Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Gabriel Arboleda
Broadly defined, vernacular
architecture is an area of
architectural theory that
studies the structures made
by empirical builders without
the intervention of
An early 1900s vernacular landscape in Papua New Guinea. professional architects. There
exist many areas of non-
professional architectural practice, from primitive shelter in distant communities to urban
adaptations of building types that are imported from one country to another (fig. 1).
Because of that, vernacular architecture is a very open, comprehensive concept. It is in
fact used as a shortcut and a synonymous for several different practices, and theoretical
stands on those practices. These include primitive or aboriginal architecture; indigenous
architecture; ancestral or traditional architecture; folk, popular, or rural architecture;
ethnic architecture or ethno-architecture; informal architecture; the so-called
"anonymous architecture" or "architecture without architects;" and even “non-pedigree”
architecture.
Notice how most of these practices and/or ideas make the vernacular seem exclusive to
the realm of the exotic and the distant. Yet, in light of the truth, this type of architecture
not only is the most widespread way to build, but indeed most of us were likely raised in
vernacular homes, given that at least 90 percent of the world’s architecture is
vernacular. In this estimate several sources coincide, among them the Centre for
Vernacular Architecture Studies (established by famed folklorist Paul Oliver), which
says that only ten percent of the world's building stock has been
designed by architects.[1] Another source, environmental behaviorist
Amos Rapoport, cites an even more conservative five percent
estimate made in 1964 by Konstantinos Doxiadis.[2]
Fig. 1. Kouta'uya,
Fig. 2. An
Fig. 3. English Being such a widespread way to build, the denomination vernacular
aAmerican
chief andvernacular:
a vernacular:
Victorian
Gothic
vernacular
architecture.
builder.
revival. thus does not apply exclusively to the architecture from the past or
from non-western or rural societies. There is, in fact, a major field of
study called "American vernacular," which documents and classifies
the rural, suburban and urban dwellings of the United States (fig. 2).
Fig. 4. The
Fig.poetic
5. AFig.
popular
6. Energy
vernacular.
stereotype.
efficiency in
vernacular types.
Also in the United Kingdom there is a longstanding tradition of vernacular architecture
theory, which started in the early 1800s, in the context of a search for a national
architectural language. In that search pointed-arch, Gothic architecture was proposed
as the vernacular architecture of England in preference to Romanesque architecture,
which was not vernacular because it was of Norman origin (i.e. it had been developed
outside of the country, in continental Europe) (fig. 3).[3]
That there existed theories about vernacular architecture already in the 1800s means
that, as a concept, vernacular architecture is not as new as it might sound. In fact,
although the interest in the vernacular has just grown in relatively recent times, it has
been latent for a long while. The idea of vernacularism in relation to building was hinted
at in the English language since the 1600s, whereas the term "vernacular architecture"
has been explicitly in use since as early as 1818.
During the 1800s, the vernacular was a subject of exploration from different disciplines,
and with different biases. First, and as it was already mentioned, it was a critical
element in the search of national architectural languages. Second, vernacular buildings
in the Southern hemisphere were seen as objects of curiosity: In European magazines
and books, travelers narrated stories about the exotic places they visited, and these
stories often included descriptions of the typical buildings of each place (fig. 4). Third,
the vernacular was used as an element to advance the colonial agenda: Some social
scientists by the end of the 19th century tried to prove that indigenous vernacular
buildings were actually the material evidence of the intellectual inferiority of their
builders (fig. 5).
Despite having a long history that dates back to almost two centuries, only over the past
decade vernacular architecture studies have become established into mainstream
architectural discourse. In fact, between 2000 and 2010 literally hundreds of
architectural books and journal articles that touch on the topic have been published in
the English language only.
Why has this happened? The most important reason is the cultural and economic
globalization phenomenon, manifested in at least three ways: global communication
technologies, the global environmental crisis, and global politics. Each of these
phenomena has decisively increased the general interest in the world's vernacular
architectures.
Regarding the first of these three phenomena, a more globally interconnected world
thanks to communication technologies (especially the World Wide Web, the cell phone
and the combination between the two), as well as cheaper transportation (compared to
half a century ago) has raised the interest from new generations of architects and other
professionals in the building of other peoples, in countries other than their own.
Granted, there has been great interest in these architectures since at least the 1960s,
but there is now faster, easier and more extensive access to information on traditional
communities everywhere.
- Global Politics
The environmental issue connects to the third factor that motivates interest in the
vernacular today, which is that of geo-political concerns. This is a critical issue that
unfortunately vernacular architectural theory has barely touched upon. As some social
scientists have noted,[7] since the late 1980s the nature of international conflict has
changed, from wars between sovereign states to interstate ethnic conflict between a
predominant group and a resisting subordinate one, the conflict often indirectly involving
other states. Such has been the case of the Yugoslav Wars, the Rwanda Genocide and
the Darfur War, just to mention a few recent ethnically driven conflicts.
These well known conflicts demonstrate the critical role that ethnic identity plays today
in global geopolitics. And vernacular architecture has become extremely relevant
because it happens to be a valuable tool in ethnopolitics. This happens at all levels of
ethnopolitical activity, from something as simple as populism politics, when an office
candidate invokes the vernacular to connect with electors (as in "when I was little I was
raised in a humble country house, so now as a politician I understand how is it like to be
poor"), to more elaborate uses of the vernacular, for example in the context of rights
claims and development practice.
Regarding rights claims, it is very common to see today that in changing indigenous
communities—for example urban ones living in regular "modern" houses—the
community manages to still keep a model of a traditional building, even if they normally
do not build that type of structure anymore, and even if they do not use the model (i.e., it
stays empty, only as a display object). Keeping a model of the traditional building helps
these changing communities to support certain rights claims (political, land, educational,
funding…), on the basis that they still maintain their cultural identity (fig. 9).
In the midst of great technological, environmental and political change over the past
decades, the vernacular has become highly relevant, either as a motive of intellectual
curiosity, as a technological example, or as a politically strategic element. Given that
architecture is inevitably connected to technological developments, environmental
issues and political change, vernacular architecture has thus become a central concept
in architectural theory and practice today.