). Therefore, by infiltrating the silence of Sal’s

pizzeria with the politics of “Fight”, and in particular here the sample of “Sheriff”,

Lee successfully conveys the idea of having a voice and actively opposing

dominant values and beliefs. However, Sal’s heated requests for Radio Raheem to

turn off the music are eventually successful, as Raheem reluctantly does so.

Therefore, the politicised voice of a song like “Sheriff” is aired within the film,

through its sampled use in “Fight”, but symbolically it is eventually stamped out.

This act of submission can be seen as a reflection of the problems within

contemporary American society; African-Americans are led to believe that they

have a strong voice in American society, yet when they try to make it heard it is

repeatedly ignored and trounced by dominant policy.

Moving on, the sample of “Let’s Dance”, as previously discussed, has a rousing

energy due to the repetition of the words “come on and get down”. These lyrics

reinforce Lee’s intention to convey the importance of standing up for what is right,

and the opposition towards dominant ideology. “Let’s Dance” embodies a sense of

coming together and community, therefore its use in the same scene as “Sheriff”

again suggests that a coming together of African-American people is necessary to

enable their voices to be heard in an influential manner. Accompanying both

“Sheriff” and “Let’s Dance” is the consistent groove provided by the bass line from

“Hot Pants Road” and the percussion from “Funky Drummer”. The presence of this

combined rhythm section maintains the consistent evocation of the importance of

persistence, and again reflects the ongoing struggle for equality, consistent with that

26
of African-American history. Reid notes ‘for Lee, black musical production reflects

black history and politics’ (1997, 52). Therefore, by applying samples of such

influential African-American music to Do the Right Thing, Lee enables the film to

be intricately layered with meaning that appears to dress down the values of

dominant ideology.

It is clear that the careful manipulation of audio sampling has a unique and

powerful effect upon any understanding of African-American people and their

values taken from a reading of Do the Right Thing. Therefore, the overall use of

“Fight the Power”, and more importantly the application of its samples to key

moments of DtRT establishes a fundamental relationship with African-American

history, key to Lee’s projection of the films overall message.

We must now conduct a similarly detailed analysis of the use of visual sampling in

Tales from the Hood (Cundieff, 1995). In particular, the focus of discussion is the

final segment of the films’ four parts, entitled Hardcore Convict (HC). HC is a

short tale about a young African-American male, known as “Krazy K”, who is

involved in gangland activity and crime. Following the murder of other young

African-American gangsters, “K” is sentenced to life imprisonment. In an attempt

to reduce his sentence, he agrees to undergo a behavioural modification

programme. This is where “K” is subjected to a montage of visual samples, with the

intention of making him see the error of his ways. By analysing the overall effect of

this montage, coupled with a detailed analysis of each image that comprises to

create it, we should be able to illustrate the effect of visual sampling upon the film.

However, in contrast to our analysis of Do the Right Thing, the visual samples are

only applied to one scene. Therefore, a discussion of the overall message conveyed

27
by the montage sequence will be necessary once we understand the importance of

the visual samples utilised within it.

Before conducting this study, it is important to note the type of analysis that will be

applied to each sample discussed. To derive any meaning from them we will need

to explore each in relation to its original context, and its placement within the

sequence of visuals in “Hardcore Convict” (HC). This will mean conducting some

sort of semiotic analysis of the samples. Semiotics will help us to recognise the

messages that each image conveys to an audience. Eco’s definition of semiotics

will be a suitable place to start in relation to this discussion; he wrote, ‘semiotics is

concerned with everything that can be taken as a sign’ (Eco, 1976 cited in

Chandler, 2007, 2). With this in mind, all of the visual samples compiled in the

montage sequence in HC, can be seen as signs that signify something to an

audience. Therefore, we must explore what it is that is signified by the signifying

sample. This should provide us with a historical insight into each of the samples

explored and give us an understanding of why they were used in this film, and more

interestingly the significance of their use during the mid-nineties. Firstly, it should

become evident that within the narrative of HC that the images applied reinforce

the idea that “K” is doing the work of white oppressors, like the Ku Klux Klan, by

killing fellow African-Americans. Secondly, through semiotic analysis, it should

become clear that the placement of these images can be seen as didactic as they

serve to remind the viewer of the racial and social oppression felt by African-

Americans since the abolition of slavery. This will highlight how a film like Tales

from the Hood can be seen as a response to the values of dominant white ideology.

Referring to this cycle of hood films Watkins notes, ‘the production of the film

cycle was the consequence of a complex web of social, economic, and cultural

28
factors’ (1998, 171). Therefore, a film like Tales, and in particular the montage

sequence employed in HC, can be seen as a response to dominant ideology and an

attempt to influence public consciousness concerning race relations and African-

American culture.

To see the extent of the claims made so far, a selection of samples must now be

analysed in order to ascertain the meaning they may convey. However, as we

progress through some of the key samples within the montage sequence it is

important to understand that each is placed alongside another historical image, or

juxtaposed with a filmic image of gangland fighting. These gangland images depict

young African-American males shooting and killing each other in a setting that

appears to display all the mise en scene associated with stereotypical images of the

ghetto. These filmic images are as frequent as the visual samples they are

juxtaposed with, and as a result, they add to the meaning of each of the samples and

to the overall effect of the sequence.

One of the first examples of visual sampling is the image of a group of Ku Klux

Klan members holding burning crosses aloft in their right hands. It is suggested that

this image was taken at a Klan rally at some point during 1922. This period of Klan

history was part of what is known as the second phase, as the group had previously

been forced to disband due to ‘changing conditions and martial law’ that ‘combined

to bring the invisible empire to an end by 1871’ (Chalmers, 1981, 2). This

illustrates how the Klan is a group that seems to grow in strength and numbers

during periods of dramatic change in societal values and interests, or periods of

white disenchantment with government policy. The image in question depicts a

rally that took place during the second incarnation of the Klan, and when one

considers that the image was taken in 1922, the aftermath of World War One

29
becomes important to the meaning of the image. At this time ‘returning soldiers

swelled the ranks of unemployed’ (Luebke, 2005, 246) and it was felt among the

dominant white communities that jobs should be given to white Americans,

resulting in much of the racial tension that arose during this period.

Now that we have some historical grounding for the image we can analyse the

semiotics of it. Firstly, the circulation of an image depicting the Klan bearing

burning crosses denoted a sincere message of intent to disenchanted white

Americans. It was an evocation of the Klan’s history; a history of taking vigilante

style action against those whom they feel are a threat. The burning crosses, gowns

and hoods made them appear to be an army of sorts. As a result, this image was

massively influential in encouraging a cross-section of American’s to involve

themselves in the Klan politics. With regards to the clothing worn by the Klan,

Rubinstein notes, the Klan attire was ‘worn to frighten blacks and to avoid personal

responsibility’ (2001, 221). Therefore, an image like this one showed how it was

possible to partake in Klan activity whilst retaining anonymity; this would have

carried some obvious appeal to those who knew such actions were wrong but felt

them necessary to achieve their own aims.

The connotations of this image are more far reaching, and as a result have an even

more powerful impact upon an onlooker. The image of the burning cross evokes

thoughts of the devil and hell, and resonates with all people due to the powerful

symbolism of a cross; therefore, by setting it alight it is as if hell is being opened

up. In addition, the image of the burning cross offered ‘a stark symbol of earlier

lynching’s’ (Blee, 2002, 170). With this powerful reminder of the Klan’s evil past,

fear would have been generated amongst those who were most threatened by the

Klan’s politics. This image may have also served as a reminder for Klan members

30
and their followers of the groups’ history, and the action it may have taken in the

past. The power generated by the image of a burning cross, accompanied by the

depiction of a group of Klan members holding crosses, dressed in similar attire

portrays a sense of unity, connoting an army of sorts. This helped to convey the

threat that the Klan ultimately posed by suggesting that this was a political

persuasion held by many. The colour of their uniforms was largely white, which

much of western society understands as a colour that signifies goodness and purity.

By dressing in this colour, the Klan reinforces its belief that it is the pure race. In

contrast to this, they appear in front of a black background giving them a ghostly

presence, and a sense of something non-human. It is arguable then that the Klan

were utilising the fear tactic taken from the first phase of their existence; as Fry

notes, ‘the Klan relied almost exclusively on the Blacks’ fear of ghosts,

intimidating them by capitalising on their known superstitions’ (1975, 113). The

image of the Klan upon a hill, baring fiery crosses against the backdrop of black

sky connotes numerous messages of evil and evokes the danger posed by the Klan

at this time.

Cundieff’s visual sampling uses stark and graphic images of murdered African-

American people. There are numerous images of young African-Americans

hanging from trees and lampposts, or being burnt alive, with large groups of white

folk gathered around watching. One of the most powerful and upsetting images

included in the montage is the photograph of Will Brown’s body being cremated

upon a pyre. Will Brown had been accused of assaulting a white woman, and was

being held in a Nebraska county jail. The timing of his incarceration was key to the

race riot that occurred and his eventual death. Luebke notes the ‘feelings of

dissatisfaction and resentment’ (2005, 246) at this time that led to striking by trade

31
unions. This in turn led to the owners of big business drafting in replacement

workers from Chicago, most of whom were African American. As a result of these

events there was an abundance of ‘sensationalist journalism’ described by Luebke

(2005, 246), that placed responsibility for local problems and economic fissures

upon this influx of people (African-Americans). The increasing tensions

surrounding black migrant workers and the economic downfall, accompanied by

accusations posited towards Will Brown led to the riots that occurred on September

28th 1919, which ultimately concluded with the death of the young black male.

Tolnay and Beck suggest that ‘whites lynched African-Americans when they felt

threatened in some way – economically, politically, or socially’ (1995, 2). In this

instance, Brown’s murder can be seen as an expression of the fear that white people

had of the changing cultural and social landscape.

The photo of Brown’s burning body conveys an abundance of ideas about the

societies and values that existed during this period, and more generally about the

volatile nature of relationships between black and white people following the

American Civil War. Brown’s body is positioned on the fire like another piece of

flammable material. He is lifeless and is unrecognisable; he is yet another faceless

casualty of racist aggression. The type of white people seen in this photo believed

that the black man had no place in their world, and that he did not deserve humane

treatment. The image of the burning corpse evokes horrific connotations of the

images depicted by horror movies, but juxtaposed with the smiling faces of the

white people surrounding the fire; the reality of the event is reinforced. Due to its

authenticity, the viewer of this image is reminded that they are not witnessing

something from a horror film; they are witnessing an event that took place in

American history. This allows the brutality and evil of such an occurrence to be

32
fully evoked. Another important point is that the surrounding people are not

masked, like those who are members of the Klan; these people appear to be proud

of what they have done; they believe it is right. The appearance of human faces in

the background of such a horrific event establishes some grounding for us to

witness the darkness of human history. These are real people with mothers, fathers,

and children who are stood watching another human-being dying in the most

abhorrent of fashions. This conveys the sickness, and depravity of racism and its

relationship with human history.

In a symbolic sense, the image of Will Brown’s burning body can be seen to

conjure up the audacity of white American behaviour during such a transitional

period of the development of racial equality. It represents the evil that exists within

human beings, and the superficiality of their ways. Further to this, the image with

its connotations of evil and hell, and the connotations of the devil and his minions

evoked by the hoards of white people in the background, reminds the viewer of the

torrid path taken to achieve the apparent racial equality of the present day. This

image ultimately strikes fear into its onlooker: African-Americans may empathise

with the pain felt by Brown and his family, while white viewers may feel afraid of

their own dark history, and the capabilities of those of a similar race. Any humane

person, will see this image as didactic in nature; a reminder of the dangers that

racial segregation and racist behaviour can lead to.

Another murderous image placed within Cundieff’s montage is that of the limp,

hanging body of Michael Donald. This image has a stark and unique presence

within the sequence, as it is the only image of a murdered African-American shot in

colour. This image is also massively symbolic due to the time of its occurrence. The

lynching of Michael Donald happened in Mobile, Alabama in 1981, many years

33
after the selection of other similar images depicted by the montage sequence in HC.

All of the previous images were pre-Civil Rights movement and this one was not.

Therefore, the image carries with it suggestions that America has not moved on

from its dark past, and that there are still people out there that harbour archaic

values about race and society. The occurrence of Donald’s murder broadens the

time line of systemic racial abuse and violence and establishes such behaviour in a

far more contemporary period of history. As Tolnay and Beck note, ‘in the 117

years between the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), which abolished slavery, and the

killing of Michael Donald, southern blacks were commonly the target of racial

violence’ (1995, 2). This illustrates the extent of the racial violence, and how even

though racial differences appeared to have subsided slightly by the 1980’s, they

remained out of sight, and only surfaced themselves as a response to white fear of

African-American people. Tolnay and Beck go on to say that; Michael ‘was killed

as a reprisal against the black community and to confirm the power of the Ku Klux

Klan in South Alabama. Michael Donald’s only “crime” was that of being a male

African-American, who had the misfortune of being in the wrong place at the

wrong time’ (1995, 2). This evokes the futility of such behaviour. Donald had done

nothing wrong and yet he paid the ultimate price: all of this because the white folk

of Alabama felt disdain towards the African-American community, following the

murder of a white police officer. This is all reminiscent of what happened to Will

Brown. Therefore, the combination of both images deploys a vast sense of history

to the montage sequence that reasserts the brutality endured by African-American

people.

A semiotic analysis of the image provides connotations of the numerous lynching’s

conducted by southern American white folk in the early part of last century. It also

34
provides us with a more visually graphic representation of the brutality of such an

act. Donald’s dress denotes a very contemporary style of fashion and as a result is

all the more painful to look at. This is because the image reminds us of people we

may associate with ourselves who dress in a similar fashion, as a result making it

much more tangible. In addition, the image shows how Donald’s lifeless body is

hanging from a tree in a typically suburban part of America, connoting images of

our own homes, or the homes of people we know and love. This image is so

relevant and real to us that when placed in relation to the other images surrounding

it, it serves as a reminder that racism, and the violence that comes with it has not

gone away.

The sampled images representing America’s torrid history of racial affairs that are

employed by Cundieff are interspersed with filmic representations of young

African-American males involved in gangland violence. Numerous images of

young black males attacking one another with guns reflect an aspect of African-

American life that occurs within the ghetto. This aspect of African-American life,

as is the focus of this assignment, is reflected in numerous filmic representations,

suggesting that those black directors that portray the hood recognise the inequality

of contemporary American life. They feel that the problems that exist within the

ghetto need to be voiced, and Cundieff follows a similar pattern. However, his style

is far more didactic in approach, and levels criticisms upon African-American’s as

well as white oppressors, as he juxtaposes images of gangland violence between

African-American communities with images of racial violence conducted by white

people over American history. In doing so, an important message regarding the

behaviour of young African-Americans like “K” is evoked: young black men are

doing the work of the Klan and of the white oppressor by killing one another. This

35
in itself symbolises the effects of ghetto life on African-American youth; the

neglect of black communities by dominant ideology inevitably results in the

dismantling of the importance of key values, resulting in the kind of violence

depicted in the montage sequence.

On an even deeper level, Cundieff’s use of visual sampling, like Spike Lee’s use of

audio sampling, is a response to the inequality of post-industrial America, and

opposes the demonization of the African-American community and its values in

order to present itself as the antithesis to the socially conservative politics of the

1980’s and early 1990’s. As a result, it forms part of a discourse about African-

American life. Regarding films like Tales from the Hood, Watkins writes that:

the films from the ghetto action cycle not only compete and circulate

among each other; indeed, these films circulate among a broad universe of

music videos, television programmes, news journalism, literature, and

even political discourses, which each struggle to figure the

representational landscape that renders post-industrial ghetto life more

comprehensible’ (1998, 196).

By considering “Hardcore Convict” as part of this discourse we are able to see the

significance of Cundieff’s use of visual sampling.

The images utilised by the montage sequence suggest that an imbalance still exists,

and that the early part of last century was a difficult time for African-American

people. In addition, he reminds us that these difficult times are far from over

opposing the suggestion posed by dominant ideology that equality has been

achieved. An example of this is the juxtaposition he makes between the images of

Klan members protecting their identity by wearing hoods before committing a

murderous act, with the image of young black males pulling balaclavas over their

36
head for the exact same purpose. American society has not moved on, and

Cundieff’s montage serves to reinforce the idea that this will not change unless

racial harmony is achieved by reaching equality for all. The images of masked

killers, along with all of the other samples discussed, in relation to each other

within the montage, exhibit how the use of visual sampling serves as an

oppositional response to contemporary American politics.

After an in-depth analysis of both Do the Right Thing, and the fourth section of

Tales from the Hood, called “Hardcore Convict”, we can now see the importance of

the relationship between sampled artefacts, both visual and audio, and the responses

made by African-American directors to mainstream depictions of African-

American people and their culture. Firstly, the detailed analysis of the audio

samples heard in some of the key scenes in Do the Right Thing (DtRT) gave us the

tools by which we could make an attempt to understand any message Lee was

trying to convey. By acknowledging the timing of each sample in relation to

onscreen events we can assume that Lee was trying to make his own voice heard in

and amongst the competing voices of society. The sampled music in Public

Enemy’s “Fight the Power”, applied specifically to key moments of DtRT, suggests

a number of things about what Lee is trying to say, evoked by the power of audio

sampling. As McClary notes, ‘music, along with other influential media such as

film, teaches us how to experience our own emotions’ (1991, 151). Therefore,

through the application of sampled music to DtRT we can see why Lee may have

attempted to asserting his exact politics through a complex web of musical cues.

These cues help us to ultimately recognise the discontent he feels towards dominant

ideology through the presence of Bob Marley’s “I Shot the Sheriff”, or to recognise

evidence of his belief that equality can only be achieved through the unison of

37
active and politically motivated people, illustrated by the presence of “Planet Rock”

by Afrika Bambaataa, “Pump Me up” by Trouble Funk, or even the short sample of

“Teddy’s Jam” by Guy. This process allows Lee to let his own voice be heard in

and amongst the other competing voices within society; many of these voices are

presented by powerful characters and their dialogue, but his own is represented by

sampled music.

The in-depth analysis of some of the key visual samples applied to “Hardcore

Convict” provided us with enough resources to explore the impact of visual

sampling upon a film. The short section of the film where Cundieff employs

sampling contains images of the Ku Klux Klan and murdered African-American

people. The application of these images helped Cundieff to establish his work

within the realms of reality, meaning that any message he was trying to convey to

his audience would have a truly resonating effect upon them. Usually, when we see

horrific images in film we are usually able to denounce them as unreal or fantasy,

however, with “Hardcore Convict” we are not. These are real images, and

accompanied by the behaviour of the character of “Krazy K”, the events they depict

are as real and horrific as the conditions endured by African-Americans in

contemporary American society. Gang related deaths exist within the ghetto today,

and arguably the problem of young African-American people killing one another in

gang related crime reflects the audacity of the murderous crimes conducted by the

Klan. Although less African-American’s are affected by mobs like the Klan in

present day society they are still forced out on to the margins of it, and are treated

like second rate citizens. Therefore, it is arguable that the presence of sampled

images within the HC gives it an authenticity that is meant to educate the young

African-American viewer on the futility of fighting one another, whilst encouraging

38
other parts of society to recognise the problems created by the disparity between the

welfare of African-American people and white American people.

It is clear then that the use of sampling helps to reinforce the responses made by

Spike Lee and Rusty Cundieff, in their respective films, to the dominant ideological

values, and mainstream representations of African-Americans during the late

1980’s and early 1990’s. By recognising the significance of sampling to these films,

we are acknowledging the powerful effect of both popular culture and history upon

the mindset of an audience. It is this very effect that has been of most interest to this

study: the cryptic and sometimes explicit use of recognisable sounds or images in

conjunction with a piece of narrative film that serves the purpose of educating and

persuading a person with regards to contemporary problems within society, with

particular focus on African-American filmmakers and African-American culture.

Therefore, the importance of sampling and in turn popular culture as a whole to

African-American people cannot be underestimated. Whilst ‘conservatives view the

popular mediascape as a bastion of permissiveness and nihilism that erodes public

civility’ and an aspect of culture that apparently ‘antagonises traditional American

values by promoting violence, sexual promiscuity, and familial disintegration’

(Watkins, 1998: 29); African-American filmmakers clearly see it as a means of

projecting a much fairer representation of their people. The presence of sampling

then can be seen as playing a huge part in creating that fair depiction.

Word Count: 11, 104.

39
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Bobby Byrd. (1971) ‘I Know You Got Soul’. In Bobby Byrd. I Know You Got

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Bob Marley. (1973) ‘I Shot the Sheriff’. In Bob Marley. Burnin’. (Audio

Recording). Jamaica: Tuff Gong

Guy. (1988) ‘Teddy’s Jam’. In Guy. Guy: Self-titled. (Audio Recording). USA:

MCA

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Public Enemy. (1989) ‘Fight the Power’. In Public Enemy. Do the Right Thing

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James Brown. (1970) ‘Funky Drummer. In James Brown. Funky Drummer: Single.

(Audio Recording). USA: King Records

James Brown. (1965) ‘Funky President’. In James Brown. Papa’s Got a Brand

New Bag. (Audio Recording). USA: Polygram

The J.B’s. (1972) ‘Hot Pants Road’. In The J.B’s. Food for Thought. (Audio

Recording). USA: Polydor

Trouble Funk. (1982) ‘Pump me up’. In Trouble Funk. Drop the Bomb. (Audio

Recording). USA: Sugar Hill Records

West Street Mob. (1981) ‘Let’s Dance (make your body move)’. In West Street

Mob. West Street Mob: Self-titled. (Audio Recording). USA: Sugar Hill Records

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