Civic Entrepreneurship-VOLUME4

C IVI C
Entrepreneurship
A Civil Society Perspective
on Sustainable Development
Volume 4
South Asia Report
Volumes in the series:
Civic Entrepreneurship – A Civil Society
Perspective on Sustainable Development
Volume I: A Global Synthesis
Volume II: Africa Report
Volume III: Latin America Report
Volume IV: South Asia Report
Volume V: Southeast Asia Report
Volume VI: West Asia and North Africa Report
Volume VII: Central and Eastern Europe Report

C IVI C
Entrepreneurship
A Civil Society Perspective
on Sustainable Development
Volume 4
South Asia Report
Editors
Tariq Banuri
Adil Najam
Nancy Odeh
GANDHARA ACADEMY PRESS

Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center
SEI is an independent, international research institute, working at local, national, regional and
global policy levels to clarify the requirements, strategies and policies for a transition to
sustainability.
Visit our website at: http://seib.org/
United Nations Environment Programme

The United Nations Environment Programme seeks to provide leadership and encourage
partnership in caring for the environment by informing and enabling nations and peoples to
improve their quality of life without compromising that of the future generations.
Visit our website at: http://www.unep.org
The RING Regional and International Networking Group

The Ring is a global alliance of research and policy organisations that seeks to enhance and
promote sustainable development through a programme of collaborative research,
dissemination and policy advocacy.
Visit our website at: http://www.ring-alliance.org
First Published 2002

by Gandhara Academy Press.
Post Office Box 2001,
Islamabad, Pakistan.
Cover Design: Khalid Mazhar Ali
Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center

11 Arlington Street
Boston, MA 02116-3411
Phone: 1 617 266 8090
Email: info@tellus.org
© Copyright 2002 Stockholm Environment Institute
ISBN: 0-9722919-3-8 (Volume IV)

This set of books is dedicated to the memories of four champions of civil society –
Anil Agarwal, Maximo "Junie" Kalaw, Jacques Bugnicourt and Omar Asghar Khan –
all of whom died in the last year.
Each one of them was Civic Entrepreneur extraordinaire. The memory of each
will be cherished for the civil will their lives were an expression of. Each one of them proved
that individuals can make a difference; that sustainable development can be achieved;
that no matter how difficult things are, one must never give up on dreams of building a better
world.
The memory of Anil, Junie, Jacques and Omar will remain with us, guiding us
all toward the sustainable development future they dreamt of...
a dream we all share.
Anil Agarwal was the founder and visionary leader of India’s premier environmental
organization, Center for Science and Environment. Anil led a number of successful
environmental campaigns in India, including for the rights to clean air, water and improved
performance of companies. Globally, Anil brought about a significant and now-standard
concept of equity into the discourse on climate change. Nationally, he was instrumental in
pulling together intellectual and human resources to raise critical awareness on environmental
concerns.
Jacques Bugnicourt was the founder and leader of Environmental Development of the Third
World, ENDA-TM, an international association based in Senegal. Jacques brought poverty
eradication to the center of Senegal’s environment and development debate, educating
government as well as the public on sustainable development. His initiative drove ENDA’s
highly successful methodology of reflection and action, working at the grassroots as well as
policy level to bring about an associational revolution in the country.
Maximo "Junie" Kalaw was the far-sighted executive director of the Earth Council and
served as a member of the Earth Council's Advisory Board since the organizations' inception.
He worked with numerous ecology and development organizations to implement a Filipino
values system. Among the institutions Juni has helped to foster are the Philippine Institute for
Alternative Futures, which translates personal growth into social transformation; the Haribon
Foundation, a pioneering conservation group; and Green Forum-Philippines a coalition of
civil society groups working for sustainable development.
Omar Asghar Khan was the founder and first executive director of SUNGI Development
Foundation, one of the first rights-based community development organizations in Pakistan.
Omar’s sheer will turned SUNGI into one of the prime protector and promoter of the rights of
disadvantaged groups across the country. His vision carried through in his brief experience as
the Federal Minister for Environment and Rural Development, and his consistent focus on
pro-poor development energized civil society in Pakistan.
Series Editors
Tariq Banuri Adil Najam Nancy Odeh
Editorial Advisory Board

Hussein Abaza United Nations Environment Programme –
Division of Technology, Industry and Economics
Franck Amalric Union de Banques Suisses
Tom Bigg International Institute for Environment and
Development
Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend Center for Sustainable Development
Aaron Crosby International Center for Trade and Sustainable
Development
Sibille de Cartier First Secretary Embassy of Belgium in Nairobi
Ricardo Godoy Brandeis University
Nadia Hijab Director, Development Analysis and
Communication Services
Kazi Jalal Harvard University
Bakary Kante United Nations Environment Programme –
Division of Policy Development and Law
Bo Kjellen Ministry of Environment, Sweden
Paul Raskin Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center
Ambuj Sagar Harvard University – Kennedy School of
Government
Ravi Sharma United Nations Environment Programme
Ashbindu Singh United Nations Environment Programme
Division of Early Warning and Assessment
Shiv Someshwar Columbia University
Erika Spanger-Siegfried Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center
Camilla Toulmin International Institute for Environment and
Development
Foreword
The relationship between the United Nations and civil society has changed
beyond all recognition… Information technology has empowered civil society to
be the true guardians of democracy and good governance everywhere… In a
sense, [civil society] has been the new superpower – the people determined to
promote better standards of life in larger freedom.
– Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General

Address to the Parliamentary Group,
Parlatino, Sao Paulo, 14 July 1998 (SG/SM/6638)
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) is a pioneer in terms of forging strong
and deep relationships between civil society and the international system. It was founded
explicitly in response to demands articulated during the NGO Forum that took place
alongside the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment in 1972. It began its life
with active collaboration from NGOs, this cooperation culminated in the landmark
publication The World Conservation Strategy in 1980 (a collaboration between UNEP, IUCN
and WWF). It supported the founding of an NGO network, the Environment Liaison Centre
(ELCI) in Nairobi, to facilitate interaction with environmental NGOs from around the world.
In all these initiatives, UNEP was ahead of its time. The UNEP Governing Council has
repeatedly called for the further strengthening of these relationships; most recently in its
Decisions 21/19 taken in Nairobi and GCSS VII/5 taken in Cartagena, which calls for an
even more active role for civil society in UNEP’s activities. UNEP’s commitment to such a
partnership is reflected in the most recent edition of our flagship publication, the Global
Environment Outlook 3 Report (GEO-3).
In this context, I am particularly happy to introduce this set of books Civic Entrepreneurship:
A Civil Society Perspective on Sustainable Development, which celebrates the real impact
civil society has had on actualizing sustainable development. This set of books is more than
just a chronicle of successful experiences from around the globe. Civic Entrepreneurship: A
Civil Society Perspective on Sustainable Development is based on the premise that in today’s
world, it is not only the past that determines what is and what shall be, but rather that the
trends of the present can rewrite the history of what may be. In exploring this premise, the
series attempts to understand what has worked for sustainable development, and thus what
needs to be built upon to shape a future we want to see; a future that captures the essence of
sustainable development.
The structure of this series is designed in exactly this light. Rather than begin with a fixed
vision of sustainable development, and hence be tied inextricably to the trends of the past, the
reports are based on an understanding of national and regional contexts, and how particular
initiatives have begun to re-define these contexts through their actions. The vision that
emerges is then expanded from the local to the national to the regional, and then to the global.
The heart of the series is the set of local efforts, which are captured in chapters on national
i
experiences; these are integrated into regional perspectives and distilled in the global
synthesis. The thread that is woven through the series and holds it together is the presence of
civic will as the driver of sustainable development, whether through civil society or through
government policy.
The findings of this series relates directly to UNEP’s most recent Global Environmental
Outlook 3 (GEO-3). The GEO-3 report posits four scenarios or alternative visions of the
future – Markets First, Policy First, Security First, Sustainability First – incorporating the
diverse elements of markets, state and civil society. In exploring the future, it emerged that
what is most important today is not to project the past, but to explore the various options
before us today, and that the most important aspect of the present is the ‘will’ driving us
forward. This series validates the findings of GEO-3 by demonstrating that civic will has
been a much stronger driver of sustainable development than market entrepreneurship or
political will.
The World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) is a good moment in time to

proffer civic will as the vision to define the future. A decade after the watershed in Rio, and
less than a year after the world turned a collective corner on 9/11, civic will is presented here
as a story of hope for the future. The decade after Johannesburg must recognize the reality of
developing countries, a reality in which the ‘present’ defined by market freedom and lack of
political commitment do not inspire confidence in a sustainable future. The intention of this
series is to inspire the present beyond the Summit to determine the future in a way that has
not been determined by the past.
I am grateful to Dr. Tariq Banuri of the Stockholm Environmental Institute-Boston for

defining this exciting project, to him and his colleagues in the Ring – a global alliance of
policy institutes with long-standing ties with UNEP – for carrying it out in a remarkably short
period of time, to the Stockholm Environment Institute-Boston for ably managing the set of
activities entailed, and to UNEP’s Division of Policy Development and Law, especially its
Director, Dr. Bakary Kante, for supporting and guiding this process. This set of volumes
comes at a particularly important time for UNEP and I am confident that it will help us devise
ways to further strengthen our relationships with civil society organizations in our joint
pursuit of sustainable development in practice.
Klaus Töpfer
United Nations Under-Secretary General and Executive Director, United Nations

Environment Programme
July 2002
ii
Preface
“When someone said to Socrates, ‘Hector was courageous’, he asked ‘Define courage’; [he
should have asked], ‘Tell me Hector’s story’.”
– Hannah Arendt
In this seven-volume series, we take a leaf from Arendt’s book. We do not try to define
sustainable development from abstract principles. Rather, we tell the story of sustainable
development – in fact, we tell over seventy stories of sustainable development. We seek to
organize and synthesize experiences from around the world on what sustainable development
looks like in practice and what factors contribute to its success.
We begin with a premise, an observation and a question. The premise is that the expectations
of a major global shift towards sustainable development after the 1992 United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED also called the Rio Earth Summit)
have remained largely unfulfilled. The observation is that although many government
policies were formulated in the last decade, many private entrepreneurs responded to
emerging profit opportunities, and many scholars wrote learned treatises on the meanings of
sustainable development, neither polices nor market forces nor academia were able to deliver
on the promise of sustainable development. Yet, there are civil society actors all across of the
world who have – in their own, often small, ways – already begun practicing sustainable
development through their actions. While political will has been ambiguous, while the
market incentives have been inadequate, while scholarship has been far off the mark, civic
entrepreneurship – the actions of civil society leaders in pursuit of common goals – has been
consistent, focused, and catalytic. Our question, then, is how can we enable this successful
practice to guide the theory as well as experience of sustainable development, instead of
allowing an inadequate theoretical framework to keep the practice hostage: what are the
characteristics that exemplify sustainable development in practice, what are the elements that
help operationalize it, and most importantly, what does this experience have to say to the
policy maker, the student, the researcher, and the practitioner?
To seek answers, we turned to the community of civil society practitioners from around the
world. Over the last year, this research cast a wide consultative net that has involved over
350 individuals from over 70 countries, asking them to point us towards what they considered
to be good examples of sustainable development in practice, why they thought so, and what
they thought one could learn from these examples about the future of sustainable
development. This consultation progressed through various stages – starting with initial
discussions with civil society leaders around the world, from whence came an outline for 22
national and sub-regional reports; to formal consultations with a broader array of national and
international civil society organizations, electronically where possible, and through face-to-
face meetings where necessary (e.g., in West Asia); to the drafting of national and sub-
regional reports on the experience of sustainable development. The goal, in each case, was to
cast as wide a net as possible in the gathering of information and insights. The draft reports
were submitted to both internal and external reviews by renowned academics and experts.
iii
Finally, all reports were discussed in a global e-conference, organized jointly with the LEAD-
International Fellows Program. Each of these processes generated a set of comments that
were conveyed back to the authors and fed into the final drafts.
The results of this prolonged research process are presented in this seven-volume series. The
first volume presents a global synthesis of the findings of the project while the remaining six
volumes focus on the experiences with sustainable development in Africa, Latin America,
South Asia, Southeast Asia, West Asia and North Africa, and Central and Eastern Europe.
Each regional volume responds to our central question in terms of the particular experiences
in the countries of that region. Each provides examples of sustainable development at work;
each highlights key lessons and challenges for sustainable development practice in its
particular context; and each suggests how sustainable development can best be advanced in
that particular country or sub-region. The purpose of the global report is not to summarize the
results and recommendations of these rich and varied accounts; rather, it is to synthesize this
learning and to derive from it key lessons pertaining to our central question.
Besides these seven volumes, the research and consultations led to an additional benefit,
namely the design of a user-friendly civil society website for the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) Civil Society Liaison Office; and the development of an extensive
database of individuals, organizations, and networks from the civil society, which have
contributed to UNEP’s work in one way or another. If this database is kept up to date, it can
go a long way toward strengthening the bonds between UNEP and civil society
organizations.
This set of publications and associated electronic products is, therefore, the result of an
intense global dialogue between practitioners of sustainable development on what works and
why. It seeks to celebrate sustainable development in practice. More than that, it seeks to
advance this practice in the decade that will follow the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable
Development (WSSD), by advising practitioners on how to translate their vision into reality;
policy makers on how to create an enabling environment within which civic entrepreneurship
– the primary engine of sustainable development – can flourish; researchers and students with
a catalogue of information that will provide the grist for their mills of abstraction; citizens at
large with a framework that recognizes their resolve – or civic will – as the foundation on
which the good society is constructed.
Civil society practitioners should find these volumes useful because they contain a
motherlode of practical information on how successful sustainable development initiatives
around the world were designed and implemented, but more generally on what has worked
elsewhere, how it has worked, and indeed, what specifically has worked: the common
elements that are present in most success stories. The benefit for policymakers include a
deep analysis of policy initiatives that have in the past enabled civil entrepreneurship to
flourish. Similarly, business leaders will find examples of how civic entrepreneurship can
both create new markets and new economic opportunities. Although these volumes have
been written explicitly from the perspective of – and in the idiom of – the practitioner,
academics should find these volume useful as data points on which to build future theorizing
on sustainable development. Their students should find pedagogical value in the richness and
variety of the experiences and perspectives from around the globe that are organized and
synthesized in these seven volumes.
iv
Funding for the consultation and research work on this project was provided by the
Governments of Norway and Belgium, through the Division for Policy and Law of UNEP.
We are grateful to both the donor governments for their generous financial support, and to
UNEP for sustained guidance, support, and encouragement.
Of the many individuals at UNEP who have contributed to the intellectual and institutional
shepherding of this work, we are especially grateful to Shafqat Kakakhel, Deputy Executive
Director of UNEP, for his active interest in the project from the detailed comments he
provided at the conceptualization stage to the detailed interest he continued to exhibit right
until its conclusion. Dr. Bakary Kante, Director of the Division of Policy Development and
Law has provided sustained intellectual and institutional support; among other things, he
helped ensure that the research remains oriented toward issues that concern policy makers.
Subramonia Ananthakrishnan, Chief of the NGO/Civil Society Unit, has almost been a part
of the project team; without his enthusiasm and support, the research simply could not have
been completed. Other members of the UNEP community who deserve special thanks are
Adnan Amin, Director of the UNEP New York Office, Halifa Drammeh, Deputy Director of
UNEP’s Division of Policy Development and Law, Ashbindu Singh, UNEP Division of Early
Warning and Assessment, and UNEP Regional Directors. Finally, the project owes much to
the guiding vision of Dr. Klaus Töpfer, Executive Director of UNEP, who has made it a
priority to incorporate civil society perspectives into the work of UNEP.
This project represents a collaboration of the Regional and International Networking Group
(the RING). We would like to express our deep appreciation to all members, especially the
coordinator, Vivian Davies, for the unflagging commitment, support, and ownership of this
work. Many members of the RING have contributed to this project directly, and are
acknowledged as authors or editors; besides these, we would like to express our thanks in
particular to Ashok Khosla, George Varughese, Shahrukh Rafi Khan, Ana Hardoy, Ricardo
Schusterman, Saleemul Huq, and Rubens Born.
We have been very fortunate to have been helped by a remarkably diligent team of research
assistants in sewing the final product together; our thanks to Melissa Birch, Sherri Brokopp,
Craig Enstad, and Jenny Synnott.
Through this collaboration, the project undertook a globally coordinated research and writing
effort, much of which has been peer reviewed by a group of wise and dedicated individuals.
For their careful consideration and comments, we extend our thanks to the Editorial Advisory
Board: Hussein Abaza, Franck Amalric, Tom Bigg, Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend, Aaron
Crosby, Sibille de Cartier, Ricardo Godoy, Nadia Hijab, Kazi Jalal, Bakary Kante, Bo
Kjellen, Ambuj Sagar, Ashbindu Singh, Ravi Sharma, Shiv Someshwar, Paul Raskin, and
Camilla Toulmin.
The electronic or direct consultations that provided both a source of ideas and a touch of
reality to this research were organized by a number of partner organizations around the
world. They include ELCI, NESDA, IIED-AL, CENESTA, ANGOC, SDPI, SEI-B, and the
LEAD Fellows Program. We would like to thank all of these organizations and their staff for
very effective management of the consultations. Among these individuals, we would like
especially to recognize the outstanding contribution of Barbara Gemmill, Pamela Rhys-Hurn,
Sujatha Byravan, Saodat Pulatova, and Charlie Heaps.
v
As the global synthesis document illustrates, this entire effort has used the GEO-3 scenarios
as a basis for discussion and for conceptualizing sustainable futures in a locally relevant way.
We are thankful to SEI-B, and especially to Paul Raskin and Eric Kemp-Benedict for their
intellectual and practical contribution to analysis.
The Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center provided critical administrative and
logistical support for the project from start to finish. We are grateful to the Institute for
professionalism of a high order in discharging this responsibility. The research staff of the
Institute assisted in the intellectual evolution of the project in more ways that can be counted.
We would like to single out in particular the advice provided by Paul Raskin, Steve Bernow,
Sivan Kartha, and Chella Rajan. However, the one person without whose contribution this
project would simply not have been possible is Erika Spanger-Siegfried. We would like to
extend a very special thank you to Erika for her advice, energy, commitment, perseverance,
and charm.
An important product of the research project is the design of a user-friendly civil society
website for UNEP, and a database of civil society organizations that have been involved in
UNEP’s work in a variety of ways. This entire work, as well as the cover design and graphics
for the project were done at BeezTech Inc., a software house based in Islamabad, Pakistan.
We would like to express our thanks to the design team consisting of Khalid Ali, Mohammad
Zafar, Shoaib Zahidi, and Abdul Hafeez for their professional expertise and diligence of a
high order.
We are indebted to our editorial and publishing team at River Street Design for their skill and
ability to work wonders under deadline.
Most importantly we would like to thank all of our authors and contributing institutions and
all those who participated in the various consultations around the world. Their input has made
us much wiser about how sustainable development happens and much more optimistic about
its prospects for the future.
Tariq Banuri
Adil Najam
Nancy Odeh
Boston, Massachusetts
July 2002
vi
Table of Contents
Foreword i
Preface iii
Table of Contents vii
List of Figures x
List of Tables xi
List of Boxes xi
Chapter One: South Asia 1

Aditi Haldar
with Charu Jain and Koneru Vijaya Lakshmi
Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................2
1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................5
2. History of Sustainable Development ................................................................................7
2.1 The Role of State ........................................................................................................9
2.2 The Role of the Market.............................................................................................13
2.3 The Role of the Civil Society ...................................................................................17
2.4 The Role of Multilateral and Bilateral Donors .........................................................21
3. Current State of Sustainable Development.....................................................................26
3.1 Demographic Trends ................................................................................................26
3.2 The Economic Base ..................................................................................................30
3.3 Urbanization and Migration......................................................................................31
3.4 Water Security ..........................................................................................................32
3.5 Energy Security ........................................................................................................34
3.6 Environmental Threats..............................................................................................37
4. Sustainable Development in Action ...............................................................................43
4.1 Case Study 1: Orangi Pilot Project ...........................................................................45
4.2 Case Study 2: Rainwater Harvesting Alwar, Rajasthan, India .................................50
4.3 Case Study 3: Conjunctive Use of Water Resources in Akole, The Deccan Trap of
India ................................................................................................................................54
4.4 Observations .............................................................................................................58
vii
4.5 Eco-specific Participatory Resources Management: Bangladesh.............................61
4.6 Community Based Fisheries Management: Bangladesh ..........................................62
4.7 Micro-financing for Women: India ..........................................................................63
4.8 Sustainable Livelihood Initiatives: India ..................................................................64
5. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................65
6. References.......................................................................................................................69
Chapter Two: Bangladesh 71

Ahsan Uddin Ahmed, Sughra Arasta Kabir, Khandaker Mainuddin and Atiq Rahman
Acronyms .................................................................................................................................73
1. Introduction, Background, and Concepts .......................................................................79
1.1 Sustainable Development: the Concept ....................................................................79
1.2 An Overview of Bangladesh.....................................................................................81
1.3 Organization of the Report .......................................................................................88
2. History of Sustainable Development in Bangladesh ......................................................89
2.1 The Role of the State ................................................................................................90
2.2 The Role of the Market.............................................................................................95
2.3 The Role of Academics and Civil Society................................................................96
2.4 The Role of Multilateral and Bilateral Donors .........................................................98
3. The Current State of Sustainable Development in Action..............................................99
3.1 The Macroeconomic Scene.......................................................................................99
3.2 The Social Scene.....................................................................................................108
3.3 The Natural Environment: Key Issues and Concerns.............................................128
4. Sustainable Development in Action - A Few Examples ..............................................135
4.1 Background.............................................................................................................135
4.2 Case Studies............................................................................................................136
5. Institutional Framework for the Sustainable Use of Natural Resources.......................147
5.1 The Legal Framework.............................................................................................148
5.2 The Institutional Structure ......................................................................................149
5.3 Implementation Bottlenecks ...................................................................................152
6. Use of Appropriate Technology for Sustainable Development....................................154
6.1 Technology Adoption .............................................................................................155
6.2 Risks of Inappropriate Technology Adoption ........................................................156
7. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................157
8. References.....................................................................................................................161
Annex 1: Brief Accounts of Case Studies on Sustainable Development in Action .............. 165
viii
Chapter Three: India 187
Aditi Haldar and Samrat Sengupta
with Charu Jain and Koneru Vijaya Lakshmi
Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................188
1. Introduction...................................................................................................................191
1.1 The Concept of Sustainable Development .............................................................191
1.2 Sustainable Development – a Myth? ......................................................................192
2. History of Sustainable Development in the Country....................................................195
2.1 Background.............................................................................................................195
2.2 State Role................................................................................................................196
2.3 Market Role ............................................................................................................206
2.4 Civil Society Role...................................................................................................208
2.5 Donor Role..............................................................................................................210
3. Current State of Sustainable Development...................................................................213
3.1 Current National Situation......................................................................................213
3.2 Driving Forces ........................................................................................................219
3.3 Key Challenges.......................................................................................................221
4. Sustainable Development in Action .............................................................................229
4.1 Selection of Case Studies........................................................................................229
4.2 Case Studies in Brief ..............................................................................................230
4.3 Detailed Case Studies .............................................................................................248
5. Conclusions...................................................................................................................261
5.1 Sustainable Development: Historical Backdrop & Future Projection....................261
5.2 Enabling a Sustainable Development Process........................................................262
5.3 Role of Civil Society ..............................................................................................263
6. References: ...................................................................................................................265
Chapter Four: Pakistan 269

Ali Qadir
Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................271
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................273
2. History of Sustainable Development in Pakistan ...............................................................275
2.1 Background.............................................................................................................275
2.2 The State’s Role......................................................................................................278
2.3 The Market’s Role ..................................................................................................282
2.4 Civil Society’s Role................................................................................................287
ix
2.5 Donor Role..............................................................................................................291
2.6 Summary of Key Historic Factors ..........................................................................294
3. Current State of Sustainable Development ........................................................................296
3.1 Current National Situation......................................................................................296
3.2 Key Challenges for Sustainable Development .......................................................306
4. Sustainable Development in Action ...................................................................................308
4.1 Case Study 1: Orangi Pilot Project .........................................................................314
4.2 Rural Support Programs: Activating Government .................................................319
4.3 Idara-e-Kissan: Community Management of Sustainable Development ...............324
4.4 IUCN Pakistan: Developing Sub-National Conservation Strategies......................327
4.5 Observations ...........................................................................................................331
5. Conclusion..........................................................................................................................333
6. References ..........................................................................................................................341
Annex 1: Environmental Fact Sheet.......................................................................................344
Annex 2: Pakistan National Profile ........................................................................................346
Annex 3: Defining Sustainable Development ........................................................................348
Annex 4: Key SD Initiatives ..................................................................................................351
Annex 5: Major Donor Organizations in Pakistan .................................................................359
Annex 6: Timeline for Sustainable Development in Pakistan ...............................................363
List of Figures
Chapter One: South Asia
Figure 1: 1999 GDP per Capita 27
Figure 2: 1999 Life Expectancy 28
Figure 3: Human Development Index Trends 29
Figure 4: Social Indicators in the Region 29
Chapter Two: Bangladesh

Figure 1: Government Expenditures for 1990 and 1999 92
Figure 2: Overview of Economic Structure of Bangladesh in the Past Decade 99
Figure 3: Industrial Production in Bangladesh in the 1990s 101
Figure 4: Fiscal Achievements in Bangladesh during the 1990s 104
Figure 5: Social Indicators for Bangladesh and Other South Asian Countries, 1999 109
Chapter Four: Pakistan

Figure 1: Foreign Investment (Direct and Portfolio) 286
Figure 2: Sectoral Breakdown of Pakistan’s Economy 297
Figure 3: Stock Market Capitalization 297
x
Figure 4: Fiscal Scenario 298
Figure 5: Consumer Price Index Rate of Growth 299
Figure 6: Human Development Index Trends 301
Figure 7: Comparison of Selected Social Indicators in South Asia 302
Figure 8: Share of Energy Types in Supply 303
Figure 9: Pakistan’s Ecosystems 305
List of Tables
Chapter One: South Asia
Table 1: Selected Social Indicators 28

Table 1: Growth of Industrial Production during the 1990s 100
Table 2: Change in GDP Growth Rate over Time 102
Table 3: Fiscal Achievements during the 1990s 103
Table 4: Percentage of Population below the Poverty Line 111
Table 5: Poverty Ratio Based on Poverty Line Expenditure 111
Table 6: Distribution of Public Revenue and Development Expenditures on Education by Sub-Sectors 116
Table 7: Agencies Involved in Resources Management (Partial List) 150
Chapter Three: India

Table 1: Gross National Product, Net National Product, Per Capita Income 1990-91 to 1997-98 213
Table 2: Annual Growth Rate of GNP and NNP (% yoy) 1990-91 to 1998-99 214
Table 3: GDP (Rs bn) at Factor Cost by Industry of Origin 1990-91 to 1998-99 (at 1980-81 prices) 214
Table 4: Growth Targets and Achievements, 8th - 10th Plans 215
Table 5: Actual and Budgeted Government Deficits 215
Table 6: Government Receipts 215

Table 1: Fiscal Scenario 298
Table 2: Selected Social Indicators 301
Table 3: Economic Growth and the Environment 303
Table 4: Sixteen Examples of Sustainable Development 310
List of Boxes
Box 1: Flood and Drought: Two Recurring Extremes Affecting the Livelihoods of Millions 86
Box 2: Timeline of State-Instituted Sustainable Development Milestones in Bangladesh 93
Box 3: The Readymade Garment Sector – A Key Success Story 107
Box 4: Arsenic Contamination of Ground Water and Health Hazards 129
xi
Box 5: The Adverse Impacts of Global Climate Change That Will Affect Sustainable Development 134
Box 6: Authority and Power of the Department of Environment (DOE) 151

Box 1: Poverty Alleviation and NRM in the North 322
Box 2: NRSP and Salinity Control and Reclamation Project in Swabi, NWFP 323
Box 3: Sarhad Rural Support Program (SRSP) 324
Box 4: Structure of IK 325
xii
SOUTH ASIA
Aditi Haldar
With
Charu Jain
Koneru Vijaya Lakshmi
Development Alternatives (DA)

Civic Entrepreneurship: Volume 4
Acronyms
BAIF Bharatiya Agro Industries Foundation
BCAS Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies
BSCIC Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation
BOI Board of Investment
CBFM Community-Based Fisheries Management
CSO Civil Society Organisation
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
EMS Environment Management System
ETPI Environment Technology Program for Industry
GEO Global Environmental Outlook
GIS Geographic Information Systems
GoB Government of Bangladesh
GPS Global Positioning System
HDI Human Development Index
IDRC International Development Research Centre
LIFE Local Initiative Facility for Urban Environment
MoEF Ministry of Environment and Forest
NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NCS National Conservation Strategy
NEMAP National Environmental Management Action Plan
NRA Natural Resource Accounting
OPP Orangi Pilot Project
RRA Rapid Rural Appraisal
SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute
SEI-B Stockholm Environmental Institute – Boston
SEWA Self-Employed Women’s Association
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South Asia
SME Small and Medium Enterprise
SMAR Self-Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism
TTSID Technology Transfer for Sustainable Industrial Development
UNEP United Nations Environment Program
WCED World Commission on Environment and Development
WSSD World Summit on Sustainable Development
3
South Asia
1. Introduction
South Asia is a realm of one of the oldest civilisations in the world, where people from
all races and religions have co-existed, displaying a multitude of cultures. The
independent countries of the South Asian region: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Iran,
Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka share regional cultures and boundaries. South
Asia’s location at almost the southern extremity of the Eurasian continent is a factor for
its racial/ethnic mixture.
The region covers an area of approximately 4,29,16,000 square kilometres and

supports a dense population of about 1.36 billion people. The entire coastline, not
including Iran, runs to about 10,000 kilometres and the wetlands extend up to
1,34,161square kilometres. Some of the most spectacular natural sites of the world are
found here. India houses two biodiversity hotspots – the Eastern Himalayas and the
Western Ghats. The mangroves of Bangladesh, the virtually untouched forests of
Bhutan, the coral reefs of the Maldives, Mt. Everest in Nepal, the Hindu-Kush region
of Pakistan and Sinharaja in Sri Lanka, are a few examples. Conservation history in
South Asia goes back thousands of years, mainly as a result of people’s dependence on
natural resources for their livelihood and the influence of religious considerations. This
has inculcated the concept of resource conservation, sustainable utilisation and
efficient management (Datt, et al., 1997).
However, at present, the state of the region’s environment suffers from excessive land
degradation, desertification and habitat fragmentation. Increasing habitat fragmentation
has depleted the wide variety of forest products that used to be an important source of
food, medicine and income for indigenous people. Water supply is a serious problem
and freshwater will be the major limiting factor to producing more food in the future,
especially in populous and arid areas. Energy demand is fast rising. The proportion of
people living in urban centers is rising rapidly, urban growth rate being three percent in
the last five years. Asia’s particular style of urbanisation – toward megacities – is likely
to increase environmental and social stresses. Widespread concern over pollution and
natural resources has led the legislation to curb emissions and conserve natural
resources. However, education and awareness levels amongst the public are often low,
and environment information base in the region is weak. South Asian countries have to
go a long way in incorporating a model system of governance. To make their voices
heard in the comity of nations, the South Asian countries have to ensure co-operation in
all aspects of governance.
From Stockholm to Rio – environment and development was recognized as a key

agenda for action. A decade back world leaders and other stakeholders met at Rio to
evolve a consensus on the concept of sustainable development. The World Summit on
Sustainable Development (WSSD), held in Johannesburg in 2002, has been an
opportunity for all stakeholders to review progress on sustainable development since
the Rio Summit in 1992. Importantly, the past few years have marked the rise of civil
society’s importance to the sustainable development agenda and to global governance
in general. A compromise was also achieved through Agenda 21 to lay out a plan of
action for the global community to address sustainable development in the 21st
century. Capacity 21 programs were developed which are country-owned, country-
5
driven processes that support and influence national and local decision-making to build
long-term capacities at all levels of society.
As part of its preparations for WSSD, the Stockholm Environment Institute-Boston (SEI-B)
has initiated a global project for civil society to prepare its input for WSSD and engage with
UNEP in constructive dialogue. The project drew upon the scenarios depicted in UNEP’s
Global Environment Outlook (GEO-3), positing three alternative visions of sustainable
development – Conventional Development (driven by market forces, focusing on the process
of sustainable development: freeing global markets), Policy Reform (driven by the state,
focusing on proper definition of outcomes for appropriate policy responses), and Great
Transitions (driven by civil society, focusing on the principles and values underpinning
sustainable development).
The premise of the project was that the first two approaches have failed: firstly, while
economic growth has been significant, social and environmental indicators of sustainable
development have deteriorated globally; secondly, policy efforts have suffered from a lack
of political will to convert rhetoric into reality. By contrast, civil society initiatives have
been driven by demonstrated “civic will” and have shown concrete outcomes in all
dimensions of sustainable development. To explore this premise and strengthen civil
society’s position at the WSSD, SEI-B coordinated the production of alternative country
reports, based on the project premise, with partners across the world. These reports comprise
the current volumes, and are seen as submitting the official country reports on progress since
the Rio Summit, submitted at WSSD.
This South Asian sub-regional report aims at bringing together the three national reports
of India, Bangladesh and Pakistan and examines the sustainable development background,
current status and actions on the ground in this region. Although, each of the three
national reports elaborate on each of the aspects of sustainable development, this sub-
regional report looks at the commonality and diversity of the complex concept of
sustainable development practiced. It endeavors to give a regional analysis of the current
status of sustainable development practices with a very basic review of the inter- and
intra-relationship among the three major elements of sustainable development while
putting the mass of people in the region at the centre of all the development issues. An
attempt has been made to highlight the recent achievements and limited success of
sustainable development (SD) practices. Identification of the problems associated with
various activities, which impede the process of sustainable development is also analyzed
in the sub-regional context.
This report is based on the three national reports of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan prepared
by BCAS, DA and SDPI respectively. Some information is also extracted from the sub-
regional e-consultation report coordinated by SDPI, Pakistan. This report in particular
presents a civil society perspective of trends in SD, particularly since the Rio Summit in
1992. One of the main features of post-Rio SD trends in this region has been the steady
decline in environmental indicators, despite sizeable inputs. Large-scale efforts have resulted
to some degree in raising awareness about the environment but not so much in actual
improvement in environmental health or a move toward sustainable development. Most of the
initiatives regarding sustainable development are in academic as well as policy circles, and do
not give other than most cursory attention to the potential of civil society. The policy and
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South Asia
academic literature produced by different institutions and the successes that have been
achieved in practice have evolved through different channels, processes and actors. These
show that the traditional definition of sustainable development activity has failed to extract
the ultimate fruit out of it. The elemental successes in the civil society, however, have been
hindered rather than supported by the policy approaches and capacity-building process of the
previous, with the conventional public relation and community development activity.
Arguably the top-down approach may be to get sustainable development, but in practice it
has always proven very hard to achieve in this way. The bottom-up approach has prevailed in
all the success stories and proven its effectiveness. The report highlights the role played by
the civic sector in promoting and practicing SD “on the ground.” This role and potential
represents an “alternative” path toward sustainability of development. The factors driving the
success of civil society in SD are then elicited through some selected case studies, including
an emphasis on community participation and local management. A focus is made on social
goals of poverty reduction that integrate the environmental agenda, personal motivations of
civic actors and a demand-based definition of SD. These factors add up to a “civic” will, that
has more potential to generate a society-wide transition to sustainable development than
“political” or “market” will have demonstrated.
2. History of Sustainable Development

Although the history of civilisation in the sub-region goes back several millennia, within the
context of the newly found sustainable development framework, one can only examine such
practices during the past 30 or 40 years. The traditional ways of life in all the three countries
of this sub-region suggest that the ancestors have been largely practicing SD. The traditional
Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani society has been producing just enough to maintain a
decent survival that produced no significant pollution other than excreta – no hazardous
wastes of industrial and agricultural origin. Nor in the name of progress, did they ever intend
to destroy local biodiversity. They maintained and nurtured a happy society by respecting
social norms and values; and best of all, kept human beings at the centre of everything.
Despite being devastated by repeated floods, cyclonic storm surges, and big earthquakes, the
society bounced back and maintained a good livelihood. The world’s reputed historians found
the region one of the most prosperous in the entire globe. (Ahmed et al., 2002).
Then there came the worst time in its history, which witnessed an unprecedented
population growth and the problems associated with it. The region broke up into different
fragmented countries; each of the countries experienced a rat race of accumulating wealth
in the name of industrial development, and its elite soon became a party to it. Limited
education opportunities for a selected group of people created a social class, which served
their masters for a while and then they themselves became the masters. Soon, this class
amassed most of the wealth, often depriving the poorer class, and creating an
insurmountable disparity within the society. The traditional social norms, based primarily
on equity and justice, were shattered in all counts − economic, social, and environmental.
The question then became: How can equitable development be achieved if the lives of the
people are considered of unequal value?
By the time the governments were struggling with all these issues, the concept of sustainable
development redefined the path of development along the globe. Up to the 1970s, the
7
Source: FAO (www.fao.org/)

predominant wisdom was that economic growth and environmental quality were in a trade-
off relationship. In 1972 two events changed the perception of development. The Club of
Rome published The Limits to Growth, which warned the global community that the modern
civilisation would face an uncontrollable collapse within a century if exponential growth
trends in population and industrial production were not controlled. The other historic event
was the convening of the United Nations Conference on Human Environment in Stockholm,
which for the first time recognized interrelationship between human activities and the
environment, and led to the formation of the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP).
Following the two events, the World Commission on Environment and Development
(WCED), popularly known as the Brundtland Commission, presented its report in 1987, titled
“Our Common Future,” that established the interrelationship between various development
activities and environment. It gave the first accepted definition of sustainable development
and declared that “A pursuit of sustainable development requires … a production system that
respects the obligation to preserve the ecological base of the development.”
Although environmental concerns and acts were designed in the 1970s, the region went
through a major change only after the global conventions and treaties of the 1980s took place.
It became particularly relevant since the beginning of the 1990s to catch up with the rest of
the developed world to adopt the term “sustainable development” on account of a number of
factors both external and domestic. In all the three countries development was not considered
sustainable unless it reduced poverty, ensured human development and met basic needs.
Social and environmental policies started working on the ground to a limited extent due to the
increasing influential market access, competitiveness, increased awareness of the trade and
development, and implications of multilateral environmental agreements (Sen, 1981). Along
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South Asia
with this there was a growing recognition of the need for an integrated examination of trade,
technology, finance, investment and sustainable development. India first laid its emphasis on
the environment and development in its Sixth 5-Year Plan (1980-85). This was followed by
the formation of National Conservation Strategy (NCS) in Pakistan which was a landmark
with respect to te environmental planning and its official contribution to the 1992 Earth
Summit. Bangladesh first dealt with the issues of sustainable development while formulating
its Fourth 5-year Plan (1990-95) (Haldar et al., 2002).
2.1 The Role of State

The United Nations convened a conference, called the Earth Summit, held in Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil, in 1992. It brought forward an agenda of activity for all the nations in the world,
called the Agenda 21, which not only highlighted the needs of economic growth, but also
gave impetus to addressing the need for social and environmental development which put
people at the centre of all development. The general guiding document has actually set the
agenda for the 21st century for all the nations in the world with a common philosophy of
“think globally, act locally.” The Summit also recognized global climate change, loss of
biodiversity, and the process of desertification as the most important environmental
challenges before the humankind, along with number of relevant non-binding documents and
the global leaders signed Conventions.
With this backdrop the Government of Bangladesh (GoB) acted promptly on a number of
issues. Internationally, it signed on to a number of global conventions. A National Phase-out
Plan for Ozone-Depleting Substances was formulated and acted upon. While aiming at food
self-sufficiency, the government also gave high importance to a number of social
development goals, which include poverty reduction, employment generation, spreading
primary education, improvement of the primary health care system, and decentralisation of
administrative systems. Participation of local people in planning processes received due
attention, which was reflected in the formulation of a Perspective Development Plan (MOP,
1995). Issues of environmental conservation also received high importance. The National
Environment Act 1995 was enacted. The initiative toward formulating a national
conservation strategy, taken by the civil society of the country, was formally endorsed by the
government and a project was subsequently launched and housed within the Ministry of
Environment and Forests (MoEF). A participatory National Environmental Management
Action Plan (NEMAP) was formulated, which for the first time paved the way of bottom-up
approach toward national development in any sector. To attain high economic growth the
concept of free market economy was introduced by encouraging the private sector to operate,
by lifting the existing bureaucratic bottlenecks and by inviting foreign direct investments for
rapid industrialisation. The Fifth 5-Year Plan put more emphasis on achieving sustainable
development. As a result, the MoEF laid out its regulatory framework to reduce
environmental pollution from industrialisation. Environmental Impacts Assessment (EIA)
was made mandatory for a number of industrial and other development activities. In the late
1990s there has been a major change in the government’s tax structure, often in favor of pro-
environmental technologies and products. In order to achieve faster economic growth and
create employment for its ever-increasing population, the state offered generous “tax-
holidays” for a long period to newly established export-oriented industries. To educate its
female children, special financial incentives were given to their families. In addition to an
9
increased emphasis on health and education, the government of Bangladesh has been
consistently putting efforts into creating and supporting a strong private sector. To encourage
creation of woodlots in state owned lands by involving the rural poor, a special regulatory
framework is devised. These are some of the examples of state’s willingness to facilitate the
process of sustainable development, (Ahmed, 2002).
Unfortunately, the state did not resolve the conflicting issues concerning interests between
sector-based development plans and programmes. The ministry in-charge of environment, the
Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), which was instituted in 1989, could not attempt
to achieve a lot without having adequate legal mandate and clearly defined rules of business.
Even though the issues of land degradation and encroachment into wetlands were highlighted
in the Plan, food production was given the highest priority − a policy which resulted in a
gradual degradation of soil quality and quick loss of indigenous bio-diversity, a treasure of
tens of thousands of years. It is widely argued that, owing to inherent weaknesses in the
process of national governance, compounded by lack of political will, rampant corruption
etc., implementation of the current regulatory framework has been hindered severely. Poor
environmental governance, a subject that requires an in-depth analysis, has been identified as
a major impediment to implementing the current regulatory framework. Lack of financial,
technological and human resources within the existing state-run institutional framework
compound the bottleneck on this end. Lack of inter-agency coordination has also been
identified as another problem toward implementation of the regulatory regime.
In Pakistan the recognition of human development as a fundamental right was complemented

by the inclusion of environmental conservation in the revised Constitution of 1973, after the
Stockholm Summit on Sustainable Development. Early development trends had a strong
emphasis on industrialisation with low investment in human resources. From the 1950s to the
1970s successive governments built on the “trickle-down” model of economic development
being led from the top down, involving a buildup of physical infrastructure and setting up
industries. Conversely, agriculture’s share in GDP dropped from 53 percent in 1949-50 to 25
percent in 1979-80, and there were large real-value inflows from agriculture to industry.
Development became mostly synonymous with large physical infrastructure projects, such as
dams, roads, irrigation channels and other bricks-and-mortar interventions. Social
development was neglected, and inequality was basically perceived as necessary short-term
fallout of macro-economic development.
In the 1980s there was a practical inclusion of the social agenda in development with an
influx of institutional donors and their associated agenda of human development. The
emphasis on integration and policy planning began in earnest in the late 1980s. The
environment was introduced as a mainstream agenda in Pakistan, to be linked with social and
economic considerations. Interest in development policy planning (as distinct from the
project-oriented planning emphasis during the 1960s and 1970s) grew, as did
experimentation with integration of the three components of development. The National
Conservation Strategy (NCS) was a landmark with respect to environmental planning, and
complemented the much-lauded official contribution of Pakistan to the Rio Summit in 1992.
The strategy for implementing the NCS was spread over federal, provincial, district and
departmental levels of government, as well as involving CSOs, the media, communities,
donors and the private sector. The indigenous growth of the NCS was its primary strength,
despite a complete reliance on external funding, primarily from CIDA. The NCS maintained
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South Asia
a strong focus on environmental conservation and integrating this aspect into other
development efforts, rather than defining new holistic SD alternatives, such as livelihood
concerns. Both the Rural Support Programmes and the Social Action Plan could not create
much positive impact on the lives of the people (Qadir, 2002a).
The overall lack of achievement of SD in Pakistan was because there was a wide gap to
integrate social development (and policy reduction) with economic growth and environmental
sustainability in Pakistan. Both the Rural Support Programmes and the Social Action Plan
could not create much positive impact on the lives of the people. The holistic approach to
achieve SD was missing. The environmental degradation in some cases was irreversible
largely due to the inability to mainstream environmental activities within the development
process. The lack of concrete progress in SD may be attributed in large part to a lack of
national ownership of the principles of the agenda, usually expressed through a
comprehensive strategy. Policy or strategy formulation has not been followed by
implementation, which casts doubts on the stated policy initiatives. Many of these and other
development efforts by the state were charity and have been marred by financial
discrepancies and a lack of transparency. Currently there is a growing recognition of
governance as a crucial problem for SD in Pakistan. Development focus has now shifted from
mere projectisation to analyses of institutional issues under-pinning the development process.
Donor emphasis, thus, has lately been on building capacity for development planning and
implementation, rather than planning or implementation alone.
In India, environmental concerns have always been given the highest level of attention.
Even before the Stockholm Conference, India was committed to preserve the quality of life
and environment. This concern was reflected in national Fourth 5-Year Plan (1969-74). In
the sixth 5-Year Plan (1980-85) a full chapter on “Environment and Development” was
included with emphasis on environmental and ecological principles. The strategy defines
institutional structures for environment management at the central and state government
levels, and lays down guidelines for administrators and resource managers for formulating
and implementing programmes. The pronouncements in plan documents were followed up
with legislation and establishment of Central and State Pollution Control Boards, National
Wasteland Development Board. The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) looks
after India’s environmental policies. A relatively new concept of Natural Resource
Accounting (NRA) was introduced in the country where strategy for NRA was formulated
by representatives from Government Departments, Academic and Research Institutions and
CSOS have participated.
Realising the importance of Environmental Information, the state established an

Environmental Information System (ENVIS) as a plan programme in 1982. The government’s
strategy was to use various organisations like CSOs, academic institutions, other agencies, etc.
in furthering the goal of SD. Periodic consultations were carried out with these agencies and
organisations to ensure synergy through effective co-ordination of data gathering and analysis.
The government also established various developmental strategies and appointed coordinating
bodies on agriculture, environment and forest, energy, land management, waste and hazardous
materials. Although many projects were initiated by the coordinating agency (MoEF) toward
SD, very few stakeholders were aware of the country’s commitment and strategy. The
country’s strategy is all about people’s participation in planning and implementation. Though
people’s participation was found to be sufficient in most of the activities, due to weak
11
implementation strategy the benefits of interventions could not be enjoyed by the society at
large. There was also weakness in the organisation and management systems, institutional
capacities, political and legislative supports, which made the progress of SD a limited
theoretical approach (Haldar et al., 2002).
2.1.1 State – Some Instances of Weakness

Providing food to the hungry was the top-most agenda of the government of Bangladesh and
India. Therefore, food production was given the highest priority. The “Green Revolution” of
Punjab in India and the policy of 1989 by the Bangladesh MoEF are examples of the state
action to achieve food for all. In both cases governments acted with good intentions but
ultimately the result was degradation of soil quality, loss of indigenous species and thereby
low production of crops. This shows the government has a short-term vision and looks at
short-term gains without analyzing the future repercussions. There is also lack of awareness
and scientific rigor among the policy/decision-makers. Technologies and know-how (e.g.,
excessive use of synthetic fertilizer) are brought in from the developed countries without the
knowledge or information about the impacts.
The Social Action Plan, which received huge grants from the World Bank, led to slow and
fragile progress in each of the Pakistani provinces. None of the outcome targets have been
achieved. SD agenda was hardly constituted in this programme. Serious management
problems and an ultimate lack of civil society involvement were a factor of failure. In
addition, low performance was mainly due to widespread corruption and misuse of funds.
Foreign investment is given maximum support when it does arrive, leading to naturally
unsustainable practices. A prime case in this regard was the bending and, ultimately, re-
writing of environmental regulation to allow Shell and Premier oil companies to explore in a
National Park: Kirthar in Sindh. Environmental regulations, particularly for pollution control,
are typically relaxed for investors – multinationals usually have much stricter internal
production controls than the government sets. The lack of effective regulation and the
openness to foreign investment lobbies has led to the current situation, where sustainable
production patterns are simply not present on any significant scale.
All the three governments of this region initiate developmental planning in isolation from
environmental considerations at the lowest level, despite a stated commitment at the senior
levels. Lack of capacity among the implementing institutions is often not identified by the
state as a limitation to take SD forward. The marked exception in this regard was the
formulation of the National Conservation Strategy in Pakistan. The intensive nine-year long
process generated significant and high-level ownership within the public sector and was a
positive step toward SD, albeit unstated. However, the lack of progress on implementation by
the public sector has retarded the momentum, and SD has once again slipped from the
priority agenda of the policy community.
The political will so necessary for all development policy thrusts remains a question mark. In the
past, political will has generally failed the SD agenda in implementation. Further, the
sustainability of such will – where present – may be reasonably questioned if it relies on regular,
external inputs in terms of financing and facilitation. Successive governments have continued to
rely on external financing and paradigms, content to follow the shifting moods of the
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South Asia
international development community without significant adaptation to the local context. While
some of these trends are promoting the SD agenda, others are forcing the sub-regional countries
away from the path of SD. Declining international financial assistance is one such retarding trend
which has impacted Pakistan significantly. Similarly, technology cooperation and transfer had
been a major component of Agenda 21 and subsequent multi-lateral understandings; however,
progress has been limited in Pakistan and, indeed, in South Asia (Qadir, 2002a).
2.2 The Role of the Market

In Pakistan the private sector has been late in adopting the SD agenda in the country. Action
has been limited mostly to the treatment of pollution as a by-product of industry rather than
pro-active attempts to “clean up” production processes. These actions have included the use
of expensive, imported technology as well as local technological innovations (Asia Pacific
Centre for Transfer of Technology, 2000). The Environment Technology Programme for
Industry (ETPI) was one potential success story. A more significant case is the programme on
Technology Transfer for Sustainable Industrial Development (TTSID) run with the
collaborative effort of CSOs, government and the industry. The programme facilitated a
dialogue between industry representatives, government and CSOs (led by SDPI.) The Self-
Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (SMAR) that emerged from these consultations is
based on an honor system, whereby industry voluntarily agrees to comply with environmental
standards as expressed by the NEQS. Industry representatives have also agreed to pay a
“pollution charge” effluents and emissions above the NEQS stipulations. These charges have
been calculated to act as deterrents for pollution, amounting to more than the “clean-up cost”
for industry. The industry is also negotiating with the government and other stakeholders on
how to utilize the “taxes” so generated for the benefit of cleaning up production processes
generally. Two aspects of TTSID are striking: Firstly that the programme relies on market
initiative. The pollution charge was determined entirely by industry representatives
themselves in internal negotiations in a unique example of pro-active steps for sustainable
industrial development. Secondly, the process relied on extensive and regular consultation
and dialogues between all stakeholders, including industries, CSOs and the government.
Participation slowed down the implementation of NEQS, but resulted in a “buy-in” from all
stakeholders, as well as a clear understanding of roles. Outside of ETPI and TTSID there has
been little evident activity for sustainable industrial development or clean production.
The growth of the private sector has not led to significant reductions in income inequality nor
have they managed to sustain huge levels of employment. In addition, there are only sporadic
and almost insignificant examples of environmental quality improvement. More importantly,
none of these factors are internally driven. Even consumer demands within the market affect
only the largest industries in Pakistan, not the plethora of small- and medium-size enterprises
servicing the local market. In the larger, export-oriented industries, too, the responsiveness
has been sluggish and mostly cosmetic. In any case, consumer demand for environmental
quality is a factor of awareness that is raised outside of market mechanisms in the first place,
by the civic or public sectors. This is all the more so given the small (and declining) quantum
of foreign investment in Pakistan.
In the beginning of the 1990s Bangladesh experienced two major shifts in its socio-economic-
political regime: (a) a transition from military-backed autocratic regime, often in disguise of
pseudo-democracy, and (b) transition from a predominantly state-controlled economic system
13
to a market economy. One of the most important recent means to this end has been the creation
of business associations, with varying aims and implementation strategies. Among these
business associations are the Bangladesh Association for Development of Trade and Finance
and the Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation (BSCIC). Both of these business
associations are geared toward boosting various areas of the Bangladesh private sector and
toward strengthening the relationship between private business and government, without
overshadowing the need for increased market liberalisation. To encourage private sector
investment in Bangladesh, the government established the Board of Investment (BOI),
overseen by the Prime Minister and its Executive Council. The BOI has been successful in
paving the way for both foreign and local investors through the expedition of policy reforms
and infrastructure improvement (BOI, 2002). Structural adjustments within the economic
sectors were made where the market forces (i.e., the private sector) were invited to operate
freely. In this process the old regulatory framework was gradually revised and a new set of
“free market economic norms” was established. To boost industrial production special
incentive packages and tax holidays were declared. To encourage public participation in
investment the stock market was rejuvenated. Apparently, all these were aimed at increasing
investment and accelerating economic growth. It also helped reduce unemployment to some
extent. Unfortunately, the market forces did not take any appreciable measures toward both
intra- and inter-generational equity. As a consequence, the disparity between the large majority
of poor and a few rich families has increased significantly – a clear deviation from the goal of
achieving SD by means of establishing intra-generational equity, (Ahmed, 2002).
Simultaneously, the elements of inter-generational equity – an integral part of the SD

Framework, which ensures long-term regeneration capacity of a resource base by means of
implementing conservation practices – were also ignored by the market force. Practically, no
consideration was given toward maintaining ecological harmony, arresting pollution from
industrial and commercial activities, and conserving the natural resource base. Profit-driven
market forces manipulated the corrupt bureaucratic system and thereby destroyed almost all
norms of the society. A large-scale deforestation was observed and over 1,100 polluting
industrial units were served ultimatums to comply with the guidelines of environmental
impacts assessment. Most of these industries did not even bother to renew their respective
EIA despite a massive effort to relocate of all the tannery industries outside of Dhaka and
provide them with a single central effluent treatment plant through the government funds.
The owners of the highly polluting units refused to relocate outside Dhaka − these are some
of the negative roles of the private sector toward SD, (Ahmed, 2002).
The industrial sector of India is one of the most dynamic sectors of the economy and plays an
essential role in economic development and alleviation of poverty. The fast-changing
scenario of dependency of agriculture on industry is taking its toll in many ways. Large
industries such as cement, glass, ceramic, iron and steel, paper, refineries, etc., have grown
and led to the associated environmental impacts. The big public and private industries have
become compliant to the regulation and taken up pollution control systems. Apart from being
compliant, many voluntary initiatives like cleaner production and implementing
environmental management systems have become a trend, especially with the large and
export-oriented sectors. The global trend of voluntary initiatives and cleaner technologies
have been adopted by the big industries but the main concern is the small- and medium-siz
industries, which number more than two million in India. The business associations of India
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South Asia
are categorized according to industrial sector and scale. Large and visible business
associations of India are quite proactive in their roles and function to make the Indian
industry competitive in the global market. The big associations have all established a separate
environment and social division. Aimed at promoting eco-efficient industrial operations,
these businesses provide a wide range of services through an experienced team of well-
trained professionals. Services provided include advice on environmental policy, technical
services, in-company and inter-company training programmes and information
dissemination. The thrust is on building in-house capabilities in Indian industry to address
environmental issues effectively and pro-actively. They also facilitate the utilisation of
national and international expertise through numerous seminars, workshops, etc. The
business associations often act as a bridge to foster partnerships amongst policy makers,
industries, financial institutes and the public. The Confederation of Indian Industry has done
some pioneering work in promoting the concepts of Pollution Prevention and Environment
Management Systems (EMS) and Environmental Performance Rating in India. Capitalising
on the World Summit for Sustainable Development (WSSD) CII has pioneered the
programme of Corporate Sustainability Management and reporting. Going by the extensive
international interest in corporate sustainability practices in emerging economies, an
opportunity exists for CII to profile success of Indian industry in implementing
environmental management systems. It is assisting the corporations to secure India’s
reputation as the leader in corporate sustainability management among emerging economies.
The government of India had initiated various measures at policy level to enhance the private
sector development toward sustainability. Tax benefit and fiscal incentive to accelerate
renewable energy development activities in the country with a target of 10% generation of the
country’s energy demand from renewable only. The government has initiated rules and
regulations enhancing the use of environment-friendly products and processes. But the real
benefit has not yet been reflected due to lack of awareness of the available benefits and
corruption in applying the fiscal incentives to the right cause. Various negative subsidies,
which are, influenced by political pressures often lead to inefficient utilisation of the
resources. For example, subsidies to the farmer in utilisation of grid energy, subsidies to
cooking gas, transport fuel and utilisation of grid energy by farmers, need immediate action
for long-term sustainability of the nation. Although the Indian government had guarded
Indian economy for the last 50 years, patronage of many multinational corporation by corrupt
political leaders has led to the un-sustainability of many indigenous businesses. The ultimate
impact is that the small and medium sector can not sustain the world competition while the
few multinationals are allowed to monopolise various sectors, crippling the Indian business
sector and exploiting the consumers. The trade liberalisation and entrance of the
multinationals have led to impacts such as:
• The destruction of the countries’ indigenous businesses – cotton, garment, jute, etc.
• Consumers are more attracted to cheap, environment-degrading materials.
• Un-sustainability of small- and medium-scale sector in global market competition.
• Dependence on western, outdated technologies, which are not suitable to the Indian
environment.
15
2.2.1 The Market – Some Instances of Weakness

Although there are success stories by companies such as sugar mills, cement and tannery
sectors in Pakistan; tannery, textiles, paper, glass, metals in Bangladesh; cement, mining, steel,
utilities and service sectors of India, all of them are sporadic in nature. Some of the sporadic
actions have been reported as being undertaken purely on moral grounds. In most cases,
however, the driving forces for industry are multi-national companies’ strict rules and norms.
But, interestingly enough, many of the multinationals have used the grounds of these countries
to produce environmentally degrading products in an irresponsible process, due to less stringent
regulations in the sub-region. The other driving forces were pre-requisites to export and
community pressure in some of these countries. Industry’s practices of sustainable production
may thus be correlated with the presence of a regulatory environment, pressure from the civic
sector and international trends, rather than an internal drive. However many studies have shown
that Indian industry’s top management have also realized the fact of financial gains through
internalising good practices in the long run. In Pakistan, even larger firms or MNCs, however,
have not filled the “sustainability space” by providing environmental services for a profit (aside
from small consultancy firms offering management advice and training). The reason may well
be a lack of demand for services such as large-scale waste treatment plants or fuelwood
alternatives in rural areas. A few recycling plants have been established to produce recycled
floor tiles, paper and some other products (at about the same cost as fresh products), but the
market for these is limited. Solar-powered water geysers and electric panels have been
repeatedly introduced into the market but have not caught on in household or industrial use,
partly because of large initial costs. Thus there are hardly any examples of market forces
pushing a transition to sustainability solely on the basis of personal motivations (i.e. profits).
In all of these factors, large-scale operations are an important commonality. Small and medium-
scale enterprises are generally not as affected by external factors as are large industries or multi-
nationals. The challenge to engage smaller firms in the SD agenda is waiting to be addressed.
The strong SME sector is critical to this sub-region in terms of the goods and services it
provides to larger enterprises and to informal micro enterprises. However the SMEs have a lot
of adverse effects on the environment, given their large numbers on one hand and the lack of
awareness and inaccessibility to technology and finance on the other. Environmental
compliance among these units is still extremely low. There are regulatory bodies but, because of
the existing rampant corruption and ineffective implementation of the state and national
legislation, these units are always in a very unstable position. On the other hand, the informal
sector is slightly different from the organized private sector in this regard, although only
marginally so. Most urban centers in all the three countries are home to a number of scavengers
who pick up solid waste (including glass and plastic) and sell this to recycling plants and
incinerators (such as those of brick kilns). In some cities, newspapers and used paper are
routinely picked up by scavengers and sold, to be processed for packaging material and used as
cheap wrapping. By its very nature, however, such work is generally unorganized and does not
collect a significant portion of the waste generated (most of which is taken to municipal dump
sites and burnt). Other examples of the informal sector are small-scale local innovations, such
as relatively silent motor rickshaws These informal sectors do contribute to the national SD but,
have not been taken to scale (SME Conference Business Symposium, 2000).
The provision of basic needs – nutrition, potable water, primary health care, acceptable
housing, literacy, sanitation – languishes as the market responds to preferences of its rich and
16
South Asia
powerful participants. The market, however, normally does not respond to the preferences of
the poor and excludes them from food, water, shelter, health, knowledge, and ability to
participate fully in society. As a necessary incremental steps toward improving resource
allocation and utilisation, getting prices right should be a priority. Prices of resources such as
energy, water, minerals and timber should reflect the marginal cost of their provision at point
of purchase (including depletion, replanting, replacement, allowances) plus the external costs
imposed on society by resource extraction, transport, conversion, and use. From an economic
perspective, the core of the problem concerns the pricing of environmental considerations.
Economic analyses have often concluded in identifying the neglect of the price mechanism as
one of the basic causes of environmental degradation. In more popular terms, prices are not
right and the problem is how to get them right. In this context market based instruments can
play a vital role in environmental policy since they are able to reconcile environmental
concerns and developmental needs. Economic incentives are ideally suited to change
behavior and production and consumption patterns toward sustainability because of their cost
effectiveness, flexibility and their ability to correct markets and adapt to changing
circumstances. This is why Principle 16 of the Rio Declaration explicitly advocates and
promotes the use of economic instruments as promising tools for environmental policy.
2.3 The Role of the Civil Society

Civil society organisations (CSOs) are the voluntary associations, organisations, movements,
and networks that live and work in the social space outside the state and the private sector.
Civil society is as old as civilisation itself, but recent decades have seen phenomenal growth
in CSOs in both Northern and Southern countries. They make up a vast array of sector and
interest groups, including agriculture, environment, development, health, human rights,
indigenous peoples, peace, population, religion, trade, youth, and women. They embrace a
wide range of types: charities, church groups, trade unions, grassroots community groups,
17
local self-help groups, professional associations, and international networks. And they are
engaged in an enormous variety of activities and struggles – social, economic, and political.
Perhaps, the academics and the members of civil society/polity have played the most
important role in the journey toward achieving SD in this region. They not only have
participated in international and national dialogues and meetings on identifying critical
development pathways, also raised sufficient level of awareness among the political leaders,
the planning and decision-making bodies and the common people.
In general the growing importance of CSOs on the international stage, and the positive
roles they play there, are important contributions to the efforts of the world’s people to
empower themselves in a time when national governments are in retreat and private-sector
interests are in the ascendant.
First, the very fact that all the major multilateral and bilateral donors repeatedly
highlighted the significance of partnership with CSOs as a core strategy of improving the
performance of the development aid, makes it unequivocally clear about its importance in
the aid policy in 1990s.
Second, the growing significance of funds channeled through CSOs does indeed enhance
its significance.
In Bangladesh, civil society moved SD forward by being part of the polity. They came
forward with live documentation on how the ill-planned development activities along the
rivers, often in the name of assisting the local poor, further marginalized the poor and drove
them out of their ancestral lands. They produced low-cost plans for saving lives of millions of
people in the coastal areas from the wrath of cyclone surges and managed two high-intensity
cyclones in 1994 and 1997 with minimum loss of lives − a success that has been lauded by
the global community. They played a vital role in raising awareness on ODS and its threats to
climate change and generated a wealth of information on various aspects of vulnerability,
assessment methodology, emission reduction, and adaptation. Civil society played a major
role in the formulation of a national plan, with development of the NEMAP. The process of
formulating the plan itself was participatory, based on voices being raised at a number of
grassroots workshops. Participants included by a large number of local people across the
country – the poor, women and the disadvantaged (MOEF, 1995). A good number of projects
have been identified to enhance the natural environment of the country, a few of which are
being implemented under the Sustainable Environment Management Programme (SEMP)
with direct assistance from the research community, media and CSOs.
In Pakistan the civic sector, in contrast to both state and market, has been more pro-active in
defining SD practically and theoretically. The first steps toward SD, as distinct from human
resource development or physical infrastructure projects, actually came from civil society.
The preparation of the NCS involved a number of civic actors locally and internationally.
While the government owned the process from the beginning, the innovations came primarily
from the civic sector: CSOs, individuals, mass media and the wider public consulted. There
are hosts of national CSOs that have begun to implement their vision of SD on the ground.
The overwhelming majority of CSOs and CBOs still work in the rural areas, given the
disparities of well-being between rural and urban populations (Qadir, 2002a).
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South Asia
Apart from large IUCN and similar projects being implemented by international agencies
such as the World Bank, there are a host of locally grounded initiatives. Prime among these
are the models of community development by the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme
(AKRSP) in the deprived northern areas of the country. SDPI was established in 1992 to
serve as a source of expertise and advice for government, private sector and CSOs in support
of the NCS. Since then SDPI has broadened its scope to facilitating the flow of international
knowledge and research on SD, while contributing research itself on key SD issues and
policies in the country. However, the closed nature of public policy making has increased
SDPI’s focus on policy advocacy as a tool for injecting SD into the policy agenda. SDPI has
undertaken several programmes and projects in the core areas of the NCS as well as the SD
agenda. Primary examples of its initiative include the research and advocacy around PEPA,
the NEQS and pollution charges; gender in SD; devolution of power; and education policy. In
addition, SDPI has become a productive training ground for Pakistani analysts and experts.
The Sustainable Development Networking Programme has been a unique innovation in the
SD initiatives of civil society. SDNP was established as a joint UNDP-IUCN project to use
the internet for human SD, awareness raising and problem-solving. It was built on the
principle that the information revolution’s potential for SD could only be realized with low-
cost connectivity in developing countries.
An alternative view of SD, however, emerged in 1980s and has been strengthened since the
1990s. This relates to the evolution of Public Interest Organisations (PIOs). PIOs have begun
to concentrate more on policy influence to multiply their impact on SD. These “third-
generation” CSOs consider SD basically the responsibility of the state to be implemented
through policies. Where the state does not do so, PIOs bring pressure to bear on the state to
formulate and implement appropriate policies. Prime examples of such PIOs include Sungi
Development Foundation, working on community development and advocacy in NWFP;
Aurat Foundation working on women’s issues throughout the country; Christian Study
Center, working on minority concerns; Shirkat Gah, a women’s resource center; and The
Network, working on consumer issues and rational use of medication. In addition, PIOs have
formed alliances and coalitions to increase their impact and credibility, while also offering
protection from harassment to each other. Yet another alternative to this mode of operation
relies more on civic mobilisation to address the fundamental issues facing interest groups.
This sort of mobilisation work, more related to social movements than to other CSOs,
concentrates on interest groups and localities. It relies on increasing the awareness of the
community and then improving their skills to tackle the development problems closest to
them. Further awareness continues so that the root causes of under-development may be
identified and addressed collectively.
In India the decade of 1990s witnessed the emergence of a new set of development rhetoric –
most prominent being “good governance,” “social capital,” “civil society building” and
“partnerships” with CSOs. Along with the changes in the rhetoric, the policies and practice of
donor agencies seems to have undergone a significant process of transformation. Most
significant of these changes has been the increasing emphasis on “direct partnership” with or
“direct funding” of “southern civil society” (SCS). Some CSOs of India, such as sports teams
and bridge clubs, are simply “affinity groups” that have no purpose beyond the enjoyment of
their members. Others exist to meet the economic needs of their members or communities.
Service clubs, charitable organisations, and self-help groups are examples. CSOs, which take
19
on political tasks, are more commonly called NGOs (non-governmental organisations). They
act as interest groups to mobilize people, who would not otherwise have access to state
power, to lobby for alternative policies, inform the public on important issues and force
governments to be more open and responsive. Many combine these functions. For example,
there are more than 500 environmental protection organisations in India. They plant trees,
conserve water and soil, and press for policies to fight agricultural and industrial pollution.
Increasingly, CSOs are forming international networks to address the growing range of issues
that cross-national borders, such as climate change, biodiversity destruction, deforestation,
trade, debt, and development policy. CSOs have led the world in bringing these issues and
their interconnections to the attention of the community and the states of the world (Haldar et
al., 2002).
In an effort to disseminate knowledge about SD in local languages, and to evolve into a

nation-wide network of organisations, SDNP/India has set up four regional nodes in different
parts of the country. These are in addition to the seven nodes, which are already operating in
Delhi. More regional nodes at different locations in the country are planned. The regional
nodes, which have been set up, are in Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Chandigarh and Hyderabad.
These nodes focus on women and environment, environmental education, hospital-waste
management, water resources management. The nodes shall create Websites with interface to
local languages, automate databases, contribute to monthly newsletters on SD, and answer
queries related to their areas. They shall also develop linkages with information users,
carriers and providers from government, academia, corporate sector and CSOs.
2.3.1 Civil Society – Some Instances of Weakness

The initiatives of CSOs in this sub-region have begun to affect a transition in society through
the credibility of their work. Impacts have remained limited to pockets and some are still
struggling for public credibility. While CSOs are all defining the SD agenda for themselves
and promoting it (very effectively in some cases), they are all constrained by an Achilles’
heel. Most of these initiatives are heavily dependent on financial support from institutional
donor agencies. While the steady stream of funding from Western donor agencies offers a
perverted form of sustainability for these initiatives, that is certainly not enough, for it
implies dependence on external agencies instead of internal agencies. The lack of internal
sustainability of these initiatives themselves casts an unmistakable shadow over their
promotion of SD. Alternatively, there are models of locally founded civic initiatives that have
defined SD in their own discourse and are promoting the agenda. These are indigenous
efforts that rely only minimally on external financial support. The small, if any, extent of
external financial support implies that these initiatives can dictate the terms of any support
unlike donor-dependent CSOs who are not in a position to bargain.
Despite the committed efforts of CSOs, there has been failure to bring about any substantial
change in the root structure of policy formulation and implementation. Policy advocacy is a
major focus of a growing number of CSOs. On-the-ground implementation of SD is seen as
another tool to increase the impact of policy influence. CSOs need to improve their
communication skills, and effectively use the media to highlight their message. Efforts in this
regard focus on building the capacity of local organisations and community members for
practicing SD on the ground. These typically include training for managerial and technical
skills enhancement, as well as information on SD issues locally, nationally and internationally.
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South Asia
The limited success mostly considered, as “models” for replication, have actually not been
replicated as much as possible. Political instability and a lack of political space for civil
society have prevented the spread of these successes throughout the country. Again, it is
civil society’s reliance on political commitment to replicate and scale up that has led to a
constrained impact. This situation is markedly different from the case in Bangladesh,
where civil society initiatives have scaled up their operations to cover large sections of the
country, in some cases more active and effective than government itself (such as the
activities of BRAC).
Outside of CSOs and related sectors, civil society has not generally managed to bring SD into
mainstream practice. The print media has just begun to cover SD stories in depth, but there is
little pro-active initiative, while the electronic media largely ignores the issue completely.
Professional associations too, have not been adequately reached by the civic leaders of SD,
although doctors, lawyers, teachers and other professionals do offer a huge potential in terms
of generating the transition. (Qadir, 2002b).
2.4 The Role of Multilateral and Bilateral Donors

The role of donors is generally supportive of SD, although the overall foreign donation to
Bangladesh has been gradually declining over the past two decades. The donors have
supported the major projects of the state, which enabled reducing population growth,
development in health care and education, building infrastructure, and investing toward rural
and urban development. However, the donors pushed the state to consider structural
adjustment, sometimes hastily, and also attached a number of conditions. They have been
more generous toward channeling money through the CSOs. Such contributions enabled the
CSOs to run projects on rural development, primary and reproductive health care, informal
education, participatory forestry and micro-credit toward facilitating rural livelihood, etc.
Many of these projects have made significant contribution to the overall development of the
country. It is generally found that majority of the contributions of these donors, through the
civil society, go to alleviate poverty of the rural population. Both the World Bank and the
Asian Development Bank have pro-poor programmes, which are primarily being
implemented by the state. One example of these programmes is the Poverty Alleviation
Microcredit project, funded by the World Bank and administered by local and international
CSOs working toward poverty alleviation in Bangladesh.
The majority of bilateral funds have concentrated on activities that involve rural
development and poverty eradication by means of micro-credit programmes and
agricultural, water resources, urban slum, environmental and skills development
programmes. Sectorally, donor support has been wide-ranging in Pakistan, mostly focusing
on poverty alleviation and social service delivery. Education, health and, recently, micro-
credit have been major foci of attention. More direct support for SD initiatives has typically
involved large-scale, time-bound, goal-oriented projects. Infrastructure development has
been a major area of focus, stemming from the bricks-and-mortar approach traditionally
favored by all political governments to enhance their popularity visibly. A number of civil
society initiatives are also concentrating specifically on environmental and natural resource
management issues with donor support. The trend is, increasingly, on social and
environmental service contracting.
21
Donor organisations in Pakistan have played a critical role in driving SD, both through
government actions and in supporting civil society. The most sought-after funding has been
in macro-economic areas, especially fiscal support. As in a number of other developing
country cases, this support is linked to policy packages or structural adjustments of one sort
or another, particularly since the late 1980s. Specific support for policy reforms has also
been a major feature, such as civil service or police reforms. None of these, however, have
ever been linked to SD goals, even those articulated in the NCS, adopted by the
government, or Agenda 21, ratified by the government. Roads, irrigation systems,
electrification, have all been a significant part of public sector support. Environmental
concerns have been seldom integrated into these projects, although there has been a
growing emphasis on environmental impact assessments throughout the 1990s. The limited
success in social indicators (including education, life expectancy and access to clean
drinking water) may well be attributed to global trends as much as to public-sector efforts.
The trend, in any case, is not positive, particularly when compared with other countries in
the region or at the same stage of development.
Civil society support has had much more concrete, positive and long-term benefits. Typically,
civil society receives support from international CSOs as well as bilateral and multilateral
agencies. Most of the support is medium-term programme funding and short-term project
funding. A lot of this funding has focused on building the capacity of CSOs and their partner
communities to manage the funding, manage and enhance their programmes and network
with other organisations in the country and internationally. However, a number of CSOs have
been engaged in national and international policy advocacy with donor support but not
always with donor consent. Donor support to civil society has had an impact on SD indicators
spread throughout the country. However, the successes are limited geographically and do not
add up significantly into the national averages. The notable exception is AKRSP, with a
measurable and significant impact on household income, education, health and political
empowerment in a large region of the country.
During the past 10-15 years, the efforts of CSOs, bilateral and multilateral agencies in India
to assist in supporting small- and medium-size enterprise development have produced a
number of lessons and best practices related to donor agencies’ activities in the field of
enterprise development. Private sector development is key to the World Bank’s strategy to
eradicate poverty. This is being achieved through accelerated growth with improved
distribution and providing governments with fiscal space to focus on social spending. The
main value of the EDU Enterprise Development Unit site is the “United Nations Inter-
Agency Resource Guide for Small-Enterprise Development,” which is a unique collaboration
among UN agencies to present the main services offered in support of small business
development in the developing world. Not only does it offer profiles of 40 services in seven
different categories such as policy, training, business advisory services, market development,
etc., but it also includes sections on good practices in small-enterprise development and key
aspects of designing and planning small-enterprise support initiatives.
Donor-driven capacity development toward SD is now targeted at the political, economic,

social, and legal institutions that promote an open market economy, economic policy making
and implementation, good governance including plural political systems, judicial, legislative
and state administrative systems, the media and civil society organisations. Looking at the
previous lessons, aid agencies have not always proved effective at supporting successful
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South Asia
initiatives. Evaluations by USAID, the World Bank, and the British ODA show that donor-
driven capacity-development projects are far less successful than other projects or project
components. The reasons for the poor performance are both related to the nature of aid
agencies themselves and the inherent problems of capacity development. The bureaucracies,
systems and procedures of aid agencies tend to be inflexible, rely on rigid project cycle
frameworks designed for short-term intervention, and judge success from previously set
goals, inputs and outputs. Capacity development requires a flexible process-driven approach,
which encourages learning, adaptive management and experimentation, a long-term
commitment, the building of human skills and competencies, and a deep sensitivity to local
culture, politics and context. It cannot be programmemed in detail from the outset.
In sum, there are clear contradictions between the way aid agencies operate (inflexible,
heavily programmemed, focus on quantitative indicators, visible short-term goals, and inputs
and outputs). The qualities and mechanisms needed for capacity development are flexibility,
loosely programmemed, iterative, quantitative and qualitative process indicators, objectives
which develop over time, and long-term results. Most aid agencies accept that they should
not actively be “doing” capacity development; their role is to support it through designing
flexible funding and development management mechanisms. But even restricted to an
“enabling” role, the problems of supporting capacity development remain huge, particularly
for the environment.
Several activities and programmes involving multilateral financing in India include:
• The Global Environment Facility: India is the second largest recipient of GEF
funding. The salient features of the GEF portfolio are diverse comprising projects
that are environmentally, socially and financially sustainable. Projects involve a
range of issues and approaches to address the questions of innovation,
experimentation, demonstration, cost-effectiveness and replicability.
• The Montreal protocol sets out a time schedule to freeze and reduce the use of ODS.
A Multilateral Fund was established by the parties to assist developing countries
meet the control measures as specified in the Protocol. It assists the government and
the industry to design, implement, monitor and evaluate ODS phase-out projects and
programmes in the aerosols, foam, solvent, refrigeration and fire-extinguishing
sectors, covering large-, medium- and small-scale enterprises. The Ministry of
Environment and Forest is the national executing agency for the institutional
strengthening projects for the phasing out of ODSs under the Montreal Protocol. In
Asia, India is number three in receiving funds for CFC phasing out programme, next
to China and Malaysia.
• The Local Initiative Facility for Urban Environment (LIFE) was launched by UNDP
at this Summit. The main goal of the programme is to help city dwellers to help
themselves find local solutions to local problems.
• There is only one Capacity 21 project in India which is being implemented so far by
the Indira Gandhi Institute for Development Research (IGIDR) through the Ministry
of Environment and Forest (MoEF). The main objective of the project is to build
capacity at various levels of government, national institutes and the community at
large through CSOs by introducing concepts of environmental economics into their
resource use and planning decisions. There are other projects on strengthening
23
capacities for sustainable trade. They are Environment Management-Capacity

Building Project by World Bank, strengthening capacities for trade and environmental
policy integration in India, and trade environment investment by UNCTAD.
In India there are several projects which are being implemented through various bilateral
programmes. Some of these include CIDA, IDRC, OECF/Japan, JICA, and other bilateral co-
operation programmes with countries including U.K., Norway, Sweden and Germany. The
main thrust of these programmes is on basic human needs, women in development, support to
infrastructure, private-sector development, environment, good governance and developing
“eco friendly” goods and technologies. The largest share is for poverty eradication, natural
resource protection and capacity building in that order. The amounts are miniscule compared
to the needs of the country.
2.4.1 The Donors – Some Instances of Weakness

Although donor support came for a variety of programmes to the three countries of the sub-
region, only two areas of initiatives were successful – raising of awareness among the public
and capacity building at various levels of the decision makers. However, the donor-driven
capacity-development initiatives lack appreciation by the public and politicians, as they are
long-term and generally only a means to other development goals, with less tangible outputs
compared to short-term visible physical projects. They also do not benefit powerful interest
groups such as contractors, and therefore enjoy little political support. It requires special
human skills to deal with organisational development, change and turbulence. But there is
uncertainty as to how to develop these skills, which go beyond standard management and
administration training. The role of donors in the SD of the recipient country should drive the
process, and full involvement of local communities is stated as a prerequisite. Other
important enabling factors are described as “the competence of government to formulate
appropriate policies, make timely decisions and implement them effectively,” and a fully
accountable and democratic government. Common sense would suggest that competent
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South Asia
governments don’t need their capacity developed. This is however a point of dilemma.
Effective capacity development requires some existing competence or capacity. For example,
even completing a logical framework requires a degree of management expertise that those in
greatest need of capacity development do not have. If capacity development is a practical aid
to implementing SD policies, then there is a need for greater understanding of links between
capacity development and techniques, methods and approaches for developing capacity.
Awareness-raising on a number of issues related to SD may well be classified as the most

significant impact of donor support to civil society. Policy advocacy is related to this, but
has not been built up systematically by donors as a support area. Much more donor
coordination is needed to fit various supports into an overarching framework for SD. A
fundamental cause for the lack of ultimate impact may be that donor support to the public
sector relies on government knowing what it was doing and being committed to a long-term
plan for reform. This would require over-arching policy commitments, such as those signed
on to in Rio but subsequently only paid lip service to. Another reason may be that, while the
same government was receiving support for SD, particularly environmental and social
development, it was also constantly contending for macro-economic support from
international financial institutions – the latter had requirements that did not always match
the donor agenda for SD.
Donors have a poor understanding of local realities, and often push “imported” and
inappropriate organisational and institutional models. One example is the promotion of “off-
the-shelf” environmental laws and frameworks in India. There is still a poor understanding of
how to develop capacity well and by consequence there are few benchmarks for evaluating
“how much” capacity has been developed. This may explain the high rate of perceived
failure. Some donor agencies suffer in Pakistan from a generally negative image. This image
needs to be redressed by making donor operations more transparent and by raising awareness
on the role and mechanism of donor agencies. A national debate on the role and function of
donor agencies in national SD has yet to take place. The result of such a process of debate
may be to refine the support process and target assistance where it can be most effective.
Thus a lack of policy coordination seems to be a striking feature of donor assistance to the
public sector, both from government that received the support, and from donors that
provided it. Taking a step back, it is quite plausible to propose that the reason for a lack of
policy coordination and integration was the lack of political commitment to an over-arching
SD framework, despite the rhetoric. Donor support to the public sector in Pakistan is a prime
example of the failure of political will for a transition to SD. In Bangladesh, environment
has received more and more donor support, although this is again targeted mainly at visible
rehabilitation efforts. Forestry and agriculture are the significant sectors within
environment/natural resource management, with considerable emphasis on reforestation,
desalination and combating desertification and water-logging in productive lands. Very little
attention has been paid to environmental policy or to integrating environmental concerns in
other development initiatives.
The aspect of relationship between donor and civil society needs to be balanced by
developing a partnership relationship with civil society rather than a donor-recipient one.
This has already begun happening in some cases mostly with Indian CSOs with positive
results. Most importantly, dictation, or even perception of dictation, has disastrous effects on
25
civil society initiatives, as it kills the civic entrepreneurship that lies at the heart of civic
successes. Partnership with civil society would naturally involve technology transfer. This
has been a weak area so far, whether in material technology transfer or in knowledge.
Another aspect of partnership would be for donors to help enhance the political space for
civil society to enhance its impact for SD. Donor organisations can realistically act as an
interface between civil society and the national government as well as between national civil
society and multilateral agencies, such as the World Bank, WTO, IMF or the UN. Such an
approach may well prove critical in allowing civil society to influence policy making for
better coordination as well as for replicating success stories.
3. Current State of Sustainable Development

3.1 Demographic Trends
The fast-growing population (1.9 percent per annum) in the South Asian region is the primary
reason for the critical insecurity in income levels. The region is undoubtedly immensely
gifted with richness as far as biodiversity, mineral wealth, potential for agriculture or water
resources are concerned. Inspite of this, South Asia remains one of the poorest regions in the
world, and this is largely due to the fact that it has a huge population to feed. The average
annual growth rate of the labor force has been around 2.3 percent per annum for the region,
i.e. for a population of around 1.3 billion the figure works out to be 30 million people. On the
other hand, the generation of jobs in the region is around a tenth of the requirement (India
creates around 15 lakh jobs a year). The fact remains that the region is simply not able to
create enough opportunities for its people. With a high level of unemployment, out of which
the major share goes to the primary sector, wage levels in the region are very low, thereby
adding to the insecurity in incomes. Along with unemployment, underemployment has also
been rampant in the region, (Ahmed, 2002)
The net result of all this is an over-dependence on the natural resources of the region, which
severely affects the environment. As a proxy measure of the pressure on the resource base, let us
consider the population density persquare kilometres of arable land. Countries like Bangladesh
have rural population densities that are significantly higher than other low-income countries. The
rates of growth of agriculture, given that more than 50 percent of the population depends on this
sector in the region, are also given to highlight the severity of the situation, (UNFPA, 1996).
The high-income average annual growth is roughly a third of the South Asian average: It adds up
to about 580 people persquare kilometres of arable land. Moreover, the agricultural population
has a declining growth of 0.2 percent. The high world average stresses the fact that most of the
people depending on agriculture as their source of sustenance are from the developing countries.
Income insecurity is particularly pronounced in the South Asian region (Sri Lanka and
Bangladesh have a huge proportion of their populations in the rural areas) as a result of high
population impinging on the scarce resource base. As a case in point, the total supply of arable
land in India declined from 54.8 percent to 54.5 percent of the total land area over a period of 17
years from 1980 to 1997. In concrete terms, this means a loss of around 0.97-million hectares
(World Bank, 2000). This demonstrates that low incomes have forced people to use land more
intensively – whether for cultivation or grazing. In Bangladesh, the same indicator shows a
decline of around 7.5 percent, over the same duration. In addition, between 1980 and 1997, the
permanent cropland area has gone up for all the South Asian nations.
26
South Asia
Demographers point out that the lower the infant mortality, the better the possibility of a
decline in fertility rate, because increased infant survival rate often creates conditions for
adoption of family planning methods. Infant mortality declined consistently between 1970-
92 in all the South Asian countries. The rate of decline was the sharpest for Bangladesh and
India. The declining rate, in general, was primarily due to access to better medical care,
better sanitation and improved knowledge of child care. Pakistan’s fertility rate increased
slightly until 1982, but an increase in adoption of family planning techniques has helped
reduce the rate since then. Still, in the period 1988-93, only 14 percent of married women in
the child-bearing age in Pakistan used contraception, compared to 43 percent in India and 40
percent in Bangladesh during the same period (Stephenson, 1996).
The status of human development as reflected through the Human Development Index (HDI)
representing life expectancy, level of literacy, and standard of living (in terms of GDP per
capita in purchasing power) has improved 0.350 in 1980 to 0.470 in 1999. Bangladesh
belongs to the group of low human development countries and is ranked 132 among 162
nations included in the Human Development Report. According to the 2001 report, the
position of Bangladesh is lowest among South-Asian Countries. The HDI for Bangladesh
however increased from 146 in 1994 to 144 in 1997 and 132 in 2001 (UNDP, 2001).
Figures below are snapshots of some social indicators of South Asian nations.
Figure 1: 1999 GDP per Capita

GDP per Capita (PPP US$)
27
Figure 2: 1999 Life Expectancy
Source: UNDP, 2001
Table 1: Selected Social Indicators
Social Indicator (1998) South Asia All Developing

Countries
Life expectancy at birth (years) 62.7 64.4
Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) 72 64
Adult literacy rate (% above age 15) 54.3 72.7
Combined gross enrolment ratio (% ) 52 60
Annual population growth rate (%) 1.4 1.4
Population without access to safe drinking water (% ) 18 28
Population without access to sanitation (%) 65 56
Source: UNDP, 2000
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South Asia
The HDI, shown in Figure 3, is a composite of indicators on health, education and income.
Figure 3: Human Development Index Trends
Figure 4: Social Indicators in the Region
Source : Qadir, 2002a
29
3.2 The Economic Base

Economically, all South Asian countries are grouped under the category of “developing
nations.” The main source of income is, predominantly, from agriculture. As a general rule,
the greater the proportion of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in agriculture, the more the
level of poverty. Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal fall into this extreme poverty category. India,
Pakistan and Sri Lanka have almost a quarter of their GDP derived from industries, sizeable
portions of which are from manufacturing.
A declining trend in the proportion of labor force in agriculture is a significant indicator of an

increase in a country’s manufacturing and service sectors, eventually fostering general
development and accelerating population growth. In the 1970s, Bangladesh, Pakistan and
India showed declining proportions of labor force in agriculture. Today, Bangladesh still has
the highest proportion of labor force in agriculture, which is indicative of their low rate of
development. A large female labor force is an indicator of a liberalisation trend in a male-
dominated society, while a low female labor participation results from the pressures of
unemployment that force male workers to grab whatever employment is available, thereby
leaving females out of work. In the case of India, there had been a decline in female labor
force participation between 1970 and 1992. Pakistan and Bangladesh show an increasing
female labor participation. (Ahmed, 2002). The region has experienced fairly high rates of
GDP growth in the past decade. The annual percent growth rate of the region has varied from
5.6 in 1990 to 4.6 in 1997 and 5.6 again in 1998. The projected growth rate of the region has
been 4.8 for the period 1998-2001. Gross National Product (GNP) per capita is a simplistic,
yet significant indicator of the economic level of a country. According to a 1998 report,
Pakistan (US $470), India (US $440). Bangladesh (US $350) had the lowest.
The South Asian region is a key economic zone, seen from the global perspective. It assumes
prime importance due to two fundamental reasons: firstly, its huge population makes it a
lucrative market for all kinds of products and the fact that this region is growing fast, adds to
this trend. Secondly, the countries of this region are all major debtor countries and are unable
to break free from the “low-level equilibrium trap” – basically created by the low rates of
capital formation – that compounds the need to secure resources from other sources to build
up a capital base. The amount of external debt in total GNP is very high for the region. High
levels of external debt have proved to be very counter-productive in the case of the Latin
American nations and some of the East European states. It has also been observed that all the
countries that are heavy debtors, with the possible exception of Pakistan, depend strongly on
tourism as an important source of revenue – with Maldives and Nepal leading the group. This
implies that tourism has not been able to generate enough money for infrastructure
development. Consequently, in spite of Maldives being the richest of the South Asian nations
(its per-capita income is over US $1,300), it has to depend on foreign sources for generating
funds for its development. Secondly, the levels of long-term debt as a component of the total
debt are extremely high for all the countries. While this is fast becoming a common
phenomenon, and governments across the world favor long-term debt due to its low impact
on the current deficit levels (debt-servicing is not usually a worry in the short term), the risk
of the country going into a debt-trap seems to loom large. In a debt-trap situation, the country
has to borrow just to ensure timely installment payments of its loans, which leads to the
subsequent borrowings yielding zero returns while not adding to developmental effort and
depressing the situation further. Thirdly, the low participation of private funds implies that in
30
South Asia
these countries, the financial markets have not developed as a viable alternative. With the
exception of India, all the other countries have hardly 10 percent of the total external debt
coming from private sources. The advantage with private sources is that the risk is spread
over a large number of players. For example, India appears to be comfortably placed with the
bulk support coming from private sources. Therefore, the risks arising out of borrowing from
the multilateral and bilateral sources are largely minimized (DA, 2001). Following the East
Asian meltdown, there has been a diversion of global funds toward this region and this,
therefore, is a very crucial stage for the region as a whole. As the global economy tends to
become smaller, international trade assumes far greater importance. Today’s world market is
a much more complicated arena, developing countries are increasingly being marginalised by
larger economic blocks such as the European Union. Political leaders have understood the
need for co-operation at the regional level to ensure better terms of trade in the global
marketplace.
All of the above means that the region, for its survival, has to perform at higher qualitative
levels and yet manage to produce the quantities that would be able to feed its rapidly growing
population. The nineties had seen India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to an extent liberalising and
thereafter globalising their economies. The key reason behind opening the doors of the
economy to outward competition was to ensure that competition would raise the quality
levels domestically, and enable the country to fetch better prices in the global market. This
shift had another angle to it, which had more fundamental, longer-term implications. This
was in terms of resource conservation. What constituted an improvement in corporate bottom
lines, through wider participation of actors globally, is today being perceived as resource
conservation – more value for the same amount of input (thanks to improved technologies), a
move toward sustainable forms of development. The flip side was the destruction of good
ecosystems such as forests to grow crops that had export potential.
A price to be paid in terms of natural resources, however, is not what the process of economic
integration of a global nature is all about. The “rate of output generation” has replaced
production as the target indicator of sustainable growth patterns. This sustainability has
assumed increasing importance globally. This region, mostly because of its rich natural
endowments, has been getting increasing attention. The environment today is more than just
an issue for debate is very clear from the Seattle Round. It is for the South Asian region now
to take cognizance of the rapidly changing scenario that governs international trade, and
initiate collective action. With more than a fifth of the world’s bio-diversity under its belt, its
rich abundance of mineral deposits, its potential as a huge market and its highly skilled pool
of human capital, a unified South Asia can bring more than a bargaining chip to the global
negotiating table (DA, 2001).
3.3 Urbanisation and Migration

Urbanisation witnesses a steady exodus of people out of the villages and into the cities.
Correspondingly, a form of migration – for jobs – becomes common. The resultant impact is
crowding of the urban areas, appearance of unplanned slums, creation of mega-cities, and a
general rise in pollution levels in and around the emerging metropolis. The urban population
of Bangladesh grew from 12.5 million in 1980 to 29.4 million in 1998, roughly by 135
percent. In the same period, India’s urban population grew by more than 70 percent to a total
of 272 million. Pakistan had roughly gone up by another 80 percent to almost 48 million
31
people in 1998. The urban population of all countries of South Asia is growing both in
numbers and as percentage of the total population. One of the most important push-and-pull
factors for rapid urban growth is livelihood option. Pakistan continues to remain the most
urbanized in the region. The United Nations has projected that about 38 percent of the
population of Pakistan will live in urban areas in 2000 (WRI et al., 1997).
Several factors, including structural adjustment programmes, economic crisis and massive
rural-to-urban migration, have contributed to an increasing number of urban poor since the
1980s.The urban poverty has implications for the urban environment and its quality of life.
For one, the urban poor bear the greatest burden of urban environmental risks because of the
situations which they are forced to live in – the sprawling squatter settlements of the cities in
the developing world. A recent World Bank study has estimated that developing countries as
a whole invest about $200 billion per year in physical infrastructure facilities. This is about
four percent of their GDP. About four-fifths of this, i.e. $160 billion, is financed through
domestic public resources, about one-sixth, i.e. $25 billion through international development
assistance and the remaining, about $15 billion, through private capital. Future investments
needed are expected to be much higher because of demand created by increasing population,
rapid urbanisation and changing lifestyles. Increasing population, urbanisation,
industrialisation and rising and changing consumption patterns are resulting in the generation
of increasing amounts of solid waste across the entire region. By the year 2020, an additional
1.5 billion people will be added to Asia’s population, and with the rapidly swelling urban
population the requirement for infrastructure and services, too, would increase manifold.
Solid-waste collection and disposal is one such service that needs to be adequately provided
to ensure an urban environment conducive for living. Urbanisation has a profound impact on
the demand of energy and water consumed (World Bank, 2000).
3.4 Water Security

A considerable part of the fresh water used in the South Asian region is drawn from rivers
and lakes. Most of the river systems are linked with the Indian sub-continent. The principal
among these are the Ganga, Brahmaputra, Indus and the Meghna. Many countries in the
region have large and extensive groundwater resources. This is because one of the world’s
largest river networks is present in this region. Bangladesh meets most of its water needs
from its groundwater resources. Per-capita availability of water can be linked with the
development (agricultural and industrial) and health status of any country. Generally, 1,700
cubic meters annually, per capita, of water is the desirable limit of requirement. When the
availability of fresh water falls below 1,000 cubic meters per person per year, countries
experience water scarcity; if it falls below 500 cubic meters per person, it leads to water
stress. The South Asian region’s water per capita is based on 1995 population statistics. As of
today, countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan (the Baluchistan region) and India (the state of
Rajasthan) are facing water scarcity irrespective of annual per capita availability due to
uneven distribution of rainfall and existing geological formations (Anon., 1999).
The food security of the region is very much dependent on irrigated agriculture. The
irrigation sub-sector in the region claims the highest use of water, accounting for over 90
percent of the total annual available water. Ninety-five percent of the country’s water
resources are used up by the agricultural sector. In India, more than two-thirds of foodgrain
production is from the 91.8 million hectares of land under irrigation; irrigation uses up nearly
32
South Asia

90 percent of the water supplies. Even when all the irrigation potential is developed in India,
more than 60 percent of the cultivable land will still be under rain-fed cultivation. Water is
thus a serious constraint for expanding the irrigated area. Large quantities of water that is
used for agriculture is wasted and results in problems such as water-logging and salinisation.
The demand for non-agricultural uses is also increasing rapidly. At the same time, more food
has to be produced to meet the demands of the increasing population and its burgeoning
consumption levels. To counter these issues, there is a need for using the available water very
efficiently – by using less of it to produce more.
The primary source of municipal/domestic water is surface water. However, most of the
countries in the region are drawing water from groundwater sources as well, wherever it is
available. There are some cities in the region which are exclusively dependent on
groundwater, such as Lahore (completely dependent) and Dhaka (95 percent requirements
met by groundwater). Groundwater is very useful because of its better quality compared to
water from surface sources. In general, groundwater is free from bacteriological, physical
and chemical contamination and is also disaffected by short-term droughts. However, due
to geological reasons, some of the areas have reported groundwater quality problems, such
as the presence of fluorides and nitrates (India), arsenic (India and Bangladesh). India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh also face the problem of groundwater salinity in some areas.
There is a lot of variation in consumption patterns of water among the rural and urban
populations. According to an Asian Development Bank report (1998), in the metropolitan
centers, usage ranges from 100 to 400 litres per day (in New Delhi, it is 341 l/d), whereas
rural water consumption is 40 to 60 l/d.
33
Groundwater is the main source for meeting the water needs of industries in this region,
where industrial growth has been high (5.6 percent between 1965 and 1990). In fact, the
industrial sector has quadrupled in size. There has been a region-wide structural shift toward
increased industrialisation – industry has increased its share of total output from 21 to 26
percent. This structural shift is expected to continue in future The environmental cost of this
rapid industrial growth has been the contamination of water resources, including pollution of
groundwater and surface water. Industry uses water mainly for cleaning and cooling
purposes. Water-using industries in the region are pulp and paper, power, food processing,
textile, chemicals, metals and petroleum. About 50-80 percent of industrial water supply
drawn from groundwater is used by energy and fossil fuel industries. But the water that is
returned to the source after use is heavily polluted with chemicals and industrial wastes,
which, in turn, pollutes the groundwater aquifers. The reason for this state of affairs is a lack
of treatment measures, which in turn, affects human health and causes soil degradation in the
region (Tiwari et al., 2000).
Besides natural scarcity, mismanagement of water resources too plays an important role in
causing water insecurity. Effluent discharge and indiscriminate extraction from aquifers are
just a few of the many elements of this mismanagement. Per capita consumption figures are
generally based on the quantity of water supplied to the water distribution networks in urban
areas. But the distribution systems are obsolete and the losses and operational wastage are
high. For instance, in Dhaka city, the unaccounted for loss of water is at least 45 percent – out
of which 20 percent is physical loss and 25 percent is administrative. This situation can be
rectified through better maintenance systems, which can enhance the per capita availability.
3.5 Energy Security

Energy is a crucial determinant of development. Of all human activities, the production and
use of energy has perhaps the largest impact on the environment. Increasing utilisation of
energy by burning fossil fuels has been the major contributor to environmental degradation at
local, regional, national and trans-national levels. While its extraction disrupts terrestrial and
aquatic ecosystems, conversion and combustion for producing energy are the principal
sources of greenhouse gases and other air pollutants. At the household level, indoor air
pollution from the use of traditional fuels is a major health hazard. Thus, the need to use
energy, while keeping its adverse environmental effects minimal, is a major challenge that
faces countries at all levels of development. During the mid-1970s to mid-1980s, the
concerns about energy were related to its availability, resulting in significant increase in
prices. At present, the concern has shifted to considerations of environmental impacts of
energy production and use, (International Energy Agency, 1999).
There are quite revealing variations in the installed capacities of power utilities in South Asia
as per their natural endowments. The use of thermal power dominates in Bangladesh (92
percent), India (73 percent) and Pakistan (69 percent). This form of power is proving to be
highly cost-ineffective. India and Bangladesh use substantial amounts of energy derived from
biomass and other renewable resources, putting great pressure on the forest and agricultural
ecosystems that supply those fuels. Despite the emphasis on nuclear energy in both India and
Pakistan, the installed capacity of nuclear energy has remained constant for the last 15 to 20
years. Though the nuclear power option is often considered to be safe, cheap and
environmentally sound in South Asia, the capital costs of nuclear plants are two-thirds higher
34
South Asia
than those of coal-fired thermal power plants. Also, there are doubts about the safety of
nuclear power plants.
The demand for energy can be broadly classified into three generic classes: rural, urban and
industrial energy demand. The demand in all these three sectors has increased in the South
Asian countries. Per-capita energy use in the South Asian region has increased to 443 kg of
oil equivalent from 394 kg of oil equivalent. Use of commercial energy has recorded the
maximum increase in Pakistan, where it has jumped by 4.9 percent between 1980 and 1997.
In the South Asian region, per-capita commercial energy use is the maximum in India (479
kg of oil equivalent), which is still much lower compared to per-capita commercial energy
use in USA or Australia where it is 8,000 and 5,500 kg of oil equivalent respectively (World
Bank, 2000). Average annual percentage growth in per capita commercial energy use during
the period 1980 to 1997 has been the maximum (2.3 percent) in Pakistan. Due to excessive
industrial and household demand, most of these countries face serious power shortfalls.
Industry is the largest consumer of electricity, except in Pakistan where it is the second
largest. Overall, the use of commercial energy in the South Asian region is expected to
double during the 20-year period between 1990-2010. Power generation and transport are
the fastest growing energy-using sectors. Growth in the power sector will lead to increase in
coal consumption, and the growth in the transport sector will cause an increase in
consumption of oil. For the South Asian region, the demand for power has increased at an
annual rate of 9 percent, doubling its magnitude every eight years. The supply side has,
however, recorded a smaller and erratic growth pattern. The energy deficit is likely to
deepen further, both because of region-wide, economic liberalisation-led industrial
activities, and the increasing income-level-led change by families from bio-fuels to more
efficient and convenient modern fuels of the rural and urban (Lama, 1999).
A large proportion of the population of South Asian countries is from rural areas; e.g., 70
percent of the population in India. Until the last decade, firewood and agricultural waste
used to be the most important sources of rural energy. In recent years, electricity and
petroleum products are increasingly becoming available in rural areas, but most rural
communities continue to derive energy from “traditional” sources such as firewood and
agriculture and animal wastes. Though the use of commercial energy sources is growing
rapidly in the South Asian region, and one may expect a decreasing share of traditional fuels
in the total energy demand. However, since per-capita consumption of energy is much
higher in the urban areas than in the rural ones, more than half of the population continues to
rely on traditional fuels. Dependence of the rural population on traditional fuels results in
the depletion of forests, which in turn gives rise to problems such as soil erosion, loss of
fertile topsoil, flash floods, reduced recharge rates, etc. The forests being important sources
of carbon sequestration, the loss of forest cover results in accumulation of carbon dioxide in
the atmosphere and in turn, global warming, sea-level rise and other associated impacts.
Burning of biomass has another adverse impact – indoor air pollution.
Although limited at present, electricity generation from renewable energy has been
increasing. The share of energy from solar photovoltaics has increased at a rapid rate in the
South Asian region over the past decade. This trend is expected to continue with the costs of
photovoltaic systems coming down. However, currently, these are mostly restricted to remote
locations far from the existing grids. The generation of electricity from wind has also been
very successful and has seen rapid progress. India, for example, had commissioned about 54
35
MW of capacity by March 1993. There are plans to increase this to 5,000 MW. The role of
the private sector in power generation in general is also on the increase throughout the region.
While the demand for energy is increasing, the production has not increased correspondingly.
This has resulted in increased energy imports South Asian countries are largely energy
importers (MNCES, 1994).
In the early stages of industrialisation, local or global environmental issues were not a
primary consideration and were often ignored in the face of the benefits of industrial
development. Concern about the degradation of the environment began to grow, when the
environment started showing signs of stress due to the intensity of industrial processes and
other impacts, particularly owing to energy generation. The South Asian countries still
depend heavily on coal for production of electricity, despite the fact that production of energy
from coal results in very significant negative environmental impacts relating to all stages of
the coal-cycle – mining, transportation, combustion and the disposal of residues. To a smaller
extent, oil and natural gas are utilized for energy production in thermal power plants. In
recent years, the regional and global aspects of coal use have become an increasing concern.
Regional impacts result from emissions of sulfur and nitrogen oxides from combustion,
giving rise to acid deposition. The nature and amount of coal combusted, prevailing wind
directions, and type of soil and vegetation are amongst the important factors that determine
the extent and impact of acid precipitation.
The global effects of coal combustion (and indeed, combustion of all fossil fuels and
biomass) are associated with emissions of carbon dioxide and nitrous oxides, contributors to
“global warming.” Although the region is characterized by a low level of per-capita emission,
due to the dense population in the region the total emissions of GHG is quite high.
Comparing India, Pakistan, China and Uzbekistan one discovers that developing countries
use more of fossil fuels per unit of their GDP, and emissions per unit GDP are significantly
higher than their per-capita emissions. Paradoxically, USA has a per-capita emission rate that
is more than 20 times its GDP emission rate. This is more due to the fact that lifestyles in
developed countries are highly energy-intensive (DA, 2001).
The South Asian region possesses vast stores of clean, renewable, non-conventional energy
sources. These include biogas, solar photovoltaics, solar thermal, biomass gasification, wind
power, small hydropower and cogeneration. These sources are available throughout the region
and thus, power generation is possible near the load centers – which takes care of the problems
associated with transmission and distribution. Besides, these sources are also low carbon-
dioxide emitters. In view of the issues linked to climate change, the decentralized energy
sources seem to be a better alternative for SD of the countries in the region. Considerable
progress has been made in India over a wide range of programmes, particularly in the
production of electricity from renewable energy resources. Among renewable technologies,
wind farms appear to be a feasible and cost-effective option for supplementing the
conventional means of power generation on a large scale. The total installed wind power
capacity of India is nearly 600 MW, which has placed India among the top three countries in
the world in harnessing the wind resources. The renewables tend to be competitive vis-à-vis
fossil fuel sources, especially in remote, sparsely populated locations, where it is not
economical to extend the grid. Renewables thus have a large potential in meeting the
development needs of small rural communities.
36
South Asia
Improvements in energy efficiency are frequently the most cost-effective approach to

reducing the environmental impacts of energy systems, as there is usually a linear
relationship between the amount of energy used and particular types of pollutants, e.g.
particulate or sulfur dioxide. There is considerable scope in the South Asian region for
reducing the amount of energy used across all sectors, including industry, transportation
and household users.
3.6 Environmental Threats

3.6.1 Disasters
The incidence of natural disasters such as storms and floods is increasing in frequency and
magnitude. Some of these phenomenon – particularly floods – are being exacerbated or
triggered by human degradation of the environment and disturbance of formerly stable
ecosystems. The summer of 1998 saw two major examples of flooding and landslide
disasters in Asia that were caused by such environmental degradation – in both cases, the
cause was loss was of forests in the upland watersheds of major rivers. The vulnerability to
natural disasters is also growing due to increasing population and inadequately planned
urban growth. The number and density of people living in cities within earthquake and
tropical cyclone zones have risen dramatically in the past two decades. This growth has
mostly been haphazard and uncontrolled. Physical infrastructure has expanded rapidly as
well, and has generally hindered sustainable construction practices and safe building
standards, particularly from the standpoint of mitigating events such as floods and
earthquakes. Poor planning decisions have led to the establishment of potentially hazardous
facilities, such as nuclear power plants, chemical factories and major dams, in earthquake-
prone zones and densely populated areas.
The effects of environmental degradation can also transcend national boundaries. For
example, increasing soil erosion in the hills of Nepal is resulting in heavy siltation of the river
beds in India and Bangladesh, which is raising river bed levels and causing more frequent
flooding. In the coastal areas, human vulnerability has increased due to degradation of the
natural buffers, such as coral reefs and mangroves (Spalding et al., 1993). This is particularly
true in the region’s island nations and the coastal areas, such as in Bangladesh. The region
also witnesses the tremors of global ecological changes. For instance, the loss of natural
vegetation – particularly forests – around the world is also a major cause of preventable
natural disasters that afflict South Asia.
Planning and preparedness is essential for both mitigation and management of natural
disasters. Information about the measures to be taken before and after the event needs to be
disseminated, implemented and followed carefully. However, in most developing countries
of the region, even when adequate forecasting is available, conditions are such that the
warning of an event is of little practical use. Due to overcrowding, lack of basic
infrastructure and communication, very little can be achieved by way of evacuating or
preparing the population at risk.
The annual floods in Bangladesh deposit alluvial soils in the delta and assure the land’s
fertility, making it possible to grow three crops a year. Seasonal flooding occurs in many of
the large river basins of the region, such as the Ganga in India. Prolonged rainfall over an
37
extensive catchment area generates high volumes of run-off, which spill out onto the river’s
natural floodplains. This water can inundate large areas for weeks at a time owing to the long
response time of the catchment, and subsequent slow rise and fall of the flood hydrograph.
For example, in Bangladesh, as many as 80 million people are vulnerable to flooding each
year. In July and August, heavy monsoon rains combine with high river flows from India and
cause serious flooding. Another example is India, where a total of about 40 million hectares
are at risk from flooding each year. The average annual damage has been estimated at US
$240 million, although this can increase to over US $1.5 billion with severe flooding. Flash
floods, resulting from intense rainfall of a relatively short duration, are more common in the
hills and mountainous parts of the region that have steep and small catchments which respond
quickly to rainfall, such as in Central Asia. However, they can also occur when dams or
barrages fail. Located on the southern bank of river Brahmaputra in Assam, India, the
Kaziranga National Park has been bearing the brunt of floods every year. According to an
estimate by the wildlife reservation wing about 500 animals died in the 1998 floods. As many
as 101 highly prized one-horn rhinos were swept away, reducing their already endangered
population by half. The extent of damage was assessed at Rs 1 crore (DA, 2001).
A drought triggers a crisis, but does not cause it. Over-cultivation and over-grazing weaken
the land, allowing no margins when a drought arrives. Occurrence of drought is commonly
associated with arid and semi-arid regions. Many countries in South Asia are prone to
drought, including Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka and parts of Bangladesh. In India, about 33
percent of the arable area is considered to be drought-prone. The number of people at risk has
been estimated at 185 billion.
Cyclones can generate very heavy rainfall and cause severe flooding, and are often
accompanied by devastating tidal surges and raging cyclonic winds. In fact, most major
disasters associated with tropical cyclones have been caused by tidal storm surges. When a
tropical cyclone approaches the coast, storm surges can occur several hours in advance of
the cyclone under certain conditions (primarily low central barometric pressures, shallow
waters and high tides), and hit a coastal area whilst people are still being evacuated,
causing huge loss of life and material damage. For instance, the storm surges
accompanying the 1970 and 1991 tropical cyclones devastated Bangladesh and claimed
about half-a-million lives. Bangladesh, in fact, suffered the greatest loss of life in its
disaster-prone history in the cyclone of April 1991. Some countries rarely experience the
direct effects of tropical cyclones, but when they do, they usually have to bear with very
high levels of destruction in terms of lives and property. In other countries, the effects of
tropical cyclones or depressions are more frequently felt in the form of heavy rainfall (such
as in Pakistan). One tropical depression in Pakistan in 1993 resulted in 600 deaths and the
loss of hundreds of fishing boats.
Between 50 and 60 percent of India is vulnerable to seismic activities of varying intensity.

The Himalayan range, the Indo-Gangetic plains and the Kutch and Kathiawar regions of
western India are geologically the most unstable parts, and are most prone to earthquakes.
Areas in and around the Union Territory of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are also
quake-prone, although earthquakes occasionally occur elsewhere in India too. For instance,
the September 1993 earthquake that struck the Maharashtra state in central west India
claimed nearly 12,000 lives.
38
South Asia
3.6.2 Industrial Pollution

The industrial sector is one of the most dynamic sectors of the economy and plays an
essential role in economic development and the alleviation of poverty. If environmental
considerations are not effectively integrated into the design of industrial processes, the
implications can be manifold. There has been a region-wide structural shift toward
increased industrialisation. Developing economies with low levels of industrialisation are
gradually shifting their dependence from agriculture to the industrial sector, while
developed economies, with a high level of industrialisation, are shifting from the industrial
to the service sector. Industry has increased its share of total output from 21 to 26 percent
in South Asia and this structural shift is expected to continue into the future. This shift has
given rise to concern toward increasing carbon intensity in both local and regional
environment (Carter et al., 1993).
In recent years, the demand for certain types of consumer products have led to the
development of industrial growth, has been particularly high. For instance, the automobile
sector growth in the last five years has been rapid (especially in India, Pakistan and Nepal).
This growth alone has contributed to four percent of the large-scale industrial pollution and
20 percent of the small- and medium-size enterprises (SMEs) pollution load. Current efforts
for global environmental protection are mainly being concentrated around large-and small-
scale development projects. But a large number of small-scale operations have been left
unnoticed in spite of their high resource intensity, inefficiency and high level of pollution
load per every unit of production. Industries such as cement, glass, ceramic, iron and steel,
paper and pulp, refineries, etc., exercise a wide range of environmental impacts. They emit
large amounts of nitrogen, sulfur and carbon oxides into the air. Emissions of lead, arsenic
and chromium, both from glass and iron and steel industries, are extremely toxic. Waste
disposal from such industries causes extensive water and soil contamination too.
The spatial distribution of population, particularly the concentration of population and labor
resources in urban areas, is a key requirement for industrial development. Industrial activity
and the pull of higher urban wages, in turn, encourage further migration to cities. Higher
population concentration or “density” in cities may allow the widespread provision of basic
services, especially schools and health facilities, higher standards of living, and better
environmental conditions. At the same time, high urban population density and the
consumption patterns of a rapidly growing urban populace creates various physical
environmental problems with, for example, waste disposal and vehicular emissions. Industrial
activity also directly transforms the environment through the production of industrial wastes
leading to problems of water, soil and air pollution. An environment polluted by industrial
activities, in turn, adversely affects the population’s health.
These reciprocal relationships between industrial, population and environmental trends may
vary according to the temporal and geographic scale at which they occur. Concurrent long-
term global trends of increased population growth, population concentration, consumption
and industrial activity are believed to play some role in global environmental changes such as
acid rain, ozone depletion and global warming. The overwhelming majority of impacts
between population, environment and industry, however, occur at the local level. Coastal
areas, which are frequently the setting for urban development, are inherently subject to
natural transformations such as sea-level rise or erosion. Population or industrial activity may
39
both affect and be affected by these natural processes. For example, in the coastal areas of
Bangladesh, a rise in sea-levels – possibly related to global warming and continued
development – has led to increased flooding which threatens the ever-increasing coastal
population, (Ahmed, 2002)
Although industrial pollution may emanate from a localized source, its impacts may extend
across geographic and administrative boundaries. Moreover, several resources (water, air
and soil) or several distinct population groups may be affected at the same time.
Distinction may be made between endemic long-term deterioration and short-term disaster
situations, for example due to industrial accidents or natural calamities. However, it is
often difficult to classify the time-frame of population, environment and industrial
relationships, since effects often lag. For example, the impact of industrial pollution on
populations or the environment may not be apparent until several decades after it occurs. A
need, therefore, exists for determining ‘situations’ as opposed to sites. Analysis of impacts
may need to go beyond geographic and administrative boundaries to consider wider
interactive, productive, ecological and demographic “systems.” In addition, both long- and
short-term impacts should be considered.
3.6.3 Biodiversity
South Asia is home to spectacular natural beauty and biological wealth. The region’s
geographical expanse and topography include several diverse ecosystems harboring rich
variety of faunal and floral species. In India and Bangladesh, the Sunderbans, the largest
contiguous mangrove swamp in the world; magnificent coral reefs and atolls in the
Lakshadweep-Maldives chain of islands; the Thar desert and arid areas in northwest India
and southern Pakistan; high altitude cold deserts in the upper Himalayas and Deosai plains in
Kashmir; two rich biodiversity hotspots in the eastern Himalayas (Nepal, northeastern India,
and Bhutan) and the Western and Eastern Ghats of India and Sri Lanka; and the dense and
virtually untouched virgin forests of Bhutan and Sinharaja, the ancient forest in Sri Lanka.
The diversity in the latitude, altitude, climate, topography and rainfall patterns plays an
important role in determining the vegetation of the area. The monsoon rainfall pattern, unique
to the region, principally distinguishes the forests into evergreen (which receive 2,500 mm
rainfall per annum), deciduous (1,000-2,000 mm), dry forests and scrubland (500-1,000 mm),
and desert and semi-desert (less than 500 mm). Forests cover an area of approximately
77,137,000 ha of the total land area (4,122,97,000 ha) of the region – i.e., 18.6 percent of the
land area of South Asia is under forests, which accounts for approximately 2.93 percent of
the world’s forest cover. These forests and ecosystems are home to nearly 42,288 species of
higher flowering plants and 6,472 species of fauna (mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians and
freshwater fishes). Of these, 9,257 species of vascular plants and 824 species of animals are
endemic to the region. Thus, occupying an area of 44,49,060square kilometres approximately
– i.e., only 3.2 percent of the world’s land area – South Asia accounts for nearly 15.6 percent
of the global floral and 12 percent of the faunal diversity (IUCN, 1997).
South Asia’s enormous diversity and richness of ecosystems has been grossly undervalued.
What is known and documented today is estimated to be only a small fraction of the actual
(and as yet undiscovered) biodiversity reserves that exist. Moreover, the little that is known
today is under severe threat, mainly from anthropogenic pressures for meeting the subsistence
40
South Asia
needs of the people and from keeping pace with the rapid commercial development sweeping
the entire region. The pressures have, over the years, led to drastic changes in prime
biodiversity habitats, resulting in severe habitat loss and degradation in some cases. This has
been aggravated by increasing unemployment, poverty, changing lifestyles, lack of awareness
and political will, loss of traditional values and vested interests of commercial exploiters – all
of which have led to rapid escalation in the plunder of our natural wealth. The untapped,
undervalued, fragile biological wealth of the region thus is faced with high risk of extinction
in the near future. The mangroves provide the mitigating impact of tropical cyclones (a
common occurrence in the Bay of Bengal). The wetlands provide flood control, water
purification and groundwater recharge. The livestock and agro bio-diversity provide
livelihood, food and shelter. The marine and forest ecosystems provide the major source of
food, shelter and livelihoods. These natural endowments have been grossly underrated and
taken for granted. Given these facts, the pressure on the region’s biodiversity has been seen to
be mainly arising from two major threats – subsistence and commerce.
Increasing population in almost all countries within the region and the resulting increase in
demand for food, shelter, energy and fuel and fodder to meet their basic subsistence needs
have put tremendous pressure on the different natural ecosystems that exist within the
region. Traditional sustainable practices have been altered, giving way to a new culture of
“fast returns” in the form of monocultures with serious consequences in the future.
Agriculture is the main source of livelihood for a majority of the region’s rural population.
In the last 10 years, the per-capita land availability in the region has reduced by 18.4
percent and now remains a meagre 0.16 ha. The reduction is attributed to the rapid increase
in population and consequent fragmentation of the land. Similarly, per-capita cereal
availability has also declined by 9.4 percent in the last 10 years. The present per-capita
cereal availability is only 0.16 kg, thus making it very important to ensure food security in
the region at any cost. Agricultural productivity in the region is not adequate to produce
sufficiently for the increasing population. The average agricultural yield at present is 2.1
tonnes/ha after an increase of 8.1 percent in the last 10 years. The increase is attributed to
increased use of fertilizers (69 kg/ha, which is a 40-percent increase in the last 10 years in
the region) and inclusion of more area from forests into the agriculture sector. This
situation has, in its turn, taken its toll by depleting and threatening the remaining
biodiversity of the region (DA, 2001).
Forests play a vital role in the economy of developing countries. A large segment of South
Asia’s population depends on forests for its housing, fuelwood and fodder needs. The
demand for forest products and services is increasing with the growth in population and
economy, even as the forest cover in the region deteriorates. A disproportionate withdrawal
of forest produce as compared to a forest’s carrying capacity leads to this deterioration.
Between 1990 and 1995, five countries in the region have experienced a reduction in their
forest cover; the exception has been India where forest cover has increased by 36,000 ha.
This increase can be attributed to an increase in commercial plantation and wasteland
reclamation activities. In order to cater to the increasing demand for fuelwood, fodder and
timber, the area under commercial plantations has increased in five countries of the region
(Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Pakistan) between 1990 and 1995. Forestry has
been accepted as a farming practice, but has not spread in the region at the desired pace
because the rotation cycle of forestry plantations takes time to give returns. It, therefore,
41
has become limited to the bigger farmers. The slow-growing indigenous tree species have
not been preferred in the commercial plantations, resulting in the introduction of fast-
growing exotic tree species, which in turn has changed the composition of the local
vegetation to some extent. Plantation forestry has resulted in large-scale monocultures of
teak, sal, eucalyptus, Mexican pine, etc. The yield and income have influenced the
developing countries to adopt these species.
Shifting cultivation is considered to be a major cause of deforestation. This is practiced

among the tribal communities of India and Bangladesh. It is difficult to estimate the exact
extent of shifting cultivation in the region, due to the dispersed and unorganized nature of
the activity, however it is estimated that it is practiced over an area of 63.57 million
hectares. In India alone, shifting cultivation is reported to be practiced on 4.37 million
hectares, and in Bangladesh about 8,00,000 people depend on shifting cultivation in the
northern and eastern hills, where land degradation rates are quite high. According to the
Forest Survey of India, an important cause of habitat destruction in the eastern Himalayan
states of Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh is the slash-and-burn/shifting cultivation practiced
in nearly 70 percent of the land area. This has resulted in the loss of nearly 57 percent of
forests in the area. However, it is not the practice itself that is faulty but the fact that the
growing population pressure has led to a shortening of the fallow cycle, thus not allowing
sufficient time for forest resources to regenerate, which has resulted in this practice
becoming unsustainable (Leach, 1995).
Being primarily an agrarian region, agriculture practiced over several thousand years has led
to the buildup of a complex gene pool of thousands of crop plants adapted to local conditions.
The traditional practice of planting several different varieties of crops in different seasons in
an area, was intended to minimize risks from crop failure. However, the past years have
witnessed the introduction of monocultures of fast- and high-yield crop varieties and
livestock to increase productivity. Introduction of monocultures has resulted in genetic
erosion of domesticated species of plants, animals and fishes. Thousands of varieties of rice,
millets, oilseeds, vegetables and legumes have been lost and several breeds of domesticated
animals and birds are threatened. The number of threatened breeds include three breeds of
cattle, seven of sheep, five of goats, five of camels, four of horses and all breeds of poultry. It
is estimated that until recently, for the past 50 years, Indian farmers were growing nearly
30,000 varieties of rice (Haque, 1984). However, predictions are made that by the year 2000
this is expected to reduce to 50 varieties.
In India, nearly 90 percent of cooking fuel is biomass-based (fuelwood, cowdung and crop
waste). The average annual requirement of cooking fuel in the country is 130 million tonnes,
and more than 80 percent of the fuelwood is collected from the countryside. Increased
fuelwood needs have been resulting in increased deforestation to the extent that some sacred
groves, which were left untouched for several years, have been damaged or cut down.
Biomass fuel comprises 73 percent of the total energy consumed in Bangladesh.
The past decade in South Asia has been witness to rapid commercial developments with
diversification in urbanisation and industrialisation. There has been an unprecedented spurt in
development activities with very little regard for the environment and biological wealth. The
increasing demand for and commercial value of the region’s biological wealth in markets
outside the region has led to increased illegal poaching and trade in bio-diversity. The annual
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South Asia
demand for industrial wood in the region is about 28 million cubic meter against a production
capacity of 12 mm3. This naturally has serious consequences for the forests in the region.
The countries experiencing the fastest deforestation in the region are Bangladesh and
Pakistan. Bangladesh, one of the most densely populated areas in the world, has recorded 94
percent loss of original wildlife habitat (DA, 2001).
This shipping of oil, coupled with increasing emphasis on offshore oil exploration in many
countries of the region, makes the northern Indian Ocean vulnerable to oil pollution. In
addition, effluents from land-based sources (such as refineries) and harbor activities also add
to the pollution. Internal movements of fuel and its decentralized storage for supplying the
fishing fleet pose a potential risk of future oil spills and accidents. In the port of Chittagong
in Bangladesh, for instance, nearly 1,000 ships and over 40 oil tankers are handled annually,
while the port of Mongla services nearly 500 ships. The estimate of crude oil spillage in
Chittagong is about 6,000 tonnes annually, while crude oil residue and waste water effluents
from the refineries amount to about 50,000 tonnes per year .
4. Sustainable Development in Action

This section of the report intends to showcase some success stories of SD that were achieved
by civil societies of the sub-region. Although the civic sector’s impact on the society is
significant within its geographical or programmematic boundaries and that it is based on
alternative track for achieving SD, yet it has started to make many transition in the society.
While a society-wide impact remains to be seen, many of these initiatives have made some
transition within the context of creating a successful “model”. It is through these models that
there has been visibility and evidence of the beginning of such an impact that is much desired
for by the society to live in peace and harmony today and tomorrow.
The civic sector’s success in SD has been limited in impact partly due to the challenges in an
un-conducive environment and partly due to internal constraints. On the other hand some of
these transitions have occurred because of the prevalence of the un-conducive environment in
the sub-region. They stem from a clear failure of the state. The state is, in theory, responsible
for assuring the lives and livelihoods of all citizens, particularly the disadvantaged ones.
However, the state’s failure to do so is a common feature in most Southern countries. This,
along with other contributing factors, has led to a situation of desperate poverty in the sub-
region. The reinforcing link between state failure and poverty is enough incentive for civic
action to take place in virtually any field related to sustainable human development. If the
success stories imply that civil action was inevitable in these cases that is because, in a sense,
it is. There has been no significant response to prevailing problems by the state or market
forces, and so the space has been filled by civil society in one form or the other. In particular,
there is little evidence of a transition-from-below that has galvanized society onto the path of
SD, despite the active presence of civil society organisations for a number of years. The lack
of societal impact highlights not just the failure of the state and of market, but also the lack of
any significant gains by the civic sector. In particular, social movements over sustained years
that could have contributed significantly are missing.
A number of cases may be studied in this respect. A listing of some of the most significant
civil society initiatives in SD is presented in all the three national reports of India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh. The role played by civil society in SD is as diverse as is the civic sector
43
itself in the sub-region, varying in form, substance and vision. To measure the performance
of each initiative certain criteria were selected by the authors of the national reports.
Although a large number of case stories highlighted some of the criteria in the respective
national reports, yet the following three case stories are short-listed to build a story. These
three are, by no means, the only such examples of SD initiative from this sub-region. These
are chosen to develop a story which carves out the path of an ideal model for replication and
adoption. Although the three initiatives show cases majority of the criteria, the four small
case stories elucidate a civil society’s varied approach to SD. The following are the criteria
selected to measure the performance of each initiative:
• Awareness generation at grassroot level

• Motivation of the local people for effective participation
• Participation of the local people
• Enhancing bottom-up approach at policy level
• Generation of sustainable livelihood
• Efficient utilisation of resources
• Improvement of local environment
• Long-term benefits to the local community
• Empowerment of the down-trodden
• Capacity building of all stakeholders
• Creation of link among its target groups and stakeholders
• Independent from external agencies agenda
• Evidence of benefits to a large population
The three case stories give an elaborate description of the success in terms of the following:
• The personal history of the key advocates of this activity/initiative
• The institutional history and arrangements of this activity/initiative
• The justification of the proponents to choose the particular course of action
• The motivations behind the proponents’ course of action
• The ethical/conceptual history/imperatives which provided the motivation for the
activity
• The managerial history which guided these activities
• The obstacles faced
• The opportunities taken during the course of this initiative
Although each of the case stories have emerged in their respective countries may be due to
the local imperatives, surely there is different strategy in each of these to make it a success.
The selection of these cases was done consciously to bring out the diversities and yet the
commonalties of the underlying principles. For example, the Orangi Project (OPP) of
Pakistan succeeded in bringing communities together to work on indigenous technologies and
innovations without the help of the government in the form of subsidies or grants. It had also
44
South Asia
refused foreign aid to support the project. The reader will observe that the Tarun Bharat
Sangh’s (TBS) work in India is also a success story, bringing in local communities and using
indigenous technologies, and also channeling government funds for doing this. The third case
story of Bharatiya Agro Industries Foundation (BAIF) in India also adopted the community-
centered participatory approach and respected local beliefs and techniques, but accepted the
financial support of a foreign donor. The observation section of this chapter will bring out the
analyses of the three case stories.
4.1 Case Study 1: Orangi Pilot Project

4.1.1 Introduction
The Orangi Pilot Project (OPP) has become one of the best-known civil society initiatives
in the provision of sanitation in Pakistan and across the world. In over two decades of
operations, the Project has directly and indirectly assisted over one million people to gain
access to improved sanitation in one of the poorest areas of Pakistan’s largest city,
Karachi. The initiative has also developed programmes in housing technology, health,
education support services, credit and income generation, social forestry and a rural
development project. For the past five years, Project staff has been assisting government
and non-government agencies to initiate new projects in other cities across the country
drawing on the lessons of OPP.
OPP considers itself to be a research institution whose objective is to analyze outstanding

research problems within Orangi and then, through prolonged action research and extension
education, to discover viable solutions. OPP’s primary strategy is to promote community
organisation and self-management; by providing technical guidance, it facilitates the
mobilisation of local financial and managerial resources through cooperation. OPP has, so
far, developed the following model programmes:
• A low-cost sanitation programme which enables low-income households to

construct and maintain modern sanitation (pour-flush latrines in their own homes
and underground sewerage pipelines in the lanes) with their own funds and under
their own management
• A low-cost housing programme which upgrades the quality of construction by
introducing stronger concrete blocks and by using battens and tile roofing – cheaper
than reinforced concrete. The programme also upgrades the skills of local masons by
introducing modern construction techniques and by educating house-owners on
planning, orientation and low-cost technologies
• A basic health and family-planning programme for low-income women. The
programme raises awareness about the causes and methods of preventing common
diseases, the importance of birth control, and techniques for kitchen gardening. It
also offers immunisation and family planning services
• Credit for small enterprises. Importantly, the programme is not subsidized by
donors, and instead relies on borrowing from scheduled banks and lending on to
communities. After an initially tough period, the programme now has virtually full
repayment, and has linked the borrowers directly to the credit market
45
• A schools programme, which assists in the upgrading of physical and academic

standards in private schools
• A women’s work-centre programme which organizes stitchers and other garment
workers into family units dealing directly with exporters and wholesalers. The
programme also offers managerial and cooperative action skill-building. The
programme is now community-managed and self-financing
• A social forestry project encouraging tree-plantating and collective management
through nurseries in Orangi schools and in villages outside Karachi
• A rural development pilot project that provides credit and technical guidance to
support entrepreneurs to develop their arid holdings into woodlots and orchards in
the areas neighboring Karachi. The programme also assists in growing fodder for
milk cattle. The project identifies and builds the capacity of local activists as trainers
4.1.2 The personal history of the key advocates of this activity/initiative

The personal history and philosophy of Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan proved to be the single
most-important feature in the evolution of OPP. This was seen in the original conception of
OPP along the lines of Comilla, and can be seen even today, two years after his death, in the
style that OPP operates. The internal motivations and underlying approach of OPP (largely
due to Dr. Khan in person) are critical to understanding the success of the Project, and will
be outlined below.
Dr. Khan joined the Indian Civil Service around 1940, and was appointed the director of the
Comilla Academy for Rural Development in East Pakistan in 1958. In Comilla, he decided to
adapt the nineteenth-century European model of cooperatives, land grant colleges and folk
schools, an idea which found considerable support. The Comilla Academy conducted
research and designed a rural works programme in a sub-district, covering about 300 villages.
Cooperatives and community organisations formed the backbone of the model, along with
training of local residents in infrastructure development and maintenance. The Comilla model
was widely replicated in East Pakistan and elsewhere and Dr. Khan was showered with
awards at home and abroad. Soon after the upheavals of 1971, however, he left to teach at
Michigan State University for six years. He was well over 60 when he returned to Pakistan.
In 1980, Agha Hassan Abidi of BCCI approached Dr. Khan to initiate a pilot project in
Orangi, where BCCI had worked for many years. Dr. Khan agreed, although he was offered
minimal resources and infrastructure to begin with. He gathered a team of three, gathering
information and getting to know the locale before designing the sanitation programme. As the
project grew, it managed to involve local and outside staff who were committed to the
concept, providing a key input into its development. The later involvement of Arif Hasan as
principal consultant is one of the factors in the project’s achievements.
4.1.3 The institutional history and arrangements of this activity/initiative

OPP began work in April 1980 in Orangi, a low-income, unplanned settlement on the
periphery of Karachi, Pakistan’s largest and most cosmopolitan city, located in the south of
the country. OPP researchers in 1980 rejected solutions to the most pressing crisis –
sanitation – based on foreign aid because local residents could not afford to repay the loans or
46
South Asia
maintain the systems. Research into an affordable system took about one year, as OPP
managed to develop a design for an in-house and lane sanitation system that cost less than
one-quarter of constructors’ estimates. Staff then began to motivate residents of each lane to
form organisations that could supervise the construction and maintenance of the system. The
organisations were also responsible for collecting contributions from the community and
managing the construction finances collectively.
To date, OPP has managed to facilitate the construction of virtually 100% of lanes in the area
(close to 6,347 lanes) and most of the houses. OPP’s role had been one of primarily
motivation and social and technical guidance. This is evidenced by the cost break-down in
the sanitation provision project: between 1981 and November 1993, local residents had
invested over Rs. 57 million in improved sanitation; during the same time, OPP had spent Rs.
3.8 million, or about 7% of the people’s investment.
Other OPP programmes follow the same approach and principles. Since 1988, following
the success of the models that it initially developed, OPP has expanded into four
autonomous institutions. The OPP Society is responsible for allocating core funds to the
three implementing institutions: OPP Research and Training Institute manages the
sanitation, housing and social forestry programmes in Orangi, as well as the replication and
associated training for all programmes; the Orangi Charitable Trust manages the credit
programme, and the Karachi Health and Social Development Association manages the
health programme. These institutions, together, have managed to generate a significant
impact on the public health and environmental quality, as well as the quality of life of
residents in a particular context.
4.1.4 The justification of the proponents’ particular course of action

People began living in Orangi in 1965, and it grew rapidly after 1972. Orangi’s population,
currently estimated at over one million, consists largely of the working class, comprising of
unskilled laborers, artisans, shopkeepers, peddlers and clerks. Official agencies have provided
a few public facilities, such as main roads, water lines and electricity, as well as a few schools
and hospitals. Initial research in 1980 outlined sanitation as a primary concern in the absence
of sanitary latrines and underground sewerage lines. Bucket latrines, soak pits and open
sewers resulted in poor health from diarrhea, dysentery, typhoid, malaria and scabies. Poor
drainage resulted in water logging, reducing property values and security. Local residents
were aware of the problems but did not take action in the belief that official agencies would
do so free of charge and that conventional sanitation was too expensive for them.
Safe, affordable housing was another serious problem in Orangi in 1980. The public sector
agencies had failed to provide any services, and private entrepreneurs filled the space. These
private actors obtained, divided, and allotted the land, established construction yards for
providing building material, credit and advice, while masons offered the services usually
reserved for architects and engineers. Housing was expensive and sub-standard, as the
building materials were generally not sound and the techniques were faulty. OPP began its
housing programme in 1986, conducting research into low-cost options and developing a
design based on machine-made materials that were of higher quality and lower cost. Over
100,000 houses have now been built with OPP technology.
47
4.1.5 The motivations behind the proponents course of action

OPP’s widely acclaimed and demonstrated success is, to a large extent, the result of
personal motivation: that of Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan. The key factors important for OPP’s
success may be elucidated from the nature and methodology of the approach as well as the
history of the Project:
The unique combination of experience, academic knowledge and dedication of the founder,
Dr. Khan, in person was arguably the most critical factor for OPP’s success. The personal
influence and linkages of Dr. Khan were probably also a factor in determining its success.
Critically, OPP has maintained a “lean” operation, minimising overhead and staff costs. This
radically multiplied the impact of the project, allowing closer contact with the community.
There is an austerity and frugality in the manner in which the project offices and programmes
are run. The aspect of hypocrisy has been found to be critical in the ultimate impact of many
community development interventions.
It also reduced dependence on donor agencies, allowing itself the freedom to respond to
community issues as they arose and not taking any dictation on its agenda. Indeed, there are
documented cases where OPP refused to accept financial assistance when it was not linked to
the project’s basic approach. Most importantly, OPP did not allow financial dependence to
grow within the community by facilitating self-help and development of appropriate,
affordable technologies. A study on the project states that “OPP believes that acceptance of
foreign money is a slow corrupting device which undermines the efforts and initiatives of the
indigenous and self-motivated efforts of communities.” It is possible that OPP sees its
approach of self-financed infrastructure as one of the defining marks which makes it different
from those who tend to use a subsidized approach. OPP relies on the philosophy that CSOs
cannot solve problems on the scale required. Hence, it does not construct sewerage lines,
houses or clinics itself. Instead, it promotes community organisation and self-management to
improve the existing private and public institutions already existing. This allowed the
initiative to evolve without generating external, technical dependence of the community.
4.1.6 The ethical/conceptual history/imperatives which provided the

motivation for the activity/initiative
Generating and fostering civic will was an important component of the philosophy. Dr. Khan
used to argue that “the underlying philosophy of OPP is that charity and subsidies are bad:
people should not be made dependent on government organisations because then the
programme will become unsustainable. If the government takes care of everything people
become uninterested and will not maintain and care for the provided services.” OPP took a
strong stand on subsidies, particularly in the sanitation and housing programmes.
Communities or lanes building sewers or improved construction yards must bear the full
physical and infrastructure cost; no subsidy or grant is permitted from any local or foreign
donor. The distinction drawn between “internal” and “external” development has allowed the
Project to be completely indigenous.
OPP does not rely on specific targets set by donors or by itself. Organic programmeming as a
result of action research and extension education involved communities in their own
development. Reliance on an attitude of listening is crucial to the philosophy of OPP,
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South Asia
marking participation as a basic element of the project. This approach involves: identification
of existing community organisations and dialogue with them; survey and documentation of
what exists (physical, social, economic conditions and technology in use); development of a
conceptual plan (including division of labor between community, OPP and government);
identification of activists and the provision of financial and technical support to them;
development of skills within the community; participatory monitoring of progress; complete
transparency in accounts of all projects; collective decision-making; and relating local level
issues to larger urban realities through dialogue with government agencies and politicians.
The approach relies heavily on local activists and the removal of staff from any direct
implementation to build local capacities sustainably. Action research, based on an attitude of
mutual respect and listening, is also a key foundation.
The underlying philosophy of OPP, not technical expertise in construction or health, nor the
way in which subsidy levels are managed, has been said to be its biggest strength. An early
evaluation of the project also concluded that the sociological input was critical to success.
OPP itself categorizes its work as research and extension, based on the personal strengths and
inclination of its founder, Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan.
4.1.7 The managerial history which guided these activities

The approach relied on identifying one key problem of the community, dealing with it and,
only then, moving on to other matters. This prevented the project from “spreading itself too
thin.” The approach of consolidating individual achievements before moving on, contrary to
many “integrated” CSOS practices in the country, facilitated communities to be mobilized
later. The low-cost sanitation, housing and other interventions all built on existing, local
models and technologies, thus allowing easier acceptance by the communities. Technological
innovation, however, was instrumental in the Project’s impact. A distinguishing feature of
OPP has been the small, manageable scale of community organisation, in this case a lane,
instead of creating huge supra-organisations. Local activists from within the community also
found it easier to interact with smaller organisations. Capacity building – developing skills of
local residents – allows the project to sustain its impact, which is an internal agenda of the
community to begin with. Finally, OPP did not follow the more typical CSOS approach of
mixing local work with regional, national and international participation simultaneously. The
project built itself up over a long period of time locally, before even moving on to the
municipal level on issues that directly affected Orangi, such as the Karachi Sewerage Plan.
OPP’s success within Orangi has been a source of inspiration in the country. However, OPP’s
localized nature has meant that there is yet to be any wide-scale replication. In particular,
OPP never approaches a community to replicate its model; it is not OPP which replicates its
low-cost sanitation or housing models, but rather communities, CBOs and other local groups.
OPP also trains and initiates a steady stream of visitors, national and foreign, in its approach.
None of the interventions following this contact, nor the ones listed above, have had OPP’s
startling level of success. A prime reason for this may be that instead of replicating the
principles and methodology of OPP’s approach, attempts have been made at replicating the
actual micro-interventions themselves (see Zaidi, 2000). As a result, none of the above has
managed to generate OPP’s level of innovation and specificity to local conditions. OPP’s
community-centered approach has been replicated since, particularly by Shoaib Sultan Khan
in the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme, but the power of action research and local
49
innovation, needing extensive preparatory time, is yet to be explored. The realisation that
local communities can make technical innovations without relying on external “expertise,”
and that they can then act on those innovations on a self-help basis was unique in 1980, and
remains a powerful feature of OPP.
4.1.8 The opportunities taken during the course of this initiative

First of all, the “hands-off” approach adopted by BCCI Foundation (later INFAQ) allowed
Dr. Khan to practice a participatory approach and respond to people’s needs in Orangi. Also,
the public sector continued to sideline OPP’s efforts for the first five years of its operation,
thus allowing it the time to develop its model without interference.
Secondly, Orangi’s population consists of migrants mainly from urban settlements, unlike
most other katchi abaadis in Pakistan. This allows them to understand urban problems and
solutions much faster than rural migrants to urban settlements, unlike most other katchi
abaadis in Pakistan. This allows them to understand urban problems and solutions much
faster than rural migrants to urban settlements. The population in Orangi is also mainly
permanent, unlike settlements with transitory or temporary migrants who have much closer
roots with their origins.
Thirdly, being situated in Karachi is an advantage. Karachi’s literacy levels are about thirty
percent higher than urban Pakistan’s average, while female literacy is higher by almost 50
percent. A 1993 study suggested that Karachi’s per-capita income is two-and-a-half times
that of the national average and it is quite likely that Orangi is a richer settlement than other
katchi abaadis in the country.
Finally, Orangi’s sloping topography allowed the sanitation system to be easier to install
than in a flat terrain, where expensive sewage pumping equipment and trunk sewers would
be needed.
4.1.9 The obstacles faced

Despite these opportunities afforded to OPP initially, the project faced a number of
constraints. Prime among these were four barriers that OPP’s initial research identified as
reasons for lack of community initiative: psychological barriers (residents believed that it
was the duty of official agencies to build sewerage free of charge); economic barriers (the
cost of conventional sanitation and housing were out of residents’ reach); technical barriers
(the skills needed for underground sewerage lines were not present in the community); and
sociological barriers (the high level of community organisation needed for collective action
was absent). These barriers were difficult to overcome, requiring investment of time by the
team in an evolving approach.
4.2 Case Study 2: Rainwater Harvesting Alwar, Rajasthan, India

4.2.1 Introduction
The rebirth of the Aravalli was something of a miracle. In 1986, the residents of Bhanota-
Kolyala village, with the help of the Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS,) constructed a johad at its
source. Soon villages around the catchment area and along the dry river began to construct
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tiny earthen dams. When the number of dams reached 375, the river began to flow. The
residents went on to constitute a parliament of their own – Arvari Sansad. Inspired by the
Gandhian concept of gram swaraj, it is a representative body of 72 villages in the areas
served by the river. The Arvari parliament has framed 11 major rules to fix the cropping
pattern and water use. The rules permit only landless farmers to draw water directly from the
river. Cultivation of sugarcane and the raising of buffaloes is also banned as these activities
would require relatively large amounts of water.
Fifteen years and many johads later, water has restored life and self-respect to Alwar. Of late,
several villages in the neighbouring districts of Jaipur, Dausa, Sawai Madhopur, Bharatpur
and Karauli have been revived by the TBS. Neembi in Jamwa Ramgarh tehsil of Jaipur
district is one such village which caught the fancy of planners. The perennially drought-prone
village had water at three feet from ground-level in the third consecutive drought year.
Neembi’s residents, who spent Rs 50,000 in 1994 to construct two earthen dams with the help
of the TBS, now produce vegetables and milk worth Rs 3 crores annually.
Farming activities have resumed in hundreds of drought-prone villages with the rivers
Ruparel, Arvari, Sarsa, Bhagani and Jahajwali flowing again after remaining dry for decades.
The villages, which were deserted by its inhabitants, have been populated once again. There
is a sense of belonging among the people as the gram sabhas created by the TBS to facilitate
the management of the johads have a say in the general well-being of the community as well.

Rajendra Singh, the Director of Tarun Bharat Sangh, is a simple man with a burning desire to
do something. Clad almost unfailingly in a khadi kurta payjama, he is loved and revered in
the 750 villages around Alwar. Rajinder Singh, after completing his education, took up a
government job in 1980 to support his family. During this time he occasionally got the desire
to do something to bring about social change but he remained involved in his personal duties
and responsibilities. In 1977 he had taken part in, and remained involved with, the ‘Bhoodan’
movement. In 1983 he resigned his job with the Rajasthan government and joined the TBS
which was active in Jaipur. His powerful oratory and selfless work soon brought him to the
post of director of the Sangh. He says that it is because of his desire to do something for the
people that he has left his home and family and is living in a veritable wilderness.
It is true that the government spends crores of rupees, but it is not used in the right place or at
the right time. Last year, to cope with the floods in Alwar and Bharatpur, the government
spent one and a half to two crore rupees, but it has never seriously taken measures to prevent
floods. If steps had been taken to control the water at the right time then the heavy losses due
to the floods would have been prevented. The government’s effort of giving economic
assistance to CSOs through CAPART and other such organisations is praiseworthy. Tarun
Bharat Sangh was successful in giving the desired shape to many of its development projects
because of this. CAPART’s Director General, Shri Rangan Dutta, himself came to inspect the
projects of the Sangh and expressed his pleasure at the work being done. He said that the
Sangh had set an example for other CSOs to follow.
Rajendra Singh, who was associated with Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampurna Kranti (Total
Revolution) movement in his student days, has mobilised the people to stand up and speak
51
for themselves and use natural resources in a sustainable manner. Activities of the TBS are
spred over an area of 6,500 sq. km., which includes parts of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and
Andhra Pradesh.
4.2.3 The institutional history and arrangements for this initiative and
reasons for choosing this course of action
There are about 600,000 villages in India and perhaps as many kinds of environmental
problems. It is easy to give up. But Bhaonta-Kolyala didn’t. The village community was
facing chronic drought, distress migration and poverty in the mid-1980s. Along with the
voluntary organisation Tarun Bharat Sangh, it resorted to the tradition of building small,
earthen check-dams called johads in 1988. A johad prevents rainwater from running off,
allowing it to percolate into the ground, recharge groundwater aquifers and improve the
water balance of the earth.
Following the example set by Bhaonta-Kolyala, several neighbouring villages also started
restoring old johads and building new ones. The johads were stringed by water in the shape
of the river Arvalli. A seasonal nullah, the Arvalli grew like a child and started flowing for
one extra month each progressive year. In 1995, it flowed throughout the year. One of the
two main streams that meet to form the Arvalli originates from Bhaonta-Kolyala, from where
the work started in the river’s watershed. In 1990, Bhaonta-Kolyala had started work on its
most ambitious project: a 244-metre-long dam in the upper catchment of the Arvalli. This
technological marvel was aimed at stopping water right there before it moves downwards. It
was completed in a mere three years.
After decades of sand, heat and infertility, the basin of the Aravalli has discovered water,
prosperity and abundance. More water meant better agriculture and animal husbandry. All
the agricultural land of the area in under cultivation now, which is five times more than in
1985. Milk production has increased up to 10 times. The expenses on diesel have been cut
by half as the water table has risen. Every single rupee invested in a johad increases the
annual income of the village by 2.5-3 times. More than three-fourths of the expenses of all
the johads built with the help of Tarun Bharat Sangh has been borne by village folk in the
form of voluntary labour and local materials. In some cases, the village has contributed up to
80-90 percent of the expenses. Experts say no engineering organisation would be able to
build water harvesting structures at such low costs and that there can be no better rural
investment than on johads.
There are other benefits. For the past three years it has rained poorly and the region is in the
grip of a crippling drought. The Arvari does not have much water. But the villages along the
Arvari have enough water for drinking and irrigation. The ecology of the region has become
healthier with fish appearing in the waterbodies and birds appearing in forests, which are
regenerating. The miracle of the Arvari river is the result of at least 238 water harvesting
structures built by the 70 villages in the 503-sq km watershed of the 45-km-long river. All
these structures have been built without the help of any government agency. The only support
was from Tarun Bharat Sangh.
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4.2.4 The conceptual history/ethical imperatives and managerial

history which guided the initiative.
When years of drought forced farmers in Bisuni, a tiny hamlet in India’s northern state of
Rajasthan, to leave their land in search of work the village elders felt helpless. Small dams
and ponds built by their ancestors for storing rainwater had been allowed to die. While they
had some knowledge of how to build these structures, the villagers lacked the motivation and,
crucially, the money to do it. Then they saw men and women in nearby villages digging
ponds with the help of the TBS, a group of college activists committed to reviving this arid
region. “The people in this village got together and said, we should do this, too,” says local
farmer Rameshwar Dayal.
The village undertook one-quarter of the total cost by contributing cash as well as labor. The
young activists got everyone involved in making decisions about water, forests and other
local resources. The efforts eventually bore fruit, here and in hundreds more villages in
northern Rajasthan. The government had written off these areas as “black zones” because of
the severe water shortage. But they are alive again, thanks to the efforts of local
communities with support from the TBS. Rajendra Singh, the group’s charismatic leader,
has been named this year’s winner of the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Prize for
Community Leadership. This has happened not only by the initiative by one person or an
organisation, but due to ordinary villagers who have had to work against impossible odds.
The people, who once had little more than the clothes on their back, now have productive
farmlands of their own. This has happened because they came together as a community. Not
only did they build ponds, they also planted trees and learned how to manage other local
resources. And they eventually prospered.
Starting with just one village in 1986, the TBS has spread its success to more than 700
villages in Rajasthan. This widespread appeal is what sets it apart from other Indian
organisations working with local communities. When people start taking care of the water,
they become very concerned about their environment automatically and they start taking care
of the environment, they start managing their resources better. The residents of Bisuni know
this well. The groundwater in their village has risen several feet over the past six years.
Farming and cattle-rearing have been made possible again. There are even a few patches of
sugar cane – a very thirsty crop – in this once barren land. Water has allowed the growing of
fodder to keep animals. Earlier there was not enough to eat. Now there is food left over which
can be sold. In the past, people would go to cities for work. Now there is a lot of work right
here in the village.
4.2.5 The obstacles faced and the opportunities taken for this initiative
Not long ago, when a group of five youths from Jaipur that included Rajendra Singh landed
in Alwar district’s Thanagazi tehsil, the villagers viewed them with suspicion. The backward
Gujjars and the tribal Meenas branded them as child-lifters and terrorists. They were not to
blame, for the villages, nestled in eastern Aravallis, were going through difficult times in the
1980s. Most parts of Alwar district had been declared a “dark zone,” which meant that there
was very little groundwater left. Rivers and ponds were drying up and most of the men had
left for cities in search of work. Life in the villages had come to a standstill with farming
53
activities severely affected and the bovine wealth, the backbone of the rural economy,
shrinking in the absence of fodder and water.
The engineering knowledge to make johads was entirely locally built by the villagers have
already stood the test of time and the ravages of intense rainfall in 1995 and 1996, when scores
of structures designed by professionally trained engineers and maintained by the government
failed and created tragic floods. Studies also show that the selection of site, design and
construction of johads, based entirely on traditional knowledge, is most appropriate.
As for good management of what they have created, the 70 villages in its watershed have
formed the Arvari River Parliament to ensure that the Arvari and its villages remain
prosperous and all disputes are settled internally. As for the Arvari, hydrological estimates
show that the river has started flowing as a result of only 20 percent additional groundwater
recharge. And the prosperity of the region is based on utilising merely three percent of the
rainfall. Four other rivers have flowed perennially in the region.
While TBS has provided all the support, the transformation is a result of the initiative of
Bhaonta-Kolyala. Its people have proved that for a mobilised society rooted in traditional
wisdom, drought is a myth. They have shown how a degraded landscape can be re-greened.
This shows that economic well-being is a byproduct of ecological regeneration and rainwater
harvesting: the answers to seemingly unsurpassable environmental problems lie in social
mobilisation and traditional wisdom and that the capacity of villages that seem economically
poor should not be underestimated.
4.3 Case Study 3: Conjunctive Use of Water Resources in Akole,

The Deccan Trap of India
4.3.1 Introduction
Akole Taluka receives monsoon rainfall in the months of June through September, and
little or no precipitation during the rest of the year. The tribal and rural people were
destitute, farming at a subsistence level of production. Many had health problems (gastro-
intestinal disorders, skin diseases), related to water shortage. By tradition, women bore the
hardships of finding water. Hard work alone could not break the cycle of poverty and ill
health. Self-esteem was low. The project goal was to design a management strategy for
acquiring a year-round water supply. The initial emphasis was on domestic supply and any
surplus was to be used for agriculture. Projected outputs were techniques for reducing the
volume of monsoon rains, leaving the area as runoff. The inhabitants of three villages
(population 3,239 in 1993) participated in setting up demonstration sites for appropriate
water-spreading and -harvesting techniques. The initial assessment of needs included rapid
appraisal of water use and public health. Project research integrated (1) field and laboratory
studies of soils and bedrock, (2) onsite hydrologic and hydro-geologic investigations, and
(3) indigenous knowledge of terrain features and botanical indicators of ground water. The
funding agency was the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Ottawa,
Canada. Planning of the project was finalised, when IDRC brought the intending partners
together in the summer and fall of 1991. The project term was from April 1992 to March
1996. Unspent funds were reallocated for assessment of project sustainability during April-
May, 1997. The issues addressed were water-resource management, capacity building
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(vocational training at the village level, professional retraining for BAIF personnel,
institutional development in BAIF through minor additions of equipment).
The early commitment to participatory management and evaluation was a decisive factor,
contributing to the success of the project. The initial phase of discussion and the use of
creative analogies for idea generation (interactions with families and larger groups, exposure
visits) undoubtedly played an important part. The presence of the BAIF field officers
contributed significantly to the creation of an atmosphere of trust and cooperation. The
project technologies were tested in periods of reduced rainfall, during the years 1994-96.
Water remained available during the pre-monsoon periods of these years and crop production
was affected to only a minor extent, because of increases to the area under cultivation.
The success of the project created an enabling environment for similar activities in the
surrounding area. Other communities initiated partnerships with outside agencies, for the
purpose of improving local management of water resources. Tribal and rural people from
other villages visited the project area to examine the demonstration sites. BAIF received
funding from the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) in the
framework of the Indo-German Watershed Programme for collaboration with villages over a
wider area of Akole Taluka and thus contributed to the transfer of project technologies in a
systematic manner.

The key advocates of the initiative are BAIF Development Research Foundation, Pune,
Maharashtra, India; University of Windsor Earth Sciences, Windsor, Ontario, Canada; and
the tribal and rural people of the villages of Ambevangan, Manhere and Titvi, in Akole
Taluka, Ahmednagar District, Maharashtra State, India. The project leaders were Girish G.
Sohani (India) and Frank Simpson (Canada). The funding agency was the International
Development Research Centre (IDRC), Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. IDRC also has played a key
role in the promotion of project results.
4.3.3 The institutional history and arrangements of this activity/initiative

IDRC brought BAIF and University of Windsor Earth Sciences together in Pune and Akole
Taluka (June 1991) and in Windsor (August 1991) for the planning of project activities. This
took place against the background of BAIF’s newly begun Wadi (Orchard) Programme in
Akole Taluka and also a needs assessment, in the form of a rapid rural appraisal (RRA) with
a focus on water and health, carried out by a multidisciplinary BAIF team.
The project was funded as a development research initiative, initially for three years,
beginning on April 1, 1992. The total project value was CDN $496,975.00. The research
partners requested a one-year extension to the project term. Permission for this was granted
by IDRC, though with no additional funding. At the end of the extended project term,
permission was granted by IDRC for unspent funds to be used in a check on the sustainability
of project results. This took place in May-June, 1997. The research project formally ended in
1998, with the submission of all final, technical and financial reports to IDRC.
The project was successful, beyond the wildest dreams of the participants. Its results provide
a basis for the training of BAIF’s programme personnel in a joint initiative by BAIF and the
55
University of Windsor. The training workshops began in 1996 and are ongoing. The BAIF
trainees have a total constituency of more than one million families in seven states of India.
4.3.4 The ethical/conceptual history and motivation behind the

activity/initiative
The tribal and rural people were unaccustomed to making decisions that would affect their
wellbeing in the long term. BAIF field officers lived in the villages and shared the daily
hardships of the people. The initial emphasis in interactions was on the needs of the rural
family. Later dialogues with village groups dealt with different options for sustainable
livelihoods. BAIF organized “exposure visits” by interested individuals to its programme of
socio-economic rehabilitation of tribal people at Vansda, in the Valsad District of Gujarat.
The villagers saw how other tribal people had gained livelihoods from converting wastelands
into productive orchards. As well, they saw that improvements to their existing practice of
agriculture would require improved management of water resources.
The goal of the project was to improve the management of water resources by the tribal and
rural people of Akole Taluka. The project purpose was to work with the people toward a
strategy for obtaining a year-round water supply and to introduce appropriate technologies to
this end at a restricted number of demonstration sites in the villages and outlying areas. From
the start, there was firm agreement among the partners that participatory management was
essential to the success of the project. A high priority was placed on domestic water supply. It
was agreed that any surplus water would be directed for use in irrigation. Reconnaissance
surveys at the start of the project dealt with a larger area within Akole Taluka. The villages of
Ambevangan, Manhere and Titvi were designated as partners, by general agreement with the
tribal and rural people.
The main activities, leading to achievement of these objectives, were:
• Collection of information on local knowledge systems, especially indigenous

technical knowledge related to water and soil conservation
• Attention to local religious beliefs and practices that included considerations of
water
• Examination of ancient Indian texts on hydrology, hydrogeology and related topics
(e.g. the Brahat Samhita of Varaha Mihira, sixth century)
• Careful scrutiny of the design parameters for water- and soil-conservation
technologies, successfully implemented in other dryland areas of India and abroad
• Adherence to Indian standards for design and construction of appropriate
technologies for water and soil conservation
• Field investigations of hydrology and hydrogeology, combined with laboratory
studies of samples of the soils, weathered bedrock, bedrock and water
• Implementation of selected, appropriate technologies for water harvesting and
spreading, after integration of the above data
The research involved the preparation of base maps through analysis of imagery from Earth
satellites in orbit, using geographic information systems (GIS); exact location of observation
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points and sample stations in the field by means of a global positioning system (GPS), also
utilising satellite data; collection of rainfall data, on a year-round basis; field observation of
relationships between surface water, ground water, Earth materials and characteristics of the
terrain; the size analysis of soils; the petrographic study of the volcanic bedrock and
incorporated varieties of the zeolite group of minerals; and examination of the isotopic
content of surface and ground water. Local people were given appropriate training and
assisted in the collection of rainfall data. In general, the researchers encouraged the people to
observe and assist in the collection of field data.
4.3.5 The managerial history which guided these activities

The villagers provided input into the design of the project at public meetings, held in meeting
halls and school houses throughout its term. The meetings were conducted with considerable
formality, in accordance with local, folk and traditional approaches to communication. At the
request of the researchers, women attended these meetings and expressed their points of
view. This was a deviation from custom. But it was accepted by the people as necessary, in
view of the traditional, water-related hardships, borne by the women.
The formation of a watershed committee in each village was an important step toward
participatory management and evaluation of the project. The starting concept was a
traditional one, the ayojan, a village planning committee that was responsible for
decisions, affecting most or all members of a community. The membership of the village
watershed committee was determined at public meetings. These committees were valuable
sources of information on priority concerns in the community, related to the provision of a
year-round water supply.
The project teams consulted the watershed committees on a regular basis about the
appropriateness of particular technologies for water harvesting and spreading, under
consideration for possible introduction into the area. Wider approval of these measures was
obtained at public meetings. The results of project research also were updated and explained
at these gatherings. The siting of technologies was finalized, on the basis of discussions with
the watershed committees and with farmers in their fields.
Women’s groups also arose in the villages, out of a traditional approach to collective decision
making. This was the tradition of wavli, followed by tribal women in Gujarat. This protected
the rights of women to have earnings. BAIF institutionalized this concept and introduced
income-earning activities. Women’s groups promoted the spread of basic concepts on
hygiene and sanitation across the project area.
4.3.6 The justification and motivations of the proponents’ particular

course of action
The selection of water-harvesting for consideration and eventual implementation by the
people, was based on integration of project research with local knowledge systems, local
religious beliefs and practices, and ancient, Indian approaches to hydrology and hydro-
geology, together with an evaluation of the possibilities and limitations of the local terrain.
The decision to use these local information categories arose out of ethical considerations,
rooted in cultural sensitivity. However, it was very clear that such a course of action also
57
made excellent sense, from a scientific point of view. Likewise, attention to participatory
management and gender equity was an ethical consideration. But in practical terms, this also
made a major contribution to project success.
The people in part were motivated by the early successes of the project. The technologies,
implemented at the demonstration sites, solved the problem of year-round water supply for
domestic use. It is appropriate to note that techniques for water spreading were introduced to
divert underground some of the water that formerly had flowed out of the area, down to lower
elevations. They were also intended to provide artificial recharge for dug and bore wells.
These techniques also increased the soil moisture and contributed to improvements in crop
yields. Villagers were able to satisfy their own food needs and also sell produce at local
markets. As more wasteland went into agricultural production, the numbers of livestock were
reduced. But remaining livestock were of improved quality. The villagers also were able to
market their newly acquired skills in water harvesting and spreading in the surrounding area.
All of these factors contributed to improved morale among the people.
4.3.7 The obstacles faced and the opportunities taken

Initially some villagers were suspicious of the motives of the researchers. The people were
on the lowest rung of the social ladder. They had limited access to education, health care,
financial support, and to social services in general. Their contact with outsiders had been
very limited, prior to the start of the project. The presence of the BAIF field officers in the
villages helped to reduce their suspicions. The people were receptive to the exchange of
information about the practice of agriculture. The people had no tradition of long-term
planning to conserve water and soil. However, they were prepared to learn from the success
stories of individuals, who had been involved in such activities, since the start of the project.
The absence of hygiene and sanitation in the villages were major source of concern for the
researchers at the start of the project. It reduced the range of water-conservation strategies,
considered to be feasible at low elevations. Basic education in hygiene and sanitation were
provided to interested families, as the project continued. The use of pit latrines increased
steadily, during the project term. The people increasingly showed an awareness of the
logical connection between poor water quality, adverse effects on human health, days lost in
the fields, declining agricultural productivity, and reduced financial returns on produce.
Accordingly, they sought advice from the project teams on the cleaning of dug wells and
other improvements to water quality.
4.4 Observations
The experiences of these success stories point to the value of civic will in facilitating a
transition-from-below for SD. Some common factors may be elucidated from the success
stories:
4.4.1 Commitment of key advocates of the initiative

Both Dr. Akhtar Hamid Khan of the OPP Project and Dr. Rajendra Prasad of the TBS Project
are men with commitment, austerity and frugality. Their personal lifestyles reflected this and,
therefore, the public could not accuse them of “hypocrisy.” This surely made a critical
ultimate impact for the success of the initiatives. The vision, management and the ethical
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principles of all the three advocates also played an important role in the creation of the ideal
models in the sub-region. All the three did the following:
• Built up the self-reliance of the locals

• Mobilized the locals to stand up and speak for themselves
• Paid respect to local traditions and beliefs
• Adopted local, indigenous technologies
• Developed community centres and groups to build, operate and share
responsibilities for their own benefit
• Initiated the project in a small area, and then progressed to a larger area, addressing
new issues at different levels of the society
• Initiated and managed the project with ethical principles
The role of leadership has been critical in most of the cases. It is arguable whether any of
these instances would have produced the same level of success had the leadership been
differently motivated.
4.4.2 Civic Will

Civic will has been a factor for the success of all cases. Although state will helped in the case
of TBS, this has not been the determining factor. Instead, the initiatives have all relied on
harnessing and facilitating the will of affected local or policy communities. The will of civil
society is evident throughout the stories, from the inception of each initiative and through
various successes – importantly, none of the cases were initiated from within government,
although the second story activated government counterparts.
4.4.3 Financial aid

This is a very interesting aspect in the three case stories. The first initiative always refused
external fundings and subsidies because the key advocate believed that any form of aid is a
“slow corrupting device” and that the society should grow on its own. He not only believed in
it but also worked toward it. He recognized the fact that locals would not be able to repay the
any foreign loan. Therefore, he focused on building the capacities of the communities to
reduce the dependency on donor agencies. This also gave them the freedom to respond to any
community issue as and when it arose without the dictating terms of donors.
The second initiative worked the other way. It felt that the state was giving funds to different
agencies to supply water to many areas of the locality but there was no positive impact. The
key advocate of this initiative took the opportunity to chanel the government money to help
the communities come together and take ownership.
The third initiative took foreign aid but did not get swayed by the aid agencies’ terms. It
worked slowly and steadily to build the trust among the communities and fulfilled the
objective of the project to make it self-sustaining.
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4.4.4 Community Participation

Community participation is evident in all initiatives. Participation has involved local
residents in planning and implementing their own development activities. The responsiveness
of the lead CSOs to the partner community has been crucial to success. Similarly, community
management and demand-based efforts have driven the success stories, as opposed to top-
down or supply-pushed projects. Local staff were committed, providing key input into its
development. Wherever required, the staff motivated the locals to form organisations and
supervise construction in the OPP. Locals actually invested Rs 57 million in the OPP project
for their own well being.
The TBS project supported and collected communities to work against all odds. Building a
collective momentum has been common in all cases. Subsequent efforts have typically built
on individual successes. Sustaining the project activity through participatory mechanisms is a
recurring feature. At the same time, successes have relied on developing linkages within civil
society and between civil society and other sectors.
The OPP initiative has focused on social change, as opposed to the TBS and BAIF initiative
environment-centered initiatives. Yet, we see that all the three initiatives actually worked
with the same goal of community participation, community organisation, respect to local and
indigenous techniques and innovations, and building self-reliance for a sustainable future.
4.4.5 Capacity Building

In all the three examples capacity building was done after need was felt to do so. The three
initiatives relied solely on the indigenous techniques and innovations, yet there was lack of
motivation to come together and work. There was also lack of awareness on many aspects,
and the top-most aspect was the lack of understanding that the greatest strength lies in
“coming together and working as a team.” The OPP, TBS and the BAIF are live examples of
this capacity building by the respective CSOs. The BAIF also proceeded to create a link
between poor water-quality and health, less efficiency at work, loss of agricultural produce
and, therefore, individual prosperity. We would term this as capacity building of the locals to
understand and act accordingly to define SD.
The OPP and TBS both project exemplary cases on capacity building of locals and staff to
manage the developmental project on their own.
4.4.6 Indigenous Technology

Adoption of indigenous technology was the key to success of all the three cases. Tackling a
local need to bring about prosperity through actions is proven to be successful because of
indigenous innovations, which are appropriate, cost effective and locally managed. OPP, TBS
and BAIF all show this that, be it houses or check dams, to provide shelter or water can be
successfully achieved by using traditional techniques. Innovation has been, and continues to
be, a key feature of the cases studied. OPP’s intervention marked the birth of community-
based action research, although this has not been replicated to the same extent anywhere else.
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South Asia
4.4.7 Mass scale replication

The CSOs have defined SD through their practice on the ground. The initiatives have all, to a
greater or lesser extent, relied on personal motivations of the civic actors themselves or of
supporting players. They have addressed issue by issue and therefore each specific issue
addressing is a new project in itself. All the three examples started with a manageable scale
of operation and then multiplied to a broader area. Each of them consolidated the individual
achievements before moving on to an ‘integrated approach’. The replication of these
initiatives is still lacking in the sub-region may be because of absence of all the above civic
will and commitments.
The following are the four chosen case studies which are worth mentioning in this report:
4.5 Eco-specific Participatory Resources Management in

Bangladesh
The Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS) initiated an advocacy programme at
Chanda Beel, to involve people in the sustainable management of wetland resources. The
central objective of the project is to build environmental awareness and to encourage pro-
active solutions to problems by local CSOs, local government and resource users. A people’s
participatory wetland management plan has been developed by BCAS in conjunction with
local stakeholder input over the course of the project.
Two thirds of the country was wetland, mostly floodplains, which had been very rich in
flora and fauna. But increasing pressure of a growing population on natural resources and
other associated human interventions have greatly depleted the resource bases,
particularly fisheries of many of the floodplains and the ecosystems of Bangladesh.
Chanda Beel is one of the large wetlands located in the south central part of Bangladesh
facing tremendous pressure. BCAS realised that sustainable management of wetland
resources is largely dependent upon building social capital to create greater cohesiveness,
trust and common purpose among the key stakeholders. But these changes are most likely
to occur with facilitated consensual management of the resource through awareness and
advocacy at the community levels.
Preliminary stages involved the identification of target stakeholders. This was followed by
group-wise consultation to discuss primary concerns before the joint preparation of action
plans with each group. Local CSOs provided further information regarding stakeholder
profiles, together with details of their own thoughts concerning project activities and
project management. An extensive training programmeme was conducted to impart
training of the staff engaged for facilitation and skill development. The programmeme
involved sharing of experiences and field trips to other locally-based natural resource
management project sites. The training of male and female staff was central to this
advocacy project (in particular, training in “lobbying and liaison maintaining strategies”).
In addition, local CSOs staff attended four programmemes to outline project objectives
and approaches and to develop participatory skills. Again, the emphasis was on building
skills to maintain liaison with CSOs, locally elected representatives and government
officials, and to develop ways in which local stakeholders could take a greater
responsibility to solve problems and disseminate solutions.
61
In order to prepare participatory wetland management action plan, the project considered
several activities. It formulated a Participatory Wetland Management Action Plan (PWMAP)
and identified a number of key environmental problems and specific actions such as policy
advocacy project, etc. in reference to environment and natural resources management in
Chanda Beel. The major project activities can be summarised as follows:
• Training of CSOs, local government, fishers and farmers in natural resource

management
• Motivation and awareness building among all concerned stakeholders
• Development of effective communication between local government, CSOs and
local people with respect to environmental issues
• Habitat restoration activities
In order to ensure sustainable management of natural resources of Chanda Beel, one central
committee and 10 sub-committees have been formed involving representatives from all
stakeholders and professionals. The committees have been organising meetings frequently to
discuss development and natural resources conservation issues. It has been evident from a
participatory assessment of the programme that communities in the surrounding villages of
the beel have greater understanding about the causes and trend of the degradation of natural
resources (fish, snails, birds, aquatic vegetables, etc.) of the beel. They are well aware of their
environment and usefulness of the resources base for both natural system and human
existence.
4.6 Community-based Fisheries Management: Bangladesh

The Community Based Fisheries Management (CBFM) project is a joint initiative between
the DoFi, ICLARM and several CSOs including BRAC, Caritas and Proshika, with funding
provided by the Ford Foundation and DFID. The project is developed in response to the
limitations of the New Fisheries Management Policy. It acknowledged that current leasing
and licensing arrangements were unlikely to benefit genuine fishers. The CBFM is a serious
attempt by the DoFi to consider the potential value of co-management models for various
types of water bodies. The CBFM attempts to secure local access rights and encourage local
management through community development.
The precise roles of the collaborating CSOs were agreed according to their previous
experiences in fisheries projects and community development. Their key role was to target
the poorest households and assist in community organisation and development of alternative
income generating activities for sustaining their livelihood.
BRAC adapted their experiences from the Oxbow Lake Projects to identify and organise poor
fishers and non-fishers into management committees capable of dictating stocking and
funding arrangements for the enhancement of 2 beel and 2 baor sites. This involved
reforming existing fisher co-operative societies to make management more inclusive and
transparent. BRAC provided credit at low interest rates and was active in implementing
complementary activities including sanitation, education, and health.
Caritas carried out its activities at four beel sites and one river site. The Caritas approach
emphasised community empowerment, the importance of sustained organisation through the
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South Asia
Management Committees and self-finance on project completion. The active participation in

the development of the fishery was encouraged through the formation of savings for further
investment, awareness raising, and provision of training programmemes for group co-
ordination within each fisher group.
Proshika worked exclusively at the flowing river sites and focused on organising traditional
fishing groups and providing training and favourable credit schemes for fishery and non-
fishery investments. Proshika’s work was complicated by the open access of the flowing
rivers following a government ruling in 1995 abolishing the previous leasing system. Despite
these problems Proshika managed to raise conservation awareness and diversified fishing-
related activities through support to secondary activities such as fish processing.
The project recognised the need to incorporate the elite and local political representatives into
the RMC. It was considered crucial to work with the powerful and rich katha owners.
Although there was no consensus building activity per se, the staffs of the project thought
that the considerable obstacles to forming the RMC had, in fact, been overcome by newly
created consensus. In addition, some of the development activities with the CBFM project
groups focussed on mutual learning for developing skills and build local organisation and
leadership. The joint responsibility sharing among the government, the CSOs and the fishers
led to the success of this project.
4.7 Micro-financing for Women: India

Forty-two percent of the people of Ahmedabad, one of India’s 10 largest cities, live in slums.
The city has 2,412 slum pockets where living standards are dismal. Organisations such as the
Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) recognize that women are vulnerable where
urban poverty exists. SEWA is an association for poor self-employed women in the informal
sector, and its objective is to promote full employment and self-reliance of women workers.
SEWA provides credit as a support service through its micro-financing institution, SEWA
Bank. The bank is owned by self-employed women through individual shareholdings.
Established in 1974 with 4,000 depositors, it now has 125,000 depositors with a total working
capital of Rs210 million.
The SEWA Bank encourages women to save, viewing savings as a form of social security.
The bank applies appropriate mechanisms for banking with the poor and illiterate. It uses an
integrated approach of bundling credit with access to markets, information, technical know-
how, and social support services. The end goal is asset creation for women.
The major activities are:
• Women empowerment and providing social and economic security

• Community-level development of basic necessities
The approach of furthering asset creation for poor women is shown through the bank’s
support for improving housing and infrastructure since 1976. It provides individual and
collective loans for various purposes, including installation of private or community sources
of drinking water, toilets, drainage, and electricity. This has kept SEWA members out of
homelessness; helped upgrade homes and improve productivity and quality of life; improved
access to water, sanitation, and other basic infrastructure services; and helped acquire assets
63
to increase economic security. A joint effort between the individual, community, private
sector, public sector, and CSOs – called the Slum Networking Project – has been facilitated
by the bank. The project aims to improve the habitat of poor self-employed women. Under
the project, the beneficiary (family), local industries, and the government make contributions
to provide individual water supply, underground sewerage, solid-waste-disposal service,
stormwater drains, internal roads and paving, street-lighting, and landscaping. Beneficiary
contribution has been financed through SEWA Bank loans. A pilot phase has been completed
for 224 households and these households now have better infrastructure facilities, resulting in
improved health, earnings, and standard of living.
This example shows that the poor voluntarily pay for improved living conditions and
sanitation when micro-financing is available. Success as joint effort between the individual,
community, CSOs, public sector and financial institute can happen with the direct
involvement of the beneficiary.
4.8 Sustainable Livelihood Initiative: India

To reverse the continuing downward spiralling of resources, Development Alternatives
initiated micro-level interventions in Bundelkhand. These were interventions, which had
direct impact on livelihoods and rebuilding of economic assets.
It is nearly two decades since the Jhansi Centre of Development Alternatives was
established. It began in January 1986 with a small family of enthusiastic members interested
in taking up the wasteland development programmemes in the Bundelkhand region of
Central India. The land suffered the wrath of over utilisation and problems such as soil
erosion need to be checked through initiating sustainable practices. The guiding theme for
the people involved in dealing with this situation was “Regeneration to sustainable
utilisation.” All this was done through rejuvenation of the existing rootstock, soil erosion
prevention, and recharging of the groundwater. Water trapped by the constructed check-
dams ensured perennial water supply to the open wells in the area.
A workforce of 15, using local skills and local building forms, laid the foundation of the
buildings in Tara gram. The building structures served to demonstrate the use of sustainable,
appropriate and low-cost building technologies. By January 1996, the buildings were
completed and the workforce had grown to 70. This workforce came from around 25 villages
in a radius of 15 km.
The focus of the project is:
• Sustainable water source development

• Capacity building among common people
• Self-sufficiency in energy generation which is vital for development of local
enterprises
• Empowerment of women by imparting professional training
• Creating technology based livelihoods
• Diversity of livelihood, efficient resource use, and optimum energy use has been
critical in defining the path of sustainability in this region
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South Asia
Diversity of livelihood, efficient resource use, and optimum energy use is critical in the path
of SD in this region. This initiative has proved that, with varied livelihood options and
diversity, there is sufficient distribution to ensure that no single resource is overstressed. Tara
gram today serves as a model to bring together social, environmental and technological
knowledge to generate sustainable livelihoods. Such livelihoods are needed in large numbers
throughout India to stall the onward march of rural migrants to cities.
5. Conclusions and Recommendations

From the previous chapters we have seen the history, the status and the actions of SD in this
sub-region. We have also seen that this sub-region went through a trend of traditional
practices and beliefs of harmonious existence with nature to the industrialisation and the
short-sightedness of the state leaders. The definition of “development” shifted from the
concept of human values, care for nature and peaceful co-existence to competitions, business,
infrastructures and consumerism. Most of us forgot the ancestral practices, approach and
strengths – became puppets to the powerful players. Yet, the sub-region gave birth to some
leaders and institutions who realised the degrading trend and fought back against the majority
to bring in SD by creating some models. The previous chapter elucidates many examples of
SD in action. Although these case studies give some respite to the reader as a ray of hope to
attain SD, yet the major concern is the replication and adoption by the masses.
The countries in South Asia are recognising the immensity of the challenges of SD they are
facing, and the vital contribution that each role-player could make. The state, the market,
the donor agencies, and the civic societies have made their contributions over the last
decades to attain SD. Yet, the translation of rhetoric into action has led to more negative
impacts than the positives. Among all the countries of this region, governments impose on
the people what they think is best without ascertaining people’s needs. On the other hand,
regional conflicts and insurgent situations have become barriers to SD and the creation of
livelihoods for the weaker sections of the society. As most of these nations have large
populations living below the poverty line, the stress is on meeting the basic requirements of
food, clothing and housing. This chapter endeavors to point out the weakness and success
of each of the role-players of SD. The following paragraphs undertake to outline the
recommendations required by the sub-region.
Retard population growth
The major challenge facing this region is that of rapid population growth. Education and
awareness, better health facilities, accessibility to birth-control methods and promoting a
woman’s right to exercise her decisions are the solutions to this.
Enhance education, awareness and confidence-level of communities
Sustainable development can happen wherever people are aware of their rights and
responsibilities. The South Asian region should spread awareness and empower people to
make decisions on their own. Based on these decisions, they would initiate actions beneficial
to themselves and to the nation and region. The formal education system should provide a
good framework for reaching out to a large segment of the population to make the future
generations conscious of the importance of SD.
65
The local people need to be educated about the natural wealth and the traditional knowledge
they possess. Confidence level of the South Asian population is generally low with a
prevalent notion that the ‘West is the Best’. This notion has led to many instances of copying
the West and subsequent failures and irrevocable damage. This would also minimize the
chances of undue advantage taken by the developed countries to grab the centuries-old
traditions and knowledge – by patenting it, for instance. The quickening pace of
development, industrialisation, urbanisation and population growth is challenging traditional
practices. Traditional sciences such as the use of medicinal plants, organic farming, and
traditional arts, are fast losing out to the glamour of the so-called West-influenced
development. The value of conserving resources (water, energy) and products (food) needs to
be imbued in each individual, especially in the affluent sections, conserving the rich bio-
diversity and using it sustainably for the economic benefit of the region.
Women of this sub-region need special attention. Access to education and the opportunities
in economic and political life that could vastly improve the overall empowerment of the
population of today and tomorrow is very low for women in this region.
Enhance capacities of decision-makers
The decision-makers of this sub-region generally comes into power due to an electoral
process which does not always reflect the democracy of the country. These decision-makers
almost always respond to a need without acquiring the capacity for development planning.
There is a growing recognition that decision-makers lack the capacity for development
planning and implementation. Donor emphasis, thus, has lately been on building capacity for
development planning and implementation, rather than planning or implementation alone.
Capacity building for scientific rigor is imperative for all decision-makers of this sub-region.
It has been observed that, due to insufficient technological know-how and scientific
knowledge, proper decisions can’t be made.
Prevent corruption and enhance transparency
The previous chapters elucidate some instances where large funding had come into the
country but the development project did not achieve its target due to lack of transparency,
rampant corruption and non-accountability of fund misuse. However, corruption could only
be stopped if the common people are aware and initiate demand for transparency and
accountability.
Enhance political will
The political will so necessary for all development policy thrusts remains a question mark.
It is widely argued that, owing to inherent weaknesses in the process of national
governance, compounded by lack of political will, rampant corruption, etc.,
implementation of the current regulatory framework in the sub-region has been hindered
severely. Poor national governance, a subject that requires an in-depth analysis, has been
identified as a major impediment to implementing the current regulatory framework.
Sustainability of such will, however, should not be relying only on regular external inputs
in terms of financing and facilitation.
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South Asia
Operationalize participatory governance and decision-making
Most South Asian countries suffer from a lack of interaction between the government and the
society. The civic structures, such as the municipal bodies and undertakings, carry out their
tasks according to the guidelines that have been issued to them. Suggestions, incorporations
or improvements are regarded with suspicion, and as being violate their charter of duties.
Even among the various public service utilities, clear demarcation of activities remains a grey
area. More often than not, the tendency is to wash one’s hands off with the excuse that it is
the other’s job. In this situation the government and civic authorities should be in close
synergy with communities. On their part, the communities should constantly interact with the
service providers for a constructive approach.
It has to be clearly understood that a government cannot sustain without the active
cooperation of the people. A sense of commitment and dedication from all stakeholders is
essential for creating the systems that can monitor and take timely action for preventing the
negative impacts.
Although many projects were initiated by the coordinating agency toward SD, but very few
stakeholders were aware of the country’s commitment and strategy. The country’s strategy
lacked people’s participation in planning and implementation. In many instances people’s
participation was found to be sufficient in most of the activities but, due to weak
implementation strategy, the benefits of interventions could not be enjoyed by the society
at large.
Define a holistic SD approach
Environmental initiatives are not integrated with the aspect of development efforts, such as
livelihood concerns. This usually happens because of the complete reliance on external
funding which is usually non-flexible and focuses on specific aspects. The environmental
degradation in some cases was irreversible largely due to the inability to mainstream
environmental activities within the development process. The donor and the recipient should
define the holistic approach of development.
Enhance foreign investment with ecological harmony
The opening up of the market to the global economy may have positive benefits but should
take immediate steps to stop the following:
• Destruction of the sub-regions’ indigenous business: cotton, garment, jute, leather, etc.
• Attraction of consumers to commodities cheap, readily available, which cause
environmental societal degradation
• Un-sustainability of small- and medium-scale sectors in the global market
competition
• Production of environmentally degrading products by multinational companies on
the soil of the sub-region
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Enhance internal sustainability of development initiatives
Heavy dependency on financial support from institutional donor agencies often lacks internal
sustainability of these initiatives, which casts an unmistakable shadow over the promotion of
SD. Extent of external financial support often implies that these initiatives can dictate the
terms. The CSOs who are usually the implementing agencies of SD initiatives should develop
the internal sustainability of these by doing the following:
• Develop local capacities

• Develop local techniques and know-how
• Enhance local participation and ownership
• Link development projects to enhancing local economy
• Enhance coordination among all role players
CSOs have achieved a lot in taking SD forward in the region. But coordination between the
state, the donor agencies, the market and the CSO would help in self-sustenance of any
initiative and mass replication. The CSOs who usually represent the voiceless population
need to improve their communication skills, and effectively use the media to highlight their
message. Efforts in this regard should focus on building the capacity of local organisations
and community members for practicing SD on the ground. These typically include training
for managerial and technical skills enhancement, as well as information on SD issues locally,
nationally and internationally. The print media has just begun to cover SD stories in-depth,
but there is little pro-active initiative. Professional associations, too, should adequately be
reached by the civic leaders of SD, although doctors, lawyers, teachers and other
professionals do offer a huge potential in terms of generating the transition.
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BANGLADESH
Ahsan Uddin Ahmed

Sughra Arasta Kabir
Khandaker Mainuddin
Atiq Rahman
Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS)

Bangladesh
Acronyms
ADB Asian Development Bank
ADP Annual Development Programme
AEZ Agro-ecological Zone
ALGAS Asia Least-Cost Greenhouse Gas Abatement Strategy
ARI Acute Respiratory Infection
ASA Association for Social Advancement
BADC Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corp[oration
BARC Bangladesh Agriculture Research Council
BBS Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
BCAS Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies
BCM Billion Cubic Meter
BEJF Bangladesh Environmental Journalists Federation
BELA Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association
BEOC Basic Education for Older Children
BGMEA Bangladesh Garments Manufacturing and Exporting Association
BGS Bangladesh Geological Survey
BIDS Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies
BINA Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture
BPDB Bangladesh Power Development Board
BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
BRDB Bangladesh Rural Development Board
BRTA Bangladesh Road Transport Authority
BUP Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad
CAMPE Campaign for Popular Education
CBFM Community-Based Fisheries Management
CBN Cost of Basic Needs
73
CBO Community Based Organization
CBR Crude Birth Rate
CDD Control of Diarrheal Disease
CDR Crude Death Rate
CEN Coalition for Environmental NGOs
CEP Continuing Education Programme
CNRS Centre for Natural Resource Studies
CPD Centre for Policy Dialogue
CPP Cyclone Preparedness Programme
CPR Contraceptive Prevalence Rate
DAE Department of Agriculture Extension
DAE Department of Agriculture Extension
DANIDA Danish International Development Agency
DEPC Department of Environment and Pollution Control
DFID Department for International Development
DG Director General
DNFE Directorate of Non-Formal Education
DOE Department of Environment
DOF Department of Forest
DOFi Department of Fisheries
DPHE Department of Public Health Engineering
ECC Environmental Clearance Certificate
EIA Environmental Impacts Assessment
EIS Environmental Impacts Statement
EPB Export Promotion Bureau
EPJ Extended Programme of Immunization
ESP Education Support Programme
74
Bangladesh
ESP Essential Service Package
EU European Union
FAP Flood Action Plan
FBCCI Federation of Bangladesh Chamber of Commerce and Industries
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FEJB Federation of Environmental Journalists of Bangladesh
FFW Food for Work
FiFYP Fifth Five-Year Plan 1997-2002
FMP Forestry Master Plan
FoFYP Fourth Five-Year Plan 1990-95
FP Family Planning
FY Fiscal Year
GAD Gender and Development
GBM The Ganges-The Brahmaputra –The Meghna
GCM General Circulation Model
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEF Global Environmental Fund
GEP General Education Programme
GHG Greenhouse Gas
GNI Gross National Income
G Government Organization
GOB Government of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh
GSS Gono Sahajya Sangstha
HDI Human Development Index
HES Household Expenditure Survey
HPSP Health and Population Sector Programme
HPSS Health and Population Sector Strategy
75
ICCO Interchurch organisation for Development Co-operation
ICLARM International Centre for Living Aquatic Resource Management
IDPAA Institute for Development Policy Analysis and Advocacy
IFRC International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
IGA Income Generating Activities
ILO International Labour Organization
ILO International Labour Organization
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
IPCC Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change
ITDG Intermediate Technology Development Group
IWMI International Water Management Institute
Kcal Kilo Calories
LGED Local Government Engineering Organization
MACH Management of Aquatic Ecosystems Through Community Husbandry
MCSP Multipurpose Cyclone Shelter Project
MFA Multi Fiber Agreement
MOEF Ministry of Environment and Forest
MOF Ministry of Finance
MOHFW Ministry of Health and Family Welfare
MOP Ministry of Planning
MPO Master Plan organization
MW Mega Watt
NARS National Agricultural research System
NDPAW National Development Policy for the Advancement of Women
NEA National Environment Act
NEMAP National Environmental Management Action Plan
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Bangladesh
NEP National Environmental Policy
NFE Non-formal Education
NFEP Non-formal Education Programme
NGO Non-government Organization
NMIDP National Minor Irrigation Development Project
NNI Net National Income
NWMP National Water Management Plan
ODS Ozone Depleting Substances
PBS Palli Biddyut Samity
PC Planning Commission
PEP Production and Employment Programme
PFA Platform for Action
PGCB Power Grid Company, Bangladesh
PKSF Palli Karma Shahayak Foundation
Proshika–MUK Proshika Manobik Unnayan Kendra
PTI Professional Training Institute
PV Photo-voltaic
RAJUK Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakhkho
RDP Rural Development Project
RDRS Rangpur-Dinajpur Rural Service
RMC River Management Committee
RMG Ready-made Garments
RWSG-SA Regional Water and Sanitation Group – South Asia
SAARC South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation
SDC Swedish Agency for Development Cooperation
SEMP Sustainable Environment Management Programme
SIDA Swedish International Development Agency
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SSC Secondary School Certificate
TFR Total Fertility Rate
Tk Taka – Bangladesh’s Currency
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNESCO Union Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
UNICEF United Nations International Children and Education Fund
US Unnayan Shamunnoy
US$ Dollar – United State’s Currency
USA United States of America
USAID United States Agency for International Development
VF Village Federation
VGD Vulnerable Group Development
VOC Volatile Organic Carbon
WB World Bank
WCED World Commission on Environment and Development
WHO World Health Organization
WI Women in Development
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Bangladesh
1. Introduction, Background, and Concepts

Since independence in 1971, Bangladesh has been trying its best to fight against rampant poverty,
unsatisfactory performance of its economic sectors, and rapidly deteriorating resource base and
ecosystems. Despite major achievements in a number of areas, the country is still struggling to
maintain its position in the list of developing countries. Sustaining development in all aspects of
its economic, social, and environmental spheres has remained only a dream, and not a reality for
its population of 129 million, and therefore, the term somewhat lost its essence. The term
“sustainable development” has become a cliché in Bangladesh in recent years. It is now merely
regarded as a slogan of the political elite, local development thinkers and decision-makers.
1.1 Sustainable Development: the Concept

Bangladesh, with the highest population density and perhaps the poorest per capita natural
resource endowment, is already facing tremendous challenges to develop its economy, offer
adequate goods and services to its poor people by establishing good governance, and
maintain environmental harmony it used to enjoy for centuries. The concept of
“development” itself has not yet been properly defined and accepted by all concerned
stakeholders. Therefore, the apparently elusive working definition of “sustainability” has not
yet been adequately understood in the development discourse in Bangladesh.
The concept of sustainable development gained wide currency in development discourse

following the publication of the report of the World Commission on Environment and
Development (WCED), Our Common Future, in 1987. In that report the central theme was
sustainable development. The concept dealt with a simple principle which calls for
maintaining regeneration capacity of natural resources, and if possible conserving those for
future days while meeting the needs of the present generation. The concept forwarded by the
WCED took a formal shape during the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1992 where
global leadership endorsed the concept and accepted the challenges of sustainable
development. Following those historical events, one now finds in the relevant literature a
large number of definitions of sustainable development. The two following definitions
perhaps capture the basic messages on which the concept stands.
According to WCED, sustainable development is:“…development that meet the needs of the
present without compromising the ability of the future generations to meet their own needs. It
contains within it two key concepts: the concept of ‘needs’; in particular the essential needs
of the world’s poor, to which overriding priority should be given; and the idea of limitations
imposed by the state of technology and social organisation in the environment’s ability to
meet present and future needs. A pursuit of sustainable development requires … a production
system that respects the obligation to preserve the ecological base for that development”
(WCED, 1987).
Goodland and Ledoc (1987) defined it as: “… a pattern of social and structural economic
transformations (i.e., ‘development’) which optimises the economic and social benefits
available in the present, without jeopardizing the likely potential for similar benefits in the
future. A primary goal of sustainable development is to achieve a reasonable (however
defined) and equitably distributed level of economic well-being that can be perpetuated
continually for many human generations …”
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The WCED defined the strategic imperatives for sustainable development, which include:
• Reviving growth to meet human needs and aspirations

• Ensuring a more equitable distribution of the proceeds of growth, within and
between nations
• Ensuring a sustainable level of population
• Conserving and enhancing the resource base
• Reducing the energy and resource content of growth
• Re-orienting technology and managing risk
• Merging environment and economics in decision making
Considering the application modalities of the concept of sustainable development, Ahmad
(2001) found it to invoke those issues concerning human societies and human activities,
which can ultimately be specified in terms of two kinds of relations – human-human and
human-natural environmental. Therefore, the concept places human beings at the centre
stage and is concerned with social, economic, and environmental sustainability within an
integrated framework. The term “development” means, in addition to increased access to
meaningful economic activities for every human being, development of human capability.
The latter may be achieved through appropriately designed and implemented education,
training, healthcare, and organizing programmes (access to credit, technology, other
resources and services) so that people can address the issues in different areas effectively
and purposefully. Social aspects are, therefore, most vital in the context of the planning and
implementation of sustainable development.
According to Ahmad (2001), the crucial considerations in the shaping of the sustainable
development pathway are good (transparent, accountable, rule of law-based, efficient,
coordinated) governance, effective institutions (institutionalization of democracy at all levels
of society, appropriate legal and regulatory systems, free and vibrant media), social equity –
both inter- and intra-generational, cultural imperatives, and spontaneous participation of all
the stakeholders. The concept, therefore, embarks on social cohesiveness and a harmonious
relationship among human beings and between them and various elements of environment,
which in turn opens up avenues to peace, security, and stability − all having vital elements of
reinforcing the processes of sustainable development.
In the present state of development in Bangladesh, eradication of poverty, assuring basic needs,
and employment for all are the overriding considerations. Since the economy of the country is
characterised by an almost total dependence on the extraction, use, and management of natural
resources and the physical environment, the people now have started to realise that the process
of development must be environmentally sound in order to lay the foundation of the concept of
sustainability. This report examines the current status of sustainable development practices in
Bangladesh with a very basic review of the inter- and intra-relationship among the three major
elements of sustainable development while putting people of the country at the centre of all the
development issues. An attempt has been made to highlight the recent achievements and
identify the problems associated with various activities, which impede the process of
sustainable development. The report purposefully refrained from forwarding a set of
recommendations, since these are all available aplenty in existing literature.
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Bangladesh
1.2 An Overview of Bangladesh

1.2.1 Location and Physical Setting
Bangladesh, occupying an area of 147,570 km2, is located in the eastern Himalayan region of
South Asia between 20°34′ to 26°38′ north latitudes and 88°01′ to 92°42′ east longitudes. It is
surrounded on three sides predominantly by India, only the South being open to the Bay of
Bengal. Most of its land shares the Bengal basin with the adjoining state of India, West
Bengal. The basin is bordered in the north by the Himalayas, in the northeast and east by the
Shillong plateau and the Tripura Hills, and in the west by the Chotanagar plateau.
1.2.1.1 Population
According to the latest census, the current population of Bangladesh is about 129 million
(BBS, 2001). About 50 percent of this population are below reproductive age (i.e., 15 years)
1
meaning that it has a high growth potential. During the past two decades, however,
Bangladesh successfully retarded its population growth rate and brought it down from some
3.0 percent to about 1.67 percent. Despite such success stories Bangladesh remains the most
densely populated country. Apart from a few city-states, its population density is highest in
the world. Its population, however, is dispersed evenly across the country except for in the
hilly southeastern districts.
1.2.1.2 Governance and Political System

Bangladesh achieved independence in 1971 following a bloody war against the Pakistani
junta. Its efforts to initiate a democratic regime, however, had started even before its
independence. One of the major reasons for the independence movement is the failure of the
ruling elite of then West Pakistan to share the power with its Bengali counterparts. However,
Bangladesh’s onward journey with a parliamentary form of government did not last long. The
multi-party democracy faced a setback, when a one-party system was initiated in 1974. The
political situation of the country further deteriorated with subsequent military coups in 1975.
The military had been in control of the power of the country up to late 1990, often in disguise
of pseudo-democracy.
A process of massive militarization of the civil administration, politics, and society was
masterminded by the two military regimes during 1970s and 1980s that almost destroyed the
democratic norms, practices, and structures of the country altogether. The pseudo-democracy
that had been staged by the military regimes through elections could not add the flavor of
democracy to their day-to-day activity in running the respective governments. The
democratic norms were reestablished through fair election in 1991.
Unfortunately, a debate over national identity continues even after the democratic transition
of the country following a massive, popular upsurge in the late 1990s. The crisis of
governance that had been developed right from the inception of the country and had been
deepened during successive military regimes, along with the nationalism debate, had created
widespread confusion among the people and, had instilled chaos and instability in the
political system.
The chaotic and instable situation that caused the crisis of governance was possibly due to the
81
absence of deep rooted, and efficient political institutions. Hardly any of today’s major
political parties are organised on the basis of any well-founded ideologies or a specific set of
programmes of action. Instead factional and parochial group interests determine the nature
and activities of the political parties. Therefore, patron-client relationships pervaded the
whole system, and thus created a society devoid of democratic as well as institutional virtues.
Such a situation, automatically, cripples the ability of the political elite to resolve issues like
poverty, unemployment, and other socioeconomic factors. For the same reason, other
important elements of sustainable development framework such as equity (poverty),
underdevelopment, overpopulation, protracted conflict, resource scarcity, dwindling of
natural resource base, etc. have not been addressed with adequate care.
1.2.1.3 Climate
Like all the tropical countries, Bangladesh has a hot and humid climate during most part of
the year with a mild winter between November and March. Owing to its small landmass, its
climate is fairly uniform throughout the country. Despite the local calendar proclaiming to
have six seasons in Bangladesh: summer, monsoon or rainy season, fall, autumn, winter, and
spring, primarily three seasons can be discernible: summer, rainy season, and winter.
Summer stretches from March to June with a hot and highly humid weather. The most
prominent season of Bangladesh, the rainy monsoon season lasts from June to October with
heavy rainfall. The country experiences a relatively cooler and drier winter season. Annual
rainfall ranges from 1200mm to 2550mm with an average of 2300mm. There are strong
spatial and temporal variations in rainfall − the eastern zone enjoying higher rainfall than the
western zone and about 80% of the annual rainfall occurring in five months between June and
October. The winter evapotranspiration appears to be higher than available moisture resulting
in an acute shortage of top-soil moisture.
1.2.1.4 Natural Resources

The country is endowed with a number of natural resources that include land, water, and
energy resources in terms of coal, peat, and more recently found natural gas etc. It also
houses a vast resource of biological diversity. A brief description of these resources is given
in the following sub-sections.
Land Resources
Formed by three mighty rivers − the Ganges, the Brahmaputra, and the Meghna (GBM) −
Bengal delta is also the youngest and the most active delta in the world. It has been forming
for millions of years from the sediments eroded from the great Himalayas and Tibetan Plateau.
The annual sediment load of the Ganges, Brahmaputra, Meghna river systems is estimated to
be 2.4 billion tons of cobbles, sand, and silt (Rashid and Paul, 1987). The deltaic flood plain of
Bangladesh has a wide range of soil types. There are about 500 soil series ranging from
juvenile new alluvium at the one extreme to old red soils on the other, with various kinds of
landforms and hydromorphic and drainage conditions in between (Rahman, 1994). Since
Bangladesh is almost a flat alluvial plain, its land and soil condition seems to be homogenous.
But in reality it has a complex land pattern and soil condition. The land systems in Bangladesh
consists of three land types: (a) floodplain, (b) terrace, and (c) hills. Each land system can be
further divided on the basis of zonal differences, topography, soils, drainage, and hydrological
condition. About 6.7 percent of the total area consists of rivers and inland water bodies.
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Bangladesh
Floodplain: Around 80 percent of the total land area of Bangladesh is floodplain. This vast
floodplain is crisscrossed by innumerous tributaries and distributaries of the combined GBM
system. Within the broad floodplain landscape, some distinctly differentiable landscapes are
formed, based on environmental conditions under which the process of deposition of
sediments took place. Six different types of landscapes are recognised: piedmont plain, active
floodplain, meander floodplain, tidal floodplain, estuarine floodplain, and basins.
Hill: Hill areas include the northern and eastern hills and the Akhaura Terrace, combined
covering about 12 percent of the total land area of the country. Running north-south along the
eastern border of Bangladesh, the northern and eastern hill ranges are linear ridges. The
Akhaura Terrace is only at 15 to 20 feet higher elevation than the surrounding areas, while
northern and eastern hills could be as high as 3000 feet from the sea level. Soils are very
acidic and sandy.
Terrace: The terrace area constitutes only 8 percent of the total land surface of Bangladesh.
The terrace areas have been lifted as a block 10-20 feet high from the surrounding floodplain
area that include the Barind tract in the north-west, and the Madhupur tract in the north-
central region.
Land is the most basic resource in Bangladesh being the main factor of crop production. The
country has about 8.74 million hectares of cultivated land, which is about two-thirds of its
total area. Of the net cultivable area, 33.3 percent is single cropped, 45.0 percent is double
cropped, 11.5 percent triple cropped, and 10.2 percent is cultivable waste and current fallow.
The overall cropping intensity is about 1.90. The three cropping seasons approximately
coincide with the three meteorological seasons: Kharif I (pre-monsoon), Kharif II (monsoon)
and Rabi (winter or dry). Aus, aman and boro are the three rice varieties grown respectively
in those three cropping seasons. Aman is the leading rice crop, occupying about 56.0 percent
of the total area under rice, followed by boro (27.0 percent), and aus (17.0 percent). Wheat,
jute, sugarcane, pulses, and oilseeds are other important crops.
Water
The water ecosystem of Bangladesh comprises the tributaries and distributaries of three major
river systems: the Ganges–Padma, the Brahmaputra–Jamuna, and the Meghna, and numerous
perennial and seasonal wetlands like haors, baors and beels. All three major river systems
originate outside the country. In fact, out of some 230 rivers in the country, 57 are
transboundary rivers – 54 coming from India and three from Myanmar. About 93 percent of
the surface water enters Bangladesh from outside the borders.
The natural surface water resources are mainly obtainable from the country’s dense network
of river systems, which not only include upstream inflows, but also the runoff generated from
rainfall within the country. Preliminary estimates at the inception phase of the National Water
Management Plan (NWMP) indicate that cross-border flows into the country amount to
around 1010 billion cubic meters (BCM), and an additional amount of 340 BCM is generated
from local rainfall. Of this total quantum of available water (1350 BCM), about 190 BCM of
water is lost in the atmosphere through evaporation and evapotranspiration, while the balance
of 1160 BCM either is available for use or flows into the Bay of Bengal. Eighty percent of
this huge flow of water is concentrated in the five-month monsoon period of June to October.
83
Bangladesh has a reasonably good groundwater resource. The quaternary alluvium

constitutes a huge aquifer with reasonably good transmission and storage properties. Heavy
rainfall and annual inundation help the groundwater to be substantially recharged annually. In
1991 the Master Plan organisation (MPO) made three estimates of groundwater resources
considering potential, usable, and available recharge. These estimates suggested that the
available recharge of groundwater was 21 BCM. More recently, the National Minor Irrigation
Development Project (NMIDP) developed models to forecast growth in minor irrigation
through groundwater, using less conservative assumptions for recharge than the MPO. It
acknowledges, however, that more information on groundwater is required to make reliable
projections beyond the next 10-15 years. Unfortunately, availability of groundwater has been
severely constrained due to large-scale contamination of the resource with arsenic.
Forests
Once Bangladesh had very rich tropical forests. The major official forest areas of Bangladesh
include the Sunderbans, the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and deciduous forests. These are
discussed below.
The Sundarbans: Located in the southwestern part of the country, this mangrove forest
covers an area approximately 5,500 square kilometers. In conjunction with the adjoining
Indian side of the forest Sundarbans is the largest patch of productive mangrove forest in the
world. This is home of very rich flora and fauna including the most famous animal the Royal
Bengal Tiger. Due to its richness in biodiversity a part of the Sundarbans has been declared
the World Heritage Site by UNESCO. Due to continued encroachment and tree felling the
vegetative density has decreased significantly over the years. Deterioration of its canopy
cover and continued encroachment threaten the existence of the Royal Bengal Tiger and a
number of other species.
Chittagong Hill Tracts: These tropical rain forests are situated in the mountainous
southeastern part of the country. It has rich and thick vegetation and wild animals including
wild elephants. The forest houses long-rotation high-value timber species. This valuable
forest resource is now being rapidly depleted due to internal demand for timber woods and to
meet the energy demand of the local population.
Deciduous Forests: The only deciduous forest of the country, located in the high Modhupur
tract, used to be covered with sal trees – an important commercial timber and fuelwood
species. Due to rapid encroachment for expansion of agriculture and industrial areas the area
of the forest has been shrunk significantly. A part of the forest still reminiscent of its past is
now being protected as a national forest.
Despite gradual deterioration of the country’s officially designated and managed forest
resources, the homestead forestry is now thriving because of a successful people-oriented
aforestation campaign. During the 1990s, people themselves planted over 100 million
saplings in each year.
Biodiversity
Although the country occupies a small area in global scale, it is rich in terms of biodiversity.
Its terrestrial and aquatic areas support a good variety of biological population, in terms of
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Bangladesh
both flora and fauna. The land has been endowed with over 10,000 varieties of indigenous
paddy germplasms, suitable to grow in any of three major cropping seasons. Homestead
vegetation has also been rich with biodiversity: species suitable for harvesting timber,
firewood, fruit, vegetable, spices etc. The Sundarbans forest has been supporting over 300
species of plants. In addition, it has been the home of Royal Bengal Tiger, found nowhere
else in the world. The forest also supports over 400 species of fish, 270 species of birds and
other species. It is also an important staging and wintering area for migratory shore birds,
gulls, and terns. The inland water bodies of the country are rich in fisheries diversity. In
addition, a total of 125 species of waterfowl are found in these water bodies.
1.2.1.5 Proneness to Natural Disasters

Bangladesh is most vulnerable to several natural disasters and every year one or more natural
calamities upset people’s lives in some part of the country. The major disasters concerned
here are the occurrences of flood, cyclone and storm surge, flash flood, drought, tornado,
earthquakes, riverbank erosion, and landslide. These extreme natural events are termed
disasters when they adversely affect the whole environment, including human beings, their
settlements, or the resources essential for their livelihoods.
The geographical setting of Bangladesh makes the country vulnerable to natural disasters.
The mountains and hills bordering almost three-fourths of the country, along with the funnel
shaped Bay of Bengal in the south, have made the country a meeting place of life-giving
monsoon rains, but also makes it subjected to the catastrophic ravages of natural disasters. Its
physiography and river morphology also contribute to recurring disasters.
Bangladesh is a land of many rivers and heavy monsoon rains. Therefore, the country is
subject to inundation by overflow of the riverbanks due to rainfall run-off, drainage
congestion, and storm-tidal surges. Flood waters damage resources, disrupt communication
and livelihood systems, bring untold sufferings to millions of people and result in human
deaths, loss of livestock, spread of diseases and hunger, damaged standing crops, and
destroy physical and economic infrastructure. In winter, due to a change in hydrological
cycle the topsoil does not receive any appreciable rainfall during December and March.
During this period, evapo-transpiration increases lead to a net deficit in available moisture
on topsoils. The phenomenon is pronounced in the western parts of the country. Persistent
deficit in soil moisture gives rise to drought conditions, which result in a decrease in crop
production. Box-1.1 gives a brief description of both these phenomena which affect millions
of people across the country.
Erosion of land surfaces, riverbanks, and coastal areas is already causing serious problems for
the country. It is a process largely controlled by river dynamics. In upland areas land erosion
may be intensified through excessive deforestation, and other land use practices (such as
Jhum cultivation). Riverbank erosion and the changing course of rivers cause disruption of
life of many local communities During floods, riverbank erosion becomes very acute, and
leads to loss of valuable land. Coastal erosion is also an issue of concern. Erosion in the
coastal regions of Bangladesh is caused by a number of factors, such as high monsoon wind,
waves, currents, strong tidal actions, and storm surges (Kabir, 2001).
85
The Bay of Bengal is the breeding place of catastrophic cyclones. Cyclones and storm surges
occur frequently and cause immense loss of life and destruction of property in the coastal
areas of the country during pre and post monsoon periods. On average 1-3 severe to moderate
cyclonic storms hit Bangladesh each year, with associated storm surges as much as 13 meters
higher than normal in extreme cases, which can reach as far as 200 km inland.
Bangladesh requires large resources for managing all such natural disasters. Disaster
management entails pre-disaster preparedness, during- and post-disaster recovery and
rehabilitation. The consequences of these natural hazards and the resulting environmental
degradation pose a serious threat to the economic development of the country. The
situation calls for an effective disaster warning and dissemination system. A timely and
accurate warning system about impending disasters helps to reduce the loss of life and
property (Pramanik, 1991). The impacts of these disasters vary with their type and
magnitude, which results in profuse human loss and adversely impacts the whole economy.
Therefore, natural disasters are seen as one of the major impediment to the process of
sustainable development of the country.
Box 1: Flood and Drought: Two Recurring Extremes Affecting the Livelihoods of Millions
Flood
Flood is a recurring phenomenon in Bangladesh. Locally termed as Bonna, it is when
the floodwaters damage resources and disrupt communication and livelihood systems.
Some 30-35% of the total land surface is flooded every year during the wet monsoon
(Milliman et al., 1989). Severe floods bring untold suffering to millions of people, and
result in human deaths, loss of livestock, spread of diseases and hunger, damaged
standing crops, destroyed physical and economic infrastructures, damaged fish and
shrimp ponds, hatcheries, etc. During the peak flow season (July-September) most of
the rivers normally overflow their banks and deposit silt on the surrounding flood plains,
which is essential for providing vital moisture and fertility to the soil. Thus, the normal
floods are considered a blessing for Bangladesh. However, occasionally due to
excessive rainfall in the catchment area, storm-tidal surges, synchronization of the peak
water levels of all the major rivers, infrastructural development activities that neglect
proper concern about environmental impacts and adequate drainage facilities increases
likelihood of abnormal conditions leading to drainage congestion, excessive rainfall run-
off induce high-magnitude flooding that inundates large areas, and causes widespread
damage to crops and property (Kabir, 2001).
The devastating floods of 1987 and 1988 were due to excessive rainfall in the GBM
catchment area, and synchronization of peak flow of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra-
Jamuna rivers. Effects of El-Nino, La-Nina, and synchronization of high tide were
considered to be the causes of the devastating flood of 1998 which affected about two-
thirds of the area of the country. Extensive studies by different experts show the area of
flooding at different times varied from 31% to 85% of the total area of the country
(Pramanik, 1990). The flood extended over part or all of 53 of the 64 districts and
directly affected 45 million people out of a total of 110 million. Crops on 2 Mha of land
were damaged out of a cultivable area of 9.5 Mha. The output loss was 3.9% of GDP or
US $760 million (UNDP, 1989). A total area of 81,831 sq. km. was inundated during the
65-day period of flooding which occurred from 12 July to 14 September. This
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Bangladesh
devastating flood caused an enormous impact on the national economy, in addition to

hardships for people, and disrupted livelihood systems in urban and rural areas.
Following the catastrophic 1987 and 1988 floods the French Government appealed for
a world aid programme in favour of flood control and decided to finance a pre-feasibility
study for an overall and lasting flood protection, and major investment on flood
protection in the country began. In 1988, when the worst ever flood in living memory hit
the largely unprotected capital city, almost all of the eastern part and about 70% of the
western part of the capital went under water. After that devastating flood, Phase I of
Dhaka Integrated Flood Protection Plan (DIFPP) was undertaken and as of now, 75%
of the plan has been implemented. This changed the flooding pattern of the city by
bringing almost all of its currently urbanized area under flood protection. But the 1998
flood, which has an unprecedented record of duration in the country’s history, caused
severe damage to Dhaka City. It had a far-reaching implication on the life of the city
people. The abased authority made efforts to respond with basic supplies like water,
relief, food and shelter to the distress people. But the flood ravaged through for more
than ninety days and caused havoc on the health, housing, food, security, employment,
communication and livelihood of the urban population. The flood did not even spare the
upper income group of the society. Flood water engulfed the diplomatic enclave giving
the bitter taste of suffering which has been considered to be common to the poor in the
rural areas. The extent of floodwater covered 61 wards at different flooding levels, out
of the 90 wards of the Dhaka City Corporation. Flood was mainly caused by inflow from
the upstream areas. Dhaka City and its surrounding neighborhood received about 43%
and 67% more rain in the months of July and August respectively compared to the
average rainfall during the same period in 1988 (IUCN, 2000). In the year 2000,
Bangladesh faced an unusual flood over its usually flood-free southwestern plain, which
also caused loss of life and massive damage to property.
Bangladesh, being highly vulnerable to regular and often devastating flooding, needs
to protect its people, cities, towns, villages, homesteads, infrastructures and
particularly its agriculture from this continual hazard. The people of the country are
more resourceful and resilient than any others in coping with floods. Nonetheless, the
impact of recurrent floods on this small, densely populated nation, and particularly on
its agriculture becomes more serious with each successive event. Population pressure
is compelling more and more families to live in flood prone areas. The impact of
recurrent flooding across the economy exacts an unacceptable toll on the quality of life
and the country’s economic prospects. Expenditure related to post flood rehabilitation
adds additional burden to the country’s economy especially it has a direct adverse
impact on the macro economy.
Drought
Although Bangladesh, with a monsoon climate, has enough rain, droughts frequently
take a significant portion out of the agricultural economy of the country, and cause
hunger, instability, and insecurity. Mainly the northwestern part of the country is
vulnerable to drought. Drought is an abnormal condition where there is lack of
sufficient water to meet various requirements and to support satisfactory plant growth
without enough soil moisture (Pramanik, 1991). Though the drought is generally
associated with semi-arid or desert climates, it can also occur in areas that normally
enjoy adequate rainfall. It can be said that drought is a pseudoparameter feature of
low average rainfall generally dominant in the areas with high temperature (Mahtab,
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1992). Drought is the result of insufficient or no rainfall for an extended period of 20

consecutive days or so, and causes a high potential evapotranspiration with respect
to available moisture leading to deficits in available moisture and moisture stress. In
drought conditions, evaporation and transpiration exceed normal levels. The ensuing
up stream water shortage leads to stream flow reduction, depletion of ground water
and soil moisture, leading to crop damage. When it continues for a prolonged period,
a serious threat is posed to agricultural production (Kabir, 2001). Due to drought
severity, crop loss ranges between 20 and 60 percent for T. Aman and other rice
varieties which is one of the most insidious causes of human misery. Two critical dry
periods can be distinguished in Bangladesh, which are: Rabi and pre-Kharif drought
(January/May), with less or no rainfall days, higher temperatures during pre-Kharif (40
degrees C in March/May), leading to low soil moisture availability. Drought affects all
the Rabi crops, such as HYV Boro, Aus, wheat, pulses, sugarcane and potatoes
especially where irrigation possibilities are limited. Kharif droughts are seen in the
period June/July to October, created by sub-humid and dry conditions in the highland
and medium highland areas of the country. Shortage of rainfall affects the critical
reproductive stages of transplanted Aman crops in December, reducing its yield,
particularly in those areas with low soil moisture holding capacity. In the Rabi season,
1.2 million ha of cropland faces droughts of various magnitudes. A very severe
drought can cause more than 40% damage to broadcasted Aus. During the Kharif
season, drought causes significant damage to transplanted Aman crop in about 2.32
million ha area annually. Apart from loss to agriculture, droughts have significant
effects on land degradation, livestock population, employment, and health. During
1981 and 1982, drought affected the production of the monsoon crop only.
1.3 Organization of the Report

Chapter 2 gives a brief historical account of sustainable development practices in the country,
which has been based on traditional livelihood and households, as a backdrop of recent
conceptualization of the theme at the global level. The roles of the state, the market, civil
society, and the donors are briefly examined. Chapter 3 tries to depict an account, although
incomplete in various ways, of current status of development and actions, which have been
considered sustainable development by approaching each of its three elements, as mentioned
above. It also highlights the shortfalls, wherever applicable, in recent development activities
in Bangladesh. Chapter 4 deals with some concrete examples of actions, which have been
undertaken for the development of the country. Chapter 5 deals with the present legal and
institutional framework for approaching sustainable environmental development. It also
identifies a few bottlenecks, which hinder the process of sustainable development with regard
to natural resources management. The isues of use of appropriate technologies toward
achieving sustainable development are presented in Chapter 6. The report is concluded in
Chapter 7 briefly describing key factors behind successful Sustainable Development actions,
authors also expressed their views on the kind of national policies to be undertaken which
would be most supportive for sustainable development in the country. Chapter 8 is an Annex
that includes brief accounts of a few case studies, which are regarded as successful examples
of Sustainable Development actions in the country.
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Bangladesh
2. History of Sustainable Development in Bangladesh

Although the history of civilization in Bangladesh goes back several millennia, within the
context of newly found sustainable development framework, as elaborated in the previous
section, one can only examine such practices during the past thirty or forty years. Due to
unavailability of data this section and the following would only limit the discourse within the
post-UNCED era, i.e., the decade of the 1990s.
The traditional ways of life in Bangladesh suggest that the ancestors have been largely
practicing sustainable development, with a few exceptions and flaws, of course, since ancient
times − often without knowing the bookish definition of it. The traditional Bangladeshi
society has been producing to a level just adequate to contemplate a decent survival;
produced no significant pollution other than excreta, let alone hazardous wastes of industrial
and agricultural origin; in the name of progress never intended to destroy local biodiversity,
killed only the ferocious and harmful animals; maintained and nurtured a happy society by
connecting and networking with neighboring communities, and respecting social norms and
values; and best of all, they kept human beings at the centre of everything. Despite being
devastated by repeated floods, cyclonic storm surges, and big earthquakes, the society
bounced back and maintained a good livelihood. The world’s reputed historians found the
region one of the most prosperous in the entire globe!
Then there came the worst time in its history, which not only witnessed an unprecedented
population growth and the problems associated with it, but also a rat race of accumulating
wealth in the name of industrial development and its elite soon became a party to it. Limited
education opportunities for a selected group of people created an elite social class, served
their masters for a while and then they themselves became the masters. Soon enough this
class amassed most of the wealth, often depriving the poorer class, and created an
insurmountable disparity within the society. The traditional social norms, based primarily on
equity and justice, were shattered in all counts − economic, social, and environmental.
Trying to emerge from a war-wrecked land following the independence in 1971 the
foremost important development plan was to rebuild the economy, reinstating the social
norms and institutions, and restoring the infrastructure and communication networks. The
other important issue was to tackle the population pressure − reducing the growth rate,
feeding all the people with locally produced food, providing education and health care for
all, devising safety mechanisms to fight against frequent natural disasters, and creating
employment for the ever-increasing population. By the time the governments were
struggling with all these issues, the concept of sustainable development redefined the path of
development along the globe.
Up to the 1970s, the predominant wisdom was that economic growth and environmental
quality were in a trade-off relationship. In 1972 two events changed the perception of
development. The Club of Rome published The Limits to Growth, which warned the global
community that the modern civilization would face an uncontrollable collapse within a
century if exponential growth trends in population and industrial production were not
controlled (Meadows et al., 1972). The report put forward the environmental concerns by
forecasting that the uncontrolled growth in population and industrial production would
overshoot the availability of food, deplete the planet’s one-time endowment of non-renewable
89
reserves of fossil fuels and minerals, and seriously degrade the environment with pollutants.
The other historic event was the convening of the United Nations Conference on Human
Environment in Stockholm, which for the first time recognised the interrelationship between
human activities with the environment and led to the formation of the United Nations
Environment programme (UNEP).
Following these two events, the World Commission on Environment and Development
(WCED), popularly known as the Brundtland Commission, presented its report in 1987, titled
Our Common Future, that established the interrelationship between various development
activities and the environment. It gave the first accepted definition of sustainable
development and declared that “… A pursuit of sustainable development requires … a
production system that respects the obligation to preserve the ecological base for the
development” (WCED, 1987).
2.1 The Role of the State

In Bangladesh, the issues of sustainable development were first dealt with in formulating its
Fourth Five Year Plan 1990-95 (PC, 1991). In its Chapter 9 four pages were dedicated to
highlight the linkages between environment and sustainable development and a number of
relevant activities were included in the plan for implementation during the plan period.
Unfortunately, it did not resolve the conflicting issues concerning interests between sector-
based development plans and programmes. The ministry in-charge of environment, the
Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF), which was instituted in 1989, could not
attempt to achieve a lot without having adequate legal mandate and clearly defined rules of
business. Even though the issues of land degradation and encroachment into wetlands were
highlighted in the Plan, food production was given the highest priority − a policy which
resulted in a gradual degradation of soil quality and quick loss of indigenous germplasm
biodiversity, a treasure of tens of thousands of years.
About a year after the introduction of the country’s Fourth Plan, the United Nations
convened a conference, called the Earth Summit, held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992. It
brought forward an agenda of activity for all the nations in the world, called Agenda 21,
which not only highlighted the needs of economic growth, but also gave impetus to address
the needs for social and environmental development while putting people at the centre of
all development. The general guiding document has actually set the agenda for the twenty
first century for all the nations in world with a common philosophy of “think globally, act
locally.” The Summit also recognised global climate change, loss of biodiversity, and the
process of desertification as the most important environmental challenges before
humankind and a number of relevant non-binding documents and Conventions were signed
by the global leaders.
With this backdrop the Government of Bangladesh (GoB) acted promptly on a number of issues.
Internationally, it signed on a number of global Conventions. A National Phase-out Plan for
Ozone Depleting Substances was formulated and acted upon. While aiming at attaining food self-
sufficiency, the government also gave high importance to a number of social development goals,
which include poverty reduction, employment generation, spreading primary education,
improvement of the primary health care system, and decentralization of administrative systems.
Participation of local people in planning processes received due attention, which was reflected in
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Bangladesh
the formulation of a Perspective

Development Plan (MOP, 1995). Issues of
environmental conservation also received
high importance. The National Environment
Act 1995 was enacted. The initiative toward
formulating a national conservation
strategy, taken by the civil society of the
country, was formally endorsed by the
government and a project was subsequently
launched and housed within the MOEF. A
participatory National Environmental
Management Action Plan (NEMAP) was
formulated, which for the first time paved
the way for a bottom-up approach toward
national development in any sector. To
attain high economic growth the concept of
free market economy was introduced by
encouraging the private sector to operate, by
lifting the existing bureaucratic bottlenecks
and by inviting foreign direct investments
for rapid industrialization. Meanwhile, the
country reinstated democracy.
After a long political turmoil in 1996 a

newly elected government developed its Source: Bangladesh Centre
Fifth Five-Year Plan 1997-2002 (PC, for Advanced Studies
1998). The new Plan put more emphasis
on achieving sustainable development. As a result, the MOEF laid out its regulatory
framework to reduce environmental pollution from industrialization. Environmental Impacts
Assessment (EIA) was made mandatory for a number of industrial and other development
activities. Although these regulatory frameworks are still in the rudimentary stages and their
effectiveness needs to be examined, one can infer that Bangladesh has made some progress
toward the critical path of sustainable development.
In the late 1990s there was a major change in the government’s tax structure, often in favour
of pro-environmental technologies and products. To arrest air pollution, the import tax of
highly polluting two-stroke engines was increased significantly, while import tax on air-
conditioned buses was reduced to facilitate an urban mass transportation system. In order to
achieve faster economic growth and create employment for its ever-increasing population, the
state offered generous ‘tax-holidays’ for a long period to newly established export-oriented
industries. To educate its female children special financial incentives were given to their
families. To encourage creation of woodlots in state owned lands by involving the rural poor
special regulatory framework was devised. These are some of the examples of state’s
willingness to facilitate the process of sustainable development.
It is widely argued that, owing to inherent weaknesses in the process of national governance,
compounded by lack of political will, and rampant corruption, implementation of the current
regulatory framework has been hindered severely. Poor environmental governance, a subject
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that requires an in-depth analysis, has been identified as a major impediment to implementing
the current regulatory framework. Lack of financial, technological, and human resources
within the existing state-run institutional framework compound the bottleneck to this end.
Lack of inter-agency coordination has also been identified as another problem with
implementation of the regulatory regime.
While the government struggles with the aforementioned issues, strides toward a sustainable
future have been made and can be observed in the following overview of government
expenditure (Fig. 1) There have been increases in spending on education and health, two of
the cornerstones of sustainable development. These priorities represent two of the focal
points of the sustainable development agenda.
Figure 1: Government Expenditures for1990 and 1999
a – series 1 – 1985 – 87, series 2 – 1995 – 97; b – percentage to Ministry of Education, only;
c – Percent of GNP; d – Series 2 – 1998
Source: UNDP, 2001

In addition to an increased emphasis on health and education, the government of
Bangladesh has been consistently putting efforts into creating and supporting a strong
private sector, an important building block for national development. One of the most
important recent means to this end has been the creation of business associations, with
varying aims and implementation strategies. Among these business associations are the
Bangladesh Association for Development of Trade and Finance and the Bangladesh Small
and Cottage Industries Corporation (BSCIC). Both of these business associations are
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Bangladesh
geared toward boosting various areas of the Bangladesh private sector and toward
strengthening the relationship between private business and government.
To encourage private sector investment in Bangladesh, the government established the Board
of Investment (BOI), overseen by the Prime ministerand its Executive Council. The BOI has
been successful in paving the way for both foreign and local investors through the expedition
of policy reforms and infrastructure improvement (BOI, 2002).
FDI generated through the efforts of the BOI and other government programmes has been
steadily, though slowly increasing. While Bangladesh remains the recipient of one of the
lowest amounts of FDI in South Asia, trailed only by Nepal and in some instances Sri Lanka,
the government is using publicly designated FDI to enhance infrastructure that is conducive
to growing the private sector. Among the designations of recent FDI are improvements in the
energy and telecom sectors. With this kind of inward investment, Bangladesh is a prime
candidate for continued and increased future FDI (WB, 2001).
To summarise, the state has played a significant role on many levels during Bangladesh’s
somewhat slow and troubled journey toward sustainable development. Box 2 is an overview
of the milestones in Bangladesh policy and government activity related to sustainable
development goals.
Box 2: Timeline of State-Instituted Sustainable Development Milestones in Bangladesh
1971
Following independence, the foremost important development plan was to rebuild the
economy, reinstating the social norms and institutions, restoring the infrastructure and
communication networks. In addition, the other important issue was to tackle the population
pressure − reducing the growth rate, feeding all the people with locally produced food,
providing education and health care for all, devise safety mechanisms to fight against
frequent natural disasters, and creation of employment for the ever increasing population. By
the time the governments were struggling with all these issues, the concept of sustainable
development redefined the path of development along the globe.
1989
Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF) established in Bangladesh
1989 – 1992
The issues concerning environmental degradation were given due emphasis, which
culminated in the formulation of a National Conservation Strategy (NCS)
1990
In Bangladesh, the issues of sustainable development were first dealt with in formulating its
Fourth 5-Year Plan 1990-95 (PC, 1991). In its Chapter 9 four pages were dedicated to
highlight the linkages between environment and sustainable development and a number of
relevant activities were included in the plan for implementation during the plan period.
1992
UNCED in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. With this backdrop the Government of Bangladesh (GoB)
acted promptly on a number of issues. Internationally, it signed on a number of global
Conventions. A National Phase-out Plan for the Ozone Depleting Substances was
93
formulated and acted upon. While aiming at attaining food self-sufficiency, the government
also gave high importance on a number of social development goals which include poverty
reduction, employment generation, spreading primary education, improvement of primary
health care system, decentralization of administrative systems.
1995
The National Environment Act was enacted. The initiative towards formulating a national
conservation strategy, taken by the civil society of the country, was formally endorsed by the
government and a project was subsequently launched and housed within the MOEF.
A participatory National Environmental Management Action Plan (NEMAP) was formulated,
which for the first time paved the way of bottom-up approach towards national development
in any sector. To attain high economic growth the concept of free market economy was
introduced by encouraging private sector to operate, lifting the existing bureaucratic
bottlenecks and inviting foreign direct investments for rapid industrialization. Meanwhile, the
country reinstated democracy (in 1991).
1996
Fifth Five Year Plan adopted. The new Plan gave more emphasis on achieving sustainable
development. As a result, the MOEF laid out its regulatory framework to reduce
environmental pollution from industrialization. Environmental Impacts Assessment (EIA) was
made mandatory for a number of industrial and other development activities.
1997
Sustainable Environmental Management Programme launched. SEPM is a follow-up action
programme for implementation of the NEMAP, consisting of 26 projects (components) being
executed by the Ministry of Environment and Forest and implemented by 21
government/non-government agencies, Community-Based Organizations (CBOs), Civil
Society, Private Sector, International Agencies, Academic Institutions, Research
Organizations, and other Donors such as CIDA, NORAD, World Bank throughout
Bangladesh. Focus areas relating to the environment are Policy and Institutions;
Participatory Eco-System Management; Community-based Environmental Sanitation;
Advocacy and Awareness; and Training and Education.
Overall sustainable development trends of the 1990s:
• Population growth rate decreased dramatically

• Increases in both agricultural and industrial production
• Increased government spending on education and public health
• A number of national policies have been formulated toward sustainable use and
management of natural resources (i.e, water, energy, forestry, fisheries, etc.)
• Improved disaster management through improved forecasting and warning, during-
and post-disaster rehabilitation, etc.
• Emphasis given on increased people’s participation in governance in general
• Especial attention given on afforestation, particularly on homestead and strip
afforestation
• Slow but steady expansion of electricity coverage throughout the country
• Establishment of a much improved road communication network.
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Bangladesh
2.2 The Role of the Market

In the beginning of the 1990s the country experienced two major shifts in its socio-econo-
political regime: (a) a transition from military-backed autocratic regime, often in disguise of
pseudo-democracy, and (b) transition from a predominantly state-controlled economic system
to a market economy. The latter was facilitated by considering structural adjustments within
the economic sectors where the market forces (i.e., the private sector) were invited to operate
freely. In this process the old regulatory framework was gradually revised and a new set of
‘free market economic norms’ was established. To boost industrial production special
incentive packages and tax-holidays were declared. To encourage public participation in
investment the stock market was rejuvenated. The otherwise idle ‘black-money’ was allowed
to reenter the market through investment in the industrial sector.
Apparently, all these were aimed at increasing investment and accelerating economic growth.
It also helped reduce unemployment – a grave concern of a densely populated country.
Unfortunately, the market forces did not take any appreciable strides toward both intra- and
inter-generational equity. As a consequence, the disparity between the large majority of poor
and a few rich families has increased significantly – a clear deviation from the goal of
achieving sustainable development by means of establishing intra-generational equity.
Simultaneously, the elements of inter-generational equity – an integral part of the Sustainable

Development Framework, which ensures long-term regeneration capacity of a resource base
by means of implementing conservation practices – were also ignored by the market force.
Practically, no consideration was given to maintaining ecological harmony, arresting
pollution from industrial and commercial activities, and conserving the natural resource base.
Profit-driven market forces manipulated the corrupt bureaucratic system and thereby
destroyed almost all norms of the society. Instead of conservation of natural and/or man-
made state managed forests, a large-scale deforestation was observed; and over 1100
polluting industrial units were served ultimatum to comply with the guidelines of
environmental impacts assessment (EIA). Most of those industries did not even bother to
renew their respective EIA. Despite undertaking a massive project of relocating all the
tannery industries from Dhaka and providing them with a single central effluent treatment
plant at government’s own finance, the owners of the highly polluting units refused to
relocate them outside Dhaka. These are some of the burning examples of negative roles
played by the private sector in the journey to sustainable development.
The private sector, unfortunately, paid no interest in upholding the national social and
environmental norms. Most of the industries are using energy-inefficient technologies (ADB,
1998). There has been no significant attempt to retrofit the inefficient boilers and other
machineries. Dumping wastes and effluents, often containing highly toxic chemicals, into
common resources is observed everywhere. Toxic dyes are being used and effluent
containing the excess chemicals are let free into water bodies at will. There had been reports
of dumping ammonia gas along with hot water in rivers from fertiliser factories, killing all
types of aquatic organisms and fish. The various associations of industries and private sector
usually remain silent in such incidences, and they have not made any serious attempt to
collectively resist such wrong doings.
Yet again, there are some good examples that show some positive contribution of the private
95
sector. One multi-national tannery unit

was deliberately set up outside Dhaka
with a fully functional effluent treatment
plant. The market mechanism has been
allowing recycling of paper, glass, and
metals to the best of its technological
ability, and of course, without any
incentive. Street vendors with mobile tea
stalls showed how to increase micro-
scale energy efficiency, while a large
number of incandescent light bulbs were
replaced by energy-efficient fluorescent
bulbs. The private sector is now trying to
introduce more efficient compact
fluorescent bulbs. One large aerosol
producing company switched from
ozone depleting propellant gases to
ozone-benign non-polluting indigenous
gases. The private sector has also played
a significant role in popularizing organic
fertiliser, a post-composting product of
household wastes.
2.3 The Role of Academics

and Civil Society
Perhaps, academics and the members
of civil society/polity have played the
Source: Bangladesh Centre for Advanced most important role in the journey
Studies toward achieving sustainable
development. Not only have they participated in international and national dialogues and
meetings on identifying critical development pathways, but they have also raised sufficient
level of awareness among the political leaders and within the planning and decision-
making bodies. As early as in 1980, while the draft Second Five-Year Plan was introduced,
the inadequacy of development planning was critically examined: “… An essential pre-
requisite for successful planning is the availability of detailed and reliable information of
the socio-economic and ecological environment in the country with reference to local
spaces and their horizontal and vertical linkages …” (BUP, 1980). Researchers have
relentlessly assessed the outcome of “traditional planning” and given recommendations on
various development issues. The issues concerning environmental degradation were also
given due emphasis, which culminated into the formulation of a National Conservation
Strategy (NCS) during 1989-92.
Following the devastating floods of 1987 and 1988, the GOB spent millions of dollars to
formulate Flood Action Plan (FAP) for the country. The civil society/polity vehemently
opposed the plan and criticised it for being too dependent on expensive structural measures
(Dalal-Clayton, 1989). The NGO community, as a part of the polity, came forward with
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Bangladesh
documentation on how the ill-planned development activities along the rivers, often in the
name of assisting the local poor, further marginalised the poor driving them out of their
ancestral lands. The hue and cry of the polity, within the national boundary and beyond,
forced international donors to revisit the ideas, while the national legal system put an
injunction on implementation of the projects laid down under the aegis of FAP.
While the FAP process was fought, the national experts produced a nice low-cost plan for
saving lives of millions of people in the coastal areas from the wrath of cyclonic storm
surges. The plan, titled the Multi-Purpose Cyclone Shelter Project (MCSP), provided a
national warning system involving remote sensing, forecasting, and wireless communication,
and a plan to build adequate numbers of multi-purpose cyclone shelters along the coastal
areas. With less than 50 percent implementation of the latter recommendation, Bangladesh
successfully managed two high intensity cyclones in 1994 and 1997 with minimum loss of
lives − a success that has been lauded by the global community (Ahmed, 2000).
The polity also assisted the MOEF to devise a local action plan for phasing out ODS, as a
part of the country’s international commitment (MOEF-BCAS, 1993). The Ozone Secretariat
of the United Nations hailed the Plan and provided international support to implement the
planned activities. Similarly, academics raised awareness on the imminent threats of climate
change on Bangladesh, and actively took part in international supreme technical forum to
formulate a global action agenda for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and enhancing
adaptation. A few Bangladeshi scientists have become active members of Inter-governmental
Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and have generated wealth of information on various
aspects of vulnerability, assessment methodology, emission reduction, and adaptation (Huq et
al., 1998; Asaduzzaman et al., 1997; ADB, 1994; Mahtab, 1989; BCAS-RA-Approtech,
1994). Some of these scientists helped a few developing countries to assess their vulnerability
to climate change. At present, the national experts are engaged in producing the National
Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) and also a National Action Plan for Adaptation to Climate Change.
Another good example of involvement of the polity in formulation of a national plan lies with
the development of the NEMAP. The process of formulating the plan itself was participatory,
based on voices being raised at a number of grassroots workshops attended by a large number
of local people across the country that include the poor, women and the disadvantaged
(MOEF, 1995). A good number of projects have been identified to enhance the natural
environment of the country, a few of which are being implemented under the Sustainable
Environment Management programme (SEMP) with direct assistance from the research
community, media, and NGOs.
As a result of continued dialogue between the members of the polity and the relevant
ministries, a good number of national policies are now in place. These policies provide basic
guidelines for utilizing natural resource bases of the country. The members of the polity have
engaged themselves in informing the political and bureaucratic hierarchy so that development
and nation building goals follow the basic principles of sustainable development. The
question of governance is also being raised frequently, which at times becomes a source of
embarrassment for the decision-makers, but otherwise increasing accountability of the
decision-makers. Annex-I provides a number of examples of activities, each contributing
toward achieving sustainable development of the country.
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2.4 The Role of Multilateral and Bilateral Donors

The role of donors is generally supportive of sustainable development, although the overall
foreign donation to the country has been gradually declining over the past two decades. The
donors have supported the major projects of the state, which enable reducing population
growth, development in health care and education, building infrastructure, and investing
toward rural and urban development. However, the donors pushed the state to consider
structural adjustment, sometimes hastily, and also attached a number of conditions. They
have been more generous toward channeling money through the NGOs. Such contributions
enabled NGOs to run projects on rural development, primary and reproductive health care,
informal education, participatory forestry, micro-credit toward facilitating rural livelihood
and more. Many of these projects have made significant contribution to the overall
development of the country. The highly successful activities include Non-formal Education
Programme, Immunization Programme, Family Planning Programme, Polio Eradication
Programme and others. Most of the International Agencies under the United Nations systems
are providing generous support to a number of development activities in Bangladesh.
It is generally found that the majority of the contributions of these donors, through the civil
society, go to alleviate poverty of the rural population. Both the World Bank and the Asian
Development Bank have pro-poor programmes, which are primarily being implemented by the
state. One example of these programmes is the Poverty Alleviation Microcredit project, funded
by the World Bank and administered by local and international NGOs working toward poverty
alleviation in Bangladesh (WB, 2002). The Asian Development Bank has been implementing
pro-poor programmes for many years in Bangladesh, with particular focus on the livelihoods
of the rural population. Their Rural Livelihoods project has provided funding for agricultural
and non-agricultural income generation in the non-formal sector of Bangladesh since 1993
(ADB, 2002). In the latter half of the 1990s, the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) played a major role in developing the NEMAP and then providing funds for
enhancing environmental activities through both the formal (state) and informal (civil society
and NGOs) institutions. International Red Crescent Society played a major role in
implementing a very successful disaster preparedness and management programme.
The participation of the bilateral donors is also praise worthy, although a recent study
claimed that the overall funding through the official channels (i.e., overseas development
agencies) has been in decline in recent years (Ahmad, 2000). The majority of bilateral
funds are concentrated in activities that involve rural development and poverty
eradication by means of micro-credit programmes, agricultural development (particularly
by USAID and Winrock International), water resources development programme
(particularly by the Netherlands International Development Agency), urban slum
development programme (particularly by DFID, Danish International Development
Agency etc.), environmental development programme (particularly by the Canadian
International Development Agency) and skills development programme (particularly by
the Swedish International Development Agency).
Multilateral and Bilateral donors, including the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank
and the Canadian International Development Agency, all continue to implement pro-poor and
sustainable development projects in Bangladesh. Each of these organizations, along with
many others, are focusing on the future of Bangladesh as a viable and sustained economy.
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Bangladesh
3. The Current State of Sustainable Development in Action

3.1 The Macroeconomic Scene
The key sectors making up the macroeconomic fabric of Bangladesh — agriculture, industry
and services — have shifted slightly over the past decade. Figure 2 depicts the prevalence of
the service sector in the Bangladesh economy, as well as the variation in the role of the
agricultural sector over the years.
Figure 2: Overview of Economic Structure of Bangladesh in the Past Decade
3.1.1 Agricultural Production

Agriculture plays a predominant role in the economy of Bangladesh in terms of production of
food grains and employment of labor force.
Production of rice is the principal agricultural activity as more than 80 percent of the cultivated
land is under rice cultivation. Since self-sufficiency in food-grains has received priority under
the national development plan production of rice has increased significantly over the years.
Annual production of rice increased by 5.7 percent in the 1990s, soaring from 17.86 million
tons in 1990 to 24.90 million tons in 2000, an increase of 31 percent over the decade.
Although wheat contributes a small share in total food grain production, there has been rapid
growth in the production of wheat relative to rice. Annual production of wheat increased more
than two-fold from 0.89 million tons to 1.82 million tons between 1990 and 1998.
The production of pulse has stagnated over the years. Annual production of pulse increased
from 0.49 million tons in 1990 to 0.52 million tons in 1995 but declined to 0.50 million tons
in 1998. The trend shows that the production of oil seeds and spices have either stagnated or
declined. The production of sugarcane has also gone down over the years. The production of
potato, however, shows an increasing trend over the years. Annual production potatoes
increased from 1.06 million tons in 1990 to 1.55 million tons in 1998, an increase of 46
percent over the eight years.
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3.1.2 Industrial Production

Historically the industrial sector development of the country has evolved through a
succession of agro-based processing activities. The major sub-sectors that have dominated
industrial production over the last three decades include jute and textiles manufacturing,
fertiliser, pulp and paper, pharmaceuticals, ready-made garments (RMG), shrimp production
and processing, and leather and tea processing industries.
The quantum index of industrial production shows that there has been rapid growth in the
production of ready-made garments, textile dying & printing, books and periodicals, and
pharmaceuticals. Production of garments increased more than seven-folds during the decade
1988 to 1998. The quantum index of textile printing increased to 984.37 compared to the base
year (1988 = 100). The quantum index of pharmaceuticals increased to 312.59 and that of
books and periodical increased to 573.39 in 1998 compared to the base year 1988. The
growth in the production of books and periodicals occurred in spite of a decline in the
manufacture of paper and paper products by 31 percent in 1998 compared to the base year
(1986). There has been a marked decline in the manufacture of the machinery and equipment
over the past decade. The quantum index of machinery and equipment declined to 50 in 1998
compared to the base year 1988.
The overall industrial production, however, has steadily increased over the years (Table 1 and
Figure 3). The quantum of industrial index went up to 204 in 1998 compared to the base year
(1988 = 100).
As industrial production continues to increase, so does the dependence of the Bangladesh

economy on industry. This trend signals the decreased dependence on agriculture as an
economic mainstay, which may prove to be an important step in fortifying the Bangladesh
economy in light of the vulnerability of the agricultural sector to climate change and
ecological disaster.
Table 1: Growth of Industrial

Year Quantum Index of Production during the 1990s
Industrial Production (Base: 1988 = 100)
1992 141.81
1993 153.89
1994 163.33
1995 173.50
1996 179.30
1997 195.95
1998 204.17
Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics,1999
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Bangladesh
Figure 3: Industrial Production in Bangladesh in the 1990s
Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 1999
3.1.3 Fiscal Aspects

Bangladesh has performed fairly well in terms of economic growth in particular and
macroeconomic stability in general over the decade. Market oriented economic reforms and
deregulations in early 1990s led to a more stable macroeconomic environment compared with
that in 1970s and 1980s. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate improved steadily
during the 1990s. The average annual GDP growth was 4.65 percent from 1991 through 1995
and it rose to 5.49 percent from 1996 through 2000. The per capita GDP increased from US
$334 in 1995 to US $369 in 2000 (MOF, 2001). The per-capita Gross National Income (GNI)
increased from US $343 to US $377 during the period. The GNI is greater than GDP due to
net factor income through remittance of wage income from abroad. The per capita Net
National Income (NNI) rose from US $317 in 1995 to US $354 in 2000.
In addition to growth, GDP has undergone some structural changes over the last decade.
During the 1990s the contribution of the agricultural sector to national GDP has been
declining while that of industrial and service sectors have been increasing. The share of
agriculture sector in GDP declined from 30 percent in 1990/91 to 26 percent in 1999/2000.
The industrial and manufacturing sectors now contribute about 25 percent while the services
sector contributes about 49 percent to GDP.
A few sectors have been marked by rapid growth compared with the overall GDP growth.
The fisheries sector has expanded by 8 to 9 percent per annum over the 1990s.
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Table 2: Change in GDP Growth Rate over Time Although the growth in the
industrial sector has generally been
Year GDP higher than the growth in GDP, the
industrial growth fell from 8.54
Growth Rate (%) Per Capita (BDTk.)
percent in 1997/98 to 3.94 percent
FY 1973-80 4.9* -
in 1998/99 but improved slightly to
FY 1981-90 4.8* - 4.76 percent in 1999/2000 which
1993/94 4.08 11505 was lower than GDP growth rate
1994/95 4.93 12720 of 5.94 percent. Despite poor
1995/96 4.62 13622 performance of the industrial
sector over the past two years, the
1996/97 5.39 14538
export-oriented RMG
1997/98 5.23 15824
manufacturing has maintained
1998/99 4.87 17150 steady growth at a rate higher than
1999/2000 5.94 18270 the rate of growth of GDP.
Note: * Average for the period.
Private investment has been the
Source: MOF, 2001.
driving force for better growth
performance in industrial and service sectors. RMG manufacturing and vehicular transports
have recorded unabated growth over the years under private initiative. Despite accelerating
growth, the growth rate fell short of the targeted rate of 7 percent per annum under the current
Fifth Five Year Plan period (1997-2002).
3.1.4 Employment
Unemployment and underemployment are considered serious problems impeding the socio-
economic progress of Bangladesh. The labor force survey of 1995/96, categorised 40.1
percent of the total labor force as family labor and 29.6 percent under self-employment. The
remaining included 17.9 percent day-labor and 12.4 percent appointed on regular basis
(MOF, 2001). Agriculture is still the dominating source of employment absorbing 63.2
percent of the labor force. Other sectors comprising manufacturing, business and services
employed the remaining 36.8 percent. The majority of the workforce employed in agriculture
and allied activities remain seasonally unemployed and underemployed. Non-formal labor is
a characteristic feature of the labor market.
A significant portion of the labor force is employed in foreign countries, especially in the
Middle Eastern and East Asian countries. The trend of migrant labor shows that unskilled
laborers are increasingly being replaced by semi-skilled, skilled and professional work forces.
There has been dramatic improvement in women’s participation in formal employment over
the years. The female participation rate has increased from 8.2 percent in 1985-86 to 50.6
percent in 1995-96 (MOF, 2001). According to the 1995-96 Labor Force Survey, the
unemployment rate − all people in the labor force who are unemployed or working less than
15 hours per week as a share of labor force – was higher in rural areas (17.6 percent) than in
urban areas (11.3 percent) and than nationally (16.5 percent). Similarly, the underemployment
rate – people working less than 35 hours per week as share of the working force population −
was much higher in rural areas (37.9 percent) than in urban areas (19.6 percent) and than
nationally (34.6 percent). In both rural and urban areas, the unemployment and
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Bangladesh
underemployment rates are higher for women than for men. The labor force survey of 1995-96
does not show any positive correlation between education and employment (MOF, 2001).
Of the people over 15 years of age, unemployment rates are lowest for those with no
education (0.7 percent nationally) and highest for those who have completed secondary
education (10.3 percent) or have obtained higher degrees (9.2 percent). Part of this
difference is due to the higher reservation wage of better educated youth, who can afford to
spend more time looking for better employment opportunities because their families can
support them (WB, 1999b). Among the better educated, unemployment rate is higher for
women than for men.
3.1.5 Recent Macroeconomic Developments

There has been marked improvement in Bangladesh’s macroeconomic environment
especially since the early 1990s. The General Macro-Performance Indicator, a subset of the
overall policy index 2, increased from an unsatisfactory 2.5 in 1984 to a moderately
satisfactory 4 in 1998. This is due to the efforts made by the state during the 1990s to bring
stability to macroeconomic aggregates by coordinating fiscal, monetary and exchange rate
policies and promoting export-led growth (WB, 1999b).
In addition to steady growth of GDP, the national savings rate has steadily increased over the
years (Table 3 and Fig. 4). The saving ratio as percentage of GDP increased from 19.66 in
1991 to 23.10 in 2000. Likewise, the investment ratio increased from 16.90 in 1991 to 23.02
in 2000. Private investment has greatly outpaced public investment during the 1990s. The
shares of private and public sector investment in GDP were 11.3 percent and 7.3 percent
respectively in 1990-91. The corresponding figures for the year 1998-1999 were 13.6 percent
and 6.6 percent. As the fiscal trend continues to improve, so does the strength of the
Bangladesh economy, both domestically and abroad.
3.1.5.1 Imports Table 3: Fiscal Achievements during the 1990s

In order to meet the Year National Savings Investment
growing demand for as per cent of GDP
population and other 1993/94 18.79 18.40
economic activities,
1994/95 19.12 19.12
Bangladesh imports a
large variety of items 1995/96 20.17 19.99
from abroad. In 1999- 1996/97 21.58 20.72
2000 over US$ 8.4 billion 1997/98 21.77 21.63
was spent to import a 1998/99 22.31 22.19
number of items including 1999/2000 23.10 23.02
industrial equipment,
Source: MOF, 2001.
cotton and other textile
items, cereals, petroleum products (crude and refined), construction material, various
commodities, and other items supporting capital investment. It is alarming that the import
expenditure is increasing every year, often surpassing the total export earning. The import
expenditure for 1999-2000 was some 4.8 percent higher than that of the previous fiscal year.
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Figure 4: Fiscal Achievements in Bangladesh during the 1990s
Source: MOF, 2001
3.1.5.2 Exports
Earnings from export totaled US$5.8 billion in 1999-2000 compared to US$4.42 billion in
1996-97. The export of RMG comprising both woven apparels and knitwears stood at US$
4.02 billion which accounted for about 76 percent of the total export in 1999-2000. Apart
from readymade garments (for a brief description please see Box-3), jute and frozen food
(shrimp) are two important exportables of Bangladesh. In 1999-2000, jute and frozen food
accounted for about 5.9 percent and about 6.0 percent of the total export respectively. The
share of jute, a traditional exportable in total export has declined over the years. Jute and
jute goods, which contributed more than 50 percent to country’s export earning till 1985-86,
now accounts for less than 6 percent in total export. Leather and tea, two other traditional
export items of Bangladesh, now contribute to export earnings some 3.4 percent and 0.5
percent, respectively (MOF, 2001).
3.1.5.3 Trade Deficit

The trade deficit as percentage of GDP has reduced from -5.2 percent in 1990 to -1.2 percent
in 1980. The improvement in trade deficit is attributable to more rapid growth in export than
in import over the years. Despite this achievement, the trade deficit rose from US$ 1.5 billion
to 2.7 billion during 1998-99 (EPB, 2000).
3.1.5.4 Remittances
It is interesting to note that large contingents of Bangladeshi people, a large majority being
unskilled labors, are working abroad and on a regular basis remitting their hard-earned cash.
Export of manpower constitutes one of the principal sources of foreign exchange earnings. In
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Bangladesh
the 1990-2000 fiscal year total remittance stood at US$ 194.9 million, some 14.2 percent
higher than that of the previous fiscal year. Apart from remittance through official channels,
an equal amount reportedly comes through unofficial ones. The returning wage earners also
bring with them assorted goods and merchandise, which in effect, help improve living
standard of many households.
3.1.5.5 Inflation Rates

In spite of moderate annual fluctuation in the price level of various commodities and
consumers items the inflation rate has been contained well below 10 percent over the past
decade. The inflation rate fell from 8.91 percent in 1998-99 to 3.41 percent in 1999-2000.
Both food and non-food price indices have followed similar trends over the past decade.
3.1.5.6 Foreign Development Aid and Debt

The experience of the country with foreign aid spans three decades. Though the fact that the
country is rated as a moderately indebted one by the international community (WB-ADB,
1998), by now the debts – accumulated by successive governments, have snowballed to a
colossal sum. It is about time to start repaying these debts with interest. Unfortunately, the
debt burden is getting to a point where its servicing will seriously undermine the country’s
ability to repay the debts (Ali, 2001).
In the post-independence era, Bangladesh started its journey to development with a clean
slate − no debt in 1972. By the year 1975, however, outstanding medium and long-term debts
jumped to US$ 793 million, which escalated to US$ 9.8 billion by 1990. By June 2000, the
country’s outstanding foreign debts reached a staggering figure of US$ 15.8 billion. That year
alone, the state spent US$ 548 million on servicing medium- and long-term loans. The debt-
GDP ratio in 1997 was over 50 percent and most of it was long-term official bilateral and
multi-lateral debt on highly concessional terms. The annual debt-service payment now is
around US$ 700 million. The debt-service ratio is relatively low and marked by a declining
trend over the years. The debt-service ratio fell from 10.6 percent in 1997 to 9.7 percent in
1999 (ADB, 2000). This signifies the improvements being made in the macro-economy of the
country over the years.
With regard to financing of the Annual Development Programme (ADP), the share of
domestic resources is on the rise accompanied by a dwindling share of the foreign
contribution. The contribution of local resource in ADP gradually increased from 26.23
percent in 1992-93 to 49.9 percent in 1999-2000 (MOF, 2001).
3.1.6 Infrastructure Development

Infrastructure facilities including transport, telecommunication and power system i.e., electricity
production, transmission, and distribution are a prerequisite for development. For the time being
these facilities appear to be adequate, but inefficiently managed. The power sector, which is run
by the state, suffered a sustained “system loss” of over 40 percent throughout the 1990s. To
meet the goals of 7-8 percent sustained rate of growth of GDP, as highlighted in the FiFYP,
substantial improvement in the provision of infrastructure facilities is urgently needed. Due to
high inefficiencies in management the donors are no longer interested in supporting expansion
of power generation despite having highly efficient indigenous raw material.
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Although the development of the telecommunication sector is rather slow compared to the
rest of the world, it is currently under a modernization programme. Furthermore, the private
sector is now given room to offer modern telecommunication services and the public sector
has faced tremendous competition.
3.1.7 Road Transport Network

Historically, the country has had a rudimentary road communication system. However,
significant progress has been achieved in building a nationwide road network over the past
two decades through implementing a good number of projects with financial assistance from
development partners. The capital city Dhaka is now well connected with all the major cities,
business centers, district towns, and peri-urban growth centres within the country, and also
with rest of the world. The existing road network consists of 3090 km of national highways,
1752 km of regional level road network, and 16,116 km of other types of local roads (MOF,
2001). The western and eastern regions of the country are now connected by integrated road
system through the construction of a bridge over the river Jamuna (the Brahmaputra), the
eleventh longest bridge in the world. There are 2733 km of railroads that play an important
role in transporting goods and services. Besides roads and rails, inland waterways constitute a
significant means of transportation, especially in southern Bangladesh.
While development of road and railways transportation infrastructure is the responsibility of

the state, the private sector assumed a major responsibility toward improvement of services in
road and inland water transportation. Until now, rail has remained exclusively in the public
domain; management of a few selected routes has been handed over to the private sector only
recently. It has been a constant drain on the public exchequer, while there are allegations
concerning deterioration of its services and widespread corruption. In order to improve the
efficiency, reform measures to run the rail on commercial basis are in effect.
3.1.8 Telecommunications and Internet

Telecommunication has witnessed tremendous growth over the past few years. This has been
achieved through breaking the monopoly of the public sector in the telephone business. The
number of telephone connections in the country has doubled from 0.4 million to 0.8 million
during the past five years due to private investments by both local and foreign entrepreneurs.
There exists a healthy competition among the private telecom companies which enable the
people to have cheaper and much improved services compared to any time in the past and
that offered by the public telecom organization.
Before 1990 there was no internet communication system in the country. It only began in late
1992. The private sector (the market) played major role in providing internet facilities to the
consumers, although backed up by a very inefficient and poor telecommunication network.
Improvement in telecommunication infrastructure in the latter half of the 1990s, through the
involvement of the public sector again, has allowed for improved internet services. Now the
absolute number of internet users are increasing daily. Compared to the internet users in early
1990s, the users today enjoy better and cheaper services with a promise to remain connected
with the rest of the world through an efficient and improved service network.
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Bangladesh
3.1.9 Energy and Electricity

The total installed power generation capacity in Bangladesh was 3601 mW of which 3301
mW in the public sector and 310 mW in the private sector in 1999. In spite of addition to the
generation capacity, power shortage has been a common phenomenon affecting industrial
growth and other economic activities.
The power sector dominated largely by the government controlled statutory bodies plagued
by high system losses and financial mismanagement. In order to improve the efficiency of the
sector various reform measures including unbundling of Bangladesh Power Development
Board (BPDB), which is engaged in generation, transmission and distribution of power have
been under implementation. The transmission function is now separated from generation and
distribution and managed by a newly created entity called the Power Grid Company of
Bangladesh (PGCB). The distribution system is also being rationalised through creation of
autonomous distribution agencies on a regional basis. In addition, the power sector has been
opened to private investment including foreign direct investment. The reform measures have
led to significant inflow of FDI in power generation. There has also been good inflow of FDI
in gas and telecommunication over the past few years.
Box 3: The Readymade Garment Sector – A Key Success Story
Bangladesh has achieved an amazing growth in the manufacture and export of readymade
garments (RMG) during the past two decades. RMG sector has emerged as a trend-setter
of rapid growth. There were only four RMG units in the country in the late 1970s which
increased to over 3000 by the year 2000. RMG export increased from only 3.26 million
dollars in 1980-81 to 2.54 billion dollars in 1995-96, to 4.02 billion dollars in 1998-99 and to
4.9 billion in 200/2001.
The export from RMG now accounts for more than 75 percent of the countries total export
earnings. About 1.5 million workforce are directly employed in the sector of which 65
percent are women. It is the single largest source of non-farm employment for women.
The present garment industry of Dhaka in particular and of Bangladesh in general owes its
emergence on one account to the setting up of the Desh garment manufacturing plant in
Chittagong in the late 1970s. A local entrepreneur with technical assistance from Daewoo,
a Korean group, established a factory for the manufacture of shirts and children’s wear for
export. Daewoo supplied and installed all the machines, arranged training in Korea for
about 100 locally recruited technical and managerial staff. The Korean company also
helped Desh Garments in procuring fabrics and other accessories as well as in exporting
the products in the initial years.
However, a few garment factories were already in operation in Dhaka from the early sixties.
Located in the old part of the city along the river Buriganga, these factories were staffed by
locals with obsolescent machines supplying the domestic market. Firms that came into
prominence in marketing ready-made garments (shirts and children’s wear) for local
consumers were Paris Garments, Reaz Garments, Pacific Garments etc.
Despite poor know-how and other one or two of these firms were even able to enter the
European market as early 1976 through exporting small quantities of shirts. Some of those
establishments are now large export oriented garment manufacturing firms. Many ambitious
employees of the old firms including Desh Garments left their jobs to set up their own firms
and have been successful in such efforts. This trend is still continuing but at a decelerated
rate. Many youth without practical experience of export oriented industry, have entered
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garment manufacturing with little capital. Many of them are now successful entrepreneurs.
Abundant supply of labour at low wage provides the local manufacturers with a comparative
advantage over other exporters. Also, RMG growth has been driven by exorbitant demand
for quality products from buyers of the USA and EU countries. The USA and EU are the
destination for about 95 percent of RMG export from Bangladesh. As a least developed
country, Bangladesh also enjoys the facilities of preferential (or reduced duty) access to the
export market of developed countries including the EU and the USA. RMG export to the
USA and Canada is limited by quantitative restrictions for different categories of apparels
through imposing quota. RMG export to the EU is not limited by quota. However, duty free
access to the EU requires that raw materials including fabrics used in RMG manufacturing
have their origin in Bangladesh or other SAARC countries. Bangladesh so far has been
largely depended on imported fabrics. At present only about 20 percent of the total fabrics
required for the RMG sector are produced locally.
In spite of an accelerated growth in the past, the RMG sector faces some major challenges
in the future. The phasing out of the Multifibre Agreement (MFA) leading to a quota-free
trend in textile/clothing by 2005 would deepen competition among the RMG exporters.
Bangladesh having no backward linkage textile sector is apprehensive of fierce competition
from other RMG exporters in the post-MFA period after 2004. In addition garments
exporters are increasingly being required to comply with better social and environmental
standards set by the importing countries. The garment exporters especially the small units
find it difficult to meet such social and environmental standards, which add extra costs and
reduce their competitiveness. Bangladesh has, however, successfully removed all child
labour employed in the garment industries and arranged school education for them with
assistance from ILO and UNICEF. There is a rising awareness among the local exporters to
improve the work environment and safety measures for the workforce. The RMG exporters
are also willing to introduce the internationally acknowledged Social Accountability (SA-
8000) to ensure a better work environment, safety, training, and health to the workers on a
continuous basis. The implementation of SA-8000 would not only improve the productivity
but also increase the potential for market access into the importing countries.
The recently enacted Trade and Development Act 2000 providing for duty-free access for
the sub-Saharan and Caribbean countries to the US market is likely to have a negative
impact on the export competitiveness of the local garment products. In order to remain
competitive Bangladesh and other LDCs especially of the South-Asian region require
similar preferential treatment from the US, which is undoubtedly a major market for the
garment products of Bangladesh.
Source: Bangladesh Garment Manufactures and Exporters Association (BGMEA).
3.2 The Social Scene

The status of human development as reflected through the Human Development Index (HDI)
representing life expectancy, level of literacy, and standard of living (in terms of GDP per
capita in purchasing power) has improved from 0.350 in 1980 to 0.470 in 1999. Bangladesh
belongs to the group of low human development countries and is ranked 132 among 162
nations included in the Human Development Report of 2001 (UNDP, 2001). According to the
2001 report, the position of Bangladesh is lowest among South-Asian Countries. The HDI for
Bangladesh however increased from 146 in 1994 to 144 in 1997 and 132 in 2001.
Figure 5 is a snapshot of some social indicators for Bangladesh, as compared with those of
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Bangladesh
other South Asian nations. Though the overall HDI for Bangladesh has increased, the
UNDP continues to rank Bangladesh lower than other South Asian countries in most areas
of social development.
Figure 5: Social Indicators for Bangladesh and Other South Asian Countries, 1999
Source: UNDP, 2001
3.2.1 Inequality and Social Deprivation

While economic growth has been associated with declining poverty, inequality has been on the
rise in Bangladesh. The rising inequality is attributable to a slow reduction of poverty. The
association between growth and inequality is stronger in urban than in rural areas. The Gini
ratio deteriorated from 0.36 in 1983-84 to 0.43 in 1995-96 at national level. The ratio
deteriorated from 0.35 to 0.39 in rural area and from 0.37 to 0.44 in urban areas during the same
period indicating an increasing trend of inequality even within the rural areas (MOF, 2001). The
share of the richest 5 percent households in income was 23.62 percent in 1995-96 compared to
18.30 percent in 1983-84. The share of the poorest 5 percent households in income was 0.88
percent in 1995-96 compared to 1.17 percent in 1983-84. It has been found that, depending on
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the poverty measure used, one-fifth to one-third of the potential decrease in poverty resulting
from growth is estimated to have been lost because of rising inequality (WB, 1999b).
The higher inequality associated with growth in Bangladesh does not imply that growth is
undesirable. On the contrary, higher growth is needed to reduce poverty at a faster rate.
However, given the risk of rising inequality, it is necessary to extend a safety net for the poor
matched by pro-poor investment toward the formation of a stronger human and social capital.
3.2.2 Fighting the Poverty Trap

Despite the recent macro economic achievements, poverty is still pervasive and endemic in
Bangladesh. According to the Household Expenditure Survey (HES) of BBS, using the most
commonplace definition, about half of the population could be considered poor in the mid-
1990s, while a quarter of the population could be considered extreme poor (WB, 1997).
Among them, the bottom 10 percent of the population are steeped in severe deprivation so
much so that they require substantial transfers to keep from starvation and to come to a level
that is considered micro-credit worthy (Farashuddin, 2001).
Poverty entails hunger. But poverty is a much more comprehensive term than hunger. Poverty
and food insecurity have a hierarchical or sequential relationship. Poverty threshold expenditure
or income enables a person or a household to consume enough calories or a combination of
various food and non-food items and perhaps some non-basic items. Any reduction from the
threshold income pushes the person or the household into poverty. The first casualty is non-
essential, then non-food items, and finally, food security is affected (Khan, 2001).
Although poverty is an income related concept it is conventionally measured in calorie intake

terms.3 For Bangladesh absolute poverty and hardcore poverty levels have been defined in
terms 2122 Kcal and 1805 Kcal respectively per person per day. One may also identify
(absolute) poor households in terms of access to 465 grams of food grains or less per day per
person during a reference period (Rahman, 2001).
3.2.2.1 Trends of Poverty in Bangladesh

Poverty is a mind-boggling affair in the context of Bangladesh. The statistics concerning the
extent and trend of poverty in Bangladesh give variable results depending on its definition and
methodology of estimation. The calorie intake method of the BBS suggests that overall poverty
has been decreasing in the 1980s and the extent of poverty is similar in the urban and rural
areas. However, BIDS followed cost of basic needs/living (CBN) approach, which has recently
been accepted by all quarters. The following table gives the trend of poverty as defined by the
BBS method. It suggests that poverty reduction has been rather slow. It remained stagnant from
1983-84 to 1991-92. Indeed, poverty incidence has been higher in 1991-92 than in 1983-84.
However, it declined to 53.1 percent in 1995-96 from 58.5 percent in 1983-84. Sound macro-
economic management, higher growth and improvements in social indicators such as health,
nutrition, and education may have contributed to fall in the level of poverty.
Other findings may be derived from the above table: poverty declined more in the urban areas
than in rural areas, and throughout the period rural poverty in terms of very poor was twice as
high as urban poverty. In terms of the upper poverty line, the gap, is slightly reduced. In
terms of actual number, however, there has been gradual deterioration in rural poverty during
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Bangladesh
the 1990s. A tentative estimate suggests that between the mid-1970s and mid-1990s, the
number of rural poor has increased from 44 million to 51 million (Khan, 2001). The
dynamics of rural poverty has been a subject of debate. According to BIDS findings, as
quoted in FiFYP there has been a decline in rural poverty from 59 percent in 1987 to 52
percent in 1994. Another source reported that the degree of chronic malnutrition among the
children had declined from 70 percent in 1990 to 62 percent in 1996 (SIDA, 1998).
Table 4: Percentage of Population Below the Poverty Line
Sector Absolute Poor (Lower Poverty Line)

83-84 85-86 88-89 91-92 95-96
Rural 42.6 36.0 44.3 46.0 39.8
Urban 28.0 19.9 22.0 23.3 14.3
National 40.9 33.8 41.3 42.7 35.6
Poor (Upper Poverty Line)
83-84 85-86 88-89 91-92 95-96
Rural 59.6 53.1 59.2 61.2 56.7
Urban 50.2 42.9 43.9 44.9 35.0
National 58.5 51.7 57.1 58.8 53.1
The poverty ratio available for April 1998 suggests that the hard-core poor account for a
quarter of the rural population (Table 5). The country’s absolute poor stand at 62 million
while the hard-core poor stand at about 30 million. This number is somewhat lower than the
corresponding figures in 1991. But this is a huge number, and the most important aspect is
that these people are extremely food vulnerable. The remaining 32 million poor also suffer
from food insecurity of various degrees.
Table 5: Poverty Ratio Based on Poverty Line Expenditure
Timeframe Poverty Ratio (%)

Rural Urban National
December 1995 46.8 43.3 46.1
April 1996 47.9 44.4 47.1
April 1997 46.8 43.4 46.1
April 1998 47.6 44.3 47.0
Source: MOF, 1999 (based on data generated by BBS).
The poverty discourse, as depicted above, is contingent on calorie intake and

income/expenditure position. It is now being argued that bare subsistence or access to food is
neither enough to ensure minimum condition of living, nor human dignity. As Mia (1993)
111
pointed out, one would require shelter, clothing, health care, sanitation, and education and
these needs must be taken into account in defining poverty, more precisely, human (resource)
poverty. Viewed from this perspective, the proportion of population below human poverty
line would be much higher, indeed more than 80 percent. They are identified in the FiFYP as
capability poor 4 , representing some 76.9 percent. Toward envisioning sustainable
development in Bangladesh, one must address the issues of poverty. As it was correctly
highlighted by the Global Forum on Environment and Poverty (GFEP), even during the
UNCED, “... there can be no sustainable development without alleviation of poverty” (GFEP,
1992; BCAS, 1999).
3.2.2.2 Approaching Sustainable Development Through Poverty Alleviation

This sub-section provides a critical review of both government and non-governmental
programmes to alleviate poverty in Bangladesh. Successive governments in Bangladesh made
all out efforts to address acute poverty in the country and chalked out various programmes to
tackle it. The First Five-Year Plan envisaged poverty alleviation programmes in productive
areas as well as in the institutional sector with focus on rural development. Special attention
was given to equitable distribution of benefits to the poor. The Second Five-Year Plan aimed
at reducing poverty through participation of the rural poor within an expanded programme for
development but it had limited impact because of constraints on institutional development.
The Third Five-Year Plan approached poverty in diversified programmes spanning over
productive opportunities in farm and non-farm sectors, employment generation, physical
infrastructure and social services. It may be mentioned that Bangladesh began to implement
Structural Adjustment programme (SAP) in the 1980s as part of donor policy through
economic liberalization and privatization. Focus on growth without enough of a safety net
resulted distributive injustice for the poor. Therefore, the Government started income and
employment generating programmes as a “development safety net” for the poor. The Fourth
Source: Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies
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Bangladesh
Five-Year Plan aimed at poverty reduction through growth and employment opportunities in
farm and non-farm sectors. Human resources development was also given priority. In what
follows, some of the specialised programmes of the late 1980s and 1990s are reviewed.
A series of programmes have been introduced which may be considered more as food
security rather than poverty alleviation programmes. A well-known example of one of these
types of programmes in the country has been the Food for Works programme usually carried
out with food assistance. FFW provides employment to the rural poor during the lean season
through construction of rural infrastructure. It has been estimated that 70 million man-days of
employment have been created in 6000 schemes since the 1970s.
3.2.2.3 Salient Features of Poverty Alleviation Strategy under FFYP, 1997-2002

The FiFYP envisages an increase in allocation in social sectors and an increase in programme
coverage through expansion of successful existing projects and launching of new projects in
education, health, family planning, women and youth development, water and sanitation. The
document pledged increased emphasis on technical education and skill training to raise the
number of skilled workers and promoting export oriented industries. Rural development has
been given priority with a total allocation of 10.3 percent of the Plan for reduction of poverty.
Among safety net programmes, FFW projects are to be reformed so that economically poor
areas will receive access to FFW resources. NGOs would be encouraged to continue and
expand their pro-poor and rural development projects.
In reviewing the programmes under the current FiFYP, one finds that these aim at improving
the economic conditions of the poor and human resource development. The document
observes that during the period 1988-89 to 1991-92, the landless and the marginal farmers
became somewhat better off as their per capita calorie intake increased, but they were still
below the hard core poverty line. The number of hard core poor increased from 13.4 to 17.4
million. It is projected that if the 1988-91 trend continues, it will take 17 years to eradicate
hardcore poverty in Bangladesh. However, the Plan document also presents an optimistic
picture when it says that hardcore poverty among the functionally landless (up to 0.50 acre)
will be reduced at least by 75 percent by the end of the FiFYP, given 7 percent growth in
GDP and 25 million tons of food grain production.
One specialised poverty alleviation programme within the framework of the Annual
Development Programme (ADP) has been a micro-credit programme, known as Production
and Employment Programme (PEP) under a public organisation named the Bangladesh
Rural Development Board (BRDB). Their efforts are also being reinforced by the similar
projects taken by a host of non-government organizations (NGOs). The micro credit
programme of the Government was further geared up through establishment of the Palli
Karma Shahayak Foundation (PKSF) in 1990 with the aim of providing revolving funds
under ADP and revenue budgets to NGOs who give credit at the grassroots. The aim has been
to increase opportunities for income generating activities and employment generation for
rural women. PKSF disbursed a total loan amounting to US$ 27.5 million covering 9229
villages in 51 districts up to June 1996.
Since the fiscal year 1997-98 three specific programmes were incorporated into the national
budget: (a) a pension scheme for the elderly, (b) a housing fund for the rural homeless, and
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(c) the creation of an employment bank for helping the unemployed youth with an initial
capital of BDTk 1 billion. The state run Rural Social Service Programme ensured distribution
of BDTk 1.12 billion as credit among 2 million families till November 1998. Under the same
programme 0.73 million women were imparted vocational training and about 1.04 million
were motivated to adopt family planning.
In the early 1990s, a new program, known as the Food for Education programme was
introduced with the aim of encouraging distressed families to keep their wards, especially
girls, in the schools. Later, the Vulnerable Group Development (VGD) programme was
introduced, which was designed to reach over 85,000 beneficiary households headed by
destitute female heads. The volume of food grains channeled through FFW and VGD has
declined from 716 thousand tons in 1991-92 to 640 thousand tons in 1995-96. The Local
Government Engineering Department (LGED) in collaboration with CARE has been
successfully implementing another poverty alleviation program, namely, the Rural
Maintenance programme (RMFP) with affirmative gender bias. Under this program,
approximately 41,000 destitute women in 4,100 unions conduct routine maintenance works
covering about 82,000 km rural earthen roads.
Beside the government run institution mentioned above, poverty alleviation programmes in
Bangladesh have mainly been carried out by NGOs and banks, in the forefront of which has
been the Grameen Bank. The leading NGOs like, BRAC, PROSHIKA, ASA, Nijera Kori, GSS,
RDRS and the like have made significant contribution to poverty alleviation in the country. In
addition, a number of commercial banks have also participated in poverty alleviation
programmes through providing micro-credit to the landless and marginal/small farmers.
3.2.2.4 Loopholes in the Current Poverty Alleviation Policies

Within the framework of on-going economic liberalization policy, the goal of poverty
alleviation appears to be a secondary one. There is hardly any conscious effort to reduce
existing inequity. Gaps between access to opportunities are widening at an alarming rate.
Improving capability and developing human resources is an appropriate step but that should
not be a substitute for direct onslaught on poverty through income generating activities and
food/income transfers for the hardcore poor. In the absence of direct programmes, the poor
will not be able to utilise the human development facilities. Moreover, because of rising
inequity, further marginalization would push absolute poor to the category of hardcore poor.
3.2.3 Education and Skill Development

Bangladesh is burdened with a large population. The burden can be turned into resource only
when the people are properly educated. A better-educated person absorbs new information
faster and applies unfamiliar inputs and new processes more effectively. Educated people
have more advantage in today’s dynamic and technology-based world (WB, 1999). There is a
overwhelming evidence that building human capital is one of the keys to reducing poverty
and that education affects productivity and growth as well. Education and skill development
are, therefore, keys to achieving sustainable development.
The Constitution of the nation recognised education as a fundamental right. The Constitution
has been amended a number of times since its adoption, but on the issues of spreading
education and fighting illiteracy, there exists a national consensus. Of the four tiers of the
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Bangladesh
education system, highest priority was assigned to primary education because of its key role
in the promotion of overall national reconstruction and development. The first Education
Commission recommended, in its report in 1973, an introduction of compulsory free primary
education up to class V for the relevant age group children by 1980 and up to class VIII by
1983. Although the then government nationalised all existing primary schools in 1973, the
target of uniform, universal, free, and compulsory primary education under overall national
supervision has remained as elusive as ever. Nevertheless, while Bangladesh’s population
rose from 72 million to 129 million in the 30 years since independence, its literacy rate went
up from 24 percent to over 60 percent at present.5
3.2.3.1 The Education System

The basic education system in Bangladesh is characterised by the co-existence of three
separate streams. The main stream happens to be a vernacular based secular education system
carried over from the colonial past, the second one is based on a religious system and the
third stream uses English as the medium of instruction. Though the first two streams can be
seen all over the country, the third stream exists only in the metropolitan cities. There exists a
scope for re-integration of graduates of one stream with the other at different levels.
All three streams are formal education centres or schools, which include both primary and
secondary courses and offer the first school certificate. Apart from these schools there is a
large number of non-formal schools mainly providing basic and primary levels of education,
which are run both by the government, NGOs, communities, and private sectors. These
schools are mainly for the poor, under privileged, formal school dropouts, working children,
children from remote areas, and girls. The conventional education system is a bit rigid in
reaching a large number of children because of gender inequity, ethnicity, and poverty.
At present around 85 percent of primary age group children attend schools, a figure which
rises to 90 percent if non-formal level attendance is taken into account (WB, 2000a). The
elementary school network, beginning with the 36,165 nationalised schools in 1973, by now
has come to contain a variety of institutions differing markedly in size, aims, character,
methods of operation, source of funds, and duration. As of 1996, there were 37,700
government primary schools, 19,700 non-government registered primary schools, 4,000 non-
government unregistered schools, 1,900 primary schools attached to high schools, 9,500
Ibtedayee madrasahs6, 2,800 Ibtedayees attached to high madrasahs, 50 experimental
schools attached to Professional Training Institutes (PTI), 1,400 kindergartens, 200 satellite
schools, and 1,400 community schools. Currently enrollment in all of these together is about
18 million pupils (BANBEIS, 1997). According to available statistics two thirds of all
primary students belong to government institutions. This enrollment figure gets a boost of
another 2 million if it includes those taken care of by various NGOs.
Bangladesh’s performance in drawing students from poor families into the school network is
better than that of other South Asian countries. Around 70 percent of the primary age group
children from poor families – most of them with illiterate parents – are enrolled in primary
schools. Motivating these illiterate parents to enroll their children, given their socio-economic
background, may be regarded as a great achievement toward the national literacy drive.
Gender inequality is a deep-rooted problem affecting the education system of Bangladesh.
Due to religious obligations and ignorance, even in the recent past, girls were restricted to
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home. In recent years, however, efforts have been made to decrease gender disparity in
primary enrollment. As a result, the proportion of girls enrolled at the primary level increased
from 37 percent in 1980 to near parity with boys in 1995. Dropout rates for female students
remain a big problem. In 1980, 67 percent girls used to dropout from the primary schools, in
1997 this percentage came down to 60. The girls’ dropout rates in the secondary levels were
53 percent in 1980, which became 52 percent in 1997 (WB, 2000a).
3.2.3.2 Financing Education

Education in Bangladesh is predominantly state financed. Government allocations to the
education sector out of its revenue and development budgets primarily finance educational
expenditures. Given the low revenue/GDP ratio, the government however is heavily
dependent on external sources for financing its development budget. External aid finances
more than 50 percent of government development expenditures on education.
Although the government virtually bears the full costs of government primary and secondary
schools, and also provides free text books to primary school students, there still remain other
costs such as uniforms, educational supplies, transportation, etc. Those still have to be borne
by the parents. Moreover, in a country like Bangladesh, where nearly half the population
lives below poverty line, the opportunity cost of education in terms of foregone income that
could be derived from child labor is quite significant. The government therefore had to
intervene with programmes like Food for Education, Primary Education Stipend Project, and
Stipend for Girl Students at secondary schools (CPD, 2001a).
Public universities, which charge nominal tuition fees from the students, are almost entirely
state financed. Private universities, on the other hand, receive no financial support from the
government and run their academic programmes charging high tuition fees from their
students. The following Table 6 presents the distribution of revenue and development
expenditures on education by sub-sectors.
Table 6: Distribution of Public Revenue and Development Expenditures

on Education by Sub-Sectors
Fiscal Primary Secon- Tech- Univer- NFE Others Total

Years dary nical sity
Revenue Expenditures
91/92 48.2 36.8 2.4 8.5 - 4.1 100
92/93 44.6 40.6 2.3 7.9 - 4.6 100
93/94 45.4 42.3 2.3 8.2 - 1.8 100
95/96 43.8 42.6 2.1 8.0 - 3.6 100
96/97 43.5 42.9 2.1 7.9 - 3.6 100
97/98 43.0 46.5 1.5 7.4 - 1.6 100
98/99 (B) 41.6 48.4 1.4 7.1 - 1.5 100
Development Expenditures
91/92 40.1 23.5 7.3 22.3 - 6.8 100
92/93 66.0 20.5 2.1 7.1 1.2 3.1 100
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Bangladesh
93/94 68.2 18.9 1.9 9.3 0.9 0.8 100

94/95 52.6 41.0 0.4 0.8 2.7 2.5 100
95/96 45.6 43.6 0.6 3.7 2.9 3.6 100
96/97 24.2 57.4 1.7 10.9 4.7 1.1 100
97/98 26.8 45.2 2.2 13.3 9.2 3.3 100
98/99 (B) 47.3 32.4 3.3 5.3 8.6 3.1 100
B= Budget estimates
Source: Quoted in World Bank,(1999a)
Development expenditure on education consistently increased up to 1995 to 1.06 percent of

GDP from the 1973-1980 average of 0.27 per cent, raising total expenditure to a peak of 2.4
percent of GDP in 1995. However, it slid down to 2.2 percent in 1998 primarily due to a fall
in development expenditure on education. Revenue expenditure for education increased from
1973-1980 average of 0.63 percent of GDP to 1.39 percent in 1998. Education sector’s share
in total government expenditures increased from 11.8 percent in FY 1990 to 18.6 percent in
FY 1996. From FY 1997 through FY 1999, education sector’s share remained stable, around
16 percent of total government expenditures (WB, 1999a).
3.2.3.3 Non-Formal Education System

Unlike the situation prevailing in the developed world, where the basic educational needs of
all its citizens are invariably met within the formal system, the situation in Bangladesh is
different. A good number of students are enrolled in Non Formal Education (NFE), which
“… is an intentional, systematic form of education that occurs outside the formal school
system” (WB, 2000a). Responsive to the needs of the “hard-to-reach” learners – both young
and adults, its advantage lies in its flexibility with regards to curriculum, organization, and
management of programmes, and its lack of restriction as to time and place.
NFE encompasses two different objectives depending on the target groups. For the young,
NFE may enable them to acquire basic education so as to get back in to the formal school
system. For the adults NFE may equip them in addition to basic education – with (a)
functional skills for employment, (b) survival skills such as health, nutrition and natural
disaster management techniques, (c) empowerment through family education, and exposure
to issues of national importance e.g., elections.
The state is pledge-bound to its citizens to provide Education For All by the year 2000. In
order to achieve this goal the state launched its Integrated Non-formal Education programme
in 1991 to bring the illiterate masses within the literacy fold. The programme was upgraded
later with the establishment of the Directorate of Non-Formal Education. According to
government estimates, of the 40 million illiterates between ages 8 and 35, around 6.3 million
of them are working children aged 5-14, many of them engaged in hazardous child labor.
Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), an NGO, has been the pioneer in
establishing non-formal schools in Bangladesh since 1985. In 2001 they were running 34,000
non-formal free schools all over Bangladesh and providing basic literacy and numeracy to
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their students. These schools are 4-year programmes. This programme was so successful that
the government has also accepted the idea and has started similar non-formal curriculums. In
collaboration with GoB and UNICEF, BRAC has 120 Hard to Reach Centres spread over
four major divisional cities. These centres, providing basic education, have flexible school
schedules and are basically for the working children and formal school dropouts. BRAC also
has 43 three-year-long community managed education centres. Most of these non-formal
schools are either free or take very nominal charges, which is affordable by middle class and
poor families too. This system of education has proved to be a blessing for the people of rural
areas. Many other NGOs, and community based/private organizations followed the success of
the BRAC model and are running these types of schools. These schools are not self-
sustaining and require external finances. If interested the graduates from all these schools are
eligible to move on to the upper grades in the formal primary school systems.
As in other parts of the developing world, illiteracy and poverty are intimately connected.
In 1996, incidence of poverty was 48 percent among illiterates as against 20 percent among
the literate population. Recognizing the importance of literacy in the fight against poverty,
the state offered all out support toward expanding the NFE program. The FiFYP (1997-
2002) aims to increase the adult literacy rate to 80 percent by the end of the plan period. As
it is understood, the principal vehicle for this will be the NFE program, to be implemented
in cooperation with NGOs. To date it is still in the process of being worked out fully
(Ahmad, 2001).
Despite the progress made in the recent past the number of illiterates is on the rise, standing
at around 5.50 million. With a net enrollment at 73 percent, 70 percent completing the full
primary five year period, 51 percent of whom acquire basic literacy skills – at the end of this
whole exercise only some 30 percent are equipped with some meaningful education. Thus
each year the national drive to educate all the people ends up with 2.6 million children having
substandard or no education at all. In the end analysis, one might painfully observe that, the
rate of progress over the past 25 years has been less than one percent per year. Progress at
this rate would require 82 years in which to achieve 80 percent basic education! (UNICEF,
1992). Therefore, the state’s pledge of providing Education for All by the Year 2000
remained a distant dream.
By incorporating necessary reforms in the curriculum of primary education, and introducing

flexible schedules in the non-formal education system it was possible to widen the scope for
primary education to play an increasingly important role in the national economy. Failure to
significantly improve its quality has contributed little to enhance its relevance. The dropout
rate still remains quite high. Secondary education in Bangladesh could hardly play an
effective role in adequately preparing the students for higher education, and for meeting the
manpower needs of the economy. In 1999 the dropout rates were 21.3%, and 52.1% at junior
secondary and higher secondary levels, respectively. Failure rate was 65% at Secondary
School Certificate Examination in 2001; one can definitely raise questions about efficiency of
the secondary education system. In 1999, Bangladesh had 13 public and 16 private
universities with a total enrolment of 76,535 of which 20 percent were females. Because of a
limited number of seats in public universities, and high tuition fees charged by the private
universities, access to tertiary education is rather limited in the country. Absence of any
linkage between public universities and the job market (with the exception of a few
departments like Business Administration, Pharmacy, etc.), education imparted at public
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universities has little relevance to the needs of the economy (CPD, 2001a). Private
universities on the other hand responded only to market signals, the main motto of these
private universities is career building which is relevant to the economy in the short run, and
neglects long-term interests of achieving sustainable economic development.
Net School enrollment ratio of relevant age group in 1997 was 75% primary, 22% in
secondary and gross enrollment was only 6% in the tertiary level (WB, 2000), which is one
of the lowest in the world. But government initiated free primary education for girls and a
number of free of low cost non-formal schools are gradually attracting students from all
walks of life.
The education system is in a vicious strangle hold of corrupt and partisan politics. All reform
and development efforts, however sensible and well intentioned are thwarted by politics. The
influence of corrupt politics is manifested in pervasive corruption in all aspects of education
and in the most cynical use of students and teachers by political parties in their political
struggle (CPD, 2001a). Such unwanted political interventions not only diminished the
efficiency of the education system of Bangladesh, but also caused deterioration of the quality
of education. Long session jams is a characteristic feature of public universities, which is a
clear indicator of inefficient management of public universities of Bangladesh.
3.2.4 Health Care

The state, fortified by massive donor support, has made a strong long-term social and
political commitment to human development and achieved some notable gains in improving
social indicators over the past 25 years. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare
(MOHFW) has adopted the Health and Population Sector Strategy (HPSS) in order to
integrate the programmes on population and health. Some major changes have been taken in
the light of HPSS.
The Alma Ata declaration of 1978 was the first action, followed by WHO and UNICEF
goals, which set targets for reducing childhood mortality during the decade 1990-2000.
UNICEF also organised the “World Summit for Children,” which resulted in a World
Declaration on the survival, protection and development of children and a Plan of Action to
implement the declaration. The goals regarding childhood mortality were to reduce the 1990
infant mortality rate by one third or to 50 per 1,000 live births (whichever is less) and to
reduce 1990 under-5 mortality rate by one third or to 70 per 1,000 live births (whichever is
less). In 1990 Bangladesh had infant and under-5 mortality rates of 120 and 180, respectively.
The state therefore placed the utmost importance on the World Summit goals.
The major remarkable achievement of the GOB is the drop in fertility rate from over 7
percent to 3.1 by the year 1998. Extensive awareness campaigns involving both the media
and field-level persuasion helped Bangladesh achieve fertility reduction. The major share of
this decline should be attributed to the increase in the contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR)
from 7 percent in 1975 to 53.8 percent among women of 15-49 year age group in 1999-2000
(CPD, 2001b). Such an increase in the level of the CPR in the setting of Bangladesh has
taken place without any remarkable change in the level of household income, education, or
health. The increase in CPR must thus be ascribed largely to institutional interventions in the
area of Family Planning (FP) activities, which may have improved the motivation for
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adopting contraceptive methods. The increase in CPR, however, is not translated into
expected decline in the levels of fertility, indicating that the population size will continue to
growth at a moderate rate.
In addition to the significant drop in fertility rate, the mortality rate for under–5 children
dropped to 89 per 1000 in 1999, from as high as 211 in 1980. Infant mortality rate was 132 in
1980, which dropped to 58 in 1999 (UNDP, 2001). This was made possible by successes in
implementing immunization programmes along with family planning.
Toward achieving these, the state devised and subsequently implemented a National Plan of
Action for developing its primary and reproductive health care system. The longer-term goal
in the health care system was to deliver high quality, financially sound, basic health care that
would be responsive to the people’s needs and especially to those of women and children.
The Plan considered special efforts and interventions including immunization, family
planning, promotion of oral rehydration therapy, and breast-feeding. The state agencies have
been successful in eradicating the deadly disease small pox and launched campaigns toward
eradicating polio by the year 2002. The state also created mass awareness on use of oral
rehydration therapy to fight against diarrheal disease. According to UNDP sources (2001)
75.1 percent of people are now using oral rehydration therapy.
Despite such efforts, the existing health care system of the country is not performing up to the
satisfactory level yet. There are only 18 doctors and 5 nurses for every 100,000 people in
Bangladesh (CPD, 2001b). The complete coverage of immunization has not yet achieved for
almost 50 percent of the children. As of 1996, only 35 percent of the population has been
using adequate sanitation facilities. Improper sanitation has been identified as the root cause
of diarrheal diseases.
Owing to rampant poverty the Bangladeshi people, especially the poor, face severe malnutrition.
Unless a significant dent is made in the poverty ratio malnutrition will pose a very serious threat
for the development of the future generations. It was found in 1991 that 71 percent of children in
the villages of Bangladesh were stunted in comparison with a well-nourished and healthy group
of children. However, the situation improved during the 1990s; by 1999 this percentage had
fallen to 55 percent indicating a decline of 1.8 percent per year (Rashid and Huq, 2001).
Another goal of the World Summit in 1990 was to virtually eliminate vitamin-A deficiency and its
consequences including blindness. The government and NGOs began an intensive programme to
provide high potency vitamin-A capsules to children at least twice a year. It was supplemented by
promoting food-based strategies particularly homestead gardening to improve the consumption of
foods rich in vitamin-A. A recent survey reported that the percentage of children with night
blindness had fallen from 3.6 percent in 1982 to 0.6 percent in 1997 (Rashid and Huq, 2001).
The World Summit highlighted also the issue of iron deficiency among women, particularly
during pregnancy and childbirth. Although the World Summit set a target to reduce iron
deficiency (i.e., anaemia) in women by one third of 1990 levels, still it has not been possible
to assess the progress made by Bangladesh toward that goal. The first national data were
collected only in 1997, which revealed that 49 percent of pregnant women and 53 percent of
children below 5 years of age were anemic. According to the classification proposed by
WHO, this represents a severe public health problem.
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Bangladesh
Although the state played the major role in implementing the development programmes in
primary and reproductive health care, NGOs played complementary roles at the grassroots levels
with adequate support from donor communities. Members of the civil society played their
respective roles in bringing the political will for spending more in health care and also by taking
part in roundtables in the presence of media. Electronic media played vital roles in disseminating
information about the usefulness of various health care and family planning methods.
3.2.5 Women and Development

Women in Bangladesh, as in most countries of the developing world, have a low socio-
economic status in comparison with their male counterparts. Rural women constitute about
85 percent of the total female population of the country. In most of the cases these women are
poor, illiterate, malnourished, and disadvantaged. The majority of these women, about 70
percent belong to households with small land holding or sharecroppers. Many work as wage
labourers on a part time or seasonal basis, usually employed in post-harvest activities by large
landowners and generally receive payment in kind rather than cash. Of the next 15 to 20
percent, most belong to poor landless families, depending on casual labour, working as
domestic help, and have other irregular sources of income, including begging. The remaining
10 to 15 percent belong to the professional, trading or large-scale land-owning categories and
they usually do not need outside employment (WB, 1990). Currently 5.9 percent of women
are chief breadwinners in many female-headed households with children (MP, 1996). In such
situations of extreme poverty and need, cultural constraints became irrelevant for these
women to participate in any income-generating activities.
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By custom, a woman’s life in Bangladesh is shaped by the patriarchal, patrilineal and

patrilocal nature of the social system. Bengali rural culture has developed in such a way
that women are seen as subordinate in the family and society. Their roles and tasks are
considerably restricted by functional specialization and lack of mobility. The influence of
Purdah (women under veil) centres the lives of rural women around the bari or home,
limiting their access to markets, schools, and health care. The absence of opportunity
results in high fertility rates, which further diminish family well being, damage the
nutrition and health of children as well as the mother, and hamper educational and other
development goals.
In rural Bangladesh women work up to 14 hours a day on domestic chores. They support the
subsistence economy, playing a key role once the crop has been brought to the courtyard.
Usually it is women who do all post-harvest processing and look after livestock, poultry and
kitchen gardening. Men generally own family land or cultivate in other people’s land and
manage family income, and therefore, the women’s contributions remain overlooked. In rural
society women are classified as “dependent” of her husband’s family rather than as an active
and equal partner in the process of production (WB, 1990). Women tend to be evaluated in
terms of their reproductive, rather than their productive, capacities.
Most rural Bangladeshi women are conditioned by informal social, cultural and religious
traditions, which emphasise their domestic roles as docile daughters, compliant wives, and
dependent mothers. Purdah is a practice, predominant in a typical Muslim7 household that
has considerable impact on their lives. Purdah creates various levels of dependency on men.
It decreases women’s ability to establish any kind of relationship with the outside world.
Interlinking men’s honor with women’s modest behavior increases the inherent need of men
to control women. Most importantly, women have limited access to the sex-segregated labor
market, which is the centre of social, political, and economic activities, and they are
forbidden to enter the mosque and seldom go to school. A sense of “individuality” is still an
alien concept to most of rural women.
The literacy rate in Bangladesh is 44 percent for men and only 26 percent for women. Out
of this 26 percent, only a very small number has graduated from college or universities.
However, some changes have been taking place as an incentive to the poor to send their
children to school. For example, a Food for Education programme has been launched
whereby food incentives are provided to girl children attending school. Furthermore, state-
organised education is now provided free for girls from primary level to secondary level.
Some effects of these incentives may be seen in the gradual increase in girls’ enrolment
from 5.39 to 8.61 million between 1990 and 2000 (MOF, 2001). Nevertheless, women’s
literacy and school enrolment rates still lag behind those of men. Girls are far less likely
than boys to receive vocational training for out of home work. Most girls in rural areas start
primary school but drop out by the time they reach the fifth grade. In recent years,
however, the proportion of female teachers in state run primary schools increased
significantly, from 21 to 34 percent during 1991 and 2000 (MOF, 2001).
For women, the absence of access to property, especially land, is a major problem in terms of
participation in economic activities. Many women are handicapped in agricultural and
forestry programmes where land is required to become participants. The few women who are
fortunate enough to have the right to use their land are taking credit from NGOs for the
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establishment of nurseries and for horticulture. However, since the land belongs to the
husband, authority over the produce is controlled by men. Halim observes (2000) that
“women are working as producers but as non-owners while men as non producers get the
benefits of ownership.”
Women’s political participation is a necessary precondition to women’s empowerment.

Women’s political empowerment and equal representation in all decision-making
institutions is a critical input in women’s struggle for freedom from patriarchy and
subjugation (Mahtab, 2000). The article 65 (3) of the Bangladesh Constitution made a
constitutional provision on the 30 reserved seats for women in the National Parliament,
which expired in July 2001. It is likely to be amended soon with a provision to increase
the number of reserved seats up to 50, subject to approval by the parliament with two-
thirds majority. In addition to current constitutional constraints, the other major factor
affecting women’s political participation is purdah, which further divides political parties,
trade unions, and student organisations into male and female wings. Although there are
few women in leadership positions there is limited involvement in party hierarchical
structures, as reflected in the meagre number of party nominations for candidacy in the
Parliamentary election of 2001.
Economic inequality and discriminatory social and cultural attitudes reinforce women’s
subordinate position in Bangladeshi society. This leads women and girls to encounter various
forms of physical, psychological and sexual violence. Various forms of violence including
domestic violence, sexual harassment, acid throwing, trafficking, child abuse, and rape. are
common occurrences. For achieving the goals of sustainable development the issues of
women must be addressed with adequate care.
After the liberation war of 1971, women’s issues became a concern of the state. Most
efforts of the postwar era focused on removing the “dishonor” faced by women who were
raped and tortured by Pakistani soldiers. In the mid-1970s new approaches and strategies
for mobilizing rural women in Bangladesh emerged emphasizing their economic and
political development, rather than their social and psychological rehabilitation after the
ravages of war. The First Five-Year Plan (1973-1978) focused on women only under
social welfare sector programmes. The Second Five-Year Plan (1980-1985) gave no
greater emphasis to women’s issues and focused on the rural family as the unit of
analysis. Women’s direct participation in development programmes was not recognised as
important. The Third Five-Year Plan (1985-1990) included women particularly in the
fields of family planning, health, education, and employment. Effective implementation of
birth control policy required release of women’s labor and participation in productive
spheres of activity.
The Fourth 5-Year Plan (1990-1995) for the first time used terms such as “mainstream”
and “gender” and adopted the objectives of Women In Development (WID) policy, which
included such concerns as increasing women’s participation in public decision-making,
raising productivity and income, improving nutrition and health, reducing population
growth, reducing infant and maternal mortality and the male-female literacy gap, and
ensuring the participation of the “poorer 50 percent” in development (Jahan, 1995).
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Special attention was given to:
• Skill development and training programmes for women

• Credit schemes
• Job opportunities and housing facilities for working women
• Childcare facilities and legal aid for battered women (Khan, 2001)
However, these WID objectives did little to challenge the prevailing socio-economic and
political structures within which these programmes were to be implemented. Furthermore,
equal wages for equal work were not claimed (viz. wages of garment factories). Women still
get 40 percent less than men in certain kinds of work (Khan, 2001). Also, the Government of
Bangladesh limited its objectives to equality in the public domain and did not question
gender inequality in the household in terms of property inheritance, decision-making, and
other important household issues.
In March 1997 a National Development Policy for the Advancement of Women (NDPAW)
was declared. The essential elements of the policy was reflected in the Fifth Five Year Plan,
which highlighted the need to eliminate all discriminatory laws, rules, regulations and
practices governing the family, social, cultural, economic and political aspects of life.
However, the state is yet to reform these laws.
The government of Bangladesh is committed to implementing the PFA (Platform for Action)
adopted in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. The PFA has been taken in
order to ascertain equality, development and peace. The PFA emphasises the strategy of
mainstreaming women’s development into government policies and programmes. It states:
“Government and other actors should promote an active and visible gender perspective in all
policies and programmes so that, before decisions are taken, an analysis is made of their
effects on women and men, respectively” (ADAB, 2000).
The donors’ response in terms of women’s integration came gradually and slowly. Jahan
observes (1995) that rather than changing policies to integrate gender, they took an “add-on”
approach and brought some WID specialists into projects. They have not, however,
challenged the prevailing traditional images and structural subordination of women.
Nevertheless, in June 1996, WID focal points had been identified in 33 ministries or
divisions. The gender agenda has been institutionalised in certain ministries but these changes
were more formal than real. Little of substance has so far been done to integrate women into
the rules of business and working procedures of the concerned ministries and departments.
Despite the attempts made by the state in recent years, participation of women in key
positions is still negligible. Since 1982, women have been appearing at the Bangladesh Civil
Service Examinations, and getting recruited in 29 cadre services. However, the women’s
situation is not satisfactory. It is reported that only 6.44 percent women are occupying Class I
positions compared to 93.56 percent men. Two decades after the introduction of the special
quota system for women in the government services, the overall situation of women still
remains below expectation. Officially, 60 percent of the teaching positions at the primary
level are reserved for women, in reality however, 34 percent of the teachers in the
government (and) primary schools are women (Khan, 2001). But the NGOs and private
sectors are giving priority to female teachers in their primary schools. The consequence of
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such low participation means that women have inadequate opportunities to participate at
policy and decision-making levels, resulting in their minimal impact in the planning,
management and implementation of policies (Mahtab, 2000).
Although, the GOB has taken steps to institutionalise WID and Gender In Development (GAD)
throughout its ministries and offices, the various ministries seem to have made no distinctions
between WID and GAD. WID aims at increasing women’s participation and benefits, thereby
making development more effective. GAD on the contrary, represents a transition to “not only
integrate women into development, but look for the potential in development initiatives to
transform unequal social/gender relations and to empower women” (Braidotti et al., 1994).
Although, the government and NGOs are claiming that they have made the shift from WID to
GAD in order to empower women, the impacts have not been felt on the ground. Interventions
by NGOs have at least been partially successful in raising awareness about the oppressive
structures and situations at different levels, but NGOs do not mount direct challenges to the
existence of such hierarchies and inequities. In comparison to NGO interventions in such areas
GOs have done virtually nothing. The differing situations of women in relation to their class,
ethnicity and religion are even less accounted for, both by NGOs and GOs.
Empowerment of women implies the increased role of women in major decision-making

processes that affect their lives and has little to do with domination. However, almost all
government projects and programmes on women still remain welfare-oriented, and this does
not contribute sufficiently toward women’s empowerment. The credit component of NGO
programmes is bringing some change in women’s situations and giving women some
freedom, but this should certainly not be confused with genuine autonomy. Men may be
allowing women to work outside the home but this does not mean that they have lost control
over them. Therefore, even those women who have benefited from NGO programmes cannot
be said to have achieved much empowerment for themselves.
3.2.6 Some Recent Social Developments

In social sectors there have been a few significant developments in recent years. Major
successes have been achieved in establishing democracy, reducing the population growth
rate, attaining food self-sufficiency, addressing the issues of poverty at the grassroots,
providing primary education and health care system to all, and empowering women. All these
aspects combinedly have given a moral boost toward formation of an effective social capital,
the latter being a prerequisite to achieve social sustainable development. The progresses and
failures in the fields of poverty alleviation, education, health care, and gender issues have
been dealt with in the previous sub-sections. The following sub-sections briefly highlight the
progresses, which have been made recently in the various social sectors.
3.2.6.1 Arresting Population Growth

Bangladesh has achieved major success in implementing an effective family planning
programme that has resulted in the population growth falling from over 3 percent in the
1970s to under 1.8 percent by the year 2000. Both crude birth rate (CBR) and crude death
rate (CDR) have been on the decline during the past three decades. Annual population growth
declined from 2.0 percent in 1991 to 1.8 percent in 1996. The CBR fell from 32 in 1991 to 27
in 1996 where the CDR fell from 13 to 9 during the same period. The total fertility rate (TFR)
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declined from 4.3 in 1991 to 2.9 in 1999. Life expectancy increased from 56 years in 1991 to
62 years in 2000.
Mean age at first marriage increased from 24.9 years to 28.2 years for males and 18.1 yeas to
20.6 years for females between 1990 and 2000.
The success in achievement falling population growth is attributable to various factors.

There has been an increasing budgetary allocation to the social sector including health and
family planning. The share of the social sector in development budget increased from 16.7
percent in 1991-92 to 23.3 percent in 1998-99. In addition to delivery of health and family
planning services, awareness building and motivational efforts by government and NGOs
have been instrumental in reducing population growth and improvement in general health
status of the people. The increasing participation of women in formal employment and
increased school enrollment among female students have had significant effects on
reducing population growth.
3.2.6.2 Reducing Child Mortality

Infant mortality rate (IMR) in Bangladesh has steadily declined over the years. It decreased
from 92 in 1991 to 51 in 1999 was and accompanied by reduction in maternal mortality rate.
The World Bank funded Health and Population Sector programme (HPSP) and the Essential
Service Package (ESP) under the HPSP have been important contributing factors to reducing
child mortality. The ESP provides basic health care services especially to poor women and
children. The programme also envisages setting up a health and family planning clinic for
6000 people throughout the country.
Child mortality is however marked by a wide gap between urban and rural areas. Infant
mortality rate is as high as 60 in rural areas where it is 28 in urban areas. In spite of the
general improvement over the years, child mortality is still higher in Bangladesh than in India
and Sri Lanka. Besides high infant mortality, about 70 percent of Bangladeshi children below
five are underweight compared with 40 percent in Pakistan. Learning achievements have also
remained poor at the educational level.
A number of health programme undertaken by the government and implemented in

collaboration with NGOs have contributed to reducing child mortality and improving health
status. The Extended Programme of Immunization (EPI), Control of Diarrheal Disease
(CDD) and Acute Respiratory Infection (ARI) programme have had significant positive
impacts on infant mortality.
3.2.6.3 Housing and Real Estate

Bangladesh having a population of about 130 million is one of the most densely populated
countries in the world. The scarcity of land and financial resources coupled with the growth
of population require priority attention on housing services. The housing problem is
particularly acute in slum areas of large cities. It is estimated that there are 1.2 million urban
households (24 percent of total urban) living in urban slums and some 0.6 million more
households either squatting or homeless. In addition some 1.2 million households are living
in other informal housing (WB-BCAS, 1999). Housing problems in the rural areas are often
associated with landlessness and river erosion. The urban housing problems could hardly be
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separated from the poor condition of basic municipal services including transport service,
electricity, water and sewerage system.
The state only arranges housing for a small proportion of its employees. The majority of
housing and settlement is arranged by the private sector. Following the devastating flood of
1998 the government launched a programme called ‘assroyan’ which enabled rehabilitation
of a few thousand families in homes built on government owned land. Grameen Bank, a
commercial bank with mandate to operate among poor women in rural areas, encouraged
its target beneficiaries and offered housing loans to them. In the urban areas there is a
growing land and real estate market, being operated by private entrepreneurs. The urban
housing sector activities are mainly limited to the rich and the middle classes. A number of
NGOs are, however, active in the informal market in providing housing facilities to the
poor slum-dwellers.
3.2.6.4 Managing Natural Disasters

One of the greatest achievements of the 1990s was taking firm steps toward reducing the loss
of lives during natural disaster. High intensity cyclones, which frequently visit the coast of
Bangladesh and devastate lives and livelihoods of coastal populations, do not appear to be as
lethal as they were a decade ago. Bangladesh has learned the technique of saving lives at very
low cost with a participatory cyclone preparedness programme (CPP) (Ahmed, 2000). Use of
appropriate technology, very effective coordination among agencies toward issuance of work,
investing in disaster preparedness measures, and participation of 62000 volunteers living in
the entire coastal belt contributed to this phenomenal success.
Bangladesh also set an example in during and post-disaster management of relief and
rehabilitation during the worst floods of living memory in 1998 (Ahmad et al., 2000).
Recession of floodwater was delayed so much that in a large area, the immediate next cereal
crop, locally known as Aman, could not be grown. It threatened the country’s food security
and international media expressed their concern of witnessing a famine. Quick poling
decisions and community participation toward sustaining flow of goods and services,
including food, in flood affected areas helped local people to survive. The rich social capital
of the steadfast nation played a significant role in this mammoth rehabilitation through NGO
programmes. The Community based organizations and the political parties alike stood beside
the flood-affected people and helped them rebuild their future from ruins. Together, people
faced all the adversities, fought against all odds and shared the consequences.
3.2.6.5 Awareness Raising

Given that a majority of the population is largely illiterate, people are aware of the
advantages of modern thinking in their individual and social lives, the power of knowledge
and technology, their rights in every aspects of life their aspirations and to some extent, their
destiny. ‘Uneducated’ does not mean people are not aware of their surroundings. The poorest
of the poor may be living in a remote village without any formal education, her/his level of
awareness is high be it in employing rights in voting, be it in choosing the source of water for
drinking, or be it in participating in decision-making; often irrespective of the fact that her/his
access to all these may be very limited. This remarkable change has taken place due to a
combination of state-run targeted dissemination of information packages along with
relentless efforts of the CBOs and NGOs. In addition, modern technology and media helped
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disseminate the right types of information, which created high levels of awareness, on top of
their ancestral knowledge base of information, which created high levels of awareness,
among the citizenry of the country.
3.2.6.6 People’s Participation in Planning

Along with the traditional elitist top-down planning exercises, in the 1990s the country
experienced a parallel effort of participatory planning which is bottom-up by definition. The
first effort was taken by the civil society/polity when they were instrumental, with the assistance
of UNDP and the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF), in formulation of a National
Environmental Management Action Plan (NEMAP). In a somewhat late twist of methodology,
the civil society organised a series of grassroots level workshops and dialogues with the local
people and involving local facilitation, for understanding their local level environmental
problems and seeking their approach toward solving those. These efforts were backed up by
filling in questionnaires and analyzing responses. This technique gave the basis of the globally
acclaimed bottom-up planning exercise within the purview of NEMAP (NEMAP, 1996).
Soon after NEMAP, the Ministry of Planning took a bold step toward institutionalizing such
a bottom-up planning exercise, which culminated into a Perspective Plan for 15 years (PC,
1995) Unfortunately, the implementation of the plan faced severe criticism within the
government machinery and was buried. But the spirit of such a bold effort kept reverberating.
As a consequence, more and more emphasis is now being given to local level bottom-up
planning, often involving the otherwise non-technical local people. The new National Water
Policy and the Agriculture Policy highlighted the needs for local level involvement in
decision-making before implementation of any relevant project. Perhaps, it is due to an
inability to respect such spirit of participation of local people, that the over-ambitions Flood
Action programme (FAP) suffered immature death and the Chittagong Hill Tracts
Development Plan is about to be revised.
3.3 The Natural Environment: Key Issues and Concerns

The country is confronted with a host of environmental issues and problems owing to both
natural and human factors. The nature and intensity varies significantly depending upon the
interaction between natural and physical systems with anthropogenic activities. The main
environmental issues which have the maximum potential to cause further degradation of
natural resource base and therefore can reduce the potential to achieve sustainable
development are discussed below.
3.3.1 Agricultural Resource Base

The vast majority of the population depends on agricultural and natural resources for a large
part of their food and livelihood. Unfortunately, the land is finite and per capita availability of
arable land is decreasing at a fast rate. As a consequence of increased pressure on agricultural
land the poorer section of the farming community is found to encroach into marginal lands in
order to maintain their livelihood. Increasing demand for agricultural lands forced many
farmers to encroach into wetlands, even in forest areas. In the southwestern zone of
Bangladesh, poor people are found to encroach into beds of small rivers during winter. There
are also competing demands on land for non-agricultural uses. As a consequence, overall
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Bangladesh
productivity of these lands has actually decreased over time while the land resource in
Bangladesh is already under severe pressure and environmental strain.
With the advent of modern agriculture, high-yielding varieties have been adopted to grow
more food. Unfortunately, the emphasis was solely on food grain production instead of
diversified food crops. The improved and high yielding varieties of paddy contributed to a
great extent to increase the overall production of food grain in the country, reducing its
dependence on import of the same from international markets. However, it has also resulted
in the loss of many traditional varieties of rice and other crops, which were of low
productivity compared to the high yielding varieties. This has resulted in a tremendous
erosion of traditional crop (paddy) species − a treasure of several millennia. In addition, the
practice of mono cropping has caused serious deterioration of soil characteristics, which is
threatening the future productivity of the top soils. An emphasis on the preservation of
biodiversity is necessary to sustain and improve agriculture, forestry, livestock, and fisheries
production systems. The indigenous flora, fauna, and ecosystems are important in order to
keep future options open, as they form a buffer against harmful environmental changes, and
as raw material for scientific and industrial innovations.
3.3.2 Water
Although Bangladesh is relatively backward and in an early stage of industrialization, the
congested location of industrial units and some commercial activities can be identified as
environmental hazards, causing severe local water pollution. The tanneries at Hazaribagh in
Dhaka city, the textile and dying units at Narayanganj and Gazipur near Dhaka, and the
commercial shrimp culture in the coastal regions of Khulna and Chittagong are some of the
environmental “hotspots” that have been identified in the country.
More recently, arsenic contamination of the groundwater has emerged as a serious problem
threatening public health. In the past decades, groundwater was considered a source of safe
drinking water, and was promoted through the installation of thousands of tube wells in rural
areas throughout the country. During this period there was remarkable success in providing
pure drinking water, free from pathogenic microorganisms, and a concomitant improvement
in public health. Then a few years ago, arsenic contamination of groundwater was detected in
59 of the country’s 64 districts. Although the real causes of arsenic contamination are yet to
be identified, the government has launched a US$50 million project with assistance from
donors, and coordinated by the World Bank, for on-site mitigation of arsenic contamination,
and the creation of a National Arsenic Mitigation Information Centre (NAMIC). Box 4 gives
an understanding of the problem of arsenic in Bangladesh.
Box 4: Arsenic Contamination of Ground Water and Health Hazards
Arsenic is widely distributed throughout the earth’s crust and is introduced into water
through the dissolution of minerals and ores, and concentrations in groundwater in some
areas are elevated as a result of erosion from local rocks. Combustion of fossil fuels is a
source of arsenic in the environment through disperse atmospheric deposition.
Inorganic arsenic can occur in the environment in several forms in natural waters, and thus
in drinking water, but organic arsenic species, abundant in seafood, are very much less
harmful to health, and are readily eliminated by the body. Drinking water poses the greatest
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threat to public health from arsenic, which is now a major issue of concern in Bangladesh.
Chronic arsenic poisoning, as occurs after long term exposure through drinking water
causes cancer of the skin, lungs, urinary bladder, and kidney, as well as other skin diseases
such as pigmentation changes and thickening (hyper-keratosis). Water poisoning is affecting
as many as 85 million people of Bangladesh with arsenic-contamination. The scale of the
disaster in the country is beyond that of the accidents in Bhopal and Chernobyl.
Scientists believe that the groundwater arsenic poisoning in the Bengal Basin is occurring
by a natural process. They proposed the "oxyhydroxide reduction theory" as the main
mechanism responsible for arsenic entering into shallow groundwater. On the other hand,
Husain believes that the oxidation of arsenic bearing minerals in the aquifer sediments is
the main cause for groundwater arsenic poisoning of Bangladesh and West Bengal of
India. According to him it appears that the diversion of river water and over-pumping of
groundwater are the main roots of the groundwater arsenic poisoning in the Bengal basin.
The groundwater arsenic poisoning in Bangladesh began after 1975 whereas it began in
West Bengal of India soon after 1960. The proponents of the oxyhydroxide reduction
hypothesis rejected the "pyrite oxidation theory" but they did not conduct any
investigation(s) to verify the validity of the oxidation theory at all. The BGS/DPHE/MML
investigators collected a lot of information but they did not collect adequate pre-and post-
Farakka hydrological and hydro-geological data. As a result, they failed to understand the
role of the over-pumping of groundwater and diversion of river water and their relationship
with the oxidation mechanism for the mobilization of arsenic into the groundwater of the
Bengal basin. The BGS/DPHE/MML investigators in their report presented pre-Farakka
long-term river water discharge data of the Ganges (Padma), Bhramahputra, and Meghna
rivers, but they did not present the post-Farakka river water discharge data. They do not
have any idea about what has happened in the hydrological, hydrogeological and
hydrochemical cycles of Bengal basin in the last two decades. Twenty-six years of water
diversion from 30+ dams/barrages have had a significant role in the mobilisation of
arsenic into the groundwater of Bangladesh. The discharge in the Ganges (Padma) River
in Bangladesh has been decreased due to India's unilateral diversion for the last 26 years.
Prior to 1975, in the dry season, the areas in Bangladesh that were under water for
thousands of years are now dry land. The pre-and post-Farakka discharge data clearly
indicate that, after 1975, Bangladesh is having severe environmental problems including
groundwater arsenic poisoning (Husain, 2001).
Water supplies of all contaminated areas of Bangladesh dispose of highly toxic arsenic
sludge to rivers or nearby pond. The old units also dispose of arsenic sludge to nearby
waterways contaminating surrounding areas. This possibly made Faridpur Sadar one of the
worst affected areas in the country. Average arsenic concentration in Faridpur is about
0.300mg/l (300 times higher than the WHO standard).
In Bangladesh today there is still no prescribed method of water sample collection and
analysis. There are several methods that have been applied and several of them are
inadequate, expensive and after treatment and filtration waterborne pathogen become present
in water. Different suggested water options are pond sand filter, rainwater harvester, surface
water (2-chamber unit) treatment, DPHE-DANIDA filter, Safi filter, 3-pitcher filter, alcan, garnet,
local filters and expensive filters available from foreign companies. Small piped water supply
systems pumping surface water into small treatment plants could be another feasible option.
Arsenic contamination is a major issue of concern for the survival of future generations of
Bangladesh, it is necessary to take correct and appropriate decisions immediately and
formulate national arsenic mitigation guidelines which will ensure effective, less expensive,
user friendly and less polluting technology. The most important remedial action in this regard
is to provide safe drinking water.
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3.3.3 Biomass
Biomass plays a significant role toward maintaining energy security of a large majority of the
population, especially in the rural areas. Over 60 percent of the national energy demand is
met through biomass sources. Agricultural residues, tree dropping from homestead and state
managed forests, fuel wood, and cow dung are the major biomass sources of the country. In
the 1990s the overall demand for energy increased with increasing population, but the sources
of biomass remained virtually the same and therefore, could not accommodate the increasing
demands. A part of the agricultural residues and cowdung were used as feed for livestock and
organic manure, respectively. In order to meet the increasing demand for energy there has
been an increasing tendency to use cow dung as fuel instead of using it as biofertiliser.
Meanwhile, successive mono cropping of paddy in the same land, without any inter-cropping
practices, have resulted in a gradual decline in organic carbon − an important element that
binds nutrients and micro-nutrients in the top soil. In absence of biofertiliser (i.e., cow dung)
the capacity of top soil in different agro-ecological zones of the country to rejuvinate itself
has declined, threatening food security of future generations. Declining health of the top soils
is a major constraint to achieving sustainable agricultural development in the country.
3.3.4 Chemical Fertilisers and Pesticides

In order to maintain the balance of nutrients and micro-nutrients in the top soils the farmers
are told to use more and more chemical based fertilisers. Use of pesticides is also increasing.
There is no denying the fact that production of food grain has increased significantly due to
such modernization of cropping practices that include increased use of fertilisers and
pesticides, the quality of land has suffered due to inappropriate methods of application of
these chemicals. Farmers also face occupational hazards from these chemicals. It has been
reported that, farmers spraying pesticides and using fertilisers suffer from heart and skin
diseases. Many researchers tend to believe that, the gradual decline in fish stock in the open
water bodies may be linked with contamination of these water bodies with residuals of
various chemicals, including fertilisers and pesticides.
3.3.5 Pollution
The growth of industries in the country has generally been unplanned and without careful
consideration of environmental protection issues. There are many industries that are located
in residential areas, causing air and water pollution through smoke emission and dumping of
untreated effluents. Industrial wastes have polluted the water of the rivers Buriganga,
Sitalakhya, Karnaphuli, and many others smaller rivers. These are widely known as the
environmental hot spots in terms of water quality. Effluents from tanneries are extremely
harmful to human beings, since they contain high concentrations of chromium compounds.
About 250 tannery units clustered in the Hazaribagh area within Dhaka city are causing
serious environmental pollution, and the health risks created by these industries have made
the area unsuitable for human habitation. However, a large urban population, mostly the poor
living in shanty slums, is forced to live in the tannery-affected area.
Due to heavy torrential rainfall in monsoon and huge runoff over the land, there are reasons
to believe that most of the chemical based pollution gets diluted every year. But the situation
will not remain manageable if more and more industries are allowed to release their untreated
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effluents in the rivers and wetlands. Enforcement of the present regulatory regime could play
a significant role in this regard. Otherwise the environmental health condition will adversely
affect the quality of life of millions across the country.
3.3.6 Deforestation
Bangladesh has a classified natural forest area of about 10 percent of the total land area, but
only 6-8 percent of this has good canopy cover, which is far below the desired level. About
50 percent of the destruction of forests has taken place during the last 20 years, affecting
topsoil and causing land erosion. Social forestry and backyard plantations have not yet been
able to compensate for such deforestation.
3.3.7 Wetlands and Fisheries

Bangladesh has a high proportion of wetland area, which of late has been declining. Rivers,
canals, beels, lakes and haors are open wetlands, while baors, dighis, ponds, and ditches
constitute closed ones. They are significant sources of sweet-water fish. The decline in fish
production has been attributed to a general deterioration of the wetlands, characterised by
silting up of bed levels and water logging, as well as water pollution.
3.3.8 Salinity Intrusion

Diversion of the Ganges water upstream through construction of a barrage by India has
drastically reduced the downstream flow of its distributaries. Consequently, saline seawater
enters into the mainland river. Since winter agriculture depends on irrigation, increase in
salinity in the Ganges dependent area hinders the potential of crop agriculture in the area. It is
reported that increased salinity restrict cropping in about 0.83 million hectare of land in the
coastal areas of Bangladesh (Karim et al., 1990).
3.3.9 Mangrove Ecosystem

The Sundarbans, as described earlier, is a dynamic, fragile, and complex ecosystem, with a
delicate balance of land and water. It is a good habitat for offshore fisheries, and it offers
natural coastal protection, highly valuable forest resources, and tourism and recreational
possibilities. But a gradual degradation of environment in the Sundarbans has been taking
place due to a number of factors. Since commissioning of the Farakka dam in 1975 by
neighbouring India the feshwater flow of the Ganges, especially in the winter months,
declined drastically. This has caused a gradual penetration of saline front in the entire Ganges
dependent area, including the Sundarbans. Due to the increase in salinity the succession
processes of the various important tree species have changed, leading to a natural decline in
overall productivity of the forest. The situation was made worse by allowing tree felling,
especially in the 1980s and 1990s. Poor vegetation density has affected the wildlife.
Encroachment into the forest and poaching of wildlife have compounded the problems of the
forest. Recently, a part of the forest is considered as the Global Heritage Site and a project
has been launched to protect the forest and its biodiversity.
3.3.10 Sanitation
The present state of affairs with respect to sanitation is quite unsatisfactory, particularly in the
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rural areas. Only 36.9 percent of the population has acceptable sanitary systems for safe
disposal of excreta. Industrial wastes, indiscriminate defecation practices, and unhygienic
disposal of human waste often pollute surface water, which is an important source of water
for human use, including drinking. The coliform count of most surface water resources is
beyond the acceptable standard for any domestic use. Open water sanitary disposal causes
wide-scale contamination of water systems of Bangladesh, which is the major factor in
transmission and spread of various communicable waterborne diseases, including diarrhea,
cholera, and typhoid. Diarrhea is the single most important health hazard of the country. The
high infant mortality in Bangladesh is attributed to the high prevalence of various waterborne
diseases, and unhygienic sanitation practices.
3.3.11 Urbanization
Serious problems of environmental degradation are resulting from unplanned urbanization in
Bangladesh. The present pattern of urbanization is leading to various problems like land use
alterations; inadequate shelter, water, sanitation, and other facilities in slums and other urban
poor areas; degradation of community ambient environment; and little control of industrial
waste emissions; and is often compounded by environmental pollution due to inadequate
management of human and domestic wastes.
The capital city of Dhaka is among the fastest growing cities in the world, with an average
population growth of 6 percent per annum. The environmental problems of Dhaka have
already become a major concern to all strata of society, including the government, NGOs,
and scientists, as well as the country’s development partners and aid agencies. The World
Bank and the Asian Development Bank have sponsored a number of studies and public
consultations on environmental issues in Dhaka city. Apart from air pollution, household
solid waste poses the most serious threat to the city’s environment. According to one
estimate, 700-800 tons of household and commercial solid wastes are produced in the dry
season, and 900-1100 tons during the monsoon season. The wastes are dumped untreated in
nearby low-lying areas and water bodies, and act as sources of foul odor and pollute surface
water. The hazardous medical wastes from a large number of clinics and hospital are believed
to go through the same type of untreated disposal.
3.3.12 Climate Change

There is firm scientific evidence that the concentration of greenhouse gases, such as carbon
dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide, in the earth’s atmosphere is increasing, largely due to
human activities. The consequences will be progressive global warming and climate change.
The outlook for any particular country is still not fully clear, because of large uncertainties
regarding the rate and magnitude of warming. However, preliminary studies in the past few
years have yielded scenarios of Bangladesh’s probable vulnerability to climate change.
It is expected that Bangladesh may get warmer and wetter owing to global warming. Higher
precipitation may increase the area and depth of flooding, which will require additional
measures for protection and adaptation. Other probable impacts include, disruption of the
monsoon rhythm, prolonged drought, and increased frequency of cyclones. The most serious
consequence of climate change for Bangladesh will be a rise in sea level along the Bay of
Bengal coast, causing submergence of 10 to 20 percent of the land (including the
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Sundarbans), as well as saline intrusion in the rivers. Although climate change is a long-term
process, the implications for Bangladesh are vital for further policy planning. Box 5 gives a
brief account of the probable adverse impacts of climate change and how they will threaten
the journey toward sustainable development of the country.
Box 5: The Adverse Impacts of Global Climate Change that Will Affect Sustainable
Development
Bangladesh is facing severe imbalance in its hydrological cycle. On one hand, it possesses
less than seven percent of the total catchment area of the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna
(GBM) river systems originating from the Eastern Himalayan region, but has to drain out
about 93 percent of all the water discharged through the GBM system. Unfortunately, only in
four months between June and September over 70 percent of this water passes through the
country. On the other hand, the discharge in winter, especially during November and April is
scanty and rainfall during this period is at its minimum. As a result the evapotranspiration is
higher than rainfall during winter months leading to high degree of moisture stress and
drought condition. Both these phenomena simultaneously occur within each hydrological
year, making the country one of the most hazard-prone in the world.
The General Circulation Model (GCM) experiments on Bangladesh suggests that the
country will be highly susceptible to (i) increased flooding, both in terms of extent and
frequency, (ii) increased moisture stress during dry periods leading to increased drought
both in terms of intensity and frequency, and (iii) increased salinity intrusion during the low
flow conditions (Ahmed and Alam, 1998) in climate change conditions.
The risk of floods of higher intensities will be accentuated because of higher backwater
effect at the confluence of large rivers, the latter phenomenon will be significantly
influenced by sea level rise. Under climate change scenarios it is feared that about 18
percent of current low-lying flooded areas will face higher levels of flooding while about 12
to 16 percent of new areas will become flood prone (Alam et al., 1998). Therefore, in a
normal flood year extent of flooding may increase from 23 percent to 39 per cent, while
over two-thirds of the landmass of the country might be engulfed by water in a
catastrophic flood event under a warmer world. In addition, about 12 percent of all small
administrative units will face acute drought conditions under a warmer world (Ahmed,
2001). Increased water demand for irrigation would lead to increased withdrawal from the
already lean surface water systems leading to decrease in lean season flow in the rivers.
The western part of the country will particularly be vulnerable due to increased moisture
stress. Moreover, an additional quarter of a million hectare of land on top of 0.83 million
ha will become saline affected and will force the farmers to grow crops of lesser economic
return (Habibullah et al., 1998). All these water related natural disasters would directly
affect crop agriculture on which a large majority of the population find employment. If
hazard resistant crops/seeds are not developed it is feared that the food security of the
country will be threatened. It is projected that due to the adverse effects of climate change
it will be extremely difficult even to maintain the present level of agricultural production in
future. A combination of increased demands and possibility of reduced or same levels of
agricultural production will challenge the nation its thrust for attaining food-self sufficiency
in the near future.
One study shows that Bangladesh will be at higher risk from droughts (Karim, 1996) as an
effect of climate change, which will induce moisture stress and result in phenological
impacts it is predicted that the western parts of the country will be at greater risk of
droughts, both during the Kharif and pre-Kharif seasons. It is found that, under a
moderate climate change scenario, Aus production would decline by 27 percent while
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wheat production would be reduced to 61 percent (Karim et al., 1998). Under a severe
climate change scenario (with 60 percent moisture stress) yield of Boro might reduce by
55-62 per cent. Moisture stress might force farmers to reduce the area for Boro
cultivation. In case of a severe drought, forced by a change of average temperature by
+20C and a reduction in precipitation by 10 per cent, runoff in the Ganges, Brahmaputra,
and Meghna rivers would be reduced by 32, 25, and 17 percent respectively. This would
limit surface irrigation potential in the drought-vulnerable areas, and the challenge food
self-sufficiency programmes of the country.
Since the agriculture sector is the major provider of employment and there are indications
that it will remain so in the near future, loss of agricultural land will put people out of their
ancestral business, leading to mass unemployment. People’s livelihoods will be jeopardized
and over 50 percent of the population’s dream of graduating from below the poverty line will
remain a distant reality. The rural people driven by acute poverty will tend to migrate out
from their ancestral lands and as in the past, they would migrate in to the urban centres.
Large scale inter-community migration might lead to social unrest.
4. Sustainable Development in Action − A Few Examples

4.1 Background
Bangladesh, one of the poorest countries with enormous environment and development
challenges, has probably the most active non-government organizations and civil society
organizations in the developing world. Bangladesh has a very vibrant civil society movement
and large number of active NGOs, often with a sense of mission and commitment to social
justice and services to the community. It has over 6,000 registered NGOs out of which nearly
2000 are very active and around 200 playing a major role. The NGOs and several government
agencies and departments have much effective collaboration to implement sustainable
development actions involving community people. NGOs themselves also have taken major
strides, given the legal provisions of the state, toward implementing activities which in turn
will eventually lead to sustainable development.
In most cases, the state initiate programmes that often involve large participation of civil
society groups, stakeholders, professionals and sometimes the private sector. For example,
the Ministry of Environment and Forest initiated the National Environment Management
Action Plan, but the real actors were national and local NGOs, professional groups such as
environmentalists, researchers, journalists and development workers, who facilitated a nation
wide public consultation to include regional, local and sectoral concerns of people in the
planning process. Multiple actors mainly from communities including farmers, fishers, wage
earners, women, community leaders, NGOs, local government bodies and professional
groups actively participated in other programmes described in the following case studies.
They were very inter-active and built meaningful partnerships among one another while
implementing the programmes. Many of the initiatives in the sustainable development area
have been supported by UNDP, UNEP, UNFPA, World Bank, ADB, DFID, agencies of the
EU countries, Care International, CIDA and other international development partners
working in Bangladesh. A few examples of sustainable development in action are provided in
brief in Annex 1, while the following few examples show how participatory approaches have
led to the processes of sustainable development.
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4.2 Case Studies

4.2.1 National Environment Management Action Plan (NEMAP) −
Participatory Environmental Planning in Bangladesh
4.2.1.1 The Background and Objectives
National Environment Management Action Plan (NEMAP), as environmental planning, was
initiated by the state following the commitments made under Agenda 21. Ministry of
Environment and Forest (MoEF), Government of Peoples Republic of Bangladesh in
association with development partners both national and international including the
Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh (ADAB) and the Coalition of
Environmental NGOs (CEN) undertook the initiative. All participating agencies and
organizations worked on partnership basis during the whole process.
Integrated environment management and sound development planning emerged as two of the
major challenges faced by Bangladesh in the development domain in the early 1990s.
People’s participation in identification of environmental issues and concerns and finding
solutions to the problems with people’s prioritization from all walks of life were seen as cost
effective and sustainable starting points. From this point of view, the MoEF decided to
undertake the National Environment Management Action Plan in early the 1990s and the
Ministry was particularly responsible for launching and fostering the project along with a
number of key NGOs including Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS),
Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers
Association (BELA) etc. under the aegis of ADAB and CEN. Throughout the process large
sections of people from grassroot level not only identified problems but also suggested
feasible solutions to these problems. NEMAP was formulated in response to the current and
predicted environmental scenarios to identify actions required to mitigate their adverse
impacts on social and natural systems in the context of changes over time.
The dynamic behind a breakthrough process like NEMAP was to ensure Grassroot level
People’s Participation in the planning process and reflecting people’s concerns in the action
plan which was never done before in the country.
4.2.1.2 The Approach and Process

UNCED and the successive Agenda21 made the scope for integrating Environmental
concerns into Development process, it was mandatory for the Government of Bangladesh
(GoB) to identify true environmental concerns and integrate them into the broad development
plan and process. After the devastating flood of 1988, GoB formulated the Flood Action Plan
(FAP) with both financial and technical supports from various donors. The FAP was badly
criticised for not involving people in the planning process and did not consider of
environmental issues well in the plan and projects. As response to the criticism of the FAP,
ensuring people’s participation in the process got highest priority during the NEMAP
process. ADAB with assistance from a number of local NGOs organised 30 grassroots and
regional workshops in different agro-ecological zones of the country to capture the various
environmental problems faced by people and ecology. The NGOs took the challenges under
the leadership of ADAB to achieve the following objectives: to create an example of bottom
up people’s participatory planning process; to make NGOs as a complementary partner of the
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government in preparing national level plan and disproving the idea that “GO and NGO” can
not work together; to create an active basis of environment programme implementation at
mass level by raising the integration of GO-NGO and people; and to raise people’s awareness
country wide through workshops on environment. The following are the steps and contents of
the Grassroots workshops/Public Consultation: Problem identification; Cause Effect
Analysis; Ways to Resolve the Problems; and Distribution of responsibilities among the GoB
agencies, NGOs and Local communities.
The NEMAP exercise was carried out in different phases. In the first phase, a team of national
consultants, identified a number of areas and eco-systems undergoing rapid environmental
degradation, and prepared projects to stop the destruction. In the second phase, a team of both
national and international consultants had detailed discussions with different government
agencies and ministries to prioritise the sectoral issues and developed a list of sectoral projects
for those government agencies. In the final phase, the process consisted of an elaborate public
consultation facilitated mainly by national and local NGOs to include people’s concerns and
priorities, so that these could be reflected in the action plan. A total of 23 grassroots workshops
were held around the country in all of the important agro-ecological zones. Each workshop had
60-80 participants from all walks of life including farmers, fishermen, agri-labour, women,
teachers, local government officials, elected representatives and CEN representatives. A
separate survey was conducted to identify the major environmental issues and solicit solutions
to these problems on a priority basis. These activities were supplemented by holding a number
of other national workshops with participation from each of the major groups (professionals,
academics, government and semi-government policy planners, development thinkers, private
sector, women representatives, NGOs and CBOs, media professionals and others.). Based on
the recommendations of the workshops and findings of the survey, a number of prioritised
projects/activities were identified for future actions. Based on this an Action Plan was
developed, to undertake the identified activities involving the major stakeholders.
4.2.2 The Major Concerns and Actions identified

The main motivation behind the NEMAP process was to solicit various environmental and
development concerns of all the major agro-ecological zones of the country expressed by the
grassroot people and other stakeholders and professionals for making the plan holistic and
integrated. During the NEMAP process the major environmental problems faced by the
country, as identified by the stakeholders and grassroot people, can be categorised into four
broad groups:
• Sectoral issues (such as health and sanitation, degradation of land, water, and forest)
• Locational and eco-specific issues
• Long-term issues
• Institutional issues
Recommendations were made in the form of Action Plan for implementing the different
activities by different groups and organizations including the government and non-
government sectors and in some cases by both together. Currently the government has
initiated the Sustainable Environment Management Programme (SEMP), which is an attempt
to implement some of the projects identified in NEMAP. Around 26 projects were identified
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under SEMP to regenerate several already degraded ecosystems and to improve resources use
patterns and livelihood of the poor and resources users.
4.2.2.1 The Lessons Learned

Initially the good working relationship between GO-NGOs was lacking. There were lack of
mutual trust and cooperation between the GO-NGO partners but soon it was overcome
through continuous and meaningful interactions among the actors, in this regard professional
organizations like BCAS, BELA, FEJB, etc., acted as facilitators.
As the grassroot workshops were conducted in the various agro-ecological zones people
expressed locale specific problems. Professionals faced difficulties while aggregating data
from local to the national level, as it was difficult to reconcile and maintain all the local level
problems that were identified. This problem was partially resolved by taking a number of the
most widely quoted local environmental problems and pelting them in a group of “Location
Specific Issues,” the solutions to these problems were also given in terms of improved local
level planning and resource management.
Conflicts sometimes arose between groups from different professions in particular locations,
which could not always be resolved. In such cases the issue was flagged as an important
problem with different perspectives and pointed out the need for further in-depth study of the
problem with a view to conflict resolution.
4.2.3 The Reasons for Success

The government of Bangladesh, the international development partners, NGOs and civil
society considered NEMAP a major success. This is one of the few plans that has been
accepted and crossed all political boundaries and recognised as a commendable exercise in
environmental planning and people’s participation.
The key factor that made this process work was the frame of mind of cooperation and mutual
respect amongst the partners, primarily between the government, professional bodies like
BCAS and FEJB and NGOs. During the process of carrying out the exercise together, this
spirit of GO-NGO cooperation got even more reinforced. In particular, the grassroots
workshops proved to be a major learning exercise for the organisers themselves. The process
was thus a model of government-professional bodies and NGO cooperation.
Secondly, the process clearly showed that people at the grassroots, whether they have formal
schooling or not are extremely knowledgeable about their own environment and are aware
not only of their problems but also have a good idea as to the solutions. As a result of the
process it was found that the need was clearly not to try to focus on training to raise further
environmental awareness, but to stimulate environmental action.
4.2.4 Eco-specific Participatory Resources Management at Chanda Beel

Once two thirds of Bangladesh was wetland, mostly floodplains, which had been very rich in
flora and fauna. But increasing pressure of a growing population on natural resources and
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other associated human interventions have greatly depleted the resource bases, particularly
fisheries of many of the floodplains and the ecosystems of Bangladesh. Chanda Beel is one
of the large wetlands located in the south central part of Bangladesh facing tremendous
threats, over exploitation of fisheries and aquatic resources as well as various ill-conceived
human interventions due to lack of knowledge about ecosystems have already degraded the
wetland resources and ecosystems of this area.
In the early 1990s, the Department of Fisheries undertook Third Fisheries Project (TFP) for
enhancement of fish production and alleviation of rural poverty. Bangladesh Centre for
Advanced Studies (BCAS) was involved in monitoring and evaluation of the project and it
was found in the final evaluation that the project achieved very limited success due to top-
down approach and lack of true participation of the local people. While working with the
local community during the TFP, BCAS had a good relationship with the community of
Chanda Beel and got an understanding that wetland resources could be better managed
through people’s active participation in resource management. Further, based on previous
experiences from NEMAP and TFP, BCAS took this initiative to motivate the concerned
stakeholders of this particular area for sustainable wetland resources management. As BCAS
felt that an effective advocacy and awareness programme could upgrade local people’s
understanding about the nature and process of wetland resources if various stakeholders and
community people could be involved in resource management with some orientation and
motivation, which led to this project in Chanda Beel aiming at sustainable management of
wetland resources by building social capital to create greater cohesiveness, trust and common
purpose among the key stakeholders. Dr. Saleemul Huq, Executive Director, BCAS
developed the idea of the project while Mr. ASM Firoz Mallick implemented the project in
the field level. The Asia Foundation provided the financial support for carrying out the
project while Caritas Bangladesh was the key local partner at NGO level during the first the
phase of the project, which worked in close relation with the stakeholders including local
NGOs, Government officials, Local decision making bodies, teachers, fishermen, women,
farmers, local elites, land owners and traders of the project areas.
The central objective of the project was to build environmental awareness and to encourage
pro-active solutions to problems by local NGOs, local government and resource users with a
view to develop mechanisms by which these groups might better communicate. A people’s
participatory wetland management plan had been developed by BCAS in conjunction with
local stakeholder to give input over the course of the project.

Participation of local people was the guiding principal of this advocacy based project,
grassroots people were involved in wetland resources conservation and regeneration through
formation of Beel Management Committee (BMC) represented by the major stakeholders
including fishers, farmers, women, community leaders, Union Parishad (UP) and relevant
government departments and agencies, but the formation of the local BMC was a critical and
challenging task. BCAS organised a series of workshops and training programmes involving
the BMC and the local communities to develop their capacity/knowledge and realization
about their key role in wetland resources management.
During the first phase of the project BCAS organised a general workshop in June 1996
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inviting representatives from NGOs, government and local communities, where BCAS
mobilised the communities and addressed about the needs for the formation and arrangement
of institution for wetland resource management. In the second phase, a mass awareness
programme through rallies and discussions, advocacies, etc., were organised. Major activities
of the project can be summarised as:
• Training of NGOs, local government, elites, fishers and farmers in natural resource
management
• Development of effective communication between local government, NGOs and
local people with respect to environmental issues
• Habitat restoration activities
• Motivation and awareness building
4.2.4.3 The Major Concerns and Actions Identified

Identification of target stakeholders was done during the preliminary stages of the project.
This was followed by group-wise consultation to discuss primary concerns before the joint
preparation of action plans with each group. Local NGOs provided further information
regarding stakeholder profiles, together with details of their own thoughts concerning project
activities and project management.
Later on an extensive training programme was conducted to impart training of the staff
engaged in facilitation and skill development. The programme involved shared experiences
and field trips to other local natural resource management project sites. The training of male
and female staff was central to the Advocacy Project (in particular, training in “lobbying and
liaison-maintaining strategies”). In addition, local NGO staffs attended four programmes to
outline project objectives and approaches and to develop participatory skills emphasising on
building skills to maintain liaisons with NGOs, locally elected representatives and
government officials, and to develop ways in which local stakeholders could take greater
responsibility in solving problems and disseminating solutions.
In order to prepare a participatory wetland management action plan, the project

considered several activities. It formulated a Participatory Wetland Management Action
Plan (PWMAP) and identified a number of key environmental problems and specific
actions within the action regime such as policy, advocacy, and project in reference to
environment and natural resources management in Chanda Beel. To ensure sustainable
management of natural resources of Chanda Beel, one central committee and ten sub-
committees were formed involving representatives from all stakeholders and
professionals. The committees organised meetings frequently to discuss development and
natural resources conservation issues.
It was evident from a participatory assessment of the programme that people of the
surrounding villages of the beel have greater understanding about the causes and trend of the
degradation of natural resources (fish, snails, birds, aquatic vegetable, etc.) of the beel. They
are well aware of their environment and usefulness of the resources base for both natural
system and human existence.
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In the initial stage of the project, there have been some problems in terms of conflicts of
interests of different stakeholders i.e., fishers and farmers, but the strong motivation and
advocacy of the project successfully over came the problem within few months and built
concusses on some issues such fish conservation, banning of harmful fishing gears etc.,
among the stakeholders.
Many people did not have conservation motivation. They used to over exploit the fisheries
resources. For example, people had a common practice of de-watering pond for catching fish,
which killed the brood fish. The advocacy programme well convinced almost all the pond
owners not to de-water the ponds and to catch fish by netting, which preserved brood fish and
other species in the wetlands.
The social advocacy project mobilised community to excavate a link cannel of the Beel with
the river, but they had fund crisis. The project helped the community to canalise fund from
the District Administration through its advocacy and strong lobbying with the District
Commissioner and the concerned people at the relevant department.
4.2.4.5 The Reasons for Success

The project was both a ‘problem-solving’ and ‘long-term orientation’ program. The project
through its training and advocacy increased significant level of knowledge and awareness
among the stakeholders and community people about wise use and conservation of resources.
Further, the shared understanding, cooperation and consensus among the stakeholders and
committee members yielded good results.
4.2.5 Community Based Fisheries Management (CBFM) Project: GO and

NGO Collaboration Enhances Sustainable Use of Natural Resources
4.2.5.1 The Background and the Objective
The Community Based Fisheries Management (CBFM) project is a joint initiative between
the Department of Fisheries (DoFi), International Centre for Living Aquatic Resources
Management (ICLARM) and several NGOs including Bangladesh Rural Advancement
Committee (BRAC), Proshika Manobik Unnayan Kendra, Caritas Bangladesh, Banchte
Shekha etc., with funding provided by the Ford Foundation and DFID. The project was
developed in response to the limitations of the New Fisheries Management Policy. It
acknowledged that current leasing and licensing arrangements were unlikely to benefit
genuine fishers or ameliorate over fishing. The CBFM has been a serious attempt by the DoFi
to consider the potential value of various GO-NGO-fisher linkages and to experiment with
co-management models over a range of various types of water bodies. The CBFM attempted
to secure local access rights and encourage local management and initiative through
community development.

Being a co-management experimental project all the collaborating NGOs were equal partner
in terms of relation, but they got different responsibilities in terms area of intervention and of
volume of work. The government initiated the project and the DoFi played a key role
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followed by ICLARM who played a central coordinating role and facilitated monitoring and
evaluation of the projects. The precise roles of the collaborating NGOs were agreed upon
according to their previous experiences in fisheries projects and community development but
their key function was to target the poorest households and to assist in community
organisation and the development of alternative income generating activities for sustaining
their livelihood.
The DoFi played a major role in ensuring hand over of the proposed project sites at 19 Beels,
Baors and rivers, securing land transfer from the Ministry of Land to the Ministry of
Fisheries and Livestock. The DoFi also played a key role in co-ordinating meetings and
supporting community-led initiatives through their District and Thana Fisheries Officers,
Field Assistants, and Field Researchers. DoFi worked as the central coordinating agency.
Decisions were made in participatory mode at different levels. Regarding resource
management and conservation, local communities took decisions in consultation with
relevant government departments and NGO representatives.
The CBFM project attempted to secure local access rights to fisheries and encourage local
management through community participation. NGOs are efficient in social mobilization and
they were involved in organizing local communities and key stakeholders including fisheries,
farmers and women to form local resources river/Beel Management Committee (BMC).
NGOs further trained the stakeholders and committee members for sustainable management
of fisheries resources as well as to improve livelihood options. The BMC succeeded in
different aspects at different scales, in the forms of increasing access to resources,
involvement of local communities in management of resources, management skills, technical
aspects of fishing processing, Alternative Income Generation (AIG), diversification of
livelihood options, improving gender relations etc. The project recognised the need to
incorporate the elite and local political representatives into the BMC. It was considered
crucial to work with the powerful and rich katha owners, for instance, if new management
strategies were to incorporate controls on katha fishing and their placement.
BRAC adapted their experiences from the Oxbow Lake Projects to identify and organise poor
fishers and non-fishers into management committees capable of dictating stocking and
funding arrangements for the enhancement of 2-beel and 2-baor sites. This involved
reforming existing fisher co-operative societies to make management more inclusive and
transparent. BRAC provided credit at low interest rates and was active in implementing
complementary activities including sanitation, education, and health.
Caritas carried out its activities at four beel sites and one river site. In open beels it facilitated
establishment of sanctuaries and in closed beels it provided credit for stocking and new gears.
The Caritas approach emphasised community empowerment, the importance of sustained
organisation through the Management Committees and self-finance on project completion.
The active participation in the development of the fishery was encouraged through the
formation of savings for further investment, awareness raising, and the provision of training
programmes for group co-ordination within each fisher group.
Proshika worked exclusively at the flowing river sites and focused on organising traditional
fishing groups and providing training and favourable credit schemes for fishery and non-
fishery investments. Proshika’s work was complicated by the de jure open access of the
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flowing rivers following a government ruling in 1995 abolishing the previous leasing system.
Despite these problems Proshika managed to raise conservation awareness and diversified
fishing-related activities through support to secondary activities such as processing and fish
drying initiatives. In 1998, Proshika helped establish River Management Committees to
democratically represent fisher and other stakeholder concerns at the project sites.
Improvement of Ecosystems through Creating Social CapitalExperience from one of the
Proshika sites showed that project staffs interacted directly with the community at Titas Ka
via the CBFM river management committee and the Village Federations (VFs). They
facilitated the formation of the BMC and the VFs and were actively involved in training and
any awareness building of conservation issues.

Although there was no consensus building activity per se, the staffs of the project thought
that the considerable obstacles to forming the BMC had, in fact, been overcome by newly
created consensus. In addition, some of the development activities within the CBFM project
groups focussed on inclusion and mutual learning. These training activities were divided
between skills development (technical aspects of fishing, processing, knowledge of rights and
restrictions) and human development (gender relations, awareness building and local
organisation/leadership). This might have helped them to develop mechanisms for sustainable
resources use and better livelihood options of the many.

Before the commencement of the project the government authority believed that they were
only responsible and capable of managing fishery resources, but gradually the DoFi
recognised that the role and de facto managers of the fishery resources are the fishers
themselves. This became the guiding principal for formulating communities based fisheries
management (CBFM) project where the fishers and the local community played a
management role.
The enactment of the new fisheries rule of 1995 abolishing the previous leasing system in the
flowing rivers encouraged open access to fishery resources with a goal to benefit the
communities. This encouraged the local non-fisher power elites to over exploit the fishery
resources, which limited the traditional rights of the fisher communities. After the formation
of local river management committee involving representatives from different social strata
including the power elite in the management committee gradually improved the situation.
The active participation of the community people in resources management increased
awareness and practices for conservation and sustainable uses of resources.

Similar small-scale community based fishery management initiatives existed particularly in
parts of Northeast region. Though this is not a new practice but the project have a different
structure involving multiple actors including government, NGOs and local communities.
CBMF has been an experimental initiative to test co-management involving GO-NGOs and
stakeholders. The project achieved some degree of success in terms of social mobilization,
GO-NGOs relation, better resources management and conservation. Effective partnership and
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consensus building on resources use and conservation among the different stakeholders and
actors as well as mutual learning have been the key factors behind the success.
4.2.6 Enhancement of Rural Electrification through Consumers’

Cooperative
While the government controlled national power utilities in Bangladesh are plagued with
gross operational inefficiency, high system loss, poor service quality and lack of
accountability, the rural electrification programme, implemented through a consumers’
cooperative, has achieved significant success in terms of performance efficiency, consumers
satisfaction and accountability.
Rural Electrification Board (REB) and Palli Bidyut Samiti (PBS)s were created based on the
recommendation of a comprehensive feasibility study by National Rural Electric Cooperative
Association (NRECA) with financial support from USAID in the late 1970s to accelerate the
pace of rural electrification and rural development.

As a consumers’ cooperative the programme operates on a “no-profit and no-loss” principle.
The system loss in the rural electrification is around 15 percent compared to 35-40 percent
under the government controlled power utility agencies. Each rural electric cooperative is an
autonomous and decentralised power distribution system usually covering a rural district.
Board members are elected by the consumers themselves, who adopts the policies and plans
of the cooperatives. This ensures accountability and transparency in the activities of the
cooperative − unlike those of the public sector power utilities managed by the bureaucracy.
The employees of the electric cooperative are directly responsible to the board.
Beneficiary Members of Rural Electric Cooperatives popularly known as PBS under REB,
which is a statutory Government organization, make up consumer cooperatives. Since the
first PBS known as Dhaka PBS1 covering four sub-districts was formed in 1980, more than
60 PBSs are now providing electricity through out the rural areas of Bangladesh.

The PBS concept was basically aimed at improving the living standard of the rural poor
through generating employment and stimulating economic activities especially in the
agricultural sector.
The distribution network of rural electrification has now been extended to more than 30
thousand villages of the country’s 80 thousand villages compared to only 2,000 villages in
the early eighties. More than 3 million households are now connected to the system and enjoy
the benefit of rural electrification. Besides, about 70,000 small- and medium-sized industrial
units, 90,000 irrigation pumps, and half-a-million commercial shops are connected to the
rural electrification network. About 25 percent of the rural population now enjoys rural
electricity compared to less than 2 percent in the early eighties.
The PBSs in the REB system are provided with long-term soft loans by the government and
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international donor agencies. The PBSs are required to repay the loans over a period of 30
years.

The government generally had a strong commitment to rural electrification programme in
view of over all strategy to achieve rural development. However, the programme was not
cordially supported by a section of the Urban Electricity Utility Organization.
Along with positive impact on employment and income generation, the rural electrification
programme is increasingly identified with improved living conditions in the villages. The
electrified households now have the opportunity to experience information technologies.
Rural electrification also contributes to the operation of night schools for the adults and
dropouts in thousands of villages.
4.2.6.5 Reasons for Success

PBS has been marked by better financial solvency through almost 100 percent bill collection.
Conversely, the public sector utility organizations suffer from huge outstanding bills and
financial losses and, therefore, have to depend on increasing amounts of subsidy from the
government.
Rural electrification is now considered as most important rural infrastructure, which acts as a
catalytic factor for rural development. The programme makes significant contribution to
generation of employment and income opportunities. The emerging small and cottage
industries in the rural areas due to electrification create non-farm employment for the
unemployed and the underemployed in the labour-surplus agricultural sector. The
introduction of mechanised irrigation has led to increased cropping intensity and rise in the
production of food grains, especially of rice crop.
REB programme is both a ‘problem-solving’ and ‘long-term orientation’ toward achieving

the goal of total electrification of the country through people’s participation under
decentralised power distribution system.
Sense of ownership and participation of the beneficiary consumers in the programme was
instrumental in achieving the sustainability of the programme. The programme has already
achieved a status of a national programme and some of the large PBSs have built their own
power generation plant to minimise their dependence on power generation agencies.
4.2.7 Solar Photovoltaic Electricity: An Innovative Initiative in an

Isolated Village of Bangladesh
Electricity is the cleanest and most convenient of all forms of energy. However, it is not
always possible for electricity to reach all villages, islands, coastal areas, hilly areas and
other inaccessible parts of the country. Because of the scattered nature of settlements
specially in the rural areas where there is low consumer density per unit area and
transmission and distribution cost from a central grid is prohibitively high. The only way
out of this difficulty is by decentralizing power distribution, which can be done
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conveniently by using PV systems.

A GO-NGO collaborative effort was made to provide solar-based electricity to the remote
villages of Karimpur and Nazarpur. A few organizations from both government and non-
government sectors played a key role in GO-NGO collaboration. In the government sector the
organizations are Planning Commission, Ministry of Energy and the Ministry of Science and
Technology. In the non-government sector Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies
(BCAS), Centre for Mass Education and Science (CMES) and some other environmental
NGOs played a note worthy role. Under a French grant the Rural Electrification Board
requested the BCAS had to provide expertise in order to set up a system of centralised
generation of solar-based power and to provide photovoltaic systems for each of the target
beneficiary households. In addition to the above both GO-NGO and Private Companies have
undertaken some new initiative for dissemination of the Solar Photo Voltaic (PV)
technologies. The Narshingdi Palli Bidyut Samiti (PBS) was primarily responsible for
managing the Solar PV projects.

The villages of Karimpur and Nazarpur are two remote islands, which occupies an area of
about 29 km2 and are bounded by the river Meghna. The length between the extreme south
and north points are about 8 km and that between the extreme east and west points about 6.7
km. These two villages were selected for the project because these two villages were
deprived of conventional grid electricity supply. Besides, the two villages have different
categories of potential users like household, commercial shops, community institutions
(schools, health centres, etc.) and cottage industries who have the affordability to bare the
cost of their PV systems. The proximity of the two villages to Narshingdi PBS, which took
the initial mobilization task, was also an important criteria for selecting these two villages.
The total number of households in the project area is 8,593 of which 4,543 are in Nazarpur
and 4,050 are in Karimpur. The average family size of the household is 5.32. The majority of
the populations are farmers and businessmen. The site is about 3 km away from Narsingdi
district headquarters, which can be reached from the main land by boat and is only about 60
km away from the capital city of Dhaka, which is about one and a half-hour journey.
There was no community scale Solar PV project in this area before this initiative. Some
isolated systems are however in operation in remote locations. The communities were
involved right from the beginning of the feasibility study of the project. Training sessions for
the potential consumers were organised to give them first hand knowledge on the Solar PV
technologies. Besides the communities were also organised within the institutional
framework of Narshingdi PBS.
A total of 796 PV systems of six types ranging from 6 Wp to 736 Wp have been
supplied/installed. These 796 PV units are divided into two broad categories, (1) a stand-
alone system, and (2) a charging-station-based system. The energy mix of Karimpur and
Nazarpur comprises 60% to 70% domestic users, around 20% commercial users, the
remaining 10% to 20% are social and community institutions. A solar culture has already
caught up in the area. Some consumers have already made comments saying that their PV
systems are better than the grid, because the entire system is under their control and there is
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no fear of unwanted blackout because of load shedding. They know how to plan the duration
of different appliances to get the maximum benefits. Collecting information through a
questionnaire has assessed consumers’ reaction. The opinion of the consumers as to the
acceptability of the systems ranged from good, to satisfactory (reliable but duration of
operation less than expected and needs occasional services), and unsatisfactory.

There was a lack of continuous training to educate the consumers for sustainable and efficient
use and maintenance of the PV system.The introduction of the solar PV system in remote and
isolated areas, which is renewable and has almost no environmental pollution is helping to
achieve the twin goals of sustainable development through diversification of livelihood
options as well saving the already diminishing conventional energy resources.

The PV convenience is a unique advantage of this new technology. In addition, it does not
need any conventional fuel and as such there is no fuel cost – a great relief in these days of
energy crisis. Above all, there are no moving parts in this system resulting in quiet
functioning, long durability and a soundless environment.
The initiative was both a ‘problem-solving’ and ‘long-term orientation’ type at the same
time. Since these areas have no opportunities to grid based electric supply solar PV was
considered to be a viable option for these locations. Currently the government is planning
to replicate this project in other remote location with financial support from World Bank
and other donor agencies.
5. Institutional Framework for the Sustainable Use of

Natural Resources
In the post-UNCED environment-hyped ‘new development order’, many Bangladeshi
institutions have emerged in order to help the nation achieve sustainable development.
Unfortunately, owing to poor understanding of the interlinkages among various issues of the
concept of sustainable development, the majority of these institutions largely ignored the
aspects of sustainable social and economic development, while concentrating only on the
issues of environment and resource management. As a result, in Bangladesh, sustainable
development has become synonymous with environmental development. In the absence of a
specific and holistic state-led policy framework on the entirety of sustainable development,
the legal and institutional regimes of it have been concentrating, although inappropriately, on
issues of environmentally sound resource management.
With active participation of the national institutions as mentioned, at least in urban-based

workshops and seminars, issues of environmentally sound resource management are getting
gradually increasing and noticeable attention from various quarters. As mentioned earlier,
environmentally sound development is coined in the two successive national plans, i.e., the FoFYP
and the FiFYP. The two most noticeable institutions are: (a) the National Environmental Council,
headed by the Prime ministerof the State; and (b) the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF).
The Department of Environment and Pollution Control has been reintroduced as the Department of
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Environment (DOE), the technical wing of the MOEF with a mandate to implement the policies
made by the ministry. Meanwhile, in the informal sector, various other institutions have
mushroomed with diverse means of achieving sustainable environmental management.
5.1 The Legal Framework

To facilitate implementation of the state’s call for promotion of environmentally sound
resource management, the MOEF formulated the National Environment Policy (NEP), which
was subsequently approved by the government in May 1992. The ministry also decided to (a)
prepare Guidelines for an Environment Action Plan, (b) adopt the National Conservation
Strategy (NCS), and (c) make Environmental Impacts Assessment (EIA) mandatory prior to
implementation of any industrial and development related activities.
In the National Environment Policy of 1992 the state declared the following institutional
structure:
• All Ministries/Directories and other Government Institutions will take into

consideration the environmental impacts of all the programmes under their
implementation
• Active cooperation between private and public sectors in implementing
environmental conservation and development activities will be encouraged
• MOEF will coordinate the implementation of environment related activities
• A National Environmental Committee will be formed with the Head of the
Government as the chairperson to give direction toward the implementation of this
programme. The ministers of the concerned Ministries will be the members of this
committee. The Secretary of the MOEF will be the Member-Secretary of this
Committee. The Committee will meet at least once a year
• To measure the EIA in every development project technical capability and
manpower has to be increased in the MOEF and the DOE. Staff involved with
planning design will be imparted environment related training. The impact of
environment should be mentioned in detail in project proposals
• The MOEF will design, publish, and distribute a Status Paper on the State of
Environment once every five years
• If necessary, the MOEF may take appropriate actions to change environmental
policy or redesign a new policy and it can also make necessary changes to
environment related implementation programmes
The NEP was meant to set the future course of the legal and institutional structures
corresponding to the present and expected future course of the environmental management
problems of the country. The NCS identified over 40 legislations in reference to control of
pollution and protection of environment. Unfortunately, some parts of the then legal structure
were largely inappropriate.
The NEP of 1992 made three distinct changes in the legal structure. These include: (i)
Existing laws regarding environment will be reviewed by an inter-Ministerial Committee.
The Committee will be empowered to make necessary revisions to these laws. (ii) This
Committee will be empowered to make concrete proposals regarding the formulation of new
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laws in relation to environmental conservation and development. (iii) From now on every
concerned ministry will ensure that the new laws involving that particular ministry will not
adversely affect the environment (NEP, 1992). Undoubtedly, the promises made in the NEP
were quite ambitious, given the prevailing elitist bureaucratic regime, which has been a
mentor of top-down planning without assuming any responsibility toward adverse aftereffects
of any decision. Furthermore, the NEP never received the political blessing it desperately
needed for successful implementation of the policy regime. Environmental concerns have not
yet been found in the objectives of the major political parties. As a result, the objectives of
the NEP have not so far been met, even after almost a decade of its adoption.
In addition to a policy on environmental issues, a few other policies have been adopted on
various aspects of resource management. These include (i) Forestry Policy (1994), (ii)
National Energy Policy (1995), (iii) National Fisheries Policy (1997), (iv) National
Agriculture Extension Policy (1997), and (v) National Water Policy (1998). An effort has
been made to prepare the National Land Use Policy, the document is now being reviewed by
the concerned Ministry.
In order to enforce the legal provisions toward implementing these policies, a few new legal
instruments have been enacted, in addition to the century-old rules and regulations. In 1995
the National Parliament passed the National Environment Act (NEA), which is essentially an
upgraded version of the earlier instrument called the Environmental Pollution Control
Ordinance 1977. To enforce the NEA the environmental Conservation Rules were published
by a gazette notification in 1997. The rules specify the powers and functions of the DOE (see
Box 6) and the responsibilities of industries to ensure conservation of the eco-systems.
In addition to formulation and subsequent adoption of sectoral policies, in a number of cases

the state provided strategies and specific development plans toward implementation of these
policy regimes. For example, the Forestry Policy is complemented with a Forestry Master
Plan (1995), where as the National water Management Plan is now being formulated to
support the policy directives enshrined in the National Water Policy. In other cases, ancillary
policies and plans were developed toward implementing the activities concerning
environmentally sound resource management. For example, to promote agriculture, policies
on seeds and fertiliser have been adopted.
5.2 The Institutional Structure

The administrative and development activities of the state are generally performed by line
ministries, in association with their technical wings in the form of Directorates, Departments,
Boards and research Councils and Institutions. But there exists a very strong sectoral-bias
toward performing their day-to-day activities.
Environmentally sound resource management activities, therefore, are shared by a number of

state-run organizations. Table 7 gives a partial picture of an array of government and semi-
government agencies involved in the management of various resources. As stated earlier, the
Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF) is the organisation which is given the task of
preventing natural resources degradation from pollution and maintaining, if not improving
upon, the remaining forest resources of the country. The DOE is one of its technical agencies
dealing with environmental conservancy.
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Table 7: Agencies Involved in Resources Management (Partial List)
Issue/ Line Ministry Supporting agencies

Resource
State Market Civil society
Environment MOEF DOE, DOF FBCCI BCAS, BUP,
IUCN, CEN
FEJB, BELA
Land Ministry of Land Directorate of Land REHAB CPD, BELA,
Resources, SRDI CUS, FEJB
Water Ministry of Water BWDB, WARPO, SWMC, EGIS BUP, BCAS,
Resources RRI CPD, FEJB
Fisheries/ Ministry of DOFi, DOLi Proshika-
Livestock Fisheries and MUK
Livestock
Agriculture Ministry of BARC, BADC, DAE Seed BKF, BUP,
Agriculture Importers BRAC
Association
Energy Ministry of Energy BPC, TGTDL Unocol, BUET,
Mineral & Mineral Occidental, BCAS, CPD,
Resources Shell- CMES
Bangladesh
Industries Ministry of BCIC FBCCI, DCCI BCAS
Industries
Local MLGRD BARD, LGED, CEN, BRAC
Government DPHE
Science & MOST BSTI, BCSIR FIVDB,
Technology Bastob, GK
Defense Ministry of BMD, SPARRSO National
Defense Universities
Information Ministry of BTV, Bangladesh National
Information Betar (Radio), PID Press Club,
CDL, SDSL
Disaster Ministry of Disaster Grameen
Management Disaster Management Bank, ADAB,
Management & Bureau
Relief
There are three institutions, superior to the line ministries, which provide guidance toward
implementing the state’s resource management policies. The National Environment
Committee, as described earlier, is one such organization. The other two are, (a) the National
Economic Council, and (b) the National Water Council. All these are highly powerful
institutions, headed by the Prime Minister, with a mandate to resolve inter-policy conflicts
and facilitate inter-ministerial coordination.
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Box 6: Authority and Power of the Department of Environment (DOE)

The DOE, headed by the Director General (DG), is the technical wing of the MOEF.
Previously known as the Department of Environment Pollution Control (DEPC), it came into
existence in 1989. In addition to the Headquarters in Dhaka, the capital; it has four regional
offices located in Chittagong (the southeast), Khulna (the southwest), Dhaka (central), and
Bogra (the northwest). The following are the major activities of the DOE.
• To carry out research and development for conservation and improvement of the
environment
• To monitor and examine sources of all possible effluents/emissions, ensure mitigation of
any environmental pollution, and determine from time to time the standard limits of the
effluents/emissions
• To grant Environment Clearance Certificates (ECC), following evaluation and review of
EIA/EIS of existing and/or proposed industrial units, provided that all legal requirements are
complied with by the concerned units
• To declare Ecologically Critical Areas where an eco-system has either degraded or
reached a critical state, and regulate operations or processes to be initiated in that area
• To ensure regular dissemination of information regarding environmental pollution
The Environmental Act 1995 conferred administrative power upon the DG of the DOE to
give order, directions or issue notifications to the owners of any industrial plant/unit toward
controlling and integrating pollution caused by their activities. In an event of non-
compliance the DG can serve notice for closure of the unit. However, provisions are made
to serve the order/direction/notification for closure only when the unit is given reasonable
opportunity to make it environmentally efficient. The DG or anyone authorized by him is
given the power to inspect any industrial unit for examining samples of effluent and/or
waste, or for any other purposes.
Besides the state-run institutions, there are private agencies and associations of various
stakeholders who operate within the given policy and legal regimes. At the grassroots level
there are farmers’ cooperatives, association of fisherfolk communities, water user’s
association and others. The Federation of Bangladesh Chamber of Commerce and Industries
(FBCCI) is the apex body of the business community operating at the central level.
Generally, the level of understanding regarding the legal regime of environmentally sound
resource management among the representatives of the private sector is very poor. As a
result, their obligation toward these legal instruments is, generally, very poor.
Furthermore, the wealthier members of the private sector show little or no respect to the legal
instruments and cause large-scale degradation of the natural environment. For example, the
export-oriented leather processing tannery industries disregarded the government’s initiative
to relocate their highly polluting units from the capital city, even when the state was prepared
to bear the cost of relocation and installation of a central effluent treatment plant in the new
location. Not only the government’s decision was in favour of their relocation, the entire civil
society was supporting such an initiative. But the association of tannery industries opposed
the decision and still these units are in operation in the capital city − threatening the health
and livelihood of everyone living in the neighbourhood.
Fortunately, there exist a large number of other types of non-government and community
based organizations/institutions, often representing the conscience part of the society,
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academics, members of NGOs and CBOs, and the media. As a part of the polity/civil society
they have taken a complementary role, in some cases the leadership, toward guiding the
society to a sustainable environmental regime. These organizations and individuals are very
active in considering action and policy research, advocacy, public litigation, awareness
raising, and even demonstration against ill motives. They organise research-backed policy
dialogues with their government counterparts; held public hearings/workshops/seminars;
launch awareness campaigns; and take part in writing policy documents and formulating
strategies and plans.
5.3 Implementation Bottlenecks

The first bottleneck is, perhaps, assigning priority. The long-term concerns of sustainability
get outweighed by the decisions made on the basis of short-term high economic gains, even if
it involve high externalities. The political process forces a leader to be myopic and
concentrate on short-term gains only, disregarding longer-term environmental concerns.
The classical example is to achieve ‘food self-sufficiency’, instead of ‘food security’. The
former objective, already limited to food grain self-sufficiency in practice, has been
maintained by all the political parties just to maintain status-quo of the political economy of
the country. As a result, most of the perennial and seasonal wetlands and almost all the
marginal lands are brought under cultivation of paddy alone. By the fiscal year 2000-2001,
the country finally had achieved long-coveted food self-sufficiency. But, meanwhile, the
cropping intensity soared from less than 150 to about 190 percent in three decades and most
of the lands have lost essential nutrients and micro-nutrients (Karim and Iqbal, 2001). Some
unpublished data of Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture (BINA) suggest that
increase in cropping intensity coupled with paddy monoculture has actually mined these
nutrients and micronutrients from the top soil all around the country (BINA/BUP, 2002). As
a result of ‘technically wrong’ but politically somewhat justified prioritization by the
political elites, people today are getting enough paddy, but their long-term food security is
under severe threat.
Secondly, there are many instances where conflicts between inter-sectoral policies do exist,
but enough emphasis has not been given to resolve them. Environmental issues get relegated
when Agriculture Policy is in conflict with the National Water Policy – for a certain part of
the year wetlands are converted into paddy fields. There may be many other examples (Ali,
1997; Asaduzzaman and Toufique, 1994). Although, the NEP called for revisitation of these
conflicting issues and asked the proposed inter-Ministerial Committee to resolve these, in
reality nothing has happened since the policy was adopted.
The majority of the current legislations have been in existence for a long time, a few were
enacted as early as in the 19th century. A large majority of these century-old laws/rules
remained vaguely known to the responsible public agencies. As a result, these remained
largely ineffective. Some laws also have become redundant since the situations for which
they were enacted no longer exists.
Given the inadequacies of the legal regime, the performance of the state-run institutions is far
less than acceptable. There is a serious lack in establishing environmental governance,
allegedly due to large-scale inefficiency and widely practiced corruption on the part of the
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public servants and office bearers involved in the relevant government offices. There is a
deficiency in trained human resources in the DOE, despite the fact that most of the officials
were sent abroad at least once to receive training in the relevant field. There have been a
number of projects in the past to develop the capacity of the organisation and its personnel.
The capacity of DOE to organise inspection, surveillance, and monitoring on a regular basis
is rather less than adequate. This has been manifested in serving notice to over 1100 polluting
industries during 1997-98, though no legal actions were taken for any of those industries in
the following years. Although the EIA process has been made mandatory, there is virtually
no follow-up on environmental improvement measures, as described in the EIA reports of
polluting enterprises. The institutional memory of the MOEF is unacceptably poor due to
frequent transfer of its officials.
There exists a large gap in terms of inter-ministerial and inter-agency coordination with
regard to environmental activities. Although belonging to the same state, there is a noticeable
lack of mutual respect among the Ministries. Several Ramsar Sites have been identified and
designated by the MOEF and these sites now fall under the provisions of the international
agreements such as the Ramsar Convention and the Convention on Biological Diversity. But
conservation activities in these sites could not be started properly due to lack of coordination
among the MOEF; the Ministry of Land; the Ministry of Water Resources; the Ministry of
Fisheries and Livestock; and the Office of the District Commissioners of the concerned
districts. Sometimes a Ministry deliberately disregards the legal provisions laid in favour of
the MOEF. While there had been strong lobbying by the civil society to ban polluting
vehicles with two-stroke engines, the Ministry of Commerce allegedly encouraged to import
over 50,000 two-stroke engines from neighbouring India − completely disregarding the
people’s interests. Sometimes the legal custodian of the environment, the MOEF, is found to
grossly violate its own mandate. During the period of 1996 to 1998 the MOEF itself allegedly
allowed legal felling of trees within the ever-degrading Sundarbans, disregarding both the
legal provisions and the protest of the civil society.
The Ministries/Departments belonging to the sectors that contribute large amounts to the
public exchequer, such as the Ministry of Industries and the Ministry of Commerce, and/or
that draw a large amount of FDI are found to enjoy ‘unofficial rights’ to disregard the legal
framework. EIA processes concerning oil and gas exploration, production, transmission,
and distribution by the foreign companies are mostly non-transparent, although these
processes could be highly damaging. Weaknesses in EIA and lack of transparency allowed
Shell Bangladesh, a subsidiary of Shell Inc., to avoid any penalty despite the huge forest
fire created by their faulty operations in 1997. Another foreign company was given the
right to begin offshore exploration operations within impact zones that included the
Sundarbans forest − a global heritage site. The civil society launched a movement against
such operations, while the foreign company took refuge in the permission they received
from the DOE/MOEF.
It is often observed that a lack of inter-agency coordination hinders implementation of the

legal regime. For example, the farmers often do not get the benefit of the Fertiliser
Recommendation Guide, a research based guide to use fertiliser as per requirement in each
agro-ecological zone (AEZ) of the country for each dominant cropping pattern within each
AEZ, due to the lack of coordination in activities among the Department of Agriculture
Extension, DOE and the Bangladesh Agriculture Research Council (BARC).
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6. Use of Appropriate Technology for Sustainable

Development
In the history of mankind, there has never been so much advancement in development and
use of technology toward improving the lives of millions around the world than in the last
fifty years. Trendy technologies have penetrated into the daily lives of even the common rural
people and influenced their lives once and forever. Technologies have come here primarily as
a boon, although there are instances where technologies have adversely affected the lives of
many in the country.
Certain technologies are helping the country to achieve sustainable development. It is a well-
established fact that economic development cannot sustain without development in the power
sector. Even twenty years ago, a large share of power was being generated by burning diesel.
These old and inefficient technologies are in the process of being phased out. With the
development of a natural gas sector, Bangladesh not only replaced its old technologies for
power generation, but also invested in improved gas-based technologies to increase its power
generation efficiency. The baseline for power generation is now defined with natural gas
based technologies. Although both peat and coal are locally available fuel, for all practical
purposes these are no longer considered as appropriate fuel for power generation. Moreover,
solar energy is now considered as an alternative to provide limited electricity in households,
located in remote areas, which cannot be brought under the electricity grid system. This was
made possible by the application of solar photovoltaic technologies.
With gradual development of the power sector, many rural families are enjoying the benefit
of electricity. Candles and age-old Kupi (traditional oil lamps) are now being replaced by
incandescent bulbs for lighting small to big commercial enterprises and rural and urban
households. Those who are acquainted with relatively higher energy efficiency of fluorescent
bulbs and and have the appropriate level of income are adapting quickly to the improved
technology. The poorer section of the society extensively uses radios and the richer fraction
use television as sources of both recreation and information.
Improvement in transportation and telecommunication has also changed the lives of many.
For marketing of high value agricultural products, even a rural farmer from a remote area is
found to travel tens of kilometers to find the most suitable market. It was simply unthinkable
twenty years ago. Although health facilities are concentrated only in urban to semi-urban
areas, people now take the trouble to come to those centres in order to consult physicians. On
the roads of Bangladesh all sorts of vehicles are found to run, transporting passengers and
freight from one place to the other. Improvement of telecommunication changed the lifestyle
of a large population; even the poorest can have an access to a mobile phone and send
messages from the remotest of the villages.
Agriculture is no longer done following traditional methods. Modern seeds are sown in
line, often transplanted instead of broadcasting seeds, chemical inputs are given in the form
of fertilisers and pesticides, irrigation is given to ensure high productivity and easier
weeding. Even the irrigation methods embraced advanced technologies. Farmers may not
be literate, but they now know the importance of all the modern technologies involved in
crop production.
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Now the most common person in a village knows that polythene bags can be useful in order
to increase shelf life of perishable food items, aluminum and plastic strips can effectively
protect a common medicine from humidity and insect attack, and that pasteurization can
prevent rotting of milk. The shallow tube well engines are now used in mechanised boats
during peak monsoon when irrigation is no longer needed. All these are adequately
understood and locally managed in almost everywhere in Bangladesh.
6.1 Technology Adoption

Technology adoption in Bangladesh, given the low literacy rates and socio-religious
backwardness, has been quite satisfactory. As soon as people find a technology useful and
economically viable, they try their best to adopt it quickly, often without proper institutional
support and incentive. In most cases of technology adoption people tend to follow the
simplest approach − learning by doing. The farmers of Bangladesh doubled the production of
food grains even before doubling of the population, it was solely because of quick adoption
of technological packages which were made available to them.
The formal institutions have also played a very significant role in technology adoption. In the
case of agricultural technologies the Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation
(BADC) played an important role in the dissemination of irrigation, fertiliser, and improved
seed related technologies; the National Agriculture Research System (NARS) involving a
number of research institutes played the most significant role of researching and developing
improved and high yielding seed varieties and other technological packages suitable for
various Agro-ecological Zones (AEZ) of the country; while the Department of Agriculture
Extension (DAE) played pivotal role of relentless demonstration and persuasion at the
grassroots level. Lately, the NGOs came forward with training and advocacy programmes
which helped disseminate technological packages for agricultural development.
Indeed, the government machinery has been instrumental in disseminating information

concerning improved technologies in all aspects of life. Radio campaigns reached almost all
the households in the country with the message of family planning, reproductive health care,
appropriate use of birth control methods − targeted to raise awareness and help people
arresting population growth. Given the level of education, awareness, and the prevailing
socio-cultural and religious background, the country successfully reduced the CBR and
population growth rate significantly. Similar other achievements could be made in the health
sector where a number of campaigns were launched by the government institutions toward
popularizing technologies with respect to personal hygiene, primary health care,
immunization, use of oral saline to fight against diarrheal diseases and more. The CBOs and
the NGOs have also been quite successful in disseminating information to bring about social
changes through technology adoption.
Such a combined effort paid good dividend toward achieving sustainable development. Still
there are many areas where more could be done for popularizing appropriate technologies.
For example, the improved biomass chula (cooker) should have been adopted well had the
information been disseminated by all concerned agencies properly. It could have saved 40-50
percent of all the cooking biomass, the major source of energy, through efficiency
improvement. It could help the rural women, the cook in millions of households, from
damaging their lungs. Finally, it could enable the farmers to save important biomass such as
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cow dung, and allow them to use it toward replenishing organic carbon in the topsoil. A
perfect step toward sustainability! Such a win-win technology, somehow, failed to attract
both the formal and informal sector institutions for wide scale dissemination.
6.2 Risks of Inappropriate Technology Adoption

There are instances where inappropriate use of technologies, mostly due to lack of knowledge
with regard to their application, have led to negative externalities in terms of economy,
society, and environment. A few examples will illustrate the problems.
In earlier sub-sections, the problems of adoption of modern agriculture are already

highlighted. Monoculture of HYV paddy resulted in the erosion of the local crop
biodiversity; now it is impossible to find those genetic signatures, which had become
resistant to many locally found plant pathogens. If there is an outbreak of viral disease for
which the new types of seeds are not yet resistant, it might suddenly cause complete
destruction of crop production unless a remedy is made available. There exists a potential risk
to the current agriculture and agricultural production.
The farmers were told to spray pesticides in the fields in order to check pest attacks. Little did
they know about the size of the nozzles of the sprayers those are being manufactured locally.
Meanwhile, the local spray machine producers requested the state to ban import of such
machines from abroad. Farmers do not know that the bigger the size of the nozzle the bigger
the droplet of the pesticide would become. In absence of proper standard, these spraying
machines are operated by the ignorant farmers, producing big droplets of (pesticide)
chemicals with very short airborne time, and as a result, most of the pesticides are being
wasted in the fields. Since the technology is not known to the farmers, they are spending
more for overall application of pesticide without being paid back for their investment.
Although the rate of pesticide application with respect to some other countries are still low,
but higher levels of wastage is causing accumulation of hazardous pesticides on the field
which ultimately is drained off to neighboring low-lying lands during very early monsoon.
Unfortunately, the time coincides with spawning time for many floodplain fish varieties and
the juveniles are killed due to toxic effects of pesticides. This is an example how
inappropriate use of technology can impede the process of sustainable development.
Pesticides generally used in agricultural fields are very good at killing household insects such
as ants and cockroaches. To prevent attack of ants and other similar insects, people tend to
apply such chemicals on dried food items including dried fish. The ignorant people do not
know that large quantities of these chemicals, if accumulated in the human bodies over long-
term exposure, can kill them!
Set bag nets with very small mesh size were produced to increase fish catch when the
competition for catching fish from common property regime increased with increasing
population. Now these nets are being used, although illegal, to catch even the fries and the
juveniles. As a result, the gross annual fish catch from the openwater bodies is decreasing
over time. Inappropriate use of such nets is causing a gradual depletion of fisheries resources,
the most important local resource containing animal protein.
Embankments have been designed, since the late sixties, to prevent highly potential
agricultural lands in the floodplains from annual and coastal flooding, which resulted in a
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quick increase in agricultural production. These were adopted following the success of the
Dutch in somewhat similar conditions. But unfortunately, drainage infrastructure was not
designed properly. As a result, they cause severe drainage congestion and subsequently
increased sedimentation both in the floodplains and the riverbeds leading to increased flood
vulnerability in the area. Moreover, these structures impeded fish migration by blocking their
annual migratory routes. Both resulted in loss of overall production.
With the phenomenal growths in terms of both urbanization and urban transportation, the
people in Dhaka found themselves living in a gas chamber. The city routes are jammed with
imported old cars and diesel-run mini-buses which emit a large amount of CO2, CO, NOx,
and volatile organic carbons (VOC) everyday. In addition, inefficient engines only partially
burn fuel, often of low quality and cause emission of particulate matters in the form of soot
and lead particles. As a result, the air quality of Dhaka has deteriorated significantly and the
city dwellers are exposed to very harmful substances, even carcinogens!
7. Conclusion
As one of the least developed country the major development thrust of Bangladesh has been
toward poverty alleviation. To achieve this objective a multitude of goals have been set that
include (i) becoming self-sufficient in food production, (ii) reducing population growth rate,
(iii) creating employment, (iv) assisting vulnerable groups (i.e., poor), etc. Examining the net
increase in number of poor one may infer that such attempts have not been successful, but the
country could at the least arrest growth of proportion of the population under poverty, despite
a rapid increase in gross population who are repeatedly being devastated by extreme weather
events. Denting poverty meaningfully is an uphill challenge for the country. Having engaged
in fighting against poverty, with minimal and uncertain availability of resources, Bangladesh
also has to begin its journey toward sustainable development.
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In the 1990s, the country have taken a major stride toward defining its regulatory regimes
which would enable it achieving the goals of sustainable development. Democracy is restored
and a number of elections have been conducted. A number of policies and strategies are
formulated. Despite changes in government by elected parties with different political
ideologies, very little or negligible alterations have been observed in the regulatory
frameworks. Activities with respect to managing natural resources and environment are now
guided by the accepted policies. Making current policies operational can be considered as a
major breakthrough toward Bangladesh’ journey to sustainable development.
The emergence of specific policies for environmentally sound development, an absolute

criterion for sustainability, is commendable. Relegating environmental considerations for
achieving rapid economic growth − a reality in most developing countries − does not appear
to be true for Bangladesh, at least on paper. Unfortunately, very weak institutional
arrangements have resulted in an unacceptably poor state of environmental governance. As a
consequence, regenerative capacity of a few natural resources is under severe stress. In
addition, there are major conflicts in current policies which have become impediments for
implementation. It is necessary to examine the inadequacies of the policies and remove the
barriers of implementation.
In social sectors the country have some laudable achievements in the 1990s. The recent
developments in the social sectors, despite the pitfalls, indicate that it is progressing in the
right direction. Increase in coverage for various social services should be maintained along
with continued efforts for improvement in quality of such services. Successive governments
have engaged NGOs to offer social services (such as primary health care, primary education
etc.) and the early results are encouraging. GO-NGO collaborative efforts toward enhancing
quality of lives of the people at the grassroots should be continued. The state could not
effectively engage local governments in the local area development processes, especially in
developing the rural areas. The mindset in favour of top-down approach must be changed and
local participation must be given high priority in designing and implementing future
development activities.
The civil society/polity has been playing a major role in guiding the decision-making bodies
to define development pathway of the country. Dialogues on various development issues,
involving the beneficiaries, the actors, and the development partners have been critical for
proper mapping of the development pathways. In many instances, the pro-active roles played
by the non-government think tanks facilitated the implementation of various people oriented
development programmes. It is necessary to continue the dialogues and debates for shaping
up the future course of development.
Bangladesh have become signatory to all the major international treaties, protocols, and
conventions under the United Nations. Despite having limited resources to perform enabling
activities at home it showed respect to the commitments of international community for the
global benefit. However, as elsewhere in the developing world, a few market-driven clauses are
posing threats to its rights on its indigenous and intellectual properties. Imperfect globalization,
with heavy restrictions on flows of labour, not only safeguarding the profit mongers’ interests
but also posing threats to the country’s fragile environment. Having poor institutional
capabilities and weak environmental governance, the country is not in a position to withstand
the rather complex development regime dictated by these international agreements.
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Bangladesh
Poverty is endemic in Bangladesh. In addition, one may identify two new threats which have
potential to jeopardise its prospects for future development. These are (a) arsenic
contamination of shallow groundwater sources, and (b) climate change. The former problem
is already threatening health of over the half the population. The greatest environmental
disaster is looming over the uncertain future of the country. A solution to the problem of
arsenic in drinking water must be found and implemented within the next few years. Climate
change will affect Bangladesh adversely in many ways. It is shown in the past that the future
developments will be negated by the adverse impacts of climate change. It appears that
planned adaptation could reduce the risk to a considerable extent. Bangladesh must find
optimum adaptation measures suited for its social and economic conditions. Since the
problem is caused primarily by the developed countries, they should come forward to
facilitate adaptation activities to be undertaken by the country. Without addressing the
menacing issues of arsenic contamination and climate change, along with eradication of
poverty, Bangladesh cannot make a successful journey to sustainable development.
Looking at the first few steps taken in the 1990s, one can hope that the country will defy all
the odds against it and steadily make a few more firm steps to the coveted goal.
159
Endnotes
1 With a size similar to that of Illinois, Bangladesh’s total population is about half of the US
population.
2A score of 1 implies poor policies for an extended period while a score 6 implies good
policies for an extended period.
3 The total calorific value of carbohydrates, proteins and fats consumed from various food
sources.
4 Capability poor reflects the percentage of people who lack basic or minimally essential.
5 A figure claimed by the government but disputed by others.
6 Religious education centers.
7The population of Bangladesh is comprised of 87% Muslims, 12% Hindus and 1%
Christians, Buddhists and “others,” including indigenous peoples.
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Bangladesh
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Annex 1
Brief Accounts of a Few Case Studies on Sustainable
Development in Action
1. Name of the Project/Study: Roadside Tree Plantation Programme
Implementing Agency: Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Service (RDRS) Bangladesh

Funding Agencies: World Food Programme (From 1988 till 1997)
Government of the Netherlands
Interchurch organisation for Development Co-operation

(ICCO) (1995 – 2000)
Objective: To increase the coverage of tree by involving the community people for
protection of natural environment and better ecological balance, to generate additional forest
resources for socio-economic development of the area in general and for the poor community
in particular, to create productivity and employment opportunities for the landless rural poor
women and RDRS supported group members.
Summary: RDRS’s involvement in tree plantation was done more from the supply side,
saplings which included fruit, timber and mulberry was planted on the roadside, in school
compounds and public areas. The survival rate was satisfactory as evident from the existence
of trees covering both sides of the roads along the study area. From 1988 till 1997 the World
Food Programme assisted RDRS in expanding tree coverage in its working area caretaken by
poor rural women as one of main the components of this programme. During that period over
2.5 million trees have been planted under WFP/RDRS tree plantation programme. From May
1995 till April 2000 RDRS implemented the Programme funded by the Government of the
Netherlands through the co-financing agency, Interchurch Organisation for Development Co-
operation (ICCO). The project covers 28 sub districts. A total of 1.3 million trees were
planted by the first year of RDRS, ICCO and the Government of Netherland’s joint
programme which was 30 percent more than the original target. A total of 2,359 women were
employed as caretakers which was 95 percent of the original target. Survival rates varied
between 70-90 percent on average across different regions.
2. Name of the Project/Study: Social Forestry Programme
Implementing Agency: Institute for Development Policy Analysis and Advocacy

(IDPAA), PROSHIKA
Funding Agency: PROSHIKA Core Fund
Food Security Unit of European Commission (since

1997)
Objective: People’s participation in forest management To improve land use practices in the
project areas, increasing biomass fuel and utility of timber in the country, arrest the decline of
the tree cover, increase the supply of minor products for nutritional balance.
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Summary: PROSHIKA involves its group members in this programme by providing them
with necessary motivation, credit and technical support which significantly contribute to the
development of the programme and add to their family income as well. Through this
programme the poor achieved usufruct rights on the public as well as private land through
lease agreement with different land owning agencies and individuals. Besides a huge number
of disadvantaged women are involved as caretakers. The programme is divided into two
cross-cutting departments of Social Forestry Afforestation and Natural Forest Protection. The
programme was initiated in 1976 in 5 than as with 100 groups with 20 members per group by
the year 2000 the programme is being implemented in 20 than as under the homestead
plantation 9,483,342 tree have already been planted by involving 61,850 groups. Besides,
regular plantation programme PROSHIKA is also implementing a strip and block plantation
activities under a collaborative agreement with Forest Department 38,859 acres of land and
12,114 km of area have been under block and strip plantation respectively. Under assistance
from World Food Programme group members receive wheat as wages to take care of their
planted seedlings for the first three years in the case of strip plantation and two years for the
block plantation and each caretaker also gets a monthly allowance of Tk.800 for two years
from European Commission. Under institutional plantation programme started in 1998
initially 75,764 trees were planted around 97 education institutions by the year 2000, 282
institutions have been brought under the programme to plant 176,745 saplings of 27 species,
women group members of surrounding areas are appointed as caretakers for two years with
Tk 800 per month. Under Natural Forest Protection activities 7,597 acres of Sal forest was
protected and are currently maintained by facilitated group members of neighbouring areas.
During 1999-2000, 1,271 acres of Sal forest with coppice have been brought under protection
by 475 group members. By the year 2000 PROSHIKA’s Social Forestry Afforestration and
Protection Activities has involved 282 institutions, 2,044 km area has been brought under the
project, produced 1,936,000 seedlings, planted 2,969,535 saplings, protected 4,494,135 plants
and has 11,951 groups working for the project.
3. Name of the Project/Study: Quality Education for All
Implementing Agency: Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE)
Funding Agency: SDC, SIDA, NOVIB,UNESCO, BRAC
Objective:
Coordinating through extending assistance to different forces working in the education

sector, networking, advocacy and lobbying, capacity building, training, facilitation and
material development, policy research, documentation as well as serving as a catalyst and
information data bank.
Summary: One of the most important functions of CAMPE is to act as a forum where
different actors involved in education programmes would exchange ideas and experience,
debate issues and disseminate information on issues of mutual interest. Another important
role of the organisation is to focus on identifying and filling the gaps in the existing capacity
of grassroots NGOs and to take initiatives for developing their institutional capabilities. As
part of this initiative CAMPE has organised a number of training workshops and has evolved
a cost-effective technique and trained 121 Field level Managers. The organisation is
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exploring new areas of research while placing special emphasis on the attainment of literacy
skills, functions and performance of literacy centres, motivation of literacy personnel to come
forward with innovative ideas in the field of education, is responsible to undertake policy
research in collaboration with other national and international organizations. The Education
Watch initiative is one such example of collaborative research being carried out with active
involvement of civil society groups and institutions.
4. Name of the Project/Study: Microcredit Programme
Implementing Agency: Grameen Bank
Funding Agency: Self (with core funding from state-run sources)
Objective:
To facilitate self-employment of rural poor, particularly females by investing toward
generation of income and ensuring livelihood.
Summary:
Grameen Bank has reversed conventional banking practice by eliminating the need for
collateral and has replaced it with a banking system based on mutual trust, accountability,
participation and creativity. It provides credit to the poorest of the poor in rural Bangladesh
without any collateral. Credit is the entry point for breaking the vicious cycle of poverty and
serves as a catalyst in the overall development process. The bank sees credit as an
empowering agent of the poor who have been kept outside the banking orbit on the ground
that they are poor and not bankable. The main objectives of the bank was to extend banking
facilities to the poor men and women in the villages, eliminate the exploitation of the poor by
money lenders, create opportunities for self-employment for the vast number of unemployed
people in rural Bangladesh, bring the disadvantaged, mostly the women from the poorest
households within the fold of an organizational format which they can understand and
operate, and reverse the age-old vicious circle of “low income, low savings, low investment”
into an expanding system of “low income, credit, investment, more income, more investment,
more income.” The project demonstrated its success in the first project area Jobra and some
of the neighbouring villages during 1976-1979. With the sponsorship of the Bangladesh
Central Bank and the support of the nationalised commercial banks, the project was extended
to Tangail district in 1979. With the success in Tangail , the project was extended to several
other districts in the country.
In October 1983, the Grameen Bank project was transformed into an independent bank by a
government ordinance. Today Grameen Bank is owned by the poor themselves . Borrowers
of the bank own 93 percent of the shares of the bank, while the remaining 7 percent is owned
by the government. The amount of loan disbursed by the bank for the year 1976 was 0.008
million taka which was 17.11 in 1980, 528.45 in 1985, 2262.47 in 1990, 13,663.50 in 1995
and 13,961.40 million taka in 2000 respectively. In 1976, the number of borrower was 10,
which became 11644 in 1980, 152463 in 1985, 852622 in 1990, 1870371 in 1995, 2056836
in 2000 respectively. In 1976 the programme was started only in 1 branch in 1 village, the
number of branches became 24 in 363 villages in 1980, 226 branches in 3666 villages in
1985, 781 branches in 19536 villages in 1990, 1055 branches in 35533 villages in 1995 and
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Bangladesh
1160 branches in 40225 villages in the year 2000 respectively. From 1984 under the project
loan is given to poor people for building houses. 317 houses were built in 1984, 91157
houses in 1990, 331201 houses were built in 1995 and 533041 in the year 2000.
Currently, Grameen Bank is the largest rural credit institution in the country. It has more than
2.4 million borrowers, 94 percent of whom are women. With 1,137 branches, Grameen Bank
provides services in 39,045 villages, covering more than half of the total villages in
Bangladesh.
5. Name of the Project/Study: Bangladesh Climate Change Country Study
Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS)
Funding Agency: United States Agency for International Development

(USAID)
Objectives: To assess the impacts and adaptation possibilities of the country under global
climate change.
Summary: During the period 1995 and 1996 The Ministry of Environment & Forest, GOB
and BCAS researchers and other professionals worked on the impact of climate change and
tried to find out possible adaptation and mitigation measures. The overall study was designed
to have four components: GHG (Greenhouse Gas) emissions inventory, vulnerability and
adaptation assessment, mitigation strategy and awareness and information dissemination
programme. In the emissions inventory for the year 1990 IPCC recommended methodology
were used to calculate GHG for various sectors. For the vulnerability and adaptation
assessment component the major sub-components were: climate change scenario in
development, crop vulnerability, coastal recession due to sea level rise, coastal agriculture
vulnerability and water resource vulnerability. Attempts have been made to assess
vulnerabilities in forestry, fisheries and livestock sector. Two climate change scenarios were
considered for the study, one with moderate climate change likely to take place by the year
2030 and the other being a severe climate change likely to occur by the year 2075. The main
outputs of the project were: National inventory of GHG emissions, Assessment of
vulnerability and adaptation, Mitigation options, Awareness and dissemination program.
6. Name of the Project/Study: Formulating a Framework for Sustainable Development

in the Ganges- Brahmaputra-Meghna basins by means
of Regional Cooperation
Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP) in association with

Centre for Policy Research , India, Institute for Integrated
Development Studies, Nepal and Third W o r l d
Centre for Water Management, Mexico.
Funding Agency: The Netherlands International Development Agency

Objective: To provide a framework for achieving sustainable development in the GBM
region by integrated water resources management through regional cooperation include
increasing among the GBM coriparian countries. The priority areas of corporation include
169
increasing irrigated agriculture, flood management, hydro-electricity generation and sharing,

water quality management, and conservation of mountain and floodplain ecosystems.
7. Name of the Project: Non-formal Education
Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC)
Objective: To provide basic education for the children and adult representing landless poor
families, those having no means to enroll in state-run and/or
private educational institutions.
Summary: In 1985 BRAC began its Non-formal Primary Education Programme for children
of landless families with little or no access to the formal system. The BRAC Education
Programme forms one of the BRAC’s major social development interventions and works
directly toward the empowerment of children (particularly girls) from the poorest families. At
present BRAC is operating 31,082 schools with a total number of 1,000,632 learners. By the
end of 2000, 1,681,563 learners have graduated from BRAC schools out of which 1,148,858
were girls. There are two primary school models in the BRAC Education Programme.
In 1985, the Non Formal Primary Education (NFPE) model was initiated as a three-year
programme for children between the ages of 8 and 10 years. These were children who had
never enrolled in any school or who had dropped out from the formal schools. In 1998, this
model was expanded to a four-year programme, which covered the primary curriculum for
grades 1 to 5. This was in response to the large number of BRAC graduates interested in
continuing their education to secondary level. The Basic Education for Older Children
(BEOC) schools, known as Kishor-Kishori (adolescent) schools, were opened in 1987. These
schools use to run for three years catering to the basic educational needs of 11 to 14 year old
children. Both the NFPE and BEOC schools are provided with books and other materials free
of charge.
Around 97 percent of the teachers in BRAC schools are women. They are usually married
and must be local residents of the village where the school is located. The teacher must have
at least nine years of formal schooling. The BRAC curriculum has been tailored to suit the
needs of rural children. Most recently, it has been adjusted to cater to the needs of urban
children too. The curriculum covers the five-year primary curriculum. As more than 90
percent of the BRAC graduates continue in the formal system, the curriculum incorporates
competencies set out by the government for formal primary schools.
The Continuing Education Programme (CEP) was introduced in 1995 its focus is the post
literacy activities of BEP. Through an organised network it aims to develop the reading habits
of both the rural and urban people. These objectives are achieved through establishment of
Union Libraries and Reading Centres. Adolescent Peer Organised Network (APON) is a new
initiative to improve the quality of life of female adolescents who attend the Reading Centres.
The main objective of this initiative is to raise the consciousness of adolescents in a
community with the assistance of peers and older siblings. A series of story books have been
developed for the girls attending the Reading Centres. The curriculum focuses on
reproductive health, social problems and environmental issues (i.e. menstruation, family
planning methods, sexual abuse, acid attacks, inheritance laws for women, AIDS).
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While administering education extensively in the rural areas, BRAC realised that it was not
reaching out to uprooted slum children. Although the Government is providing free education
for young learners all over Bangladesh, there were few schools for the poor children of slum
dwellers. Therefore, in March 1992, BRAC started implementing schools in the urban areas
for these under privileged children. The main components of urban Programme are NFPE-
BEOC schools.
The schools of the urban areas cater to the needs of urban life and surroundings where a large
number of poor children are deprived of formal education due to scarcity of formal schools.
Domestic Child Labour schools were initiated in May 1999 as a pilot project in Dhaka urban.
At present, there are 6 domestic child labour schools with and enrolment of 180 students, out
of which 109 are girls.
The Hard-to-reach Programme was initiated by UNICEF and the state run Directorate of
Non-Formal Education (DNFE) to set up schools for urban children who are hard-to-reach
particularly those involved in hazardous occupations aged between 8 and 14. The DNFE is
responsible for implementing this programme through different NGOs. BRAC became
involved in this programme in 1997.
The community schools are low cost, social education institutions, set up by the state. The
General Education Project (GEP) between 1990-96 constructed these. However, within a
short time the state found that the performance of many schools had deteriorated, as the local
communities were unable to run the schools successfully. The concerned Government agency
found that 194 community schools were non functional and decided to hand over these
schools to various NGOs to run them more efficiently from their organization’s own
resources or funds they had received from Donors. Of the 194 community schools, the
Government allocated 73 schools to BRAC to make them operational. BRAC has formally
received 43 schools, which are now in operation. At present 3,944 students are attending
these schools. The Pre-primary class has been one of the most interesting interventions of
BEP. Positive results form the pilot phase influenced the programme to operate 1,434 pre-
primary classes, with and enrolment of 36,549 learners. This class has been established for
young learners aged 5-6 years. The experience and expertise gained through its Education
Programme led BRAC to start the Formal Laboratory School Programme. The core objective
of the programme is to demonstrate that BRAC’s NFPE experiences can be applied in a
formal schooling environment. The Formal Laboratory School Programme consists of a 6-
year school cycle, beginning in pre-primary and continuing to grade 5. Eleven formal schools
have been established so far. There are approximately 40 students and a teacher in each class.
BEP appointed female teachers to operate these schools. The teachers are from the local
community and have minimum qualification of SSC (Secondary School Certificate). These
teachers receive similar training as the teachers of Community schools. The Formal
Laboratory Schools follow the full Government curriculum and competencies and currently
use only BRAC books and supplementary materials.
8. Name of the Study: Pro-poor Strategy in Irrigated Agriculture

Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP)
International Water Management Institute (IWMI)
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Funding Agency: Asian Development Bank (ADB)

Objective: To formulate a pro-poor strategy toward increasing productivity in irrigated
agriculture at the grass roots levels.
9. Name of the Project : Programme for Education for the Garments Child Labours
Bangladesh Garments Manufacturing and Exporting

Association (BGMEA)
Funding Agency: International Labour organisation (ILO)
United Nations International Children and Education Fund

(UNICEF)
Objective: To provide basic education for the children providing services to the export-
oriented garments manufacturing sector.
Summary: BRAC inaugurated its programme of Garments Child Labour schools in 1996
with the co-operation of Bangladesh Garments Manufacturing & Exporting Association
(BGMEA), UNICEF and ILO in order to provide child labourers with basic education. The
children who are enrolled in these schools are less than 14 years of age and identified as
garment child labourers. To supplement their income these children receive an amount of Tk.
300.00 as monthly stipend for attending school. The Garments Child Labour schools follow
the BRAC education programme curriculum. The total number of on going Garment Child
Labour schools is 43 with 1,258 learners.
10. Name of the Project/Study: Education Support Programme (ESP)
Objectives: To eradicate illiteracy by collaborating with other NGOs and to develop

technical and basic skills of smaller NGOs.
Summary: BRAC’s Education Support Programme was first initiated in September 1991 to
reach out to a larger population by partnering with local NGOs. This partnership increases
BRAC’s effort toward the eradication of illiteracy and also develops the technical, conceptual
and human skills of smaller NGOs. At present ESP is providing its support to 267 NGOs for
2,445 schools with 73,350 learners.
11. Name of the Project/Study: Polio Eradication Programme
Implementing Agency: Directorate of Health, Government of Bangladesh
Funding Agency: Various donors including The Government of Japan, WHO,

USAID, IOCH,CDC (Atlanta), Rotary International, DFID,
UNICEF
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Bangladesh
Objective: To eradicate Polio from the country by 2005. To give Polio vaccine twice a year
to at least twenty million children under five years of age
within this time frame.
Summary: The polio eradication programme is one of the most successful basic health care
programme of the state which brought all the children under the age of five to take the oral
vaccine twice a year. The programme is completed with an all-out media campaign prior to
each polio vaccination day where the national NGOs take part in the campaign along with the
participating donors. Even the poorest of the poor come to know about the benefit of giving
the vaccine, free of cost, and they participate in the programme.
12. Name of the Project : Management of Aquatic Ecosystems Through Community

Husbandry (MACH)
Implementing Agency : Winrock International
BCAS
Centre for Natural Resource Studies (CNRS)
CARITAS Bangladesh
Funding Agency: United States Agency for International Development
Objectives:
To raise awareness (of communities and local government) about the importance of
natural flood plain resources to secure food and income security for the people of
Bangladesh,
To maintain and recover the selected floodplain ecosystems and associated fisheries, and
To identify activities to generate alternative income that will result in a reduction of
pressure from fishing and agriculture in the floodplain fisheries.
Summary:
The MACH programme was formulated to develop new approaches to floodplain and
wetland resource conservation and management. It is one of the three core projects of the
Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock, with financial assistance from the USAID. The goal of
the project is to ensure the sustainable productivity of all wetland resources − water, fish,
plants, and wildlife − over a wholesome (non-fragmented) wetland ecosystem comprising
beels, seasonal wetlands, rivers and streams. Inherent in this goal are the conservation and
sustainable management of wetlands and their natural resources and the element of
sustainable food security. The MACH approach is to raise awareness of the need for change
and to demonstrate in the field the benefits those changes can bring by considering all factors
affecting the communities and their wetland resources. MACH advocates a multi-
disciplinary, multi-sectoral, and participatory management. Recognizing that a reduction in
fishing is likely to be a critical part of reviving the wetland fisheries, MACH has included
supplemental income-generating activities to provide alternative income generating activities
for existing and new fisheries and others directly dependent on fishing. The ongoing project,
undertaken by a number of national and international NGOs, shows early positive results.
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13. Name of the Study: Asia Least-Cost Greenhouse Gas Abatement Strategy
(ALGAS)
Implementing Agency: BCAS, BIDS, BUP and BUET
Funding Agency : Asian Development Bank (ADB), Manila, Philippines
Objectives: To analyze least-cost GHG abatement opportunities toward combating climate

change. To find win-win technological interventions toward GHG mitigation and energy
efficiency.
Summary: During 1996-97 the study was undertaken jointly by BCAS, BIDS, BUP and
BUET on behalf of the Ministry of Environment & Forest of the Government of Bangladesh.
The main objectives of the ALGAS were: to preparation of a Greenhouse Gas (GHG)
emission inventory; to project GHG up to the year 2020 and possible least-cost GHG
abatement strategy; to prepare portfolio of possible projects to reduce GHG emissions while
also pursuing our development objectives; to develop national capacity to carry out future
research and policy analysis on climate change issues, both within government as well as
non-government institutions; increase recognition of the importance of climate change
amongst high level policy-makers through national workshops. The main outputs of the
project were National inventory of GHG emissions, Projection report on GHG emissions,
report on least-cost GHG up to 2020, portfolio of possible projects, report on abatement
action plan. Besides these reports country now has a good number of trained personnel to
carryout future update of the GHG inventory, analysis etc.
14. Name of the Study: Cyclone 1991: An Environmental and Perceptional Study
Funding Agency: Norwegian Development Agency (NORAD)
Objectives:
• To assess the impacts of a high intensity cyclone that devastated the coastal areas of
Bangladesh in 1991.
• To help the country in preparing to mitigate disasters.
Summary: In response to the devastating and unprecedented cyclone and tidal bore in the
coastal areas of Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar districts on 29 April in 1991, BCAS undertook
an environmental and perceptional study to assess the impact and also assess and understand
people’s coping strategies. The research, based on field surveys and participatory discussions
with the victims of cyclone, generated a lot of ideas toward enhancing cyclone preparedness,
people’s needs-based pre- and post-disaster response of both the state and the civil society
bodies. The study, undertaken by a multi-disciplinary team of national experts, culminated
into a book. The main aspects of the book include cyclone: scientific background, the events,
the impacts, coping strategies, perceptions of survivors, role of the NGOs, role of the media
and rehabilitation and reconstruction.
15. Name of the Study: Environment Impact of Textile Dyeing and Printing
Industries in Bangladesh.
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Bangladesh
Funding Agency: Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG), UK
Objectives: To assess the adverse impacts of textile dyeing and printing.
Summary: Under the Global Environmental Change Programme of the British Economic
and Social Research Council, Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG)
conducted research on the environmental impact of small-scale industries in the Third World.
The research was based on sub-sector case studies of brick-making and mining in Zimbabwe
and textile dyeing and printing in Bangladesh. During 1996-97 period BCAS conducted the
study in three districts – Dhaka, Narayangonj and Narshingdi to assess the environmental
impacts of textile dyeing and printing. The study gave the present status of the environmental
pollution related to the textile processing and possible strategies for mitigating the impacts of
pollution. A report on “Environmental Impact of Textile Dyeing and Printing Industries in
Bangladesh” was prepared under this project.
16. Name of the Study: Environmental Impact Assessment for Rural Development
Project (RDP) – 16, LGED
Funding Agency: Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA)
Objectives: To assess environmental impacts of a national project.
Summary: Rural Development Project (RDP) – 16 is a rural infrastructure development

envisaged to operate in the Greater Barishal and Patuakhali areas, located in the coastal zone
of the country. This comprehensive project aimed at rural poverty alleviation and
employment generation. The project was partly funded by DANIDA and GoB and executed
by LGED. Coastal infrastructure have been known to create saline-free ecosystem primarily
for agriculture, while those also impeded discharge of rivers. Many believed that such
infrastructure have played roles in reduction of freshwater fisheries in the adjoining areas. In
1997, BCAS conducted Environmental Impact Assessment Study for RDP-16, identified
problem areas and contributed better functioning of the infrastructure. BCAS also imparted
training to the Engineers of the concerned state agencies.
17. Name of Project/Study: Developing Environmental Education Manual in Bangla

for Non-formal School Teachers and Provide Training on it

Funding Agency: Winrock International, U.S.A.
Objectives: To develop an appropriate child centered Environmental Education manual for

the children of both urban and rural non-formal schools to raise awareness on environmental
issues.
Summary: To initiate the project an Environment Education Manual was developed in

Bangla for the non-formal school teachers of class IV to V level. Instead of conventional
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method emphasis was given on modern “Learning by Doing” activity based method of
teaching. A Flip chart was developed according to the messages provided in each chapter of
the manual. A poster on the impact of unplanned activities and pollution on different
‘environment’ was developed along with them.
18. Name of the Project: Cyclone Preparedness Programme (CPP)
Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Red Crescent Society
Funding Agency : Initially International Federation of Red Cross and Red

Crescent Societies (IFRC) supported the Programme but
now the Government of Bangladesh supports the
Programme
Objectives: To increase preparedness of the coastal population of the country toward

mitigating the losses caused by high intensity cyclones.
Summary: Following the devastating cyclone of 1970, the Bangladesh Red Crescent Society
started the programme in 1972 which was approved and accepted by the Government of
Bangladesh in June 1973 and since then the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief and
Bangladesh Red Crescent Society started operating the programme jointly. As of January
2002 CPP has 33,012 volunteers. CPP is conducted in 30 than as of 11 zillas in the coastal
regions of Bangladesh. The major objectives of the programme are pre-disaster planning,
forecasting and disseminating information on cyclone, advocacy, conducting awareness
raising campaigns, rescuing and evacuating people and giving first aid when disaster strikes.
Apart from that the volunteers also take part in immunization programmes, social forestry
etc. Under the CPP a total of 143 multi-purpose cyclone shelters have been built in the
coastal region toward saving lives during cyclones, while the local people utilise these as
schools cum community centres during normal times. The programme is very well organised
and coordinated with the Disaster Management Bureau, the latter being involved in issuance
of cyclone warnings. Simple warning tools have been developed and the coastal people can
easily understand those. As a result, during two high intensity cyclones in 1994 and 1997 the
human death toll could be reduced significantly. For implementing such an well organised
programme the International Red Crescent Society was honoured by the United Nations.
19. Name of the Project: Public Litigation Programme on Environmental Issues
Implementing Agency: Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association (BELA)
Funding Agency: Various Donors
Objectives: To bring the violators of regulatory regime to justice on issues of environmental

degradation.
Summary: (Nuisance during election campaign – WP No. 186/1994): The first ever
environmental litigation was filed in 1994 in the form of a Writ Petition in the High Court
Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh by BELA. It was filed against the four
authorities of the Government responsible for the enforcement of various civic rights, and
accordingly, the respondent was the State. The election of the four Municipal Corporations of
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the country, held at the beginning of 1994, evidenced gross violation of some legal
obligations and, consequently, interfered with the various rights of the people. The unlawful
activities created by the election campaign resulted in encroaching on public properties,
restricting and depriving the rights to life, property, enjoyment of public resources, etc. of the
city dwellers. The footpaths and other public places were saturated with election camps;
incessant use of loudspeakers and other noisy instruments rendered life miserable; the walls
of the four major cities of the country where the elections were being held were all covered
with election slogans; unscheduled and unregulated processions created serious traffic jams,
and so on. Repeated appeals by the Election Commission for showing respect to the laws of
the country were virtually ignored. All this anarchy prompted the institution of a petition
where the Hon’ble Court issued rule nisi upon the respondents asking them to show cause as
to why they should not be directed to comply with the directive issued by the Election
Commissioner from holding the election until full compliance with the respondents. The rule,
however, was disposed of, following assurance from the Attorney General that the
Government would take all necessary steps to implement all the directives of the Election
Commission.
(Industrial Pollution Case: WP No. 891/1994): On the 15 July 2001 a Division Bench of the
High Court Division of the Supreme Court has directed the Directed General, Department of
Environment to implement the decision taken with regard to mitigation of pollution by 903
industries identified as polluters within the time frame of six months from the date of the
judgment. The direction came in a judgment given in Writ Petition No. 891 filed by BELA
seeking relief against indiscriminate pollution of air, water, soil and the environment by 903
industries o4 sectors identified as polluters by the Ministry of Local Government, Rural
Development and Cooperatives (MOLGRDC) vide Gazette notification dated 7 August,
1986. The 14 sectors include Tanneries, Paper and Pulp, Sugar Mills, Distilleries, Iron and
Steel, Fertiliser, Insecticide and Pesticide Industries, Chemical Industries, Cement,
Pharmaceuticals, Textile, Rubber and Plastic, Tyre and Tube and Jute.
The Petitioner pleaded that the ecological system of the country more particularly the air and
water including the major rivers (Buriganga, Surma, Karnaphuli and so on) are being
severely affected by the identified 903 industries and that no affirmative action has been
taken in furtherance of the decisions of the Gazette dated 7th August, 1986. Rather the number
of polluting industries has multiplied as the recent list prepared by the DOE shows that the
number of polluting industries have raised up to 1176. The Court earlier issued Rule Nisi to
the Respondents including the MOLGRDC, Ministry of Environment and Forest, Ministry of
Industries and Department of Environment to show cause as to why they should be directed
to implement the decisions of the Government dated 5 June 1986, which was published in the
official Gazette. After hearing the petitioner, the Rule has been made absolute today and the
DG, DOE has been directed to “Report to this Court after six months by furnishing concerned
affidavit showing that compliance of this Order of this Court.” To ensure implementation of
the Court directions, the Hon’ble High Court further held that “It will be imperative on the
part of the director General to take penal action against such department for persons who are
responsible for not implementing the letter of the Environment Conservation Act, 1995.”
(Vehicular Pollution Case- WP No. 300/1995): This write petition was filed by BELA
seeking appropriate direction for controlling environmental pollution created by motor
vehicles and to take effective measures to ensure the most appropriate mitigative measures,
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devices and methods to prevent further aggravation and danger to life and public health. A
division bench of the High Court Division of the Supreme Court on 26th November, 2001 has
issued a notice upon the Chairman, Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) requiring
him to show cause within 7 days as to why legal action shall not be taken against him in not
submitting a report in compliance to the court’s orders dated 23-8-2001 and 16-10-2001
respectively.
By order dated 23-8-2001, BRTA was directed to submit a report by 14-10-2001 regarding
the present position of the five automatic computerised centres already constructed for
providing correct certificate of fitness to vehicles. The Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs,
the Commissioner, Dhaka Metropolitan Police and the Secretary, Ministry of Environment
and Forest were also directed to strictly enforce and comply with the provisions of Rule 114
(d) of the motor vehicles rule and to take adequate measures for enforcement of restriction s
against the use of electric and other loud, shrill, harsh, horns by operators of the vehicles and
to issue notice notifying all the transport vehicles operators about the restrictions provided in
the said rule.
The petition has been kept pending and shall be heard after the Court vacation for final
disposal on other demands of BELA as well.
(Radiated Milk – WP No. 92/1996): This petition was field by Dr. Farooque as a potential
consumer seeking redress against the failure of the authorities in taking effective and
efficacious measures in dealing with the consignment of 125 metric tons Skimmed Milk
Powder which was imported to Bangladesh and was found by the Atomic Energy
Commission to be containing high concentration of radioactivity.
It was argued that consumers must be protected against all unscrupulous activities aiming to
release the said consignment of radiated milk to give meaning to the Constitutional right of
life. The Judgement addressed some vital issues for the first time. While the authorities were
directed to adopt necessary measures to ensure proper testing of milk, the scope of
constitutional right to life was given a broader meaning. Right to environment was expressly
recognised as being included in right to life.
(Gulshan Lake Fill-up – WP No. 7422/1997): A division bench of the High Court Division
issued a Rule in the last environmental petition filed in 1997 against implementation of an
agreement called the “Banani, Gulshan, Baridhara Lake Development project Agreement”
signed between RAJUK and Indus Valley Investment Pte. Ltd. to undertake a huge
construction in the said areas, defying and violating the constitutional and legal requirements.
The Court directed them to show cause as to why “the agreement and the subsequent
agreements to lease out a total area of 220 acres of public land should not be declared to have
been entered/undertaken without lawful authority in violation of law and the constitution
against public interest and as such be declared null and void and of no legal effect.” The
Government subsequently canceled the project.
(Gulshan Lake – WP No. 2482/1999): The unlawful filling up of Gulshan, Banani, Baridhara
Lake for creating housing plots was challenged by another writ petition No. 2482 of 1998
field by BELA. Following the Petition a division bench of the High Court directed RAJUK to
take measures for suspending all construction and/or filling up of the water body and lakeside
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areas of Gulshan, Banani and Baridhara Model Towns in specific areas. The Court also
issued a rule nisi upon the Ministry of Works and Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakhkho (Capital
Development Authority-RAJUK) to show cause as to why the allotment of on the lake water
lake-side area in Gulshan, Banani, Baridhara Town shall not be declared to have been
undertaken in violation of the Town Improvement Act, 1953, against public interest and why
they should not be directed to restore public property in a manner best suited to public
interest.
The Court further directed RAJUK to prepare and submit before it a detailed and complete
statement regarding allotment of plots and filling up of the lake water and/or lakeside area in
violation of the approved Master and Lay Out plan rendering thereby water bodies of the
Lake into private properties along with list of names and address of persons in whose favour
such allotment have been made and those encroachment upon the lake water and or lakeside.
The matter is pending hearing.
20. Name of the project: Sustainable Environment Management Programme (SEMP)
Implementing Agency: Ministry of Environment and Forest (MOEF)
Funding provided by: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
Duration: October 1998 – September 2003
Summary: The first ever participatory plan was developed in Bangladesh in 1996 with the
formulation of the National Environment Management Action Plan (NEMAP), which is the
major policy document used by the Government for environmental activities in the country. It
was developed over a period of 5 years through organisation of consultations at grassroots,
sub-national and national levels by the NGOs, who were the primary actors in the exercise,
funded by UNDP, Sustainable Environment Management Programme (SEMP) is a follow-up
action programme for implementation of the NEMAP. It is a US $ 26 million UNDP funded
programme. The programme will unite the government and other development agencies in
Bangladesh including NGOs and the private sector dealing with major environmental issues
under an umbrella of national programme to address national environment objectives, and is
the largest ever environmental grant provided by UNDP globally. It addresses the major
environmental priorities identified by people through NEMAP. It is the first programme
approach initiative of the country office as well as the Government of Bangladesh, consisting
of 26 projects (components) being executed by the Ministry of Environment and Forest and
implemented by 21 government/non-government agencies, Community-Based Organizations
(CBOs), Civil Society, Private Sector, International Agencies, Academic Institutions,
Research Organizations, and other Donors such as CIDA, NORAD, World Bank throughout
Bangladesh. Focus areas relating to the environment are Policy and Institutions; Participatory
Eco-System Management; Community-based Environmental Sanitation; Advocacy and
Awareness; and Training and Education. SEMP will help strengthen government efforts in
poverty alleviation through adoption of environmental measures leading to sustainable use of
resources and management and for sustainable human development, will also support
community capacities for sustainable management of environmental resources and strengthen
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the capacity of the public sector to develop new framework for policy development in support
of enhanced community participation, protection of the environment, and sustainable
management of the country’s environment and natural resources. SEMP will benefit
grassroots level people, particularly women, in eco-specific intervention areas.
21. Name of the Project: Institutionalization of NEMAP
Sub-implementing Agency: MOEF
Objective: To establish institutional mechanism for implementing NEMAP and internalizing

it within MOEF structure.
22. Name of the Project: Capacity building for environmental legislation and policy
analysis in MOEF, Planning Commission and other
sectoral Ministries/agencies.
Sub-implementing Agency: World Bank
Objective: To increase capacity of a number of government institutions including MOEF,

Planning Commission and other coordinating agencies of
the government for formulation and enactment of
legislation, policy development and analysis etc.
23. Name of the Project: Main-streaming Environment in National Planning:

Natural Resource Accounting, Environmental Statistics
Sub-implementing Agency: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS)
Objective: To integrate environmental issues in the national planning and to integrate

environmental accounting in the national accounting system
24. Name of the Study: Sharing of common regional resources
Sub-implementing Agency: Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP)
Objective: To find out ways to gain mutually from sustainable use of common resources
such as water, land, energy etc. of the neighbouring
countries.
25. Name of the Project: Improved Land Administration and Management
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Sub-implementing Agency: Directorate of Land Resources and Survey (DLRS)
Objective: To improve Land Registration and Management in the Department of Land

Records and Survey.
26. Name of the Study: Coastal Land use Zoning in the South West
Sub-implementing Agency: Environmental Geographic Information System (EGIS)
Objective: To interpret physical, biological and socio-economic data by overlaying of data

sets by using GIS tools and to complete mapping of coastal
area resource by using GIS.
27. Name of the Project/Study: Policy Analysis Studies
Sub-implementing Agency: Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS)
Objective: To conduct studies on environmental issues (i.e, sustainable agriculture, common

property regimes etc.), analyze policy implications and
make recommendations to the policy makers.
28. Name of the Project/Study: Community based haor management
Sub-implementing Agency: International Union for Conservation of Nature/World

Conservation Union (IUCN)
Centre for Natural Resources Studies (CNRS)
Objective: To demonstrate environmental restoration and participatory management of

wetland resources in the north-eastern haor basin.
29. Name of the Project/Study: Community based flood-plain resource management
Sub-implementing Agency: International Union for Conservation of Nature/World

Conservation Union (IUCN)
Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS)
Objective:
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To demonstrate community based sustainable resource management method in the selected

floodplains.
30. Name of the Project/Study: Sustainable Resource Management in brackish water areas
Sub-implementing Agency: CARITAS
Objective:
• To develop sustainable resource management in brackish waters in the south-west
coast of Bangladesh.
• To reduce salinity problems and drainage congestion.
• To involve poor/marginal in Eco-friendly demonstrated activities.
• To build up institutional capability of organised beneficiaries/stakeholders.
• Eco-village initiatives – an attempt to decreasing environmental degradation and
poverty.
31. Name of the Project/Study: Sustainable Livelihood in riverine charlands
Sub-implementing Agency: Gonochetona
Objective: To demonstrate sustainable livelihood mechanism in riverine charlands in two

selected unions located at the upper reach of Jamuna river.
32. Name of the Project/Study: Eco-System management in the Barind areas
Sub-implementing Agency: Barind Multipurpose Development Authority (BMDA)
Goal(s): To improve the dryland, agro-ecosystem in the Barind Tract

with local community participation.
Objectives:
• To ensure pilot intervention on eco-system management.
• To conserve the soil and water in areas inhabited by the poor and distressed people.
• To combat aridity through massive afforestation with eco-friendly plant species.
• To develop awareness among rural women on improved fuel use for energy saving.
• To make people aware to take care of the eco-system they live in.
• To create Barind Environmental Fund to support and promote sustainable
environment projects.
• To prepare Barind Environment Action Plan to combat desertification.
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33. Name of the Project/Study: Participatory Upland Resource Management
Sub-implementing Agency: Department of Forest (DOF)
Objective:
To train staff members, undertake necessary repair and maintenance work, renew linkages
with local government level, identify and resolve functional problems, arrange regular
meetings of two committees, monitor and evaluate the programme.
34. Name of the Project/Study: Sustainable Rural Energy
Sub-implementing Agency: Local Government Engineering Department (LGED)
Objective:
• To innovate projects on community based rural energy improvement by using
different renewable energy technologies.
• To provide solar electricity through photovoltaic systems in remote rural areas of
Bangladesh.
35. Name of the Project/Study: Environment Fund: supporting small, innovative grass roots
initiatives
Objective: To establish Environment Fund for supporting grass-roots initiatives and to

manage the fund by GO-Civil society body.
36. Name of the Project/Study: Community based water supply and sanitation
Sub-implementing Agency: Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE),

Regional Water and Sanitation Group – South Asia
(RWSG-SA), and NGO Forum for Drinking Water Supply
and Sanitation
Objectives:
• To provide provisions for community-based water supply and sanitation services.
• To design a demand-responsive planning and Implementation process of Water
Supply & Sanitation Service provision.
• To evolve a mechanism of community management of Water Supply and Sanitation
Services.
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• To develop a methodology of adaptive project design.

• To mainstream the achievements to macro-level Water Supply and Sanitation
interventions.
37. Name of the Project/Study: Community based urban solid waste management in Dhaka
Sub-implementing Agency: Waste Concern
Objective: To collect solid waste from households and business institutes and get them
recycled, treated and composted in 4 wards of Dhaka city.
Summary: This is a highly successful programme that involves collection of solid wastes
from urban residential areas, sorting biodegradable wastes by employing poor women,
composting biodegradable wastes to make biofertiliser, and marketing biofertiliser to
generate income for the poor urban women. This pilot activity is now being replicated in a
number of areas and in cities other than Dhaka. A successful NGO-private company
participation has led to marketing of bio-fertiliser, which in turn enabled farmers to replenish
their degraded soils in various parts of the country.
38. Name of the Project/Study: Community based urban waste water treatment
Sub-implementing Agency: Khulna City Corporation, Prism
Objective: To treat all the waste water of drainage canals of Khulna City in an
environmentally sound way.
39. Name of the Project: Community based rural industrial waste management
Sub-implementing Agency: Department of Environment (DOE)
Objective: To establish community-based rural industrial waste management system for

small scale textile dying units.
40. Name of the Project: Environmental Awareness and Monitoring at Grassroots

level
Sub-implementing Agency: Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh

(ADAB)
Objective: To establish mechanism for raising environmental awareness and monitoring

environment at grass-roots level throughout Bangladesh.
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41. Name of the Project: Main-streaming environment in the media
Sub-implementing Agency: Federation of Environmental Journalist in Bangladesh

(FEJB) In cooperation with the Bangladesh Television and
Bangladesh Federation of Environmental Journalists
(BFEJ)
Objective:
To create mass awareness on environmental problems and to help form public opinion on
environmental issues so that the policy makers can take note of the issues while formulating
policies by mainstreaming environment in the print and electronic media.
42. Name of the Project: Environmental Documentation
Sub-implementing Agency: Unnayan Shamunnoy (US)
Objective: To disseminate information and to make documentations of environmental trends,

resources uses and mis-uses at the grassroots levels.
43. Name of the Project: Environmental Advocacy
Sub-implementing Agency: Bangladesh Environmental Lawyers Association (BELA)
Objective: To provide advocacy for environmental justice through raising awareness on the
environmental laws and to provide the victims of
environmental problems with necessary basis for action.
44. Name of the Project: Sustainable Development Network
Sub-implementing Agency: Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS)
Objective: To establish a network of agencies and fora within the country and outside those
which are working in the field of Sustainable Development
for Bangladesh. The network plays a major role in
disseminating information electronically toward promoting
45. Name of the Project: Environmental Education at the Non-Formal Level
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Sub-implementing Agency: Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE)
Objective: To provide environment education through non-formal education and to build

capacity of NGOs in this regard.
Summary: Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE) is a coalition of more than four
hundred NGOs having literacy and education programmes. Established in 1990 with the
mission of spearheading a national literacy movement. CAMPE aims at transforming
Bangladesh into a literate and environment friendly society. The overall objective of the
project is to increase awareness of people on environmental issues, problems and probable
solutions by introducing specific curriculum and producing informative and educational
materials for use at the non-formal education level. Project activities involve the following:
(a) Review of ongoing environmental activities at the non formal level, (b) Central level core
trainer Workshops (c) TOT on environmental education, (d) National level orientation
workshop, (e) Divisional /Regional level workshop, (f) Grassroots level NGO workshops, (g)
Development, Publication and printing of Curriculum, Materials, Aids etc., (h) Production
and dissemination of audio-visual materials, and (i) Study tours and Fellowships.
46. Name of the Project: Environmental Curricula at the Primary and Secondary
Levels
Sub-implementing Agency: Text Book Board
Objective: To develop and introduce Environmental Curricula and teaching materials for
primary and secondary levels of education.
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INDIA
Aditi Haldar
Samrat Sengupta
With
Charu Jain
Koneru Vijaya Lakshmi
Development Alternatives (DA)

Acronyms
BAIF Bharatiya Agro Industries Foundation
BEE Bureau of Energy Efficiency
BIS/DMI Bureau of India Standards/Directorate of Marketing and Inspection
BSI Botanical Survey of India
CAPART Council for Advancement of People’s Action and Rural Technology
CBR Crude Birth Rate
CDR Crude Death Rate
CHC Community Health Centre
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CPCB Central Pollution Control Boards
CSO Civil Society Organisation
DANIDA Danish Agency for Development Assistance
EFD Energy and Forests Department
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
EPI Expanded Programme on Immunisation
ENVIS Environmental Information System
GBIHED GB Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development
GEF Global Environment Facility
GOAP Government of Andhra Pradesh
GOI Government of India
GOS Government of Sikkim
IDD Iodine Deficiency Disorders
IDRC International Development Research Centre
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development
IGIDR Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
ISO International Organisation for Standardisation
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JFM Joint Forest Management

JICA Japanese International Cooperation Agency
LERI Lignite Fuel and Energy Research Institute
LIFE Local Initiative Facility for Urban Environment
MEA Multilateral Environmental Agreement
MoEF Ministry of Environment and Forests
MMR Maternal Mortality Ratio
MSW Municipal Solid Wastes
NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NAEB National Afforestation and Eco-Development Board
NCEPC National Committee on Environmental Planning and Co-ordination
NFAP National Forest Action Programme
NGO Non-governmental Organisation
NIHFW National Institute of Health and Family Welfare
NLC Neyveli Lignite Corporation
NLCB National Land Use and Conservation Board
NLPO National Land-Use Policy Outline
NLWDC National Land Use and Wasteland Development Council
NORAD Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation
NRA Natural Resource Accounting
NWDB National Wastelands Development Board
NWMC National Waste Management Council
ODA Overseas Development Assistance
ODS Ozone-Depleting Substance
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
OECF Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund of Japan
ORT Oral Rehydration Therapy
PCRA Petroleum Conservation Research Association
PHC Primary Health Centre
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PRI Panchayati Raj Institution

SAPTA South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement
SARD Sustainable Agriculture and Rural Development strategy
SCS Southern Civil Society
SD Sustainable Development
SDNP Sustainable Development Networking Programme
SEWA Self-Employed Women’s Association
SIDA Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
SLUB State Land Use Boards
SME Small- and Medium-Scale Enterprises
SPCB State Pollution Control Boards
TAAS Travel Agents Association of Sikkim
TBS Tarun Bharat Sangh
TFR Total Fertility Rate
TMI The Mountain Institute
TPS Thermal Power Station
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIDO United Nations Industrial Development Organisation
UP Uttar Pradesh
USAID United States Agency for International Development
VSS Vana Samrakshna Samithi
WHO World Health Organisation
WMC Waste Minimisation Circle
WSSD World Summit on Sustainable Development
WTO World Trade Organisation
ZSI Zoological Survey of India
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1. Introduction
1.1 The Concept of Sustainable Development
The pillars of sustainable development are respect and concern for people and ecosystems.
The purpose is to improve the quality of human life and therefore the process involves
planning and action to improve and maintain the well being of the society and ecosystems. It
should enable people to realise their potential and lead lives of dignity and fulfilment.
Economic growth is part of development, but it cannot be a goal in itself; nor can it go on
independently. In order to make development sustainable there should be a conservation-
based integrated approach: one which protects the structure, function and diversity of the
world’s natural system on which our species depends. To this end, we need to conserve our
life-support systems and biological diversity, ensure sustainable use of natural resources and
keep exploitation within the Earth’s carrying capacity.
From Stockholm to Rio, the environment was recognised as a key agenda for action. A
decade ago, world leaders and other stakeholders met at Rio to evolve a consensus on the
concept of sustainable development. A compromise was achieved through Agenda 21 to lay
out a plan of action for the global community to address sustainable development in the 21st
century. Capacity 21 programs were developed which are country-owned, country-driven
processes that support and influence national and local decision-making to build long-term
capacities at all levels of society.
Three principles lie at the heart of any Agenda 21 process and are the main building blocks
for Capacity 21:
• Participation of all stakeholders in programme development, implementation,

monitoring and learning (bottom-up approach in policy level action)
• Integration of economic, social and environmental priorities within national and
local policies, plan and programmes (sevelopment of integrated sustainable
development indicator of country)
• Information about sustainable development to help people make better decisions
(awareness generation at all levels in the society)
Sustainable development in India has achieved a milestone in terms of enhanced awareness at
all levels on the concepts and challenges through the efforts of governments, media and
especially civil societies. The government has attempted several measures to integrate
sustainable developmentconcerns into the planning processes, programs and projects, but
there were major gaps in terms of strategies to make these plans and policies workable at the
grass-roots level. This is because policy formulation did not ensure consensus building
among all stakeholders or negotiations between all beneficiaries. Moreover, there is less
stress on concentrated efforts to practice the traditional methods.
At the same time institutions and policies in the country are not able to respond to emerging
requirements of population pressures, energy demands, growth of trade and industrialisation,
depleting and degrading natural resource endowments. Although the principles to develop
sustainable capacities were laid in very user-friendly language, the negotiation and processes
adopted for Rio were difficult. The experiences were limited to one of significantly enhanced
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awareness on environment and SD issues at all levels. The Rio process was difficult, yet it
led to a plethora of local and successful micro-level initiatives that were both innovative and
pioneering. The enthusiasm of the civil society was proven to be unique and the only driving
force to implement on the ground.
1.2 Sustainable Development – a Myth?

Of the 100 crores population of India, 70 percent are poor. The majority of the land owned by
them are categorised as wastelands, where yields are about 0.5 to 1 ton of grain per hectare.
Usually one crop per year (with poor yield) is cultivated in these areas due to inadequate
irrigation facilities. On the whole, the natural resource endowment in this region appears
quite bleak. Although we talk about privatisation, there is no real investment in agriculture,
especially in these rain-fed areas that are outside the much-hyped “Green Revolution.” The
majority of this population depends directly or indirectly on forests for a living. Poverty, as
well as large and expanding human and livestock populations, puts unrelenting pressure on
the forests of India. The consequence is severe degradation of the country’s forest resources.
More than subsidies, the poor need access to credit. Absence of formal employment makes
them “non-bankable.” This forces them to borrow from local moneylenders at exorbitant
interest rates. Many innovative institutional mechanisms have been developed across the
world to enhance credit to poor, even in the absence of formal mortgage. In the context of the
present situation, it has to evaluate the success of a conceptual framework of a micro-finance
institution in India. The successes and failures of various micro-finance institutions around
the country have to be evaluated and lessons learnt have to be incorporated in a model to
establish micro-finance institutional mechanisms for India.
While basic education provides the underpinning for any environmental and developmental
education, the latter needs to be incorporated as an essential part of learning. Both formal and non-
formal education is indispensable to changing people’s attitudes so that they have the capacity to
assess and address their sustainable development concerns. It is also critical for achieving
environmental and ethical awareness, values and attitudes, skills and behaviour consistent with
sustainable development, and for effective public participation in decision-making.
Every ten years the literate population of India goes up about 10 percent. Before its
independence, there were only 12 percent literate Indians. According to the 1991 census there
are 52 percent literate Indians, meaning that over half a billion people are literate. Education
is monitored in India by state governments and this finds its expression in different figures
for different states. Kerala in south India, with a population of 30 million, has the highest
literacy rate in India – about 90 percent. Rajasthan in north India, with a population of 45
million, has the lowest literacy rate – about 40 percent. Literacy rate among the urban
population is higher than among the villagers. It is also higher among the men than among
the women. In some states the gap between literate men and literate women is very salient.
For example, in Rajasthan and Bihar, the gap is about 30 percent, while in Kerala and
Mizoram it is about 7 pecent. Literacy rate among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes is lower than in the general population. Among the Scheduled Tribes it is the lowest
because many tribes still prefer to stay away from the main stream population. Since
independence the literacy rate among the women and the lower castes has grown up at a
much higher rate than among the general population. The state governments allow free
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education at primary level. But not all Indians get the opportunity to go to school. Schools are
funded from different sources like government, local bodies and private funds.
At the time of independence in 1947 there were 19 universities in India. In 1997 there were
219 institutions at university level. The larger universities have many colleges affiliated to
them. The language of instruction at the better-rated colleges is English. Among the
universities, some universities are considered high-standard, good-level universities. In 1995
there were over 5 million students in Indian universities. In general, less than 3% of India’s
population has academic education, which is very low, compared to the world standard. But
numerically India has almost 24 million university graduates. India is also among the few
countries in the world to launch a satellite and has proven its nuclear capability. Because of
this high number of academicians and their good knowledge of English, many technology
companies (especially in the computer field) from around the world have arrived in India.
Gender bias has been recognised as an essential barrier to combating poverty as well as
reducing gender inequity within society. Gender bias affects a woman’s access to and control
over resources, her active participation in society and her ability to exercise her rights.
Gender inequality is particularly pronounced in the northern states of India. India’s adverse
sex ratio and the continuing downward trend in certain states underscores the extent of this
disparity, often seen in differential participation and completion levels of primary education
between boys and girls. Economic, political and social empowerment of women is essential
to guarantee women equal opportunities to development. Sustainability and gender equity are
intrinsically related. There can be no
sustainability if half the world’s population
are deprived and dispossessed of livelihood
resources. Women’s rights, as indivisible and
inalienable human rights – including the
personal, economic, political and all other
rights as full human persons – are therefore a
developmental issue of crucial importance.
The ongoing violations of women’s human

rights are not accidents, ad hoc side effects,
acts of God, or the natural order of things;
they are the systematic result of a framework
that places the interests of capital before those
of people. That makes the creation of wealth
an end in itself rather than the means to an
end. Such a framework structures the power
relations between rich and poor. The result is
a value-system that prioritises the lives and
rights of the rich and powerful over all others.
Such an unequal valuation of lives is evident,
for example, in the unequal allocation of
social resources including education and
health, and the disposal of environmentally
Source: National Renewable Energy hazardous waste in the environments of the
Laboratory (www.nrel.gov/) poor and powerless.
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The question then is: How can equitable development be achieved if the lives of the people
are considered of unequal value? There is a need for alternative ethics and alternative
economics that will have as a core value, the fundamental equality of all human beings. Such
a value will transform our modes of resource allocation, production and consumption into
processes that are people-centred, gender equitable and ecologically sustainable.
Insight into national strategy progress may be gained through a sampling of local strategies
and should access the following:
• Economic sustainability
• Ecological sustainability
• Social sustainability
• Institutional sustainability
At the moment we are facing a big gap to progress further on with our existing efforts. The
policy formulation and decision-making tasks are ignored and not taking stock of existing
efforts at local level. The use of local-level initiatives as building blocks for strategy
preparation is totally lacking. Organic growth of a strategy through local and regional inputs,
based on action and learning from results increases the chances of all the stakeholders
developing a long-term interest in implementation. Absence of this approach is reflected in
the process of strategy formulation, which in turn has an important bearing on its successful
implementation.
In the implementation stage we need voluntary agreements and joint management and
participation. Participation is a long, drawn-out process and needs to be iterative. Most
development programs tend to blue print the process of participation and institution
building in the early phases without enough experimentation and iteration. As a result,
institutional forms which evolve are often ineffective. The concept of sustainable
development aims at maximising the net benefits of economic activities, by maintaining
the stock of productive assets (physical, human and environmental) over time and
providing a social safety net to meet the basic needs of the poor. Whereas some analysts
support a “strong sustainability” rule which requires a separate preservation of each
category of critical asset, assuming these to be complements rather than substitutes, others
have argued in favour of “weak sustainability” which seeks to maintain the aggregate
monetary value of the total stock of assets, assuming a high degree of substitutability
among the various asset types. Sustainable development, therefore, attempts to accelerate
development in an environmentally responsible manner keeping in mind the
intergenerational equity requirements.
Although there are many initiatives taken at various levels, we tend to ignore the following
facts:
• Environmental degradation imposes costs on the economy, which results in human

capital and output losses.
• Natural and environmental resources have three economic roles: waste disposal
services, related to the environment’s assimilative capacity; natural resource inputs
into production; and directly consumed life support services and aesthetic amenities.
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The natural and environmental resource input function is central to understanding

the relationship between economic growth and environment. Water, soil, air,
biological, forest and fisheries resources are productive assets, whose quality helps
determine the productivity of the economy. Focusing on this role of environment as
producer, highlights the direct effect of environmental problems in economic
growth. Thus, economic management impacts on the environment and the
environmental quality impacts on the efficient working of the economy.
• Lost labour productivity resulting from ill health, foregone crop output due to soil
degradation and erosion, lost fisheries output and tourism receipts from coastal
erosion or lost soil productivity from deforestation can be some of the
manifestations of such reduced output. Moreover, a growing body of
epidemiological studies suggests that air and water pollution are taking a heavy toll,
particularly of people in the developing world, through ill health and premature
mortality. The impact of water and air pollution is particularly adverse to the young,
the very aged and the poor. Pollution control is thus linked to SD and not a “luxury
good” to be afforded after the development process has taken off.
Yet most of the initiatives regarding sustainable development are in academic and policy
circles, which do not give other than the most cursory attention to the potential of civil
society. The policy and academic literature produced by different institution and the
successes that have been achieved in practice have evolved through different channels,
processes, actors and are of entirely different set of concepts. These show that the traditional
definition of sustainable development activity has failed to extract the ultimate fruit from it.
The elemental successes in the civil society have been hindered rather than supported by the
policy approaches and capacity-building process of the previous, with the conventional
public-relations and community-development activity. Arguably the top-down approach may
attempt to attain sustainable development, but in practice it has always proven very hard to
achieve in this way. Rather, the bottom-up approach has prevailed all the success stories and
has proven its effectiveness (UNDP, 2002 b).
2. History of Sustainable Development in the Country

2.1 Background
The World Conservation Union (IUCN) first introduced the concept of sustainable
development (SD) in 1980. A definition of SD was first given by the World Commission on
Environment and Development (WCED, popularly known as the Brundtland Commission) in
1987 as a development process that “meets the needs of the present without compromising
the ability of the future generations to meet their needs.” There have been many views on
how to operationalise the definition of sustainable development. Some practitioners have
defined SD in terms of outcomes such as:
• Alleviation of poverty
• Stabilisation of population
• Reduction of consumption
• Climate stabilisation
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In India, development cannot be considered sustainable unless it reduces poverty. Of

India’s one billion people, more than 360 million people live below even the most
modestly reckoned poverty line. To tackle the challenges of eradicating poverty, India
needs rapid economic growth. But the economic growth must not focus just on short-term
gains. Destroying the natural resources base would jeopardise potential for the alleviation
of poverty.
The increasing importance of the environment as a factor influencing market access and
export competitiveness in an increasingly globalised economy has become particularly
relevant since the beginning of the 1990s. This is due to a number of factors both domestic
and external, such as India’s economic liberalisation policy followed since 1991. Initiatives
such as increased emphasis on the sustainable use and management of natural resources in
India’s 5-Year Plans, the inclusion of environment in the international trade agenda and in the
work of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the increased awareness of the trade and
development implications of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), the emergence
of environment-related international standards prepared by the International Organisation for
Standardisation (ISO), and the growing recognition that there is a need for an integrated
examination of trade, technology, finance, investment and SD are some of the achievements.
Several activities aimed at enhancing understanding of trade and environment issues have
been carried out in India, or are under way. There has been close co-operation between the
United Nations Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), particularly in the support of case studies and workshops
carried out in India. This has helped to develop a more informed and participatory debate,
involving the business community and the civil society. In addition, many non-governmental
organisations (NGOs), business associations and academic institutions in India are examining
trade and environment issues and have contributed to the emergence and strengthening of
proactive approaches. The government has had to address a range of issues in the field of
trade, environment and development, both in the context of national policies and international
deliberations in the WTO, ISO and the Conferences of Parties of MEAs. While attempting to
incorporate SD concerns in climate change mitigation projects, it is useful to review the
linkages between the related issues.
2.2 State Role

Environmental concerns have always been given the highest level of attention in India. Even
before the Stockholm Conference, India was committed to preserving the quality of life and
environment. This concern was reflected in the Fourth 5-Year Plan (1969-74). In February
1972, a national Committee on Environment Planning and Co-ordination was established in
the Department of Science and Technology to work in close association with all major
industrial decisions, so that environmental goals could be taken up as part of the fifth Plan
(1974-79). In the Sixth 5-Year Plan (1980-85) a full chapter on “Environment and
Development” was included with emphasis on environmental and ecological principles. The
strategy defines institutional structures for environment management at the central and state
government levels and lays down guidelines for administrators and resource managers for
formulating and implementing programmes.
The pronouncements in plan documents were followed up with legislations. The Water
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(Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act was passed in 1972, which resulted in
establishment of central and state Pollution Control boards followed by the Air (Prevention
and Control of Pollution) Act in 1981, which expanded their scope and authority. A separate
Department of Environment was established in 1980 at the central level. Comprehensive
legislation on the environment was enacted in 1986 (Environmental Protection Act) laying
down procedural formalities for environmental clearance for new projects. Now the Ministry
of Environment and Forests (MoEF) looks after India’s environmental policies. The
government established the National Wasteland Development Board in 1987, due to
unsustainable exploitation of village commons. The board was involved in upgradating
wasteland, afforestation, and experimentation with improved management practices.
A relatively new concept of natural resource accounting was introduced in the country.
Natural Resource Accounting (NRA) is a powerful instrument and an organisational principle
for data and information. The Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research (IGIDR)
developed a framework for NRA by organising brain-storming sessions on the strategy for
NRA where representatives from government departments, academic and research
institutions and NGOs have participated.
Since the environment for SD is a broad-ranging, multi-disciplinary subject, a

comprehensive information system on environment has necessarily involved effective
participation of concerned institutions/organisations in the country that are actively engaged
in work relating to different subject areas of environment. Realising the importance of
Environmental Information, the Government of India, in December 1982, established an
Environmental Information System (ENVIS) as a plan programme. The focus of ENVIS
since inception has been on providing environmental information to decision makers, policy
planners, scientists and engineers, research workers, etc., all over the country. A large
number of nodes, known as ENVIS Centres, have been established in the network to cover
the broad subject areas of environment. Similarly the Sustainable Development Networking
Programme (SDNP) is a UNDP/IDRC initiative launched world-wide in 1990 to make
relevant information on SD readily available to decision-makers responsible for planning
SD strategies. SDNP-India is being implemented by the ENVIS a GOI programme, over a
period of three years (Datye, 1993).
The government’s strategy was to use various organisations like NGOs, academic institutions
and other agencies in furthering the goal of SD. Periodic consultations were carried out with
these agencies and organisations to ensure synergy through effective co-ordination of data
gathering and analysis. In the period since Rio, it has been observed that the SD effort has
made a presence and impact in the policy-level approach of the different government bodies,
although the success or failure of the approach is very much debatable.
2.2.1 Agriculture
The Agricultural Development Strategy was revised in 1999, as the national strategy on
sustainable agriculture and rural development (SARD). The Strategy is essentially based on
the policy of food security and alleviation of hunger. A regionally differentiated strategy,
based on agro-climatic regional planning, which takes into account agronomic, climatic
and environmental conditions, was adopted to realise the potential of growth in every
region of the country.
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2.2.1.1 Decision-Making: Coordinating Bodies

Land is a subject under the exclusive jurisdiction of states. There is no national legislation to
restrict transfer of productive arable land to other uses. However, state governments have
enacted legislation on the subject, which provides restriction on use of land for non-
agricultural purposes.
2.2.1.2 Decision-Making: Strategies, Policies and Plans

In the accelerated growth scenario for the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1997-2002), an agricultural
growth rate of 4.5% per annum is expected. Allied sectors, such as horticulture, including
fruit and vegetables, fisheries, livestock, and dairy, will continue to register greater growth
during the Ninth Plan period. In the Ninth Plan, targets will be achieved through a regionally
differentiated strategy based on agronomic, climatic, and environment-friendly conditions.
Animal husbandry and dairy will receive greater attention for development during the Ninth
5-Year Plan as this sector plays an important role in generating employment opportunities,
which include small marginal farmers and landless labourers, especially in rain-fed and
drought-prone areas. The growth value of the output from the livestock sector is estimated to
be 26% of the total value from the agricultural sector. Rural poverty largely exists among
the landless and marginal farmers. Access to land, therefore, remains a key element of the
anti-poverty strategy in rural areas. The programme of action for land reform in the Ninth 5-
Year Plan will include the following: detection as well as redistribution of ceiling surplus
land; upgrading of land records on a regular basis; tenancy reforms to record the rights of
tenants and share-croppers; consolidation of holdings; prevention of the alienation of tribal
lands; providing access to wastelands and common property resources to the poor on a
group basis; leasing-in and leasing-out of land will be permitted within the ceiling limits;
and preference given to women in the distribution of ceiling surplus land and legal
provisions for protecting their rights on land.
2.2.1.3 Decision-Making: Major Groups Involvement

The Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) will function as effective institutions of local self-
governance and will prepare plans for economic development and social justice and
implement them. The PRIs will be the umbrellas for the integration of sectoral
programmes with poverty alleviation and rural development programmes. The Council for
Advancement of People’s Action and Rural Technology (CAPART) will continue to
provide projected financial assistance to
voluntary organisations, which will have
to play a more dynamic role in
empowering the poor through advocacy,
awareness generation and formation of
self-help groups (SHGs) during the
Ninth Plan.
2.2.2 Environment and Forest

On the recommendations of this
Source: National Renewable Energy
Empowered Committee, a separate
Laboratory (www.nrel.gov/) Department of Environment was set up in
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1980 which was subsequently upgraded to a full-fledged Ministry of Environment and

Forests in 1985 to serve as the focal point in the administrative structure of the Government
of India for the planning, promotion and co-ordination of environmental and forestry
programmes.

Environmental problems and issues received special attention of the state during the
beginning of the Fourth Five-Year Plan. As a follow-up to this, a National Committee on
Environmental Planning and Co-ordination (NCEPC) was set up in 1972 under the
Department of Science and Technology. A separate Empowered Committee was set up in
1980 for reviewing the existing legislative measures and administrative machinery to ensure
environmental protection and recommend ways to strengthen it. Other state agencies carrying
out environmental protection activities are:
• The state departments of environment

• The Central and State Pollution Control Board
• The Botanical and Zoological Survey of India
• The Forest Survey of India
• The National River Conservation Authority (formerly Central Ganga Authority)
• The National Afforestation and Eco-development Board
• The Indian Council for Forestry Research and Education
• The Wildlife Institute of India and the National Museum for Natural History
The Government of India has entrusted the work relating to ozone layer protection and
phasing out of the ozone-depleting substances programme under the Montreal Protocol to the
Ministry of Environment and Forests. There are several inter-ministerial committees and
working groups to co-ordinate issues relating to policy and legislation. The government of
India frequently consults NGOs and research organisations with regional expertise as and
when needed.

The following is an overview of the strategy for prevention and control of pollution:
• The policy statement on Abatement of Pollution, adopted in 1992, provides

instruments in the form of legislation and regulation, fiscal incentives, voluntary
agreements, educational programmes and information campaigns to prevent and
control pollution of water, air and land.
• To facilitate industries in preparing environmental statements, sector-specific
environmental audit manuals have been prepared. A software package, Paryavaran,
along with a user manual has been prepared for analysis of information submitted in
these environmental statements and distributed to all the State Pollution Control
Boards (SPCB). Training programmes are also being organised for officials of
Central Pollution Control Boards (CPCB) and SPCB to enable them to use the
software.
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• An “eco-mark” label has been introduced to label consumer products that are
environment-friendly. Nineteen products have been identified for labelling and 18
notifications have been issued so far on different product criteria. The Bureau of
India Standards (BIS)/Directorate of Marketing and Inspection (DMI) is the
implementing agency for this scheme.
• Waste Minimisation Circles (WMCs) are being established to promote group efforts
in increasing productivity and improving the environmental conditions in small and
medium-scale industries through adoption of waste minimisation techniques. Fifteen
Waste Minimisation Circles have been established so far in different industrial
clusters across the country.
Indian Forestry Policy:

India is one of the few countries with a forest policy since 1894. It was revised in 1952 and
again in 1988. The main plank of the 1988 Forestry Policy is protection, conservation and
development of forest. Its aims to maintain environmental stability; conserve natural heritage;
check soil erosion and denudation in catchment area of rivers, lakes and reservoirs; check
extension of sand dunes in desert areas of Rajasthan and along coastal tracts; increase tree
cover through afforestation and social forestry programmes; meet requirements of fuel wood,
fodder, minor forest produce and soil timber of rural and tribal populations; increase in
productivity of forest to meet the national needs; encourage efficient utilisation of forest
produce and optimum substitution of wood and create massive people’s movement with
involvement of women to achieve the objectives and minimize pressure on existing forests.
The entire gamut of forest activities is being given a new orientation in the light of the
National Forest Policy of 1988. In order to operationalize this National Forest Policy, a
National Forestry Action Programme (NFAP) is being prepared. As a part of this exercise
State Forestry Action Programmes are also being prepared for each State (Sing, 1992).
Development of Central Pollution Control Board:

The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) is the national apex body for assessment,
monitoring and control of water and air pollution. The executive responsibilities for
enforcement of the Acts for Prevention and Control of Pollution of Water (1974) and Air
(1981) and also of the Water (Cess) Act, 1977 are carried out through the Board. The CPCB
advises the Central Government in all matters concerning the prevention and control of air,
water and noise pollution and provides technical services to the Ministry of Environment and
forests for implementing the provisions of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. Under
this Act, effluent and emission standards in respect to 61 categories of industries have been
notified.
Seventeen categories of heavily polluting industries have been identified. They are: cement,
thermal power plant, distilleries, sugar, fertilizer, integrated iron and steel, oil refineries, pulp
and paper, petrochemicals, pesticides, tanneries, basic drugs and pharmaceuticals, dye and
dye intermediates, caustic soda, zinc, copper and aluminium smelters. Out of a total of 1,551
units identified under these 17 categories, 1,266 units have installed adequate facilities for
pollution control and 130 units have been closed down.
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2.2.3 Biodiversity
2.2.3.1 Decision-Making: Legislation and Regulations
Conservation and sustainable use of biological resources based on local knowledge systems
and practices are ingrained in Indian ethos and way of life. Formal policies and programmes
for conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity resources date back several decades. The
concept of environmental protection is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in Article 48(a)
and 51(g). Major central acts relevant to biodiversity are: the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972;
the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980; and the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. The
various central acts are supported by a number of state laws and statutes concerning forests
and other natural resources.

A National Action Plan on Biological Diversity is being finalised which will consolidate
the ongoing conservation and sustainable use efforts including capacity building and
biosafety measures. In addition, the following activities are being undertaken: biosafety
protocol; biodiversity information network; capacity building in taxonomy; consultation
with the state governments; traditional knowledge and benefit sharing; and legislation.
Policies and strategies directly relevant to biodiversity include: the National Forest Policy
as amended in 1988; the National Conservation Strategy, the Policy Statement for
Environment and Sustainable Development; the National Agricultural Policy; the National
Land Use Policy; the National Fisheries Policy (under preparation); the National
Biodiversity Policy (under preparation); the National Wildlife Action Plan; and the
Environmental Action Plan.
2.2.4 Energy
The names of the government ministries/offices having overall responsibility for making
policy decisions concerning energy issues in general and energy-related aspects of
atmosphere and transportation include the following:
• Power, Petroleum and Natural Gas, Non-Conventional Energy Sources,

Environment, and Surface Transport;
• Department of Coal;
• Department of Atomic Energy; and
• Central and States Pollution Control Boards
The Ministry of Power is responsible for overall co-ordination of energy-related matters.
There are various other committees which also help in inter-ministerial co-ordination like
Working Groups which are constituted for the 5-Year Plans and the Coal Linkage Committee
which co-ordinates the addition of thermal-installed capacity of power generation with that of
coal demand/supply.
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Regarding Power Supply, the following acts are in operation:
• The Indian Electricity Act, 1950

• Electricity Supply Act, 1948
• Electricity Regulatory Commission Act, 1998
In addition to legislation, there are various incentives and award schemes to promote
sustainable development:
• National Energy Conservation award for various types of industries

• Reward schemes for meritorious performance which include efficient operation of
Thermal Power Station (TPS)
• Incentive awards for improved station heat rate of TPS
• Schemes for installation of energy-saving lamps, computerised load management,
installation of Time-of-Day energy meters, rectification of agricultural pump sets,
etc.
• Incentives offered for installation of electrical gadgets deriving energy from
renewables
• Schemes for system improvement and transmission and distribution-loss reduction
The major policy initiatives taken to encourage private/foreign direct investment to tap
energy from renewable energy sources, include provision of fiscal and financial incentives
under a wide range of programmes being implemented by the Ministry of Non-Conventional
Energy Sources, and simplification of procedures for private investment, including foreign
direct investment in renewable energy projects.
Energy conservation and efficiency is an important thrust area of the government and the
Energy Conservation Bill was introduced in Parliament. The Bill, at present, is under
discussion and once it is passed by Parliament, the Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE) would
come into being. This would be responsible for energy audits, labelling, setting of standards,
and undertaking an awareness campaign. These activities are the concern of the Petroleum
Conservation Research Association (PCRA) and of oil companies. In the renewable sector
also, a number of new technologies are being explored in the areas of solar energy, energy
from urban and industrial waste, biogas technology, biogas combustion based power
generation, biomass gasification technology, small Hydro Power and wind power technology.
The Government of India had announced a policy in 1991 toward private sector participation
in power generation and distribution schemes. Twenty-five power projects (wholly) and one
power project (partially) with an installed capacity of 5,489.75mWs has already been
commissioned in the private sector and another about 5,200mWs are under construction. The
private sector is likely to contribute about 40% of the generating capacity of 1,00,000mWs
required to be in place by 2012 (Desai, 1992).
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India
2.2.5 Land Management

At the national level, for effective co-ordination and management of land resources of the
country, a National Land-Use and Wasteland Development Council (NLWDC) has been
constituted under the chairmanship of the prime minister. Following this the three boards
constituted under the Council for Effective Co-ordination on Matters of Land Resources are:
• National Land-Use and Conservation Board (NLCB) – Located in the ministry of

agriculture the Department of Agriculture and Co-operation; serves as a policy
planning, co-ordinating and monitoring agency at the national level for issues
concerning the health and management of land resources.
• National Wastelands Development Board (NWDB) – Located in the Department of
Land Resources; deals with matters related to wasteland in the country.
• National Afforestation and Eco-Development Board (NAEB) – Located in the
Ministry of Environment and Forests for matters related to the land belonging to
forests.
At the local level, Panchayats, Watershed Committees, Self Help Groups, NGOs along with
state implementing agencies are fully involved in decision-making for planning,
implementation, post-care maintenance activities, etc., for land resources.

The National Land-Use and Conservation Board (NLCB) in the Department of Agriculture
and Co-operation functions as the policy planning, co-ordinating, and monitoring agency for
issues concerning the health and scientific management of the country’s land resources. State
Land Use Boards (SLUBs) are set up in each state to implement the policies and guidelines
issued by the NLCB.
State governments are responsible for policy implementation and the formulation of laws
to conserve and manage land resources with encouragement to local communities,
Panchayats, and district authorities. State governments have been directed to enact suitable
legislation in this regard.

The State Land-Use Boards were established in the 1970s to ensure that scarce land resources
are put to optimal use. Progress in this matter varies between states. An apex body, the
National Land Resources Conservation and Wastelands Development Council, was
established under the chairmanship of the prime minister in 1985-86. Recently, this has been
changed to the Central Land-Use Council, under which the National Land-Use and
Conservation Board and the National Wastelands Development Board operate.
The National Land-Use Policy Outline (NLPO) was established in 1986. With the
development objective of the National Land Resource Management Policy Outline follows the
stated underlying principle that aims at the transition of resource use to resource management.
Since land is a state subject, all states have been requested to prepare a Policy for Land Use for
enactment. However, only few states, namely Uttar Pradesh and Kerala have prepared a Draft
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Land-Use Policy so far. There is no

information from other states. The
National Land-Use and Wasteland
Development Council in its first
meeting held in February 1986
approved the National Land-Use
Policy Outline and the 19-point
Action Programme, which was
circulated to all states for
implementation. Follow-up action is
undertaken with all states regularly.
2.2.5.4 Decision-Making: Major

Groups Involvement
At the local level, Panchayats,
Watershed Committees, Self Help
Groups, NGOs, State implementing
agencie,. are fully involved in decision-
making for planning, implementation,
post care maintenance activities of land.
At the district level the concerned

developmental departments along
with peoples’ representatives make
decisions on land-management issues.
The role of women has been fully
recognised on integrated planning and
management of land resources. Land Source: National Renewable Energy Laboratory
ownership and tenure rights of (www.nrel.gov/)
individual farmers were the basic
maladies of agrarian structure at the dawn of independence.
2.2.6 Waste and Hazardous Materials

In India, a National Waste Management Council (NWMC) has been constituted by the
Ministry of Environment and Forests to provide advice on various matters related to waste
management including the incentives/disincentives required to facilitate waste utilisation.
Representatives of concerned central and state government departments, municipal
corporations, industry associations, experts, NGOs, and media people meet from time to time
under the chairmanship of the Minister for Environment and Forests.

There are three centrally sponsored schemes for pollution abatement of rivers presently under
implementation by the Ministry. These are the Ganga Action Plan (GAP) Phase I, Ganga
Action Plan Phase II, and National River Conservation Plan. The Action Plan primarily
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India
addresses itself to the interception, diversion, and treatment of 873 million litres per day of
municipal sewage out of the estimated 1,340 million litres per day from 25 towns, 6 in Uttar
Pradesh, 4 in Bihar, and 15 in West Bengal.
2.2.7 The National Strategy of Planning Process

Although many projects were initiated by government co-ordinating agency (MoEF) toward
sustainable development, very few stakeholders are aware of the country’s commitment and
strategy. The country’s strategy is all about people’s participation in planning and
implementation. Though people’s participation was found to be sufficient in most of the
activities, due to weak implementation strategy the benefits of interventions could not be
enjoyed by the society at large.
2.2.7.1 Organisational and Management System

Sustainable development was not defined clearly to the organisations involved in
implementation, thus further dissemination of the concept was inadequate. The reason for
lack of clarity of responsibilities among the implementing agencies was over administration
and lack of sensitisation of the staff toward the sustainable development. The mechanism for
monitoring and evaluation was inadequate for monitoring the progress made in implementing
the agenda. It was observed that participation level had improved among the communities but
on the other side, the government system has not changed its style of functioning to go along
with the changes taking place among the communities.
2.2.7.2 Institutional Capacity

The capacity of the institutions involved in implementation was built at the level of central
government but, because of disparity between central and state governments in terms of
working independently of each other and with little or no coordination among them, the built
capacity could not be utilised for all levels. The major concern expressed was absence of
strategic leadership for addressing the SD in a participatory manner. There is enthusiasm
among the rural participants about establishment of local institutions like Panchayati Raj or
any local administration, as this ensures people’s participation and local institutions enjoy the
respect and faith of the larger community.
2.2.7.3 Resourcing
Resources are limited, while their conservation and proper use is not adequate. Scant knowledge
of various new technologies for implementation, coupled with a culture of clinging to outmoded
methods of production, is evident among the masses. The financial resources were inadequate to
make an impact on the quality of life of the stakeholders and whatever was available for
implementation, could not be utilised due to lack of accountability, lack of clarity, gaps in the
implementation process, lack of co-ordination among the government departments, etc.
2.2.7.4 Political Support

There has been a lack of supportive and appropriate political will toward SD and there exists
a bureaucrat nexus which appears to be working at cross-purposes to sustainable
development. The short-term objectives of politicians are not in harmony with values-based,
long-term environmental and ecological considerations.
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2.2.7.5 Legislative Support

The local institution of the panchayat (village council) has been added to the system of
administration but this addition in the legislative and regulatory framework is hindering the
effective implementation of sustainable development. There is no clear division on
accountability, responsibility and authority on resources. Also it is very difficult to monitor
the overall progress by the community. In Rajasthan the participants felt that it is a wrong
process that the education policies are finalised and approved by the politicians and not by
educationists, in spite of the fact that there is no minimum educational criteria to become a
politician. Thus the politicians were considered as an incompetent authority to prepare and
approve the educational policies. One of the government projects which have contributed to
the country’s SD objectives is the Joint Forest Management mentioned in the Section 4 of
this report.
2.3 Market Role

Over 360 million people in India lack the basics – nutrition, potable water, primary health
care, acceptable housing, literacy, sanitation and participation in social and political forums.
The provision of basic needs languishes as the market responds to the preferences of its rich
and powerful participants. The market, normally does not respond to the preferences of the
poor and excludes – food, water, shelter, health, and knowledge. As a necessary incremental
step toward improving resource allocation and utilisation, getting price right should be a
priority. Prices of resources such as energy, water, minerals and timber should reflect
marginal cost of their provision at point of purchase (including depletion, replanting,
replacement, allowances) plus the external costs imposed on society by resource extraction,
transport, conversion, and use.
2.3.1 State Role with Respect to Introducing Market Based Instruments

The concept of SD has dominated the environment-development debate since the WCED
(1987) made it the central theme of their report. At the core of this discussion, the
fundamental issue has remained the same as the rationale underlying the WCED report on the
merging of environmental and economic considerations into practical decision-making.
From an economic perspective, the core of the problem concerns the pricing of environmental
considerations. Economic analyses have often concluded that neglecting the price mechanism
is one of the basic causes of environmental degradation. In more popular terms, prices are not
right and the problem is how to get them right. In this context market-based instruments can
play a vital role in environmental policy since they are able to reconcile environmental
concerns and development needs. Economic incentives are ideally suited to changing
behaviour and production and consumption patterns toward sustainability because of their
cost-effectiveness and flexibility, their ability to correct markets and adapt to changing
circumstances. This is why Principle 16 of the Rio Declaration explicitly advocates and
promotes the use of economic instruments as promising tools for environmental policy.
The government of India had initiated various measures at policy level to enhance the
development toward sustainability. Tax benefit and fiscal incentive to accelerate renewable
energy development activities in the country with a target of 10% generation of the country’s
energy demand from renewable only. The government has initiated rules and regulations
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India
enhancing the use of environment friendly products and processes. But the real benefit has not
yet been reflected due to lack of awareness of the available benefits and corruption in utilising
the fiscal incentives to the right cause. Various negative subsidies which are influenced by
political pressures often lead to inefficient utilisation of the resources. For example, subsidies to
the farmer in utilisation of grid energy, subsidies to cooking gas, transport fuel and utilisation of
grid energy by farmers need immediate action for long-term sustainability of the nation.
Although the Indian government had guarded Indian economy for the last 50 years, patronage
of many multinational corporations by corrupt political leaders led to the unsustainability of
many indigenous businesses. The ultimate impact is that the small and medium sector can not
sustain the world competition, while the few multinational are privileged to monopolise
various sectors, crippling the Indian business sector and exploiting the consumers (Global
Economic Forum, 1999). The impacts were the following :
• Destruction of the country’s indigenous business – cotton, garment, jute, etc.

• Consumers are more attracted to cheap, environment-degrading materials
• Unsustainability of small- and medium-scale sectors in the global market
competition
• Dependence on outdated Western technologies, which are not suited to the Indian
environment
2.3.2 Role of Industry and Industry Associations for Sustainable

Development
The industrial sector is one of the most dynamic sectors of the economy and plays an
essential role in economic development and alleviation of poverty. The fast-changing
scenario of dependency of agriculture on industry is taking its toll in many ways. Large
industries such as cement, glass, ceramic, iron and steel, paper, refineries, etc., have
grown and led to the associated environmental impacts. The big public and private
industries have become compliant to the regulation and taken up pollution control
systems. Apart from being compliant, many voluntary initiatives like cleaner production
and implementing environmental management systems has become a trend, especially
with the large and export oriented sectors.
Although the global trend of voluntary initiatives and cleaner technologies have been adopted
by the big players, the main concern is the small- and medium-size enterprises (SME), which
number more than two million in India. The strong SME sector is critical to the country in
terms of the goods and services it provides to larger enterprises and to informal micro-
enterprises. However the SMEs have a lot of adverse effects on the environment given their
large numbers on one hand and the lack of awareness and inaccessibility to technology and
finance on the other. Environmental compliance among these units is still extremely low,
estimated at 20-25 percent. There are regulatory bodies but, because of the existing rampant
corruption and ineffective implementation of the state and national legislation, these units are
always in a very unstable position.
The business associations of India are categorised according to the industrial sector and also
scale. Large and visible business associations of India are quite proactive in their roles and
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function to make the Indian industry competitive in the global market. The big associations
have all established a separate environment and social division. Aimed at promoting eco-
efficient industrial operations, these business associations provide a wide range of services
through an experienced team of well-trained professionals. Services provided include advice on
environmental policy, technical services, in-company and inter-company training programmes
and information dissemination. The thrust is on building in-house capabilities in Indian industry
to address environmental issues effectively and pro-actively. They also facilitate the utilisation
of national and international expertise through numerous seminars, workshops, etc.
The business associations often act as a bridge to foster partnerships amongst policy makers,
industries, financial institutes and public. The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) has
done some pioneering work in promoting the concepts of Pollution Prevention and
Environment Management Systems (EMS) and Environmental Performance Rating in India.
Capitalising on the World Summit for Sustainable Development (WSSD) CII has pioneered
the programme of Corporate Sustainability Management and reporting. Going by the
extensive international interest in corporate sustainability practices in emerging economies,
an opportunity exists for CII to profile the success of Indian industry in implementing
environmental management systems. It is assisting the corporations to secure India’s
reputation as the leader in corporate sustainability management among emerging economies.
2.4 Civil Society Role

The decade of 1990s witnessed the emergence of a new set of development rhetoric – most
prominent being “good governance” “social capital” “civil society building” and
“partnerships” with NGOs. Along with the changes in the rhetoric, the policies and practice
of donor agencies seem to have undergone a significant process of transformation. Most
significant of these changes has been the increasing emphasis on “direct partnership” with or
“direct funding” of “southern civil society (SCS).”
Besides those changes, development aid has been and continues to be a ‘big business’.
According to the figures of the Organisation for Econimic Cooperation and Development
(OECD), the average net flow of Official Development Assistance (ODA) during 1990s was
$55 billion. It is therefore not surprising that the area has attracted the attention of significant
number of policy makers, academics and even NGOs – both northern and southern. However,
bulk of the literature tends to focus on the macro-policy dimensions and impact assessment.
Not withstanding the high visibility and audibility of the rhetoric of 1990s mentioned above,
comparatively there are far fewer studies on those themes. Still worse, the number of studies,
which engaged in serious empirical or conceptual analysis is still smaller. Lack of high
volumes of literature may indicate, though superficially, the relative insignificance of the
area. However, it can be indicated that, on the contrary, that it adds to the overall significance
of the area further for the following reasons:
• First, the very fact that all the major multilateral and bilateral donors repeatedly
highlighted the significance of partnership with SCS as a core strategy of improving
the performance of the development aid, makes it unequivocally clear about its
importance in the aid policy in 1990s.
• Second, the growing significance of fund channelled through NGOs does indeed
enhance its significance.
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India
• Third, the intended achievements through these interventions are so vital for the
improvement of conditions in the South that their study cannot be ignored. The
present note therefore aims to provide a brief review of the available literature on
this crucial subject.
Social capital is formalised in civil society organisations (CSOs) – the voluntary associations,
organisations, movements, and networks that live and work in the social space outside the
state and the private sector. Civil society is as old as civilisation itself, but recent decades
have seen phenomenal growth in CSOs in both Northern and Southern countries. They make
up a vast array of sectoral and interest groups, including agriculture, environment,
development, health, human rights, indigenous peoples, peace, population, religion, trade,
youth, and women. They embrace a wide range of types: charities, church groups, trade
unions, grassroots community groups, local self-help groups, professional associations, and
international networks. And they are engaged in an enormous variety of activities and
struggles – social, economic, and political.
Some CSOs, such as sports teams and bridge clubs, are simply “affinity groups” that have
no purpose beyond the enjoyment of their members. Others exist to meet the economic
needs of their members or communities. Service clubs, charitable organisations, and self-
help groups are examples. CSOs, which take on political tasks, are more commonly called
NGOs (non-governmental organisations). They act as interest groups to mobilize people,
who would not otherwise have access to state power, to lobby for alternative policies,
inform the public on important issues and force governments to be more open and
responsive. Many combine these functions. For example, there are more than 500
environmental protection organisations in India. They plant trees, conserve water and soil,
and press for policies to fight agricultural and industrial pollution. Increasingly, CSOs are
forming international networks to address the growing range of issues that cross-national
borders, such as climate change, biodiversity destruction, deforestation, trade, debt, and
development policy. CSOs have led the world in bringing these issues and their
interconnections to the attention of the world’s peoples and governments.
In general, however, the growing importance of CSOs on the international stage, and the
positive roles they play there, are important contributions to the efforts of the world’s people
to empower themselves in a time when national governments are in retreat and private-sector
interests are in the ascendant.
In an effort to disseminate knowledge about SD in local languages, and to evolve into a

nation-wide network of organisations, SDNP/India has set up Four regional nodes in different
parts of the country. These are in addition to the seven nodes, which are already operating in
Delhi. More regional nodes at different locations in the country are planned. The regional
nodes, which have been set up, are in Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Chandigarh and Hyderabad.
These nodes focus on women and the environment, environmental education, hospital-waste
management, water resources management and the Eastern Ghats. The nodes create Websites
which interface in local languages, automate databases, contribute to monthly newsletters on
sustainable development, and answer queries related to their area. They also develop linkages
with information users, carriers and providers from the government, academia, corporate
sector and NGOs. The regional nodes, which have already been established with their
assigned areas and the respective local languages, are: the Centre for Environment Education
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in Gujarati, Centre for Symbiosis of Technology, Environment and Management in Kannada,

Punjab State Council for Science and Technology in Punjabi and Environment Protection
Training and Research Institute (EPTRI) in Tell.
Some of the NGOs are working closely with the government and mobilise government funds
to create awareness and impart training. But this often led to the biased reaction to any
government activity which might have adverse impact to the communities: New co-
operatives creation, new social entrepreneurs, creation of advocacy organisation, important
policy advises, inception of community-based action.
2.5 Donor Role

During the past 10 to 15 years, the efforts of NGOs, bilateral and multilateral agencies, to
assist in supporting small- and medium-scale enterprise development have produced a
number of lessons and best practices related to donor agencies’ activities in the field of
enterprise development.
Private Sector Development is key to the World Bank’s strategy to eradicate poverty. This is
being achieved through accelerated growth with improved distribution and by providing
governments with fiscal space to focus on social spending. The main value of the EDU
Enterprise Development Unit site is the “United Nations Inter-Agency Resource Guide for
Small-Enterprise Development,” which is a unique collaboration among UN agencies to
present the main services offered in support of small business development in the developing
world. Not only does it offer profiles of 40 services in seven different categories such as
policy, training, business advisory services, market development, etc., it also includes
sections on good practices in small-enterprise development and key aspects of designing and
planning small enterprise support initiatives.
Donor-driven capacity development toward SD is now targeted at the political, economic,

social, and legal institutions that promote an open market economy, economic policy making
and implementation, good governance including plural political systems, judicial, legislative
and state administrative systems, the media and civil society organisations. Looking at the
previous lessons, aid agencies have not always proved effective at supporting successful
initiatives. Evaluations by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the
World Bank, and the British ODA show that dono-driven capacity development projects are
far less successful than other projects or project components. The reasons for the poor
performance are both related to the nature of aid agencies themselves and the inherent
problems of capacity development:
The bureaucracies, systems and procedures of aid agencies tend to be inflexible, rely on rigid
project cycle frameworks designed for short-term intervention, and judge success from
previously set goals, inputs and outputs. Capacity development requires a flexible process-
driven approach, which encourages learning, adaptive management and experimentation, a
long-term commitment, the building of human skills and competencies, and a deep sensitivity
to local culture, politics and context. It cannot be programmed in detail from the outset.
Donors have a poor understanding of local realities, and often push “imported” and
inappropriate organisational and institutional models. One example is the promotion of “off-
the-shelf” environmental laws and frameworks. There is still a poor understanding of how to
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develop capacity well and by consequence there are few benchmarks for evaluating “how
much” capacity has been developed. This may explain the high rate of perceived failure.
Donor-driven capacity-development initiatives lack appreciation by the public and politicians

as they are long-term and generally only a means to other development goals, with less
tangible outputs compared to short-term visible physical projects. They also do not benefit
powerful interest groups such as contractors, and therefore enjoy little political support. It
requires special human skills for dealing with organisational development, change and
turbulence. But there is uncertainty as to how to develop these skills, which go beyond
standard management and administration training. Many management and consultancy
services are available, but their quality and relevance is doubtful.
In sum, there are clear contradictions between the way aid agencies operate (inflexible,
heavily programmed, quantitative indicators and visible short-term goals, input and output)
and the qualities and mechanisms needed for capacity development (flexibility, loosely
programmed, iterative, quantitative and qualitative process indicators, objectives which
develop over time, and less-visible or very long-term results). Most aid agencies accept that
they should not actively be “doing” capacity development; their role is to support it through
designing flexible funding and development management mechanisms. But even restricted to
an “enabling” role, the problems of supporting capacity development remain huge,
particularly for the environment.
The role of donors in the SD of the recipient country should drive the process, and full
involvement of local communities is stated as a prerequisite. Other important enabling factors
are described as “the competence of government to formulate appropriate policies, make
timely decisions and implement them effectively,” and a fully accountable and democratic
government. Common sense would suggest that competent governments don’t need their
capacity developed. This is however a point of dilemma. Effective capacity development
requires some existing competence or capacity. For example, even completing a logical
framework requires a degree of management expertise that those in greatest need of capacity
development do not have. For “capacity development” to become a practical aid to
implementing SD policies, there is a need for greater understanding of capacity development
in the field, and its links to policy and practice; practical techniques, methods and approaches
for developing capacity; and practitioners with the capacity themselves to use these
techniques, methods and approaches wisely, creatively and selectively.
Several activities and programmes involving multilateral financing ongoing in India ºinclude:
• Global Environment Facility (GEF): India is the second largest recipient of GEF
funding. The salient feature of the GEF portfolio are diverse and varied comprising
of projects that are environmentally, socially and financially sustainable. Projects
involve a range of issues and approaches to address the questions of innovation,
experimentation, demonstration, cost effectiveness and replicability. Projects are
country-driven, based on national priorities; and include capacity building,
development of human resources and skills at the community level and the
Government. The thrust areas reflect the national policy and plan statements – (i)
management of natural resources (ii) capacity building for decision making (iii)
management of development (iv) information, advocacy and participation.
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• Montreal protocol: The Protocol sets out a time schedule to freeze and reduce use of
ODS. A Multilateral Fund was established by the parties to assist developing
countries meet the control measures as specified in the Protocol. It assists the
Government and the industry to design, implement, monitor and evaluate ODS
phase-out projects and programmes in the aerosols/foam/solvent refrigeration and
fire extinguishing sectors, covering large, medium and small-scale enterprises. The
Ministry of Environment and Forest is the national executing agency for the
Institutional Strengthening projects for the phase-out of ODSs under the Montreal
Protocol. In Asia, India is number three in receiving funds for CFC phase out
programme, next to China and Malaysia.
• Capacity 21 Initiative: There is only one Capacity 21 project in India which is being
implemented by the Indira Gandhi Institute for Development Research (IGIDR)
through the Ministry of Environment and Forests. The main objective of the project
is to build capacity at various levels of the government NGOs by introducing
concepts of environmental economics in the resource use and planning decisions by
involving national institutes and the community at large. Specific interventions of
natural resource accounting through practical applications at policy and field levels
include – Air quality, Water Quality, Biodiversity and Common Property Resources.
• LIFE Programme of UNDP: The programme of Action for SD worldwide, Agenda
21, was adopted by more than 178 governments at the Earth Summit in Rio de
Janeiro in 1992. The Local Initiative Facility for Urban Environment (LIFE) was
launched by UNDP at this Summit. The main goal of the programme is to help city
dwellers to help themselves find local solutions to local problems.
• SDNP: The Sustainable Development Network Programme is a UNDP initiative
launched globally in 1990 to make relevant information on SD readily available to
decision-makers responsible for planning SD strategies.
There are other projects ongoing in India on strengthening capacities for sustainable trade.
They are Environment Management Capacity Building Project (a World Bank and UNCTAD
project), strengthening capacities for trade and environmental policy integration in India and
trade environment investment, strengthening research and policy making capacity on trade
and environment in development countries. India is part of SAPTA (South Asian Preferential
Trade Agreement) and BIMSTEC and in these regional groupings, the question of market
accessibility and trade has received due consideration.
In India there are several ongoing projects which are being implemented through various
bilateral programmes. Some of these include the Canadian International Development Agency
(CIDA), the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), the Overseas Economic
Cooperation Fund of Japan (OECF/Japan),the Japanese International Cooperation Agency
(JICA), and other bilateral co-operation programmes with countries inter-alia including U.K.,
Norway, Sweden and Germany. The main thrust of these programmes is on basic human
needs, women in development, support to infrastructure, private sector development,
environment, good governance and developing “eco-friendly” goods and technologies. The
largest share is for poverty eradication followed by natural resource protection and capacity
building. The amounts are miniscule compared to the needs of the country (Manjul, 1997).
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3.1 Current National Situation
3.1.1 Economic Trends
Gross national product (GNP) per capita of Indian Rs. 6340 in 1991/92 increased to Rs.
10,519 in 1995/96. The annual growth rate of the GNP increased from 0.5% in 1991/92 to
7.0% in 1995/96. The percentage of poor in rural areas increased from 20.5 in 1991/92 to
22.9 in 1992/93. Since the second evaluation, overall economic growth has been faster. The
situation regarding balance of payments has strengthened considerably, and the central
government’s fiscal deficit as a proportion of the gross domestic product (GDP) has declined
significantly.
India’s GDP and per-capita income have grown at a slow but steady pace. The growth in
relative term has been significantly higher in the 1980s. Its population growth has marginally
slowed and per-capita income has accelerated to that extent.
Table 1: Gross National Product, Net National Product, Per Capita Income 1990-91 to
1997-98
Gross
Gross Domestic Net national
product Per capita net
national product pr oduct product
at factor cost at mkt at factor cost
Year (Rs bn) (Rs bn) (Rs)
price
(Rs bn)
At current At 1980-81 At current At 1980-81 At current At 1980-81
pr ices pr ices prices prices prices prices
1990-91 4702.7 2084.8 5355.3 4180.7 1864.5 4983.0 2222.2
1991-92 5426.9 2096.2 6168.0 4796.1 1861.9 5602.9 2175.1
1992-93 6189.7 2204.6 7059.2 5460.2 1956.0 6261.7 2243.1
1993-94 7205.3 2340.9 8107.5 6389.8 2075.5 7195.7 2337.2
1994-95 8549.4 2523.2 9634.9 7596.0 2235.8 8402.6 2473.2
1995-96 9928.0 2709.9 11189.6 8812.2 2399.6 9578.4 2608.2
1996-97 11353.7 2918.8 12769.7 10081.9 2584.7 10771.2 2761.4
1997-98 (E) 12602.6 3070.0 14150.0 11291.7 2718.5 11934.5 2871.9
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Table 2: Annual Growth Rate of GNP and NNP (% yoy) 1990-91 to 1998-99
Gross national Net national Per capita net
product at factor cost product at factor cost national product
Year
At current At 1980-81 At current At 1980-81 At current At 1980-81
prices prices prices prices prices prices
1990-91 16.7 5.2 17.0 5.1 14.6 3.0
1991-92 15.4 0.5 14.7 (0.1) 12.4 (2.1)
1992-93 14.1 5.2 13.8 5.1 11.8 3.1
New Series (Base : 1993-94)
1993-94 16.4 6.2 17.0 6.1 14.9 4.2
1994-95 17.1 6.9 17.1 6.8 14.9 4.8
1995-96 16.9 7.5 16.6 7.3 14.2 5.1
1996-97 16.2 7.8 16.3 7.8 14.4 6.0
1997-98 (P) 12.0 5.1 12.0 4.9 10.2 3.2
1998-99 (Q) 16.5 6.8 17.3 6.8 15.3 5.0
(P): Provisional. (Q): Quick estimates
Note: Figures up to 1992 -93 are based on old series (Base: 1980 -81) and figures from 1993 -94 onwards are based on
new series (Base: 1993-94).
Table 3: GDP (Rs bn) at Factor Cost by Industry of Origin 1990-91 to 1998-99
(at 1980-81 prices)
Year Agriculture Manufacturing Transport Banking and Public Gross
forestry and constr uction, communication insur ance, real administration domestic
logging, fishing, electricity, and trade estate, dwellings and defence product at
mining and gas and water and business and other factor
quarr ying supply services services cost
1990-91 698.6 594.9 377.4 217.0 234.6 2122.5
1991-92 684.8 585.1 386.1 239.7 244.1 2139.8
1992-93 724.2 610.9 410.2 250.8 256.2 2252.4
New Series (Base : 1993-94)
1993-94 2620.6 1850.7 1505.0 900.8 936.2 7813.5
1994-95 2760.1 2022.1 1653.3 955.4 937.7 8358.6
1995-96 2750.4 2274.4 1873.1 1028.0 1044.0 8969.9
1996-97 2993.5 2423.5 2017.1 1101.4 1108.4 9643.9

1997-98
(P) 2961.5 2558.3 2133.7 1231.2 1243.5 10128.2
1998-99 (Q) 3154.2 2672.7 2305.6 1306.7 1379.2 10818.3
(P): Provisional. (Q) : Quick estimates

Note: Figures up to 1992-93 are based on old series (Base: 1980 -81) and figures from 1993-94 onwards are based on new
series (Base: 1993-94).
The Planning Commission has been working on achieving the magic 9% growth target for the
Tenth Five-Year Plan. However, for the Ninth Plan itself, the plan target of 6.5% seems
difficult to achieve since the annual average growth rate during the first three years of the plan
has been estimated at 6.2%. Going by the growth rate achieved so far, a growth of 7.2% for the
remaining two years of the Ninth Plan could lead to the average growth of 6.5%. The required
7.2% may be achieved only through a significant increase in public investment and public
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Table 4: Growth Targets and Achievements, savings, which is unlikely in the short term.
8th – 10th Plans
In order to step up the growth rates to these
Target Achievement planned levels, especially in the Tenth Plan,
th
10 Plan 9% the government has to take some tough
th
9 Plan 6.5% 6.2% in first 3 years measures – like land and water
th
8 Plan 5.6% 6.4% management, fiscal reforms, power reforms,
labour law reforms, employment facilities,
better regional growth and better governance. There is a pressing need for greater inflow of
capital, both foreign and domestic, to augment resources.
Although the government has been setting impressive growth rate targets for the economy, the
downtrodden grass root levels of the population still have a long way to go. The poverty level
in India stands at 27%, which is still very much short of the targeted level of 16.5% set for
2001-2002. It is also far behind the present 5% poverty level of China. Therefore, the roadmap
of achieving higher macro-economic growth rates needs to include targets like education, rural
infrastructure, sanitation and public health. At present, India spends only 3.5% of GDP on
social development and this is clearly not enough to put the country on the high growth path.
More importantly, if India wants to achieve the 9% growth rate in the coming years, the
Government has to make conscious efforts to bring the fiscal deficit under control.
The fiscal situation at the end of October 2000 seems to be better than the budgeted levels for
Table 5: Actual and Budgeted Government Deficits the current fiscal 2000-01. In
fact, during the first six months
Actual Budgeted for 2000-01 of the current financial year, the
Fiscal Deficit Rs508.99 billion Rs1112.75 billion
gross fiscal deficit was lower by
18.7% compared with the fiscal
Revenue Deficit Rs311.57 billion Rs774.25 billion
deficit in April-September last
Primary Deficit Rs45.54 billion Rs100.00 billion
year.
The lower deficit has been on account of the total receipts, which is 43.2% higher than the
last year. There has been a robust growth in revenue collections since tax collections have
been posting impressive growth rates in the past few months. Moreover, the non-tax
collections have also picked up and have posted an impressive 55.4% growth till now.
In a step to reduce the fiscal deficit by 0.5% to 1% annually over the next five years, the
government has decided to step up its fiscal measures by introducing the fiscal responsibility
Table 6: Government Receipts
bill in this session of Parliament.
The proposed law is expected to
Actual Percentage (%) set caps on the government’s fiscal
Receipts Rs1031.07 billion 43.2% and revenue deficits and to set a
Revenue collection Rs974.67 billion 45.3% mid-term target for the fiscal
Tax Receipts Rs650.98 billion 41.4%
deficit.
Non-Tax Receipts Rs323.69 billion 55.4% The government has targeted a
Non-Debt Capital Rs56.40 billion 25.0% fiscal deficit of 5.1% for the current
Receipts financial year. However, the
possibility of overshooting this is
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high and the targets are likely to go haywire due to the volatile trend in international prices of
crude oil and petroleum products since the import bill is expected to reach over Rs 800 billion
this year against Rs 535 billion. The demand for oil and gas in India has been growing at an
annual rate of 6-7 percent compared to the world average rate of 2%. Moreover, almost 70
percent of the petroleum demand is met by imports, at a huge foreign exchange cost, which
has been pushing up the import bill (Indian Budget, 2000).
3.1.2 Social Trends

From the 1991 population census, the literacy rate for males is 64.13% and for females is
39.29%. The changing economic situation created by urbanisation, industrialisation and new
economic liberalisation which has transformed the Indian social structure and values from a
traditionally agrarian economy to a modern industrial one. The emerging nuclear family is
exposed to severe economic and social constraints and changes. The traditional mechanisms
for social security and adjustment in times of crisis and conflict are fast disappearing. This
transformation has resulted in the creation of several social problems for individuals and
groups such as the old, the disabled, the homeless, the ad hoc labourers, and the HIV infected.
There has also been increased violence – individually as well as collectively – especially
toward women and young girls, which has assumed a national dimension. The problem of
drug abuse is no more confined to a particular section of society but has infiltrated all strata.
The large uncontrolled influx of rural migrants to urban areas in search of better earnings and
job opportunities, leaves them totally vulnerable – particularly the children of these migrant
families. The negative influence of the electronic media appears to have resulted in an increase
in juvenile delinquency, vagrancy, robberies, murders and kidnappings.
There is a plethora of social legislation to safeguard the interest of persons in distress and
to deal with the various social problems. Many of the acts have been amended in recent
years to give them more teeth in terms of their effectiveness. However, there are wide gaps
in the implementation of these acts with regard to coverage, quality and content, which
affect social development and the well-being of the people. The 9th FYP envisages a more
holistic approach to these social problems, with strategies aimed at specific target groups
and/or problems.
3.1.2.1 Demographic Trends

The crude birth rate (CBR) declined from 29.5 in 1991 to 28.3 in 1995, while the crude
death rate (CDR) declined from 9.8 to 9.0 per 1,000 over the same period. The total fertility
rate (TFR) marginally decreased from 3.6 in 1991 to 3.5 in 1995. The annual population
growth rate was reported as 1.97 in 1991 and 1.93 in 1995. The population, however,
continues to grow as the decline in the birth rate is not as rapid as the decline in the death
rate. Due to the increase in life expectancy at birth (58.7 in 1990 to 60.8 in 1992), the
number of older persons in the population is now increasing, for which specific health
facilities will need to be provided. Urban migration over the last decade has resulted in the
rapid growth of urban slums, with ad hoc provisions for health care if any. Within the 9th
plan steps are proposed to improve urban PHC.
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3.1.2.2 Health and Environment Trends
Life Expectancy
For the period 1996-2001, the life expectancy at birth is estimated to be 62.4 years for males
and 63.4 years for females. In 1991 the sex ratio was 927 females per 1,000 males. To ensure
the continued improvement in life expectancy, the health care delivery infrastructure is being
expanded, MCH care is being improved, specific programmes such as the expanded
programme on immunisation (EPI), introduction of oral rehydration therapy (ORT), etc. are
being strengthened, and efforts are continuing to contain locally endemic diseases.
Mortality
The infant mortality rate (IMR) was reported to be 74 per 1,000 live births in 1995 and the
maternal mortality ratio (MMR) for 1992-93 was estimated at 420 per 100,000 live births.
Estimates for 1996 of the number of deaths per year in children under five years from
diarrhoeal diseases was 840,000, from acute respiratory infections 600,000 and from measles
330,000. Deaths from malaria were reported to be 1061 (1995), cardiovascular diseases
2,386,000 (1990), traffic accidents 45,670 (1993), and work accidents 543 (1993). Between
1986 and 1993 the crude death rate (CDR) declined from 11.1 to 9.2 per 1,000 (urban 9.3 and
rural 5.8). Between 1980 and 1995 the IMR declined from 114 to 74, the main causes of
death being prematurity, ARI and diarrhoea. The number of reported accidental deaths in
1993 was 11,125. The main constraints are low literacy and income levels, socio-cultural
beliefs and practices, and sub-optimal utilisation of health facilities.
Morbidity
The numbers of reported cases of the following diseases are: leprosy 400,000 (1995),
malaria 2,200,829 (1994), measles 26,986 (1991), neonatal tetanus 1896 (1995), polio 3,406
(1995), and tuberculosis 1,249,000 (1994-95). The vaccine-preventable diseases (referred to
in Section 6) have declined significantly since implementation of the EPI. In India about 14
million people are estimated to be suffering from active tuberculosis and about 0.5 million
die of the disease each year. Currently, short term chemotherapy using DOTS has been
introduced and accessibility to tuberculosis treatment centres improved. The prevalence of
leprosy has declined from about 39 per 10,000 population in 1985 to about 7 per 10,000 in
1995. The spectacular reduction in this disease has been due to the new regimen of
multidrug therapy. The number of new cases detected annually has, however, remained
more or less the same, at about 0.5 million.
Disability
Disability prevalence rates per 100,000 population estimated in 1994 are as follows: physical
disability 3,574, visual disability 827, hearing 806, speech 510, and locomotor disability
2041. The incidence rates (per 100,000 people) of these disabilities are: physical 173, visual
45, hearing 27, speech 10 and locomotor disability 105 (national sample survey). The main
cause of blindness is cataract (80.1%), with about 10 million persons blind due to cataract.
The national blindness control programme is centrally sponsored with a four-pronged
strategy to strengthen service delivery, develop human resources, promote outreach activities
and develop institutional capacity.
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Human Resources for Health Services

The available data regarding health personnel show 4.8 physicians and 4.5 nurses per 10,000
population. The number of medical colleges has increased significantly over the past decades
with the standard of medical education of undergraduates and postgraduates maintained at a
high level. The National Institute of Health and Family Welfare (NIHFW) is involved in
providing in-service training for all categories of health and family welfare personnel. The
curriculum for graduate medical education has recently been revised to provide integrated
teaching and more practical learning, as well as greater opportunities for acquisition of skills.
The importance of social factors in relation to problems of health and disease are emphasised
and a community-based approach is also included in the training.
Food Supply and Nutrition

The proportion of newborns weighing less than 2,500 grams at birth was reported as 30% in
1993. The proportion of children under five years whose weight-for-age was less than -2 SD
below the median was 53.4% (1992-93). It is estimated that 200 million people are exposed
to the risk of iodine deficiency disorders (IDDs) and that 63 million suffer from goitre.
Surveys conducted in 275 districts have revealed that 235 districts are endemic for IDDs. In
1991, 87.5% of pregnant women were found to be anaemic (haemoglobin<11g/dl). The
National Institute of Nutrition in Hyderabad reported that 56% of children under five years of
age had iron-deficiency anaemia. The contribution of vitamin A deficiency to blindness was
estimated to be 2% in 1975 and 0.04% in 1990.
Health and Environment

General protection of the environment: Due to an increase in unplanned urbanisation and
industrialisation, the environment has deteriorated significantly. Pollution from a wide
variety of emissions from automobiles and industrial activities, has reached critical levels in
many urban and industrial areas, causing respiratory, ocular and other health problems.
Monitoring of the urban environment in selected cities in recent years by the pollution control
authority has identified 21 critically polluted areas in the country which leads to various
health problems.
Financial Resources for Health:

The total government health expenditure as a percentage of the total government expenditure
was 3.47%, and the total government health expenditure per capita was Rs 69.60.
Physical infrastructure: Since the second evaluation the emphasis has been toward
consolidation and operationalisation, rather than on major expansion of the infrastructure. For
this purpose, the following targets have been set:
• As of June 1996, 132,730 sub-centres had been established, each staffed by a trained
female health worker and a male health worker for a population of 5,000 in the
plains and a population of 3,000 in hilly and tribal areas.
• As of June 1996, 21,854 each primary health centres (PHC) had been established,
each PHC staffed by a medical officer and other paramedical staff for a population of
30,000 in the plains and a population of 20,000 in hilly, tribal and backward areas.
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India
• As of June 1996, 2,424 community health centres (CHC) had been established . The
CHC acts as a referral centre for four PHCs. No study has been done to assess the
availability of essential drugs in remote facilities. The government, in consultation
with the states and relevant agencies, has developed a national essential drugs list
comprising over 300 drugs classified for use at the different levels of health care.
International Partnerships in Health

Various international organisations and UN agencies have continued to provide significant
technical and material assistance which has had a positive impact. The various agencies
include WHO, World Bank, UNICEF, UNFPA, USAID, Japanese Assistance, ODA (UK),
SIDA, NORAD, DANIDA and German assistance. A National Institute of Biologicals has
been set up as an autonomous organisation with funding from the Government of India, the
Japanese and USAID.
Immunisation
The proportion of infants reaching their first birthday who were fully immunised according to
national immunisation policies in 1992-93 was 41.5% of urban and 23.4% of rural
population. As a result of the immunisation programme, the incidence of polio and neonatal
tetanus have declined significantly.
Prevention and Control of Locally Endemic Diseases

The incidence of malaria remained around 2 million cases per year during 1984-1992. In
1993, 2.2 million cases were reported with 0.85 million P. falciparum cases. The incidence of
P. falciparum is increasing. For filariasis, present estimates indicate that about 420 million
people live in endemic areas. There are 206 control units, 198 clinics and 27 survey units.
Visceral leishmaniasis, which reappeared in Bihar in the 1970s, is now endemic in 30
districts in Bihar and 9 districts in West Bengal. In 1996 there were 20,466 cases and 260
deaths reported. Japanese encephalitis (JE), though not a major public health problem, has
over time been reported from as many as 24 states/UTs during one year, with an estimated
378 million people at risk. Dengue, dengue haemorrhagic fever (DHF) and dengue shock
syndrome, all caused by the dengue virus, have been prevalent in India in almost all major
urban areas, with periodic outbreaks of dengue fever and DHF. All four serotypes have been
detected, and guidelines for prevention and control have been issued to all states.
3.2 Driving Forces

The following section examines the key factors that serve to drive the national trends
described in the above sections.
3.2.1 Livelihood Security

The concept of livelihood is a valuable means of understanding the factors that influence
peoples’ lives and well being, particularly in India. The whole concept of livelihood is based
around the dynamics of means through which people secure a “living” – the goods and
service that allow them to survive. These include food, water, energy and income. Food
security is of prime importance and is not as a result of one single factor, instead is a
consequence of the combined effect of many factors. Energy is a crucial determinant of
219
development. The hand-in-glove relationship between energy use and economic development
means that developing countries like India will find an access to energy to be a key ingredient
of their future economic and environmental development. The proportion of undernourished
population doubled from 6 percent in 1995-97 to 12 percent in 1999, thereby, increasing
infant mortality and number of anaemic mothers. Information on food scarcity assesses that
beside the fall in rice production, estimates point to the reduction of household expenditure
on and thus lower consumption of protein and micro nutrient-rich foods.
Agricultural industry is today mainly driven by the existing market forces which in turn hold
fast to the changing food consumption pattern. The farmer community is dependent on the
subsistence of their produce from limited natural resources. Market forces have shifted
cultivators’ focus from the traditional sustainable cropping system to more market-driven
cash crops. The growth of cash crops tends to take up the best land, pushing the subsistence
farmer onto areas with poorer soil. This begets the unsustainable use of fertilizers, pesticides
and agricultural devices. Agriculture is a vital food security as it provides major source of
food and also because it remains the primary means of employment and livelihood for the
vast majority of the poor households. Unfortunately, though agriculture production has
continued to rise, rate of yield per hectare has started to decline. During the time of adoption
of the Green Revolution, SD issue was not the criteria. Wheat and rice became the king
crops. These were not the traditional varieties. They were water-thirsty, chemical-intensive
hybrid varieties. Intensive cultivation of land without conservation of soil fertility and soil
structure led to the springing up of deserts. Irrigation without arrangements for drainage has
resulted in alkalinity and salinity of soil. Indiscriminate use of pesticides has caused adverse
changes in the biological balance and is leading to the increase in cancer and other diseases.
Unscientific tapping of water has depleted the ground water reserve. While some regions are
turning into deserts, other palaces are suffering from severe water logging. Indiscriminate use
of chemicals and intensive cropping have robbed the soil of its nutrients, poisoned the ground
water and contaminated the crops.
In recent years, India has become one of the worst-hit regions in terms of natural disasters.
The size of the country, encompassing all types of climates and terrain, has also meant
virtually all kinds of natural disasters ranging from floods to droughts, cold waves, cyclones,
earthquakes, forest fires, etc. Disasters mean firstly loss of life and thus loss of earning hands
– leaving dependents on mercy of others – and secondly, loss of the already-stressed
resources, like crops, soil fertility, etc. Since population density is high, disasters mean more
poverty and serious implications for natural resources and environmental conditions.
3.2.2 Water Security

Water is one of the most precious and vital important resources for development and day-to-
day living. Our growing population and rapidly diversifying and expanding needs make water
a increasingly scare resource. A considerable part of fresh water used in the country is drawn
from rivers and lakes. These are also the largest drainage area. Although the region receives
good rainfall, most of the runoff consolidates as ground water. This is due to lack of storage
structures in the catchment areas. Therefore floods are very common in the country. There are
many dams and reservoirs in the region, which are resources for water, but there are
environmental problems associated with them. Annual internal renewable water resources of
India is 1,850 cubic km and per-capita availability of water is 1,896 cubic meters.
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3.2.3 Energy Security

Energy is one of the crucial determinants of development. Of all human activities the
production and use of energy has perhaps the largest impact on the environment. The
increased generation of energy by burning fossil fuels is the major contributor to
environmental degradation at local, regional, national and transnational scales. Extraction
disrupts terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems. Conversion and combustion is the principal
source of greenhouse gas and other air pollutants. At the household level, indoor air pollution
from the use of traditional fuels is a major challenge that faces country at all levels of
development. From the mid-1970s to mid-1980s, the concerns about energy were related to
its availability, resulting in significant increase in prices. At present, concern has shifted to
consideration of the environmental impacts of energy production and sustainability of the
resources and technologies. The electricity generation sector is expected to grow very rapidly.
The present generation capacity – 98,000 mWs, 75% of which is thermal and makes a major
contribution to greenhouse gas (GHG) emission, have increased tenfold in the last five
decades. Electricity consumed by various sectors in India is domestic-19.8%, industrial-
37.6%, agriculture-29.6%, commercial-6.2% and bulk supply and public lighting-4.5%.
Seventy percent of India’s population is from rural areas. Until last decade, firewood and
agricultural waste were the most important sources of rural energy. In recent years, electricity
and petroleum products are increasingly becoming available in rural communities, along with
the derivation of energy from traditional sources. Dependence of rural population on
traditional fuels results in depletion of forests, which in turn gives rise to problems like soil
erosion, loss of fertile topsoil, flash floods, reduced recharge rates, etc.
3.2.4 Income Security

India remains one of the poorest regions of the world, in spite of commendable growth rates
in the last decade. The data below indicates that the region has been growing economically at
an average rate of around 5% annually for the last three years. The country has large primary
sectors and sizeable secondary sector in terms of employment potential. In the primary sector,
fishing, mining and agriculture are the major occupations. The secondary sector has
experienced a growth since the 1970s with a more recent origin. High growth rates are
observed for the tertiary sector, which has now been re-christened the service sector. All this
growth has led to a tremendous pressure on the land and other natural support systems.
Poverty alleviation is the central agenda for both the government and civil society. In India
the population age group 15 to 59, which is considered to be economically productive, is
likely to increase by 281 million by 2016. The age group 15 to 24 are generally considered
to be new entrants to the labour force. By 2016 about 47 million persons will be added to
the age group of new entrants to the labour forces. It implies the need for 6 million new
jobs per annum on an average in the next two decades, if the present participation rate is to
remain constant.
3.3 Key Challenges

The following specific key challenges, under the categories of social, ecological, economic
and institutional sustainability, outline the persistent issues that define the national SD
challenge.
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The challenges associated with social sustainability have surfaced despite the efforts of public
education and outreach activities championed by the SDNP initiative, for example. As
described in section 2.4 above, the SDNP are planning to establish regional nodes that would
disseminate critical information on various interlinked SD issues. These issues would
encompass education, the role of women, water resource management. The challenges
described under ecological sustainability are numerous and complex and this points to the
dearth of coordinated government efforts, despite the host of decision-making bodies and
departments commissioned, to manage the environment in India. As for economic
sustainability, the market factors are particularly striking in that the age-old dilemma of not
being able to internalize negative externalities remains a core problem. Underscoring the
institutional sustainability challenges is the need to enforce both the existing environmental
legislation in India and the capabilities of environmental institutions.
3.3.1 Social Sustainability

Awareness among common people: One of the major ways of tackling the problems related
to the environment and SD of the country is through spreading awareness and empowering
the people, so that they can take the necessary steps toward decisions and actions beneficial
to themselves as well as to the local environment. The major challenge facing this country is
rapid population growth. The rapid pace of development, industrialisation, urbanisation and
population growth are challenging the traditional practices. Traditional sciences like using
plants for maintaining health, organic farming, or traditional crafts like dyeing clothes in
vegetable dyes are fast losing out on competition with the so-called western influence
through consumerism.
Farmers need to be educated on better and sustainable agricultural practices, so that the
growing number can be fed without adversely affecting land and water quality. The root
cause of the environmental problems is the affluent section of our society who use resources
wastefully. There is a marked change in lifestyle which is going toward a high consumption –
high waste type of life. The value of conservation resources (water and energy) and products
(food) need to be imbibed in each individual, especially the affluent sections.
Conserving the rich biodiversity and using it sustainably for the economic benefit of the
region is another major challenge. The local people need to be educated on the natural
wealth they possess so that the developed countries do not take advantage of their centuries-
old traditions. Simultaneously the governments along with the local communities must
document their knowledge so that they can protect their interests under attack from
developed countries, in the form of patents, etc. Spreading the awareness and education can
be brought under two heads:
Formal Education: The formal education system provides a good framework for reaching a
large segment of the population and can help make future generations conscious of the
importance of the environment conservation. Environmental protection and improvement is
a task of such a magnitude that no government or group, however influential or
knowledgeable, can undertake it successfully without co-operation of people. Efforts
therefore have been made through campaigns to arouse in all people concern and awareness
for the environment.
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India
Informal Education: Religious traditions such as naming land after a god (creating scared
groves) or giving away tree saplings as blessings have long been and still are being used to
preserve the environment.
Industrial sectors: Though the big industries are aware of the environment – because they
directly come under the ambit of the law – small workshops are the ones that actively flout
environment regulations, both knowingly and unknowingly. Awareness and providing
cleaner and greener alternatives and technologies to them should be a major task of all
countries. Sharing the information and technologies of the research institutes regionally and
globally is crucial.
Women: There are a number of important roles which the women can play to achieve
sustainable development. For example, women are critical to a successful energy-
conservation sector – they both participate in cooking and gather fuel in rural and urban
India. In India the local forestry programme under active participation of women have better
chances of success than when initiated by the government.
Media: Until a few years ago, reporting on the environment was limited to speeches on
Environment Day or holding tree-planting campaigns. Today journalists working closely with
environmental activists are much more pro-active and are focusing on larger issues on a much
wider scale. Media coverage on the environment has not only increased in recent years but
has also become more diverse. Not only local but also global issues like greenhouse effect,
ozone depletion and loss of biodiversity.
Population Growth: Population is an important source of development, yet it is a major

source of environmental degradation when it exceeds the threshold limits of the support
systems. Unless the relationship between the multiplying population and the life support
system can be stabilised, development programmes, however innovative, are not likely to
yield desired results. Population impacts on the environment primarily through the use of
natural resources and production of wastes is associated with environmental stresses, loss of
biodiversity, air and water pollution and increased pressure on arable land. India supports 17
percent of the world’s population on just 2.4 percent of world land area. Its current rate of
population growth is 1.85 percent and therefore continues to pose a persistent challenge.
3.3.2 Ecological Sustainability

Land/Soil Degradation: Most of the land area in the country shows evidence of
degradation, thus affecting the productive resource base of the economy. Out of the total
geographical areas of 329 million hectares, 175 million hectares are considered degraded.
Erosion by water and wind is the most significant contributor to soil erosion with other
factors like water-logging, salination, etc., adding to the in situ degradation. While soil
erosion by rain and rivers in hilly areas causes landslides and floods, deforestation,
overgrazing, traditional agricultural practices, mining and incorrect siting of development
projects in forest areas have resulted in the opening up of these areas to heavy soil erosion.
Increased dependence on intensive agriculture and irrigation also results in salination,
alkalisation and water-logging in irrigated areas of the country. Controlling such land/soil
degradation is a sine qua non to achieving and maintaining food security, sustainable
forestry, agricultural and rural developments.
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Deforestation: Forests are a renewable resource and contribute substantially to the

economic development by providing goods and services to forest dwellers and forest-
based industries, besides generating a substantial volume of employment. Forests also
play a vital role in enhancing the quality of environment by influencing the ecological
balance and life support system (checking soil erosion, maintaining soil fertility,
conserving water, regulating water cycle and floods, balancing carbon dioxide and
oxygen content in atmosphere, etc.). The country has a very diverse forest vegetation
ranging from the moist evergreen forests in the northaast, along the West Coast and the
Andaman and Nicobar islands to the temperate and alpine vegetation in the Himalayas.
However, this forest wealth is dwindling due to overgrazing, over exploitation,
encroachments, unsustainable practices, forest fire and indiscriminate siting of
development projects in the forest areas. Withdrawal of forest products, including fuel
wood, timber etc. are much beyond the carrying capacity of our forests. The current
annual withdrawal of fuel wood is estimated at 235 million cubic meters against a
sustainable capacity of about 48 million cubic meters.
Bio-diversity: Bio-diversity of India contributes eight percent of the known global

biological diversity. It is one of the 12 mega bio-diversity regions in the world. Available
data place India on the tenth position in the world and fourth in the Asia for plant diversity.
In number of mammalian species, the country ranks tenth in the world and in terms of
endemic species of higher vertebrates, it ranks eleventh. It stands seventh in the world for
the number of species attributed to agriculture and animal husbandry. From about 70 percent
of the geographical area surveyed so far, 46,000 plant species and 81,000 animal species
have been recorded by the Botanical Survey of India (BSI) and the Zoological Survey of
India (ZSI), respectively. These life forms, besides their ecological and intrinsic value,
represent a considerable socio-economic and monetary asset value as these are potentially
important for developments in the field of food, medicine, textiles, energy, recreation and
tourism. The areas yet to be surveyed include the inaccessible Himalayan areas and the
Andaman and Nicobar islands which are expected to be rich repositories of endemic and
other species. Since most of the biodiversity-rich forests contain the maximum mineral
wealth, and the best sites for water impoundment, mining and development projects in such
areas have often led to destruction of habitats. Poaching and illegal trade of wildlife
products too, have adversely affected biodiversity.
Air Pollution: Air pollution is widespread in the country and regular monitoring is being
carried out under the National Ambient Air Quality Monitoring System. A high level of
suspended particulate matter (SPM) is the most prevalent form of air pollution. High
concentration of sulphur dioxide (SO2) and SPM occur in about 20 percent of the cities so
monitored. High domestic use of coal or bio-mass fuel is still a serious problem in high
human exposure to SO2, SPM and carcinogenic agents. The main factors contributing to
urban air quality deterioration are growing industrialisation and increasing vehicular
pollution. It has been aggravated by developments that typically occur as countries
industrialize: growing cities, increasing traffic, rapid economic development and industrial
growth, all of which are closely associated with higher energy consumption. Industrial
pollution is concentrated in industries like petroleum refineries, textiles, pulp and paper,
industrial chemicals, iron and steel and non-metallic mineral products. Small-scale
industries especially foundries, chemical manufacturing and brick making are also
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National Renewable Energy Laboratory (www.nrel.gov/)

significant polluters. In the power sector, thermal power which constitutes bulk of the
installed capacity for electricity generation, is an important source of air pollution.
Water Pollution: According to an analysis of water quality over 12 years (1986-97) by

CPCB, the water quality which had gone down during 1986-91, improved during 1991-95.
The water quality monitoring results indicate that organic and bacterial pollution continue to
be pre-dominant source of pollution in our aquatic resources. A large part of municipal
sewage is allowed to flow in the untreated form to nearby receiving water bodies, thereby
reducing dissolved oxygen required for supporting aquatic life, increasing the pollution load
and health effects associated with different types of water pollution. Minimum and maximum
coliform values have shown manifold increases over the same period indicating severe
pollution. Facilities to treat wastewater are woefully inadequate. In class I cities, only five
percent of the total wastewater is collected of which only 25 percent is treated. More than
half of the cities have no sewage. Access to safe drinking water, thus remains an urgent need;
85 percent of the population in the urban areas and 79 percent in rural areas have access to
safe drinking water. The diseases commonly caused due to contaminated water are diarrhoea,
trachoma, intestinal worms, hepatitis, etc. Recent data show that about 21 percent of all
communicable diseases in India (11.5 percent of all diseases) are water-borne diseases.
The major sources of water pollution are discharge of domestic sewage and industrial
effluents, which contain organic pollutants, chemicals and heavy metals, and run-off from
land-based activities such as agriculture and mining. The major water polluting industries
include fertilizers, refineries, pulp and paper, leather, metal plating and other chemical
industries. Besides point sources, fertilizer and pesticide run-offs in rural areas are emerging
as major cause of concern.
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Solid Wastes: Unregulated growth of urban areas without necessary infra-structural services
for collection, transportation, treatment and disposal of solid wastes have resulted in
increased pollution and health hazard from these wastes. Municipal solid waste (MSW) is a
heterogeneous mixture of paper, plastic, cloth, metal, glass, organic matter, etc., generated
from households, commercial establishments and markets. Based on surveys carried out, the
urban MSW generated in 1997 is estimated as 48 million tonnes. Although our current per-
capita waste generation is very low compared to advanced countries, the actual quantum of
waste is large owing to the enormous size of our population. Plastics waste alone has
increased tremendously over the last few years. The mode of waste disposal predominantly
remains land filling, which is a conventional but unhygienic method. Alternative modes like
composting and other scientific approaches are sparsely used. An inadequate
collection/disposal of such wastes pollutes and degrades land and water resources, besides
being a health hazard.
Flyash, phospho-gypsum and iron and steel slags are the main forms of industrial solid
wastes generated in India. It is estimated that 35-40 million tonnes of flyash is generated
annually by the thermal power plants of which only 2-3 percent is currently being utilised.
Besides, around 5 million tonnes of hazardous waste is generated annually with very little
infrastructure for proper disposal of these wastes.
Coastal and Marine Pollution: The coastal areas of India, with a coast line of over 7500 km
harbour and a variety of specialised marine ecosystems like mangroves, coral reefs, salt lakes
and mud flats mainly form the habitat for endangered marine species and commercially
important marine flora and fauna. These coastal areas are exposed to environmental stress for
several reasons which include the following: land-based sources of pollution resulting from
ship-wrecking, transport, tourism and industrial activities including oil spills, discharge of
sewage and industrial effluents and a heavy load of sediments; prawn-culture activities and
aquaculture farms along the coastal land on the east coast; unplanned and improper
development activities without appropriate coastal zone management plans; shipping and sea-
based activities including oil spills, sludge disposal and mining in coastal areas. Heavy metal
such as lead and cadmium were found in Thane Creek on the Mumbai coast. The Cochin
region of the Kerala coast has been affected by petroleum hydrocarbons. Coral reefs, which
are very productive marine eco-systems are adversely affected by their indiscriminate
exploitation for production of lime, recreational use and ornamental trade. An area of 6,700
sq. km. of mangroves is under biotic pressure due to fishing, land-use changes in land/sea
interface and pollution of water.
An important impact of climate change and global warming may be the rise in sea level. The
primary effect of sea-level rise will be increased coastal flooding, erosion, storm surges and
wave activity. Primary studies on the impact of a 1-meter sea-level rise on the Indian
coastline indicate that 0.41 percent of India’s coastal area will be inundated (UN/ADB,
2000).
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3.3.3 Economic Sustainability

Poverty: Poverty is said to be both cause and effect of environmental degradation. The
circular link between poverty and environment is an extremely complex phenomenon.
Inequality may foster unsustainability because the poor, who rely on natural resources more
than the rich, deplete natural resources faster, as they have no real prospects of gaining access
to other types of resources. Moreover, degraded environment can accelerate the process of
impoverishment, again because the poor depend directly on natural assets. Although there has
been a significant drop in the poverty ratio in the country from 55 percent in 1973 to 36
percent in 1993-94, the absolute number of poor have remained constant at around 320
million over the years. An acceleration in poverty alleviation is imperative to break this link
between poverty and the environment.
Urbanisation: Lack of opportunities for gainful employment in villages and the ecological
stresses is leading to an ever increasing movement of poor families to towns. Mega cities are
emerging and urban slums are expanding. There has been an eight-fold increase in urban
population from 1901 to 1991. During the decades 1971 to 1991, India’s urban population
doubled from 109 million to 218 million, and reached 300 million this year. Such rapid and
unplanned expansion of cities has resulted in degradation of urban environment. It has
widened the gap between demand and supply of infrastructural services such as energy,
housing, transport, communication, education, water supply, sewerage and recreational
amenities, thus depleting the precious environmental resource base of the cities. The result is
the growing trend in deterioration of air and water quality, generation of wastes, the
proliferation of slums and undesirable land use changes, all of which contribute to urban
poverty.
Market Factors: To a large extent, environmental degradation is the result of market failure,
that is, the non-existent or poorly functioning markets for environmental goods and services.
India’s development objectives have consistently emphasised the promotion of policies and
programmes for economic growth and social welfare. Between 1994-95 and 1997-98, the
Indian economy has grown a little over seven percent per annum: the growth of industrial
production and manufacturing averages higher at 8.4 percent and 8.9 percent respectively
during these years. The manufacturing technology adopted by most of the industries has
placed a heavy load on environment especially through intensive resource and energy use, as
is evident in natural resource depletion (fossil fuel, minerals, timber), water, air and land
contamination, health hazards and degradation of natural eco-systems. With high proportion
of fossil fuel as the main source of industrial energy and the growing of major air polluting
industries such as iron and steel, fertilizers and cement , the industrial sector have contributed
to a relatively high share in air pollution.
The natural and environmental resource input function is central to understanding the
relationship between economic growth and environment. Water, soil, air, biological, forest
and fisheries resources are productive assets, whose quality helps determine the productivity
of the economy. The economic management affects the environment and the environmental
quality in turn impacts the efficient working of the economy. Environmental degradation
imposes costs on the economy, which results in output and human capital losses. Similarly,
lost labour productivity resulting from ill health, foregone crop output due to soil degradation
and erosion, lost fisheries output and tourism receipts from coastal erosion or lost soil
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productivity from deforestation can be some of the manifestations of such reduced output.
Moreover, a growing body of epidemiological studies suggests that air and water pollution
are taking a heavy toll, particularly of people in the developing world, through ill health and
premature mortality. The impact of water and air pollution is particularly adverse to the
younger, the very aged and poor. Pollution control is thus linked to SD and not a “luxury
good” to be afforded after the development process has taken off.
The concept of SD aims at maximising the net benefits of economic activities, subject to
maintaining the stock of productive assets (physical, human and environmental) over time
and providing a social safety net to meet the basic needs of the poor. Whereas some analysts
support a “strong sustainability” rule which requires a separate preservation of each
category of critical asset, assuming these to be complements rather than substitutes, others
have argued in favour of “weak sustainability” which seeks to maintain the aggregate
monetary value of the total stock of assets, assuming a high degree of substitutability among
the various asset types. Sustainable development, therefore, attempts to accelerate
development in an environmentally responsible manner keeping in mind the
intergenerational equity requirements. Therefore, economic development without
environmental considerations can cause serious environmental damage in turn impairing the
quality of life of present and future generations.
3.3.4 Institutional Sustainability

Policies: In India there are several legislative mechanisms for protecting the environment on
one hand and a large number of the total population living below the poverty line with the
stress of unavailability of basic needs. Even if there are laws and policies on the subject there
is much to be done on their implementation. For example, there are no effective mechanisms
for conserving natural resources and checking illegal trade on species. In the urban sector
large-scale migration has resulted in pollution, deforestation, water contamination and
unhealthy living conditions. Development work continues to be haphazard without any co-
ordination or ascertaining what people want. Effective conflicts and insurgent situations have
become barriers to SD and the creation of livelihoods for the weaker section of the society.
As society becomes more and more aware of environmental issues they are getting together
for exchanging views, discussing strategic plans and practical experiences. Awareness,
however, cannot be an answer to such a problem. It has been observed that judiciary does
pass judgements, but nothing further happens. This is more so in urban societies with the
problems of urban waste disposal, sewage treatment, land encroachment and degradation.
Finally, it has to be clearly understood that no government on its own can sustain and
improve environmental quality without the active co-operation of people. A sense of
commitment and dedication from all stakeholders is essential. Systems have to be set in place
to monitor and take timely action for environmental improvement and prevention of its
degradation.
Institutions: The Ministry of Environment and Forests (MOEF) in the government is

responsible for protection, conservation and development of environment. The ministry
works in close collaboration with other ministries, state governments, Pollution Control
boards and a number of scientific and technical institutions, universities, non-governmental
organisations, etc. The Environment (Protection) Act of 1986 is the key legislation governing
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environment management. Other important legislation in the area include the Forest
(Conservation) Act of 1980 and the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. The weakness of the
existing system lies in the enforcement capabilities of the environmental institutions, both at
the central and the state level. There is no effective co-ordination amongst various
ministries/institutions regarding integration of environmental concerns at the
inception/planning stage of a project. Current policies are also fragmented across several
government agencies with differing policy mandates.
Lack of trained personnel and comprehensive database delay many projects. Most of the state
government institutions are relatively small suffering from inadequacy of technical staff and
resources. Although overall quality of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) studies and
the effective implementation of the EIA process have improved over the years, institutional
strengthening measures such as training of key professionals and staffing with proper
technical persons are needed to make the EIA procedure a more effective instrument for
environment protection and sustainable development.

4.1 Selection of Case Studies
Notwithstanding the array of predicaments the country of India faces in terms of pursuing
SD, there is evidence that SD is being achieved “on the ground” and the civic sector is the
primary driver of SD in action in India. This section of the report gives a few examples of
success stories that were achieved by civil society in the country. They showcase and
demonstrate SD in action. These case studies were selected on the basis of the following set
of criteria:
• Awareness generation at the grass-roots level

• Motivation of the local people for effective participation
• Participation of the local people
• Capacity building of all stakeholders
• Enhancing the bottom-up approach at policy level
• Efficient utilisation of resources
• Generation of sustainable livelihoods
• Improvement of local environment
• Empowerment of women
• Long-term benefits to the local community
However there were some limitations to this selection criteria of the case studies. First of all
it is needless to mention that India is a big country both geographically and culturally. The
diversity and variety of practices and traditions are enormous. Therefore, there remains a
concern that the case stories listed might not be a true reflection of all the success stories of
sustainable development. Moreover, many initiatives which are successful at the grass-roots
level might lack documentation and media attention to reach out the world. The following 12
case stories are presented in a concise manner and explains the following:
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• The program input, processes, activities and output

• The “reach” of the program activities and “outputs” in terms of target groups,
clients, co-deliverers, partners, and other stakeholders.
• The short-term (or intermediate) result(s) or outputs of the program activities that
were believed to contribute to achieving the long-term results.
From the 12 only four were short-listed to give an elaborate description of the success. The
following key information was brought out in each:
• The personal history of the key advocates of this activity/initiative

• The institutional history and arrangements of this activity/initiative
• The justification of the proponents to choose the particular course of action
• The motivations behind the proponents course of action
• The ethical/conceptual history/imperatives which provided the motivation for the
activity/initiative
• The managerial history which guided these activities
• The obstacles faced
• The opportunities taken during the course of this initiative
4.2 Case Studies in Brief

Tara gram – A Livelihoods Initiative of Development Alternatives
Location: Bundelkhand region of Central India
Responsible organisation: Society for Development Alternatives initiated micro-level
interventions in Bundelkhand.
Description: To reverse the continuing downward spiraling of resources, development
alternatives initiated micro-level interventions in Bundelkhand. These were interventions,
which had direct impact on livelihoods and rebuilding of economic assets of the region.
It is nearly two decades now since the Jhansi Centre of Development Alternatives was
established. It began in January 1986 with a small family of enthusiastic members interested
in taking up the wasteland development programmes in the Bundelkhand region of Central
India. The land suffered the wrath of over-utilisation and problems such as soil erosion
needed to be checked through initiating sustainable practices. The guiding theme for the
people involved was “regeneration to sustainable utilisation,” and consequently Tara gram
was born. All this was done through rejuvenation of the existing rootstock, soil erosion
prevention, and recharging of the groundwater. Water trapped by the check-dam at Tara gram
ensured that there was a perennial water supply to the open wells in its vicinity.
A workforce of 15 using local skills and local building forms laid the foundation of the
buildings in Tara gram. The structures at Tara gram also served to demonstrate the use of
sustainable, appropriate and low-cost building technologies. By January 1996, the buildings
were completed and the workforce had grown to 70. This workforce came from around 25
villages in a radius of 15 km from the office building.
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Issues addressed: Sustainable Livelihood Security
Results achieved:
• Sustainable water source development

• Capacity building among common people
• Self-sufficiency in energy generation which is vital for development of local
enterprises
• Empowerment of women by imparting professional training
• Creating technology-based livelihoods
• Diversity of livelihood, efficient resource use, and optimum energy use has been
critical in defining the path of sustainability in this region
Lessons learnt: Diversity of livelihood, efficient resource use, and optimum energy use is
critical in the path of SD in this region. This initiative has proved that with varied livelihood
options and diversity, there is sufficient distribution to ensure that no single resource is over-
stressed.
Tara gram today serves as a model to bring together social, environmental and technological
knowledge to generate sustainable livelihoods. Such livelihoods are needed in large numbers
throughout India to stall the onward march of rural migrants to cities.
Contacts:
Development Alternatives,
B – 32, Tara Crescent, Qutab Institutional Area,
New Delhi – 110016,
Tel: +91-11-696 7938, 685 1158, 656 5370
Fax: +91-11-686 6031
Email: tara@sdalt.ernet.in
4.2.2 Microfinancing for Women in Ahmedabad, India

Location:
Ahmedabad, State of Gujarat, Western India
Responsible organisation(s):
Self-employed Women’s Association (SEWA) and SEWA Bank
Description:
Forty-two percent of the people of Ahmedabad, one of India’s 10 largest cities, live in slums.
The city has 2,412 slum pockets where living standards are dismal. Organisations such as the
Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) recognize that women are vulnerable where
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urban poverty exists. SEWA is an association for poor self-employed women in the informal
sector, and its objective is to promote full employment and self-reliance of women workers.
SEWA provides credit as a support service through its micro-financing institution, SEWA
Bank. The bank is owned by self-employed women through individual shareholdings.
Established in 1974 with 4,000 depositors, it now has 125,000 depositors with a total working
capital of Rs 210 million.
The SEWA Bank encourages women to save, viewing savings as a form of social security.
The bank applies appropriate mechanisms for banking with the poor and illiterate. It uses an
integrated approach of bundling credit with access to markets, information, technical know-
how and social support services. The end goal is asset-creation for women.
The approach of furthering asset creation for poor women is shown through the bank’s
support for improving housing and infrastructure since 1976. It provides individual and
collective loans for various purposes, including installation of private or community sources
of drinking water, toilets, drainage and electricity. This has kept SEWA members out of
homelessness; helped upgrade homes and improve productivity and quality of life; improved
access to water, sanitation and other basic infrastructure services; and helped acquire assets to
increase economic security. A joint effort between the individual, community, private sector,
public sector, and NGOs – called the Slum Networking Project – has been facilitated by the
bank. The project aims to improve the habitat of poor self-employed women. Under the
project, the beneficiary (family), local industries, and the government make contributions to
provide individual water supply, underground sewerage, solid waste disposal service, storm
water drains, internal roads and paving, street lighting, and landscaping. Beneficiary
contribution has been financed through SEWA Bank loans. A pilot phase has been completed
for 224 households and these households now have better infrastructure facilities, resulting in
improved health, earnings, and standard of living.
An example of collective initiative undertaken through the project is financing for 43

households in Sinheshwari Nagar. The area had only one piped-water source servicing all
families four hours per day. As a result, women spent 2-3 hours per day collecting water.
Several loans from SEWA Bank, supplemented by cash payments and contributions, allowed
individual water taps to be installed in each house. The availability of clean water has
reduced the incidence of sanitation-related diseases by 75 percent and has increased income
by Rs 50 as profit per day from increased time for economic activities. A synergy has been
created, with the community now working for individual electricity connection and taking out
loans to upgrade houses. This example shows that the poor voluntarily pay for improved
living conditions and sanitation when micro-financing is available.
Issues addressed:
• Women’s empowerment
• Social security
• Community-level development of bare necessities.
Objectives:
• Full employment and self-reliance of women workers
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• Encouraging savings as a form of social security

• Economic security
Results achieved:
• Improved the employment facility and self-reliance of women workers
• Increased savings habit
• Housing facility for the homelessness
• Improved productivity and quality of life
• Improved access to water, sanitation and other basic infrastructure services
• Help acquiring assets to increase economic security
Lessons learnt:
• Success as joint effort between the individual, community, private sector, public
sector, and NGOs – called the Slum Networking Project – has been facilitated by
the bank.
• Direct involvement of the beneficiary (family), with the involvement of local
industries and the government enhances the success criteria.
Financing: By local community and individual participant in
Source: UNDP-World Bank 1999.
4.2.3 Uttar Pradesh Sodic Lands Reclamation Projects

Location: State of Uttar Pradesh, Northern India
Responsible organisation: The World Bank, South Asia Region, Rural Development Sector,
and Government of India.
Implementing agency: Uttar Pradesh Bhumi Sudhar Nigam, Government of Uttar Pradesh,
Lucknow
Description: Uttar Pradesh (UP) covers half of the Indo-Gangetic plain, which is one of
India’s most fertile tracts and its agricultural heartland. UP has nearly 17 million hectares
under cultivation and accounts for 10 percent of India’s net sown area and 25 percent of the
total irrigated area. It produces nearly 20 percent of India’s food grains. Despite the existing
and potential wealth, UP is the third-poorest state in India. More than 80 percent of its people
are rural and 75 percent are dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Of the total
operational holdings of 19 million in UP, about 16.8 million are classed as small (one to two
hectares) or marginal (less than one hectare).
The Uttar Pradesh Sodic Lands Reclamation Projects began in 1993, but sustained support
through the International Development Association has seen a remarkably successful series
of interventions in reversing a major type of land degradation in South Asia. The
development objectives were to develop concomitant models for environmental protection
and improved agricultural production through large scale reclamation of sodic lands,
strengthen local institutions, enabling effective management of such programs with strong
beneficiary participation and NGO support and contribute toward poverty alleviation of
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families managing sodic lands.
UP Sodic Lands II, has advanced the progress made since 1993 in important directions
through sustainable reclamation of sodic lands and prevention. Scaling up the earlier thrusts,
upgrading of farm-to-market roads, increase of community participation and ownership; and
reduction of waterlogged and sodic lands.
Special focus was put on building local capacity (village artisans, friends of farmers (men and
women) known as Mahila and Mitra kisans and animators). The project has been well
managed by the Indian Government, and well supervised by the International Development
Association, largely through the Resident Mission in New Delhi.
Issues addressed: Rural development in impoverished areas.

Results achieved:
• Established a land reclamation system
• Documented increase in family income (up 30 percent)
• Increased crop diversification
• Increased paddy and wheat yield (3.7 from 1.2 t/ha and 2.6 from 0.7 t/ha)
• Improved and continuous involvement of beneficiaries in all phases of
implementation
• Engaged 2,485 effective functioning women’s self-help groups in a variety of
economic activities
• Positive environmental impact
• Allotted about 12,000 hectares of land to the landless people
• Allotments of common village lands to joint ownership of husband and wife thereby
empowering women substantially
• Infrastructure created, maintained by beneficiaries
• The local institution of Site Implementation Committee (SIC) became a legal entity
to Gram Panchayats
Lessons Learnt:
• Flexibility in project design

• Strong government commitment to succeed. (The executing agency (UPBSN) was
given substantial flexibility and authority to carry out its activities; the staff are all
on contract and are fully accountable for their performance; and there is complete
transparency in the functioning of the corporation)
• Effective use of NGOs to motivate beneficiaries to organize themselves to design,
implement and monitor the program
• Systematic approach of a “full” reclamation package
• Sustainability of achievements was addressed through linking beneficiaries with line
departments and credit institutions
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• The Government of Uttar Pradesh is now following a reclamation management

system developed by this project in non-project areas
• Technology to reduce the cost of reclamation is being refined
• To further strengthen the proposed project, based on lessons learnt from the
experience of the on-going project, the following elements are included in the
design: strengthening the supporting environment, including public institutions,
local government, NGOs and the community
• Focus on training of extension staff and farmers
• Rural roads to facilitate input supply and marketing
• Remodelling and maintenance of the main drainage network by the Irrigation
Department
• Intensification of adaptive research activities, including research into cost-effective
technology
Contacts:
Mr. Paliwa
Managing Director
Tel. (+91 522) 393510, 395270-76; Fax (+91 522) 392856
Email: UPBSNLKO@lw1vsnl.net.in
Ricardo Castro, SAREXT
The World Bank Group
1818 H. Street NW, Room MC8-833
Washington, D.C. 20433
Tel. (202) 458-5157; Fax (202) 522-0321
Email: rcastro3@worldbank.org Webpage: http://www.worldbank.org/sar
Source: United Nations Division for Sustainable Development 25/03/2000
4.2.4 Tamil Nadu Women’s Development Project

Location: State of Tamil Nadu, Southern India
Responsible organisation: International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), co-
financed by the Government of India and the State Government of Tamil Nadu.
Description: Women make an essential contribution to their families’ survival (they are the
sole income providers for 20-2 percent of the households), despite their virtual lack of access
to means of improving their incomes. IFAD’s Tamil Nadu Women’s Development Project
(1990-1998) recruited 27 NGOs to work with women self-help groups, building on the
experience of those that had been working with poor rural villagers. They spent the first 6-12
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months building group cohesion and familiarising the members with saving and borrowing
procedures. Once women overcame the fear of borrowing money and found they were able to
repay their group-based loans, they were assisted in requesting formal loans from the Indian
Bank’s own resources.
The savings generated by the women had important implications on building confidence and
empowerment, which in turn had an impact on the sustainability of the initiative. This gained
confidence led many groups to broaden their field of activities. Branching out beyond savings
and credit, they took the initiative in community-oriented projects and held negotiations with
authorities. By adopting a method of group organisation, IFAD’s project assisted rural
women in improving their skills and economic activities until they acquired sufficient self-
confidence to become regular bank clients and entrepreneurs, thereby building their self-
reliance and raising their status in the family and the community.
In the words of Parameshwari, a woman from the village of Oodaipatti, “Before joining the
group, I had a lot of money problems. I always had to borrow money at very high rates. I no
longer have these problems and it’s good experience for me to have contact with others.
There are no caste feelings in my group; we all work together. I am hopeful about the future,
because I have my own income and I know that if I have a problem I can solve it with the
group. What I want most is to provide better conditions for my family, build a simple house
and buy some land so I can earn more.”
Issues addressed: Trade, economic growth, finance, investment, poverty, capacity building,
empowerment of women.
Results achieved:
• Half of all the loans granted went toward livestock activities that provided landless
and smallholder women with the opportunity to have some sort of daily income, and
one fourth went toward handicrafts and small-scale trading.
• 4,602 self-help groups were formed, bringing together 108,300 women in eight
districts;
• Over 68,800 loans were granted on market terms (12.5% interest) by the 108
branches of the Indian Bank;
• The State Government of Tamil Nadu decided to expand the project using its own
resources to all the districts of the state, while the World Bank and IFAD are
replicating this experiment in six other states of India.
• The women’s groups also managed to save money and set up a system for small
emergency loans among members.
Lessons learnt: The project was not only effective in mobilizing women into self-help
groups and granting them access to micro-finance, but was also responsible for important
changes in social patterns and norms, which led to the empowerment. Those involved in the
project became more independent economically and their overall decision-making role in the
family had also been enhanced.
Contacts:
Ms. Rarhana Haque-Rahman,
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India
IFAD Co-ordinator Communications and Public Affairs,
Via del Serafico 107
00142 Rome, Italy
Tel. (+39) 06 54591; Fax (+39) 06 54592143; Email ifad@ifad.org
Source: United Nations Division for Sustainable Development
4.2.5 Lignite and Biotechnology

Location: Neyveli, State of Tamilnadu, Southern India
Responsible organisation(s): Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC) is established within the
Ministry of Coal. Situated in the south of India in Tamilnadu, NLC mines 11MT of lignite
annually, of which 9.5 MT are used for electricity generation. Industrial aspect of activities is
supported by the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO).
The project was initiated to facilitate the establishment of a Lignite Fuel and Energy Research
Institute (LERI) at NLC in order to ensure that Indian lignite was utilised to its full potential
and that environmental problem stemming from its use are minimised. One aspect of the
project was to assist NLC with the industrial aspects of its work on mine spoil reclamation.
The mining operations at NLC covered a huge area by mine spoil, and the problem continued
to grow. NLC explored ways to overcome this concern.
The main problem was that the mine spoil was devoid of both humic substances and micro-
organisms and hence unable to support crop growth. NLC undertook tests to enrich the sterile
mine spoils with additives in order to transform the spoils into a suitable substrate for plant
growth. The tested additives included biofertilisers, humic acid, other organic substances and
inorganic fertilisers. These were tested in various combinations in a large variety of plant
species including maize, millet, rice, sugarcane, fruit trees and flowers. The biofertiliser and
the humic acid supplements tested are being produced on the pilot scale by NLC, and lignite
itself was one of the raw materials in the production process. The biofertiliser was produced
by growing five strains of microorganisms. These were harvested and adsorbed onto lignite
to produce a jelly-like substance which was the final product. The humic acid was then
produced from lignite by digestion with potassium hydroxide. This produced an undesirable
effluent.
The project provided support toward the development of the production processes for the
biofertiliser and the humic acid and a new biotechnology process for producing humic acid
was developed. In addition to reducing production costs, this would probably also alleviate
the need for the harsh chemicals that are used in the present production process, and thus
reduce the environmental impact of the process. It also provided an elegant solution to an
environmental problem; using the material extracted from a mining operation, and
biotechnology, to alleviate the environmental problem caused by the mining. NLC is also
investigating biotechnology solutions to other environmental problems. These include the
biological treatment of effluents, including effluent from the lignite briquetting and cooking
plant to reduce phenol content, and for reclamation of the ash-pond, which now covers more
than 25 hectares. NLC is also monitoring the fate of residual chemicals in the environment.
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Issues addressed: The operations at NLC had, and continue to have, considerable
environmental impact. The project supports the above biotechnology approach which may be
able to significantly reduce some of the negative environmental effects. Many other mining
sites in India, and many other developing countries with mining operations, face similar
environmental problems. There is thus considerable potential for applying the products and
technologies developed at NLC at other sites both within and outside of India.
Objectives: To assist NLC to develop technologies which will mitigate the environmental
consequences of past and present mining and related activities, and which may be replicable
at other sites.
Results achieved: Technologies have been developed which can effectively reduce the
environment impact of mining activities.
Lessons learned: Environmental protection technologies are not always restrictive to
industry nor are they necessarily expensive.
Funding: The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany through the Industrial
Development Fund.
Contact:
Mr. Grant Ramsay, Chemical Industries Branch,
UNIDO Vienna International Centre
P.O. Box 400 A-1400 Vienna Austria
Telephone: (+43 1) 21131 – 3774
Source: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs
4.2.6 Industrial Cluster Development in India

Funding: US$1,800,000
Source of funding: UN Development Programme (UNDP), Italy (under a global project) and
Switzerland
Duration: 1996-2001
Project manager:
Giovanna Ceglie, Tel: 26026-3829, E-mail: mailto:%20%20gceglie@unido.org
(Fabio Russo, Tel: 26026-3611, E-mail: mailto:%20%20frusso@unido.org)
Goal: Increase the competitiveness of small- and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) through
their organisation into industrial clusters.
Issues: SME clusters have existed in India for several decades with some 350 urban and
2,000 rural and artisanal ones. Although they constitute 60 percent of India’s manufactured
exports, most clusters have not been efficient economic performers. Yet, recognizing their
economic potential, the government has decided to promote cluster development as one of the
main pillars of its Small-Enterprise Development Policy.
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India
Strategy: Based on a comprehensive analysis of the existing clusters in India, four clusters
were chosen for assistance: hand-printed textiles in Jaipur, Rajasthan; hosiery in Tirupur,
Tamil Nadu; woollen hosiery in Ludhiana, Punjab; and food processing in Pune,
Maharashtra. In 1999, three additional clusters were selected for promotion: machine tools
in Bangalore, Karnataka; leather in Ranipet/Ambur, Tamil Nadu; and drugs and
pharmaceuticals in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. Each cluster was carefully examined, its needs
were assessed, and concrete measures for its development outlined. To broaden the scope
and increase the project’s impact, the challenge ahead has become the development of a
national SME cluster programme entailing support to the cluster initiatives undertaken by
individual states, as well as close co-operation with key national SME support institutions
and development banks such as the Small Industries Development Bank of India, State Bank
of India and National Small Industries Corporation. The project is also assisting the Ministry
of Industry in ensuring co-ordination and developing synergies among national, state and
cluster level initiatives.
Results: More than 100 policy makers and development agents have participated in
workshops, training study tours and seminars on cluster development approaches.
Four clusters selected for assistance have benefited in different forms.
• Jaipur: hand-printed textiles: The Calico Printers Co-operative Society – now

comprising 126 artisans – was revived and has undertaken common initiatives,
including joint marketing; 15 exporters created the Consortium of Textile Exporters
joining forces to boost exports and improve access to better designs 23 artisans and
exporters were linked up to the Japanese market.
• Tirupur: hosiery: Ten firms and 12 entrepreneurs received international expert
advice in finishing, yarn diversification, design and subcontracting.
• Ludhiana: woollen hosiery: Twelve knitting firms were helped to create the
Knitwear Development Group, which organizes common designer services and
training courses and seeks export markets and partners. 30 firms benefited from
international assistance in design. 40 exporters were assisted to create the Apparel
Exporters Association of Ludhiana, which organizes training courses and co-
ordinates exports.
• Pune: food processing: The Consortium for Food Industry and Trade was created;
250 entrepreneurs participated in lectures, workshops, study tours and training
programmes. The Computerised Information Centre was established.
4.2.7 Ecotourism in the Mountains of Sikkim

Location: Mountains of Sikkim, North Eastern India.
Responsible organisation(s): The Mountain Institute (TMI), GB Pant Institute of Himalayan
Environment and Development (GBPIHED), Travel Agents Association of Sikkim (TAAS)
and The Green Circle
Description: At the primary project site, Yuksam, participatory appraisal and planning
focusing on ecotourism catalyzed a portion of the population to carry out conservation
activities, such as clean-ups and tree-planting, connected with site enhancement. Participants
in training courses paid fees to attend, an idea that initially met with resistance, but was
239
gradually accepted as courses gained a reputation for quality and for meeting a need in the
tourism sector. In the project, training of key stakeholders in mountain-based tourism is seen
as a critical activity in linking biodiversity conservation and income-generation from tourism.
In March, project staff and volunteers from TAAS and the Sikkim Mountaineering Institute
held a two-day training course for trek porters and pack animal operators in Yuksam, the start
of the major trek. Over 80 local people attended the session.
As result of the above training programme to the stakeholders in the grass-roots level in the
sector, tourists and trekkers to the Yuksam-Dzongri area experienced the unique behavioural
practices among the porters as they supported long-term conservation of the area. In
response, the trekkers wrote a letter to the Chief Minister of Sikkim suggesting that, if people
wanted an example of responsible trekking, Sikkim was the place to visit
The incident generated considerable interest in government of Sikkim circles, where the
importance of a training strategy for sustainable tourism in the state was often discussed. The
government’s immediate response was to offer financial support and personnel for a trek
cooks’ training course, which was taken up by the project.
Issues addressed: Sustainable management of the environment, with biodiversity

conservation and income-generation for the local people, toward livelihood security.
Objectives:
• To make site-specific conservation happen
• To test the hypothesis regarding the effectiveness of enterprise oriented approaches
to conservation
• Enterprise-based conservation
Results achieved:
• Motivation of common people toward local resource conservation
• Conservation of vegetation and biodiversity
• Sustainable livelihood generation
Lessons learnt: Better results can be achieved by motivating communities, by educating
them and having them participate in any development project. The enterprise lessons to be
drawn from this project analysis define good business sense: that successful enterprise
requires good market. Competition in a market requires a strong business plan. The project
that attained optimal conservation successes tended to markets well, and enjoyed little
competition. Green markets may be best understood as niches that provide opportunities.
National markets are a safer bet since they are simpler and require fewer managerial skills to
access. The most important lessons here is the necessity of a “good” business plan.
Financing: USAID
Source: Biodiversity Conservation Network, www.bcnet.org
4.2.8 Jhanwar Watershed Project

Location: A watershed 1,200 ha within 4,600 ha 25 km south west of Jodhpur in western
Rajasthan, Western India
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India
Responsible organisation(s): This project was implemented jointly by CAZRI, the State
Department of Soil Conservation and the local communities.
Description: The project located at a watershed 1,200 ha within 4,600 ha of land, 25-km
south west of Jodhpur in western Rajasthan. The area was facing problems of low, erratic
rainfall averaging 360mm per year, and recurrent droughts. Soil erosion resulting is another
major problem causing reduction of cultivable land and the abandonment of severely eroded
areas. Reduction in plot sizes due to land allocations to the homeless, population growth and
inheritance laws is enhancing the situation toward an unsustainable environment.
Issues addressed:
• Infertile sandy soils with very low water retention and storage, low crop yields and
frequent failure due to drought
• Degraded communal grazing land due to overstocking
• Lowered water table because of over-exploitation
• Acute scarcity of fodder and fuelwood
• Seasonal migration of human and livestock populations
• Change from mix cropping to single-crop system.
Objectives: The major objective of the project was to provide a sustainable solution to the
problem by
• Introducing the management of natural resources – soil, water, vegetation and
animals – for increased production through an integrated sustainable production
system over the whole watershed
• Field testing of nationally developed dry-land farming technologies
• Increasing awareness among rural people to encourage participation in the new
system
Results achieved:
• Land protection using multi-purpose shelter belts against wind and water erosion
• Reclamation of 120 ha of wasteland through gully stopping
• Improved and sustainable source of fuelwood from shelter belt pruning
• Increased yields from intercropping drought-tolerant, high-yielding crops with fast-
growing, multi-purpose trees
• Increased area of irrigated commercial crops and double cropping because of
improved water harvesting
• Improved dairy output resultant on increased fodder availability
• Higher incomes through produce, sales and employment opportunities – poverty
alleviation
• Improved housing, access to education, nutrition and health
• Improved vegetation cover and biodiversity
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Uniqueness of the project: The above achievement has made the project a unique example
of watershed development by following
• A rise in groundwater level
• Recognition of the value of the integrated management of natural resources widely
recognised by government ministries with the consequent policy that dryland areas
be based on watershed-based integrated management.
• Replication capacity in other areas of Rajasthan and also Gujarat, Punjab and
Haryana
Lessons learnt:
• Land protection using multipurpose shelter beds
• Integrating approach toward livelihood security
• Conservation the vegetation and biodiversity of the area
• Income security by local employment generation
Financing: The project is funded jointly by the Government of India, ICAR and CAZRI.
Contact: UNEP Programme on Success Stories in Land Degradation/ Desertification Control
Source: UNEP Programme
4.2.9 Conjunctive Use of Water Resources in Deccan Trap of India

Location: Akole Taluka, Ahmednagar District, Maharashtra State, India
Responsible Organisations: Bharatiya Agro Industries Foundation (BAIF), Pune,
Maharashtra, India;
University of Windsor Earth Sciences, Windsor, Ontario, Canada; and the tribal and rural
people of Akole Taluka, Maharashtra, India.
Description: Akole Taluka receives monsoon rainfall in the months of June through
September, and little or no precipitation during the rest of the year. The tribal and rural
people were destitute, farming at a subsistence level of production. Many had health
problems (gastro-intestinal disorders, skin diseases), related to water shortage. By tradition,
women bore the hardships of finding water. Hard work alone could not break the cycle of
poverty and ill health. Self-esteem was low. The project goal was to design a management
strategy for acquiring a year-round water supply. The initial emphasis was on domestic
supply and any surplus was to be used for agriculture. Projected outputs were techniques for
reducing the volume of monsoon rains, leaving the area as runoff.
The inhabitants of three villages (population 3,239 in 1993) participated in setting up
demonstration sites for appropriate water-spreading and -harvesting techniques. The initial
assessment of needs included rapid appraisal of water use and public health. Project research
integrated (1) field and laboratory studies of soils and bedrock, (2) onsite hydrologic and
hydro-geologic investigations, and (3) indigenous knowledge of terrain features and botanical
indicators of ground water. The funding agency was the International Development Research
Centre (IDRC), Ottawa, Canada. Planning of the project was finalised, when IDRC brought
the intending partners together in the summer and fall of 1991. The project term was from
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India
April 1992 to March 1996. Unspent funds were reallocated for assessment of project
sustainability from April to May 1997.
Issues Addressed: Water-resource management, capacity building (vocational training at the

village level, professional retraining for BAIF personnel, institutional development in BAIF
through minor additions of equipment).
Results Achieved: Terracing of the hillsides was expanded. Ridges and trenches were
configured to divert runoff underground. Artificial recharge, deepening of dug wells and bore
wells improved water-well yields. Check-dams were constructed to trap spring and seepage
waters in reservoirs. Some spring discharges were collected in tanks. The rain, falling on the
roofs of houses, was collected and stored in tanks. The 494 households in the area began to
have relatively easy access to water for domestic and agricultural use. Twenty-six households
have adopted roof-water-harvesting systems. Up to 20 percent of all households obtained
water for domestic use from six developed springs. About 73,000 cubic meters of water are
stored in the reservoirs behind 14 masonry check-dams and three ferro-cement gabions.
Water availability increased by about 750 l/d per capita during the driest part of the year.
Decreases in the volume and velocity of runoff also had the effect of greatly reducing soil
erosion. The slope modifications were augmented by 6,550 gully plugs, 75 dry-stone bunds,
and 75 gabions. An annual soil loss of possibly as much as 150,000 tonnes was prevented.
The increased soil moisture permitted villagers to obtain a second (winter) crop from 75
hectares of land. About 300 ha of wasteland were brought under cultivation during the rainy
season. In 1995, the village watershed committees reported that 5 to 15 percent of farmers
took produce to sell at local markets.
Villagers received training in construction of check-dams and gabions, excavation of trenches
along contours of elevation, installation of roof-water harvesting systems, and maintenance of
hand pumps. Basic instruction in hygiene and sanitation was provided and use of pit latrines
is on the increase. BAIF personnel working in the project gained familiarity with basic field
techniques in hydrology and hydrogeology. Other BAIF staff visited the area for the field
component of a 1997 training course on water-resource management.
Lessons Learnt: The tribal and rural people were initially suspicious of all outsiders.
However, they responded positively to suggestions that knowledge be shared. Respect for
religious beliefs of the villagers played an integral part in the project. (Botanical indicators of
shallow ground water are revered locally).
BAIF’s field assistants lived in the villages and shared the daily hardships of the tribal and
rural people. This promoted effective working relations.
Villagers, who were able to achieve success in water conservation and crop production by
adopting the techniques of the project, served as role models.
The geology of the area seemed singularly unpromising for successful management of water
resources. However, a research focus on fracture analysis gave good results and is
transferable to the entire Deccan Trap region.
IDRC’s dictum “empowerment through knowledge” really worked. The tribal and rural
people have gained confidence and a new outlook on life, evidenced by attention to personal
appearance, better upkeep of houses, new housing starts, and a major improvement in morale.
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The successes of this project have created an enabling environment for similar activities in
adjacent areas. Other villages are forming partnerships with outsiders to develop more
efficiently the scarce water resources.
Contacts:
Frank Simpson, Professor of Geology
University of Windsor Earth Sciences,
401 Sunset Ave., Windsor, Ontario, Canada N9B 3P4.
Tel. (1 519) 253 4232 ext. 2487; Fax (1 519) 973 7081
E-mail: franks@uwindsor.ca
Girish Sohani, Executive Vice President
Source: United Nations Division for Sustainable Development
4.2.10 Rainwater Harvesting Alwar, Rajasthan, India

Location: Gopalpura Village, Alwar District, Eastern Rajasthan.
Responsible organisation: Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), a local voluntary agency.
Description: In the mid-1980s, Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), a local voluntary agency, assisted
villagers of Gopalpura, Alwar, with water shortage – due to massive deforestation,
groundwater in the area was not recharged and virtually all wells were dry. They assisted the
villagers in building three small, earthen, rainwater-harvesting structures (johad). These small
check-dams store monsoon rains, irrigate fields, and increase percolation on the ground to
recharge wells and by the next monsoon, the wells of the poor, drought-stricken village had
water. The effort was based building checkdams to catch water, protecting and regenerating
forests to stop soil erosion, and assuring consensus within the community on works to be
taken up.
The success of these initial efforts has resulted in increased check-dam construction and
rehabilitation. There are now 3,000 water harvesting structures in 650 villages. The villagers
and TBS regenerated 6,500 square meters of land. The areas covered now have more
groundwater and surface water. Groundwater tables have increased by 6 meters on average.
Forest cover has also increased by 33 percent. Five formerly seasonal dry rivers now flow
perennially as a result of the 20 percent additional groundwater recharge. All of these benefits
come from the use of only three percent of total rainwater.
The availability of water allows agriculture to be productive and self-sustaining once

more. The economic gains from the efforts of TBS and the villagers are phenomenal.
Average annual per capita income increased by $19.78. For every dollar invested in
checkdams, economic production in villages increases by $4.20. The negative social
impacts associated with environmental degradation have also been reversed, with reduced
migration, increased attendance in schools, reduced crime rates, and increased
participation of women in village decisions.
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India
The efforts of TBS and the villagers have been called the largest mobilisation of people for
environmental regeneration. Effective village-level institutions have allowed the massive
network to be managed entirely by as many people as possible. Each family in a village is
represented in a central institution that looks after all water conservation activities of the
village. Villagers actively participate in all aspects of water conservation, including bearing
the costs of their activities. As of 1997-98,water conservation structures cost $3.5 million, of
which $2.6 million was contributed by villagers in cash or kind. Although TBS has had
numerous problems with the bureaucracy, it is the villagers themselves who refuse to stop the
activities, leading to changes in the legal system.
Issues addressed: Rainwater harvesting structures (johad) by small check-dams to store

monsoon rains, irrigate fields, and increase percolation into the ground to recharge wells.
Objectives:
• To catch water and recharge the ground water
• To protect and regenerate forests to stop soil erosion
• To extend assuring consensus within the community to take up the initiative
Results achieved:
• The success of these initial efforts has resulted in increased check-dam construction
and rehabilitation
• Presently 3,000 water harvesting structures in 650 villages
• The villagers and TBS regenerated 6,500m2 of land
• Groundwater tables have increased by 6m on average. Forest cover has also
increased by 33 percent
• Five formerly seasonally dry rivers now flow perennially as a result of the 20
percent additional groundwater recharge
Lessons learnt:
• Community level participation at the village level made the programme a great
success
• The availability of water allows agriculture to be productive and self-sustaining
• The economic gains from the efforts of TBS and the villagers are phenomenal
• Average annual per-capita income increased by $19.78
• The negative social impacts associated with environmental degradation have also
been reversed, with reduced migration, increased attendance in schools, reduced
crime rates, and increased participation of women in village decisions
Source:
1. Publication by Narain, 1999;
2. Agarwal and Narain, 1999
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4.2.11 Joint Forest Management

Location: The eastern coast of India, State of Andhra Pradesh, Southern India
Responsible organisation(s): World Bank, Govt. of India and Organisations called Vana
Samrakshna Samithi (VSS)
Description: In a large state on the eastern coast of India, Andhra Pradesh, a substantial
transformation in forest management has been undertaken. A new approach to protecting
forest resources known as joint forest management has been used with much success. Joint
forest management focuses on forestry promotion oriented to meeting local people’s needs.
The joint forest management project is outlined as follows.
Local people living on the periphery of the forests are forming organisations called Vana
Samrakshna Samithi (VSS), to protect forests. These local people are joining the state
forestry department in a combined effort to rejuvenate their degraded forests. The gains from
this collective effort have been substantial. The Forestry Department is responsible for
organizing and providing technical and administrative support to the VSS. The primary
purpose of the VSS is to protect the forest from encroachment, grazing, theft, and fire, and to
improve the forest in accordance with an approved joint forest management plan.
Forest area only accounted for 0.07 hectares per capita, one of the lowest proportions in the
world. For the villagers mere existence was at stake and there was no assured reliance on
these natural assets. In 1988 the Government of India introduced a New Forest policy that
called for significant change in the management of forestland. The aims of forest
management were re-focussed toward ecological necessity and providing resources to local
populations. Forest policy aim was redirected from a commercial and industrial focus to
meeting the basic needs of people living near the forests. Finally the rights of people living in
and around forests were accounted for. Past management strategies, which focused on timber
production and government-enforced protection failed miserably. During the years between
1994 to 1998 the number of VSS increased to over 5,000. At the beginning much time had to
be spent convincing people of the value of the program. Today the situation is very different,
citizens are demanding that programs be set up in their villages.
Issues addressed: Local resource conservation and sustainable utilisation toward

environment conservation and livelihood generation of the community by rigorous
community participation.
Objectives: Joint forest management is the promotion of the forests as a means to meet
people’s needs. When the forest is viewed as an asset possessed by the people, the forest
becomes their responsibility. The motivation to participate is best described by the leader of
one VSS: “My village is my country, my backyard is my forest, my wealth is my trees, my
people, and I will protect them.” The participation of the people is absolutely necessary to
protect the forest from encroachment.
Results achieved:
• The property rights make a substantial difference in forest management
• Joint forest management is the promotion of the forests as a means in which to meet
people’s need by people’s participation
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India
• This policy ensures that there will be resources for the long-term sustainability of
the forest
• Its overall impact is conservation of local sustainable resources and biodiversity
Lessons learnt:
• Managed natural regeneration, together with effective protection from fire and
grazing, provides a cost-effective means of rejuvenating large areas of degraded
forests
• Rapid natural regeneration provides a major incentive for increased participation in
joint forest management
• Sharing benefits and responsibilities for forest management can provide sufficient
incentive for people’s participation in the restoration of forests
• Committed leadership, particularly at the political level, makes a huge difference to
the pace of reform
• Forest conservation and development need to be undertaken in conjunction with
village development in order to improve rural livelihoods and reduce poverty, and
strong linkages need to be built between these two related objectives in order to
sustain people’s commitment to forest management
Financing: World Bank and Govt. of India
Source: World Bank, 1998. World Bank Project Brief. New York, NY: Oxford University
Press. Percy, Steve. “Villagers Will Have a Stake in Indian Forests” New Scientist Vol.13
No. 1770 (1991): 16
4.2.12 Integrated Wastelands Development Programme

Location: Madhya Pradesh, Jhabua district, 350 km west of Bhopal, India
Responsible organisation: UNEP
Description: Jhabua district is an upland countryside with 85% tribal population. The area
under wastelands is increasing at a rapid rate due to deforestation, overgrazing and wrong
land-use practices. The climate is changing from dry sub-humid to semi-arid. The land
productivity has substantially decreased due to combined anthropogenic pressures and the
area is threatened by desertification. Increase in population is forcing the people to convert
forest and grazing land into agricultural land while the size of land-holdings is decreasing.
Community lands are rapidly vanishing. The land is now unable to sustain the human and
livestock populations and therefore people are migrating to other places in search of
employment. By employing sustainable land-use patterns, according to land capability
classes and involving local community (3084 people, 558 households; 6 villages) in
formulation and management of the programmes, 310 ha (hectares) of degraded community
and private lands have been so far treated through soil and water conservation measures like
contour-trench, gully plugging, gabion structures, etc.
Issues addressed: Waste management – Land and water management.
Objectives: To increase land productivity adopting integrated watershed approach.
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Results achieved: Land productivity is improved, eliminating the need to purchase grasses
from outside. Local people participate actively in the formulation, site selection,
implementation and management activities of the programme while the village committees
decide the modus operandi of harvesting and distribution of grasses. Large quantity of
fuelwood was saved due to the distribution of about 600 smokeless and portable fuel-efficient
stoves. The rainwater stored in stop-dam for domestic purpose was used by the people and
helped in recharging groundwater. A much greater awareness was observed among the
people to reclaim degraded lands, manage common property resources and protect their
environment. They contributed about one-third of the labour component as their “free labour”
and established “village common-funds” for social security and other common activities.
Lessons learnt: The use of low-cost simple technology and local materials to reclaim
degraded land resources proved to be successful. Active involvement of the local people in
planning development and management activities ensured sustainable development. This
technology can be replicated in the areas of similar situation.
Financing: Government of India (Approx. US$ 129,710).
Contact:
UNEP, Dryland Ecosystems and Desertification Control Programme Activity Centre
P.O.Box 30552 Nairobi, Kenya
Tel (254 2) 623285
Fax (254 2) 623284
E-mail: mailto:”dcpacinf@unep.no”
Source: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
4.3 Detailed Case Studies

4.3.1 Rainwater Harvesting Alwar, Rajasthan, India
4.3.1.1 Personal History of the Key Advocates of this Initiative
Rajendra Singh, the director of Tarun Bharat Sangh, is a simple man with a burning desire
to do something. Clad almost unfailingly in a khadi kurta payjama, he is loved and revered
in the 750 villages around Alwar. Singh, after completing his education, took a government
job in 1980 to support his family. During this time he occasionally got the desire to do
something to bring about social change but he remained involved in his personal duties and
responsibilities. In 1977 he had taken part in, and remained involved with, the “Bhoodan”
movement. In 1983 he resigned his job with the Rajasthan Government and joined the
Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), which was active in Jaipur. His powerful oratory and selfless
work soon brought him to the post of director of the Sangh. He says that it is because of his
desire to do something for the people that he has left his home and family and is living in a
veritable wilderness.
It is true that the government spends crores of rupees, but it is not used in the right place or at
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the right time. Last year, to cope with the floods in Alwar and Bharatpur, the government
spent one-and-a-half to two-crore rupees, but it has never seriously taken measures to prevent
floods. If steps had been taken to control the water at the right time then the heavy losses due
to the floods would have been prevented. The government’s effort of giving economic
assistance to NGOs through CAPART and other such organisations is praiseworthy. TBS was
successful in giving the desired shape to many of its development projects because of this.
CAPART’s Director General, Shri Rangan Dutta, himself came to inspect the projects of the
Sangh and expressed his pleasure at the work that being done. He said that the Sangh had set
an example for other NGOs to follow.
4.3.1.2 Institutional History and Reasons for Choosing this Course of Action
There are about 600,000 villages in India. And perhaps as many kinds of environmental
problems. It is easy to give up. But Bhaonta-Kolyala didn’t. The village community was
facing chronic drought, distress migration and poverty in the mid-1980s. Along with the
voluntary organisation TBS, it resorted to the tradition of building small, earthen check-
dams called johads in 1988. A johad prevents rainwater from running off, allowing it to
percolate into the ground, recharging groundwater aquifers and improving the water
balance of the earth.
Following the example set by Bhaonta-Kolyala, several neighbouring villages also started
restoring old johads and building new ones. The johads were stringed by water in the shape
of the river Arvalli. A seasonal nullah, the Arvalli grew like a child and started flowing for
one extra month each progressive year. In 1995 it flowed throughout the year. One of the two
main streams that meet to form the Arvalli originates from Bhaonta-Kolyala, from where the
work started in the river’s watershed. In 1990, Bhaonta-Kolyala had started work on its most
ambitious project: a 244-metre-long dam in the upper catchment of the Arvalli. This
technological marvel was aimed at stopping water right there before it moves downward. It
was completed in a mere three years.
After decades of sand, heat and infertility, the basin of the Aravalli has discovered water,
prosperity and abundance. More water meant better agriculture and animal husbandry. All the
agricultural land of the area is under cultivation now, and that is five times higher than in
1985. Milk production has increased up to 10 times. The expenses of diesel have been cut by
half as the water table has risen. Every single rupee invested in a johad increases the annual
income of the village by 2-3 times. More than three-fourths of the expenses of all the johads
built with the help of TBS has been borne by village folk in the form of voluntary labour and
local materials. In some cases, the village has contributed up to 80-90 percent of the
expenses. Experts say no engineering organisation would be able to build water harvesting
structures at such low costs and that there can be no better rural investment than on johads.
There are other benefits. For the past three years it has rained poorly and the region is in the
grip of a crippling drought. The river does not have much water. But the villages along the
river have enough water for drinking and irrigation. The ecology of the region has become
healthier with fish appearing in the waterbodies and birds appearing in forests, which are
regenerating. All these are conserved by the people of the area.
The miracle of the Arvari river is the result of at least 238 water-harvesting structures built by
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the 70 villages in the 503-sq km watershed of the 45 km-long river. All these structure have
been built without the help of any government agency. The only support was from Tarun
Bharat Sangh.
4.3.1.3 Conceptual history/Ethical Imperatives and Managerial History

When years of drought forced farmers in Bisuni, a tiny hamlet in India’s northern state of
Rajasthan, to leave their land in search of work the village elders felt helpless. Small dams
and ponds built by their ancestors for storing rainwater had been allowed to die. While they
had some knowledge of how to build these structures, the villagers lacked the motivation and,
crucially, the money to do it. Then they saw men and women in nearby villages digging
ponds with the help of the Tarun Bharat Sangh, a group of college activists committed to
reviving this arid region. “The people in this village got together and said, ‘We should do this
too,’” says local farmer Rameshwar Dayal.
The village undertook one-quarter of the total cost by contributing cash as well as labour. The
young activists got everyone involved in making decisions about water, forests and other
local resources. The efforts eventually bore fruit, here and in hundreds more villages in
northern Rajasthan. The government had written off these areas as “black zones” because of
the severe water shortage. But they are alive again, thanks to the efforts of local communities
with support from the Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS.) Rajendra Singh, the group’s charismatic
leader, has been named this year’s winner of the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Prize for
Community Leadership. This has happened not only by the initiative by one person or an
organisation, but due to ordinary villagers who have had to work against impossible odds.
The people, who once had little more than the clothes on their back, now have productive
farmlands of their own. This has happened because they came together as a community. Not
only did they build ponds, they also planted trees and learned how to manage other local
resources. And they eventually prospered.
Starting with just one village in 1986, the TBS has spread its success to more than 700
villages in Rajasthan. This widespread appeal is what sets it apart from other Indian
organisations working with local communities. When people start taking care of the water,
they become very concerned about their environment automatically and they start taking care
of the environment, they start managing their resources better. The residents of Bisuni know
this well. The groundwater in their village has risen several feet over the past six years.
Farming and cattle rearing have been made possible again. There are even a few patches of
sugar cane – a very thirsty crop – in this once barren land. Water has allowed for growing
fodder to keep animals. Earlier there was not enough to eat. Now there is actually have food
left over which can be sold. In the past, people would go to cities for work. Now there is a lot
of work right in the village.
4.3.1.4 Obstacles and Opportunities

When a group of five youth from Jaipur, which included Rajendra Singh, landed in Alwar
district’s Thanagazi tehsil not long ago, the villagers viewed them with suspicion. The
backward Gujjars and the tribal meenas branded them as child-lifters and terrorists. They
were not to blame, for the villages, nestled in eastern Aravallis, were going through difficult
times in the 1980s. Most parts of Alwar district had been declared another “dark zone,”
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which meant that there was very little ground water left. Rivers and ponds were drying up
and most of the men had left for cities in search of work. Life in the villages had come to a
standstill with farming activities getting severely affected and the bovine wealth, the
backbone of the rural economy, shrinking in the absence of fodder and water.
The engineering knowledge to make johads was entirely local built by the villages have
already stood the test of time and the ravages of intense rainfall in 1995 and 1996, when scores
of structures designed by professionally trained engineers and maintained by the government
failed and created tragic floods. Studies also show that the selection of site, design and
construction of johads, based entirely on traditional knowledge, is most appropriate.
As for good management of what they have created, the 70 villages in its watershed have
formed the Arvari River Parliament to ensure that the Arvari and its villages remain
prosperous and all disputes are settled internally. As for the Arvari, hydrological estimates
show that the river has started flowing as a result of only 20 percent additional groundwater
recharge. And the prosperity of the region is based on utilising merely three percent of the
rainfall. Four other rivers have flowed perennially in the region.
While Tarun Bharat Sangh has provided all the support, the transformation is a result of the
initiative of Bhaonta-Kolyala. Its people have proved that for a mobilised society rooted in
traditional wisdom, drought is a myth. They have shown how a degraded landscape can be re-
greened. Shown that economic well being is a byproduct of ecological regeneration and
rainwater harvesting. That the answers to seemingly unsurpassable environmental problems
lie in social mobilisation and traditional wisdom. That the capacity of villages that seem
economically poor should not be underestimated.
4.3.1.5 Success Factors

Fifteen years and many johads later, water has restored life and self-respect in Alwar. Of late,
several villages in the neighbouring districts of Jaipur, Dausa, Sawai Madhopur, Bharatpur
and Karauli have been revived by the TBS. Neembi in Jamwa Ramgarh tehsil of Jaipur
district is one such village which caught the fancy of planners this summer as the perennially
drought-prone village had water at three feet from ground in the third consecutive drought
year. Neembi’s residents, who spent Rs 50,000 in 1994 to construct two earthen dams with
the help of the TBS, now produce vegetables and milk worth Rs 3 crores annually.
Farming activities have resumed in hundreds of drought-prone villages with the rivers
Ruparel, Arvari, Sarsa, Bhagani and Jahajwali flowing again after remaining dry for decades.
The villages, which were deserted by inhabitants, have been populated once again. There is a
sense of belonging among the people as the gram sabhas created by the TBS to facilitate the
management of the johads have a say in the general well being of the community as well.
The rebirth of the Arvalli was something of a miracle. In 1986, the residents of Bhanota-
Kolyala village, with the help of the TBS, constructed a johad at its source. Soon villages
around the catchment area and along the dry river constructed tiny earthen dams. When the
number of dams reached 375, the river began to flow. The residents went on to constitute a
parliament of their own. Arvari Sansad, inspired by the Gandhian concept of gram swaraj,
is a representative body of 72 villages in the areas served by the river. The Arvari
parliament has framed 11 major rules to fix the cropping pattern and water use. The rules
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permit only landless farmers to draw water directly from the river and bans the cultivation
of sugarcane and the raising of buffaloes as these activities would require relatively large
amounts of water.
Rajendra Singh, who was associated with Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampurna Kranti (Total
Revolution) movement in his student days, has mobilised the people to stand up and speak
for themselves and use natural resources in a sustainable manner. Activities of the TBS are
spread over an area of 6,500 sq. km., which includes also parts of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat
and Andhra Pradesh.
4.3.2 Tara gram – A Livelihoods Initiative of Development Alternatives

4.3.2.1 Personal Histories, Institutional Arrangements, Conceptual/Ethical and
Managerial History
Dr. Ashok Khosla established Development Alternatives in 1983. His vision for India had the
following meanings.
• Restoration of the environment.

• Income generation activities on sustainable basis.
• Women empowerment.
India, at the turn of the century, had over 30% of its land under forest. There were no shortage
of pastureland, water bodies, flora and fauna and man lived in harmony with nature. All these
got disturbed, and a situation came that, during 1940-50, there was a literal drainage of forest
resources. Forests were cut indiscriminately and the situation now is that there is only 11% of
the area left under good forest. Dr. Khosla in the initial years concentrated on taking science
and technology to the villages so that greater avenues for income-generating activities could be
found on the doorsteps of the villagers. Keeping this in view, he introduced innovation by
using traditional methods of alternative technologies in energy like solar briquettes from
wastes, mud cool stoves to reduce the emissions and fuel consumption and paid special
attention in the central part of India known as Bundelkhand which is the poorest of 13 districts
of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. This area is one of the poorest in the country. At one
time about 50 years ago it had one of the finest forests, wildlife, pasture lands and water
bodies. Man and animal lived in harmony with nature. It had a pastoral economy. Both got
disrupted with the indiscriminate cutting of forests and situation soon emerged where forests
and pastureland disappeared, soil erosion started taking toll of both agricultural and pastoral
land putting its ill effect on productivity. The water bodies all dried up. Since the whole
economy of this area is based on natural resources one of this natural resources started
disappearing. Development Alternatives (DA) then decided to set up a regional base in
Bundelkhand with its Head Quarter at Jhansi. The first effort was to initially restore a process
in which the key element was to generate maximum amount of land following in the area
covered by forest through various conservation measures and keeping humans and animals out
of the dreaded area. Number of species that has come nearer to extinction started appearing
again. This process was very cost effective as forests and the growth of plants re-focussed.
The second intervention was harnessing all the land and water so that groundwater kept
increasing substantially so that fields could yield two assured crops per year. The
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Bundelkhand region is a plateau. Although it receives 850-900 ml annual rainfall, most of it

is lost in run-off. DA adopted the handcrafted and indigenous methods our forefathers used
400-500 years ago, harnessing small streams where checkdams, both earthen and concrete,
were constructed. This led to increase in groundwater recharging and the farmers had much
more water than before. DA built lakhs of such construction that they bought economic
prosperity. The added advantage with the agricultural research from two crops is the
availability of milch animals, mainly cows and buffaloes, producing one liter of milk and
occupying nearly one hectare of cropland, improving the fertility of land in other areas. This
was done by introduction of legumes, which fixed nitrogen to the soil and provided goodf
qualitiy crops, with the commercial effect being that the fertility of the soil increased
substantially. The retention capacity increased also by reducing the retention requirement:
introduction of Sisbania bispinosa, the legume which did wonders to the soil – even waste
land – helped crop lands start growing pulp and oil seeds. It was soon realised that forests and
agriculture can be developed fully in the country in the next 20-30 years and at best 30-35
percent of rural people’s lives can be greatly improved. It was then decided that income-
generation activities with the help of science and technology should be encouraged in the
rural areas so that agricultural and water bodies can be increased. Thus Tara gram was
established on 10 acres of land near Jhansi with the following aims.
• To provide employment on a sustainable basis with the following intervention

• Regeneration of natural resources and the sustainable utilisation of it.
• Create waste-to-wealth programmes in energy to help women’s employment and
income-generation activities.
That all these programmes must improve the quality of lives was kept in view. This implied
water and sanitation in the villages, education to the girl children and income-generation
activities for women, based on the natural resources of the area. In the area of shelter, DA
developed walling and flooring materials. Similarly, a 100kv electrical unit, the first of its
kind, was introduced, which provides electricity using the weed Ipomea, which grows in
abundance in the water bodies.
4.3.2.2 Justification of the Proponent for the Particular Course of Action

The proponent found that Bundelkhand region in central India was one of the extreme
examples of rapid degradation of natural resources, primarily land, water and forest, which
were in a very healthy state only about half a century back. This resulted into large scale
poverty and backwardness in the countryside. The situation was further compounded by
continuous neglect and human activities leading to environmental pollution as special case in
the point is indiscriminately queering of stones proliferation of stone crusher units.
The proponent found through their sustained study and rapport with the community
tremendous opportunity for regeneration of natural reserve and the eco-friendly economic
utilisation of waste of all kinds. Several pilot interventions proved the correctiveness and
sustainability of the approaches.
4.3.2.3 Motivations
As outlined above, the proponent’s initiative in restoration of natural resources – especially
land and water – bore excellent results and the fullest response and participation of the
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beneficiary communities. One striking example of regeneration of water resources in the

augmentation of agriculture productivity has been through construction of the 100 check-
dams which provides year-round water. Consequently, the increase in irrigation intensity has
helped the farmers to take 2 to 3 crops, compared to single crop earlier.
4.3.2.4 Obstacles
The major obstacles encountered in the initiative were the lack of co-operation and
sometimes resistance of local authority. People had lost confidence in the bureaucracy; they
were too dependant on the government. People started depending too much on charity.
Numerous promises had been made but very few promises were kept. Also the extreme
poverty of the farming and non-farming community could not immediately provide any
economic contribution to the venture. Lastly, the lack of programme support, especially for
overall management and professional development adversely affected the buildup and
sustenance of a community cadre of professionals.
4.3.2.5 Opportunities
The opportunities available were, firstly, the overwhelming community response, which
created a conducive environment for any development measure in the region. Secondly, the
innovation of the micro-enterprise development, based on environmentally hazardous waste
like stone dust from crushers provided livelihood to hundreds of youth, and this checked their
migration to urban areas for a better future. The sustained success of these experiments have
also greatly influenced the mindset of political and administrative leadership in the state of
Madhya Pradesh, especially at the higher and middle levels.
4.3.3 Joint Forest Management at Andhra Pradesh

4.3.3.1 Personal History of the Key Advocates of this Initiative. Institutional
Arrangements for this Initiative
The project was under the overall control of the Secretary of the Energy and Forests
Department (EFD) of Government of Andhra Pradesh (GoAP). A small Project Monitoring
Unit (PMU) was established in the GoAP secretariat for FD to assist with the coordination
between FD as the nodal executing department for the project and the other participating
government departments/agencies, and to ensure that these received adequate funds for the
execution of the project. The Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (FD) was the Project
Coordinator and field level implementation was channelled through the FD and the FDC
(under the control of its Vice Chairman and Managing Director). Implementation of the Tribal
Development Plan was under the Secretary Social Welfare. The collaborative fodder
component was implemented by the FD in collaboration with DAH under the control of the
Director of Animal Husbandry. Since the project constitutes the major part of the development
work that was undertaken by the FD over the next six years, it was neither necessary or
desirable to create separate project management structures. Implementation of the
organisational review was managed by the office of the Secretary of Forests and Environment.
Each of the other proposed project components was implemented through the FD and was
managed by a designated Chief Conservator or Conservator of Forests. Implementation of all
project components was carried out on the basis of annual work plans including targets,
allocation of staff and financial resources, and an assessment of previous performance.
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Many aspects of the forest administration in Andhra Pradesh required review and
streamlining. The purpose was to make forest development more effective and productive,
more responsive to peoples’ needs and to meet the goals of the revised forest policy. A study
of the FD service organisation was proposed to address the identified areas of concern and
ensure optimal use of manpower, particularly at the field level. Changes were also required to
increase coordination and support to the field activities.
4.3.3.2 Ethical/Conceptual History

Joint Forest Management (JFM) seems to have taken root most strongly in the State of
Andhra Pradesh. Several features of the Andhra Pradesh programme distinguish it from other
state level JFM programs:
• Funds of forest work are transferred directly to the village committees, increasing
the sense of ownership in the forest and the programme. The committees also get
100 percent of the incremental production of timber and are required to invest half
of that in the village fund, thus ensuring sustainability
• JFM is not merely confined to the Bank Villages: in addition to 1665 villages funded
by the project, Vana Samarakshana Samithis (forest protection committees) have
been formed in 4,606 more villages
• The programme is also being funded from the poverty alleviation budget of the
Rural Development Department, which has enabled the state to scale up the efforts
of the project
• The FD, reaching down to the lowest levels of its operation, has strong commitment
to participatory methods, thanks to vertically integrated training programs and
continuity of excellent leadership
• Unlike other states, in Andhra Pradesh there is a strong emphasis on involving the
press with the visit of senior officers and politicians to the village allowing for
publicity for the good work done
• The committees have the power to dispose of timber and bamboo in the open market
through auction
• Eight hundred NGOs are participating in the project
• Political commitment to building community participation is strong in the state.
Leaders in are seeking political mileage by vigorously pursuing the agenda for
building up local communities and decentralisation
4.3.3.3 Managerial History and Motivations

The organisation identified likely locations for JFM programs in co-operation with local NGOs
and ITDAs (in tribal areas). An initial participatory resource appraisal was carried out with
concerned organisations to determine the willingness of villagers in a particular location to
participate in the programme. This exercise gave an idea of local forest product need for
complementary development activities in each location. The FD conducted a pre-investment
survey of the area about existing vegetation including viable rootstocks and other pertinent site
conditions. After the survey the FD provided technical and economic guidance on a range of
treatment option from which user groups would choose. The treatments were designed to foster
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multi-tier canopy cover and multi-product outputs to meet the needs of diverse user groups.
The FD had evolved a mechanism for handover existing community forest plantations and their
management by the communities. NGOs provided great help in implementing such handover.
Based on the experience gained from the handing over phase new community afforestration
works were initiated only from third year of the project. NGOs implemented several programs
that were very close to the Group Farm Forestry concept envisaged in the project. Initial
implementation of this activity was therefore completed with the assistance of NGOs. By
working closely with such NGOs the FD gained requisite experience in the approach and began
their direct involvement from fourth year of the project. The project also supported a limited
programme of production of superior quality seedlings for sale to farmers. The programme is
based on reaching to about 360,000 households during the project period with an average of 10-
20 forest fruit plants (including tamarind) or 100 commercial forest or miscellaneous plants of
superior materials to be planted around field bunds, in small patches, etc.

The project has many innovative features, involving the introduction of new technologies,
management approaches or modern methods not applied earlier in Andhra Pradesh.
Successful implementation of project component with such new features necessitates training
of staff in the corresponding skills. Therefore, arrangements for development of staff skills
from an integral part of most components. Arrangements for training range from workshop
and study tours to formal non-degree coursework and, in some instances, degree coursework.
The aggregate training activities under the project was in one way or another involved the
majority of FD staff at all project levels, as well as representatives of other program is
devoted to eliminate the backlog in basic forestry training lower echelon forestry staff.
The project also strengthened adaptive forestry research. The programs was carried out to
include large-scale verification trials and demonstrations of technologies developed by the
Indian Council for Forest Research and Education and in other countries. The FD invested a
large amount of money on improvement of research facilities and developed four major
centers, which were strategically situated. Attempts were made to organize the research
function so that staff can develop a level of continuity (something which was badly needed).
Contracted postgraduate research assistants were employed for specific tasks which is a
valuable step forward. At negotiation an assurance was also obtained that research staff
remain in post for at least five years to develop and contribute their specialised expertise. An
autonomous research institute was suggested by the FD which would also provide the
flexibility needed to make this a successful research programme.
The project had beneficial effects on the environment. It is heavily weighted toward
environmental improvement through community-based protection of forest areas and vegetative
soil and moisture conservation methods. Recommendations of an environmental impact review,
carried out during pre-appraisal, have been incorporated in the project design. The project
addressed the following main environmental considerations: watershed protection and
management, including the prevention of soil erosion and fires, conservation of soil moisture,
maintenance of biological diversity, including protected areas; limited use of fertilizers and
pesticides; and increased productivity in order to reduce pressure on the environment. These
activities result in significant non-quantifiable project benefits as discussed above.
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The project fostered a major change in forest policy from enforced protection to co-operation
with local communities. The state is committed to this change which is based on experience
in other states. Links are being established between the forest administration and other
departments as well as with NGOs for the implementation of this programme. The project
also served to strengthen the forestry institution in the state. Moves toward a restructuring of
the FD organisation to respond to the challenges ahead were planned as an integral apart of
the project. The collaborative fodder program involving the FD and the DAH which was
being started under the project had high long-term potential for expansion.
Women were predominantly collectors of fodder, fuelwood and benefited considerably from the
project. The JFM forestry treatment practices was significantly enhanced availability of many
forest products that were collected to provide household subsistence and secondary income.
Effective participation of women in JFM was critical to curb illicit removals and to secure
sustained management to the resources. To facilitate the efforts to mobilize women the project
involved NGOs in formation of village committees; FD staff also undergone gender sensitisation
training. The village women were given empowerment and management training. Women were
full members of village protection committees and established women’s subcommittees. The
project also supported a study on rural women’’ requirements and appropriate designs for fuel
efficient stoves in different part of the state early on. The efforts to incorporate women in all
aspects of the project was supported by a new FD hiring policy to encourage recruitment of
women as forest guards, foresters, and range officers – staffed 100% by men. A post for a
women nodal officer was established in the FD to co-ordinate and monitor gender sensitivity
training, women’s development activities and project efforts relating to tribals.
About one half of the project areas have relatively large tribal populations. In some of these
areas over 60% of participants was tribal. In other areas, the tribal participation was up to
50% in areas of concentrated settlement and less in other areas. Scheduled tribal areas are
those with highest concentration of tribals. Outside these areas, tribals form on average
somewhat less than 10% of the target population for JFM. The main thrust of the project,
which was encompassed in the JFM program, automatically reached the benefit to the tribals.
The results of a socio-economic survey carried out during project preparation were used to
tailor JFM and benefit sharing arrangements under the project to the needs of tribals. Tribals
constituted over 50% of village forest committee members in tribal dominated districts. The
project therefore could reach approximately 150,000 tribal households located both inside
and outside the scheduled tribal areas (World Bank, 1995).
4.3.4 Conjunctive Use of Water Resources in Akole, the Deccan Trap

of India
4.3.4.1 The Personal History of the Key Advocates of this Initiative
The key advocates of the initiative is BAIF Development Research Foundation, Pune,
Maharashtra, India; University of Windsor Earth Sciences, Windsor, Ontario, Canada; and
the tribal and rural people of the villages of Ambevangan, Manhere and Titvi, in Akole
Taluka, Ahmednagar District, Maharashtra State, India. The project leaders were Girish G.
Sohani (India) and Frank Simpson (Canada). The funding agency was the International
Development Research Centre (IDRC), Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. IDRC also has played a key
role in the promotion of project results.
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4.3.4.2 Institutional History and Arrangements

IDRC brought BAIF and University of Windsor Earth Sciences together in Pune and Akole
Taluka (June 1991) and in Windsor (August 1991), for the planning of project activities. This
took place against the background of BAIF’s newly begun Wadi (Orchard) Programme in
Akole Taluka and also a needs assessment, in the form of a rapid rural appraisal (RRA) with
a focus on water and health, carried out by a multidisciplinary BAIF team.
The project was funded as a development research initiative, initially for three years,
beginning on 1 April 1992. The total project value was CDN $496,975. The research partners
requested a one-year extension to the project term. Permission for this was granted by IDRC,
though with no additional funding. At the end of the extended project term, permission was
granted by IDRC for unspent funds to be used in a check on the sustainability of project
results. This took place in May-June 1997. The research project formally ended in 1998, with
the submission of all final, technical and financial reports to IDRC.
The project was successful beyond the wildest dreams of the participants. Its results provide a
basis for the training of BAIF’s programme personnel in a joint initiative by BAIF and the
University of Windsor. The training workshops began in 1996 and are ongoing. The BAIF
trainees have a total constituency of more than one million families, in seven states of India.
4.3.4.3 Ethical/Conceptual History and Motivation

The tribal and rural people were unaccustomed to making decisions that would affect their
wellbeing in the long term. BAIF field officers lived in the villages and shared the daily
hardships of the people. The initial emphasis in interactions was on the needs of the rural
family. Later dialogues with village groups dealt with different options for sustainable
livelihoods. BAIF organised “exposure visits” by interested individuals to its programme of
socio-economic rehabilitation of tribal people at Vansda, in the Valsad District of Gujarat.
The villagers saw how other tribal people had gained livelihoods from converting wastelands
into productive orchards. As well, they saw that improvements to their existing practice of
agriculture would require improved management of water resources.
The goal of the project was to improve the management of water resources by the tribal and rural
people of Akole Taluka. The project purpose was to work with the people toward a strategy for
obtaining a year-round water supply and to introduce appropriate technologies to this end at a
restricted number of demonstration sites in the villages and outlying areas. From the start, there
was firm agreement among the partners that participatory management was essential to the
success of the project. A high priority was placed on domestic water supply. It was agreed that
any surplus water would be directed for use in irrigation. Reconnaissance surveys at the start of
the project dealt with a larger area within Akole Taluka. The villages of Ambevangan, Manhere
and Titvi were designated as partners, by general agreement with the tribal and rural people.
The main activities, leading to achievement of these objectives, were:
• Collection of information on local knowledge systems, especially indigenous

technical knowledge, related to water and soil conservation
• Attention to local religious beliefs and practices that included considerations of
water
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• Examination of ancient, Indian texts on hydrology, hydrogeology and related topics

(e.g. the Brahat Samhita of Varaha Mihira, Sixth Century)
• Careful scrutiny of the design parameters for water- and soil-conservation
technologies, successfully implemented in other dryland areas of India and abroad
• Adherence to Indian standards for design and construction of appropriate
technologies for water and soil conservation
• Field investigations of hydrology and hydrogeology, combined with laboratory
studies of samples of the soils, weathered bedrock, bedrock and water
• Implementation of selected, appropriate technologies for water harvesting and
spreading, after integration of the above data
The research involved the preparation of base maps through analysis of imagery from Earth
satellites in orbit, using geographic information systems (GIS); exact location of observation
points and sample stations in the field, by means of a global positioning system (GPS), also
utilizing satellite data; collection of rainfall data, on a year-round basis; field observation of
relationships between surface water, ground water, Earth materials and characteristics of the
terrain; the size analysis of soils; the petrographic study of the volcanic bedrock and
incorporated varieties of the zeolite group of minerals; and examination of the isotopic
content of surface and ground water. Local people were given appropriate training and
assisted in the collection of rainfall data. In general, the researchers encouraged the people to
observe and assist in the collection of field data.
4.3.4.4 Managerial History

The villagers provided input into the design of the project at public meetings, held in meeting
halls and school houses throughout its term. The meetings were conducted with considerable
formality, in accordance with local, folk and traditional approaches to communication. At the
request of the researchers, women attended these meetings and expressed their points of
view. This was a deviation from custom. But it was accepted by the people as necessary, in
view of the traditional, water-related hardships, borne by the women.
The formation of a watershed committee in each village was an important step toward
participatory management and evaluation of the project. The starting concept was a
traditional one, the ayojan, a village planning committee that was responsible for decisions,
affecting most or all members of a community. The membership of the village watershed
committee was determined at public meetings. These committees were valuable sources of
information on priority concerns in the community, related to the provision of a year-round
water supply.
The project teams consulted the watershed committees on a regular basis about the
appropriateness of particular technologies for water harvesting and spreading, under
consideration for possible introduction into the area. Wider approval of these measures was
obtained at public meetings. The results of project research also were updated and explained
at these gatherings. The siting of technologies was finalised, on the basis of discussions with
the watershed committees and with farmers in their fields.
Women’s groups also arose in the villages, out of a traditional approach to collective decision
making. This was the tradition of wavli, followed by tribal women in Gujarat. This protected
259
the rights of women to have earnings. BAIF institutionalised this concept and introduced
income-earning activities. Women’s groups promoted the spread of basic concepts on
hygiene and sanitation across the project area.
4.3.4.5 Justification and Motivations of the Proponents of the Particular Course

of Action
The selection of water-harvesting and spreading technologies, for consideration and eventual
implementation by the people, was based on integration of project research with local
knowledge systems, local religious beliefs and practices, and ancient, Indian approaches to
hydrology and hydro-geology, together with an evaluation of the possibilities and limitations
of the local terrain. The decision to use these local information categories arose out of ethical
considerations, rooted in cultural sensitivity. However, it was very clear that such a course of
action also made excellent sense, from a scientific point of view. Likewise, attention to
participatory management and gender equity was an ethical consideration. But in practical
terms, this also made a major contribution to project success.
The people in part were motivated by the early successes of the project. The technologies,
implemented at the demonstration sites, solved the problem of year-round water supply for
domestic use. It is appropriate to note that techniques for water spreading were introduced to
divert underground some of the water that formerly had flowed out of the area, down to lower
elevations. They were also intended to provide artificial recharge for dug and bore wells.
These techniques also increased the soil moisture and contributed to improvements in crop
yields. Villagers were able to satisfy their own food needs and also sell produce at local
markets. As more wasteland went into agricultural production, the numbers of livestock were
reduced. But remaining livestock were of improved quality. The villagers also were able to
market their newly acquired skills in water harvesting and spreading in the surrounding area.
All of these factors contributed to improved morale among the people.
4.3.4.6 Obstacles and Opportunities

Initially some villagers were suspicious of the motives of the researchers. The people are on
the lowest rung of the social ladder. They have limited access to education, health care,
financial support, and to social services in general. Their contact with outsiders had been very
limited, prior to the start of the project. The presence of the BAIF field officers in the villages
helped to reduce their suspicions. The people were receptive to the exchange of information
about the practice of agriculture. The people had no tradition of long-term planning to
conserve water and soil.
However, they were prepared to learn from the success stories of individuals, who had been
involved in such activities, since the start of the project. The absence of hygiene and
sanitation in the villages were major source of concern for the researchers at the start of the
project. It reduced the range of water-conservation strategies, considered to be feasible at low
elevations. Basic education in hygiene and sanitation were provided to interested families, as
the project continued. The use of pit latrines increased steadily, during the project term. As
well, the people increasingly showed an awareness of the logical connection between poor
water quality, adverse effects on human health; days lost in the fields, declining agricultural
productivity, and reduced financial returns on produce. Accordingly, they sought advice from
the project teams on the cleaning of dug wells and other improvements to water quality.
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India

The early commitment to participatory management and evaluation was a decisive factor,
contributing to the success of the project. The initial phase of discussion and the use of
creative analogies for idea generation (interactions with families and larger groups, exposure
visits) undoubtedly played an important part. The presence of the BAIF field officers
contributed significantly to the creation of an atmosphere of trust and cooperation. The
project technologies were tested in periods of reduced rainfall, during the years 1994-96.
Water remained available during the pre-monsoon periods of these years and crop production
was affected to only a minor extent, because of increases to the area under cultivation.
The success of the project created an enabling environment for similar activities in the
surrounding area. Other communities initiated partnerships with outside agencies, for the
purpose of improving local management of water resources. Tribal and rural people from
other villages visited the project area to examine the demonstration sites. BAIF received
funding from the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) in the
framework of the Indo-German Watershed Programme for collaboration with villages over a
wider area of Akole Taluka and thus contributed to the transfer of project technologies in a
systematic manner.
5. Conclusions
5.1 Sustainable Development: Historical Backdrop and Future
Projection
Sustainable development provides a framework under which communities can use resources
efficiently, create efficient infrastructures, protect and enhance quality of life, and strengthen
their existing technologies to strengthen their economies. It can help create healthy
communities that can sustain this generation, as well as those that follow.
Community sustainability requires motivation for effective participation, awareness

generation right from the grass-root level that would help build their capacity, improve
quality of environment at local level by facilitating transition from poorly managed sprawl
to land use planning practices that create and maintain efficient infrastructure, ensure
close-knit neighbourhoods and community, and preserve natural systems. For greater
effectivity enhance a bottom-up approach at the policy level. The enormous economic and
population growth over the last few decades have together driven the impacts that threaten
the health and well being of our communities and nations – ozone depletion, climate
change, depletion and fouling of natural resources, and extensive loss of bio-diversity and
habitat. Resource efficiency is a new approach to combat such widespread problems of air,
water and solid waste management. Resource efficiency aims to reduce the demand and the
costs for energy, water and materials within communities. The results are monitory savings
that benefit the local economy from reduced environmental impact and conservation of
resources. Our concern here is more on the constraints which we face today and in what
way. Some of these constraints are:
• Economic
• Ecological
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• Social
• Institutional
Economic
• Poverty is both the effect and cause of environmental degradation.
• Unemployment and migration – a vicious cycle
• Economic development without environmental considerations cause serious
environmental damage impairing the quality of life of present and future generations
Ecological
• Lack of local level participation in planning, policies, and use of cleaner
technologies – to combat air, water and soil pollution problems
• Lack of awareness at all levels of the society
Social
• Control of population growth
• Relationship between the multiplying population and the life support system to be
stabilised for any development programmes
• Empowerment of common people
• Awareness generation
Institutional
• Lack of effective policies and regulations
• Inefficient co-ordination between
• Lack of comprehensive database
• Lack of systems to monitor and take timely action
• Lack of measures such as training and proper staffing of professionals
5.2 Enabling a Sustainable Development Process

Within the above mentioned constraints, we can develop a strategy for moving toward the
future which should be more conducive to sustainable development. To enable SD in this
country an integrated approach of planning, implementation and management has to cut
across the economic, ecological, social and institutional imperatives.
Therefore, collectively we need to do and ensure the following:
Strengthening Local Institutions
• A bottom-up approach right from the stage of programme planning should ensure
participation of all stakeholders from local and policy level.
• Ensure decentralised control over resources for efficient use and allocation to the
needy.
• Integrated approach to implementation, monitoring and management of programme
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India
through community interventions and management

Capacity Building
• Awareness generation to create confidence on the age old traditions of ecological

protection, and change the attitude of society which is currently influenced under the
concept of consumerism and waste.
• Local action involving communities in all phases of operation which also helps in
building capacity for self-management of SD practices.
• Participatory research and technology transfer needs linking research with concrete
actions
• Presence of competent and motivated staff or professional at the right time is
critical.
Effective Resource Management
• Management of natural resources by creating a realisation among the local people of

the natural wealth they possess (so that the developed countries do not take
advantage of their traditional knowledge) and also use the biological diversity as a
bargaining chip with the rest of the world
• Bring about a marked change in life-style, which is currently going toward high
consumption and high waste generation.
• Imbibing of the value of conservation of resources.
Pivotal role of Donors
• Donors of developmental initiatives should ensure that the rigid tool or framework
of the programme does not over rule the local issues and knowledge
• Although there are hardly any instances where the poor get the direct benefits from
any international processes, yet the international system can defiantly influence
national governments, private companies and others in ways that can affect local
communities.
5.3 Role of Civil Society

Sustainable development in fact, can only be achieved if there is concerted effort at all levels
– local, national and global. Civil society has been instrumental in shifting the development
paradigm away from isolated interventions to an integrated approach. The integration of
multiple interventions has been one of the basic ingredients for civil society’s success.
As we look forward to the decade that will follow the WSSD (2002-2012) we can assume that
neither the market system nor the political system will deliver on its own. The freeing of
markets will most likely exacerbate environmental and social problems. The global political
commitment to overcome these problems and engender SD is unlikely to be revived
dramatically. On the other hand, it also stands to reason that civil society will at micro and meso
levels would not only persist but might even become more coherent, forceful and self-confident.
Therefore, while it is both meaningful and important to require greater responsibility from
economic actors as well as political leaders and governments, it makes sense to concentrate our
attention on building upon the success that has already happened in the realm of civil society.
263
The civil society actors – small community groups, activists, individuals, etc. – have sought
and have succeeded in making progress toward SD by focussing on social change. The civil
society has been able to use the participatory approach to build pockets of democratic
renewal and harness the energies of society to bring success stories despite market disinterest.
The challenge is how to convert such small-scale transformations into large-scale wide spread
transformation. The challenge therefore, is for civil society to organise itself for ‘great’
transformations coming from innumerable small transformations. Besides projecting the
market views and the state views, this paper puts forth a call for developing a civil society –
centred view of change toward sustainable development.
264
India
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PAKISTAN
Ali Qadir
Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)

Pakistan
Acronyms
AKRSP Aga Khan Rural Support Foundation
BCS Balochistan Conservation Strategy
BRSP Balochistan Rural Support Program
CBOs Community-Based Organisations
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
EPAs Environment Protection Agencies
ETPI Environmental Technology Program for Industry
GEO3 Global Environment Outlook
GNP Gross National Product
GoP Government of Pakistan
IK Idara-e-Kissan
INGOs International Non-Governmental Organisations
IUCNP IUCN-The World Conservation Union, Pakistan
OPP Orangi Pilot Project
MoELGRD Ministry of Environment, Local Government & Rural Development,

Government of Pakistan
NACS Northern Areas Conservation Strategy
NCS-MTR National Conservation Strategy Mid-Term Review
NEQS National Environmental Quality Standards
NGOs Non-governmental Organisations
NRSP National Rural Support Program
NWFP North West Frontier Province
PEP Pakistan Environment Program
PEPA Pakistan Environment Protection Act, 1997
271
PIOs Public Interest Organisations
SAP Social Action Plan
SD Sustainable Development
SDNP Sustainable Development Networking Program
SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute
SPCS Sarhad Provincial Conservation Strategy
SRSP Sarhad Rural Support Program
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNEP United Nations Environment Program
WSSD World Summit on SD, Johannesburg, 2002
WWF World Wildlife Fund
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Pakistan
1. Introduction
The 1972 UN Conference on Human Environment in Stockholm succeeded in bringing
environmental issues into the mainstream development agenda. This significant event was
reflected in Pakistan’s Constitution, framed in 1973, where environment was added to the list
of subjects for concurrent federal and provincial jurisdiction.
Following the Stockholm Conference, in 1980, IUCN-The World Conservation Union

(IUCN), United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) and World Wildlife Fund (WWF)
collaborated to produce the World Conservation Strategy (WCS). Soon afterward, in 1982,
the government of Pakistan (GoP) began to investigate the possibilities for producing a
National Conservation Strategy (NCS). The government and IUCN began collaboration on an
ambitious project to produce the NCS in 1983. Extensive consultations and research
culminated in a comprehensive document nine years later, and the NCS was approved by the
federal cabinet in March 1992.
In June 1992 the UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) was organised
as a follow-up to the conference in Stockholm 20 years before. The event, commonly referred
to as the Earth Summit, was held in Rio de Janeiro after two years of extensive consultations.
Pakistan participated in the Earth Summit in Rio with two major contributions: The Pakistan
NCS, produced and owned by the GoP, and the Pakistan National Report to UNCED,
prepared jointly by the Environment and Urban Affairs Division (GoP) and IUCN Pakistan.
A significant component of the Earth Summit and its prior negotiation was Agenda 21, a
detailed assessment of social and environmental sectors with goals for improving
environmental and development impact.
To review the progress on the agreements, treaties and strategic initiatives committed at the
Earth Summit, partly enunciated in Agenda 21, the United Nations called a special session of
the General Assembly in 1997. It was agreed in this session that a 10-year review of Rio
would be held in 2002: the World Summit on Sustainable Development Rio +10 (WSSD), in
Johannesburg.
In preparation for Rio+10, Pakistan is preparing a Country Assessment Report, coordinated

by the Ministry of Environment, Local Government and Rural Development (MoELGRD).
MoELGRD has constituted a broad-based steering committee to oversee the production of
the report, consisting of key civil society members, government departments and IUCN
Pakistan. The report will include an assessment of progress toward sustainable development
since 1992, the key issues and challenges emerging, and Pakistan’s implementation on multi-
lateral treaties, agreements and conventions relating to sustainable development (SD). The
Country Report will feed into a series of regional, inter-governmental consultations organised
by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) as part of the preparations for Rio+10.
The Country Assessment Report of Pakistan will be complemented by the NCS Mid-Term
Review (NCS-MTR), widely acclaimed for its process and for the final product. Pakistan
will also submit the National Environment Action Plan, approved by the Pakistan
Environment Protection Council, and other related documents, such as the proposed
Biodiversity Action Plan.
These collective reports, however, will indicate to a large extent the lack of progress made by
273
Pakistan toward SD, as already highlighted by the NCS-MTR. Despite a plethora of inputs,
very little has actually been achieved with respect to core indicators for sustainable
development.1 The initiatives, and most analytical comments, are rooted in one or both of the
two dominant paradigms for achieving SD: state-led or market-led reforms, with the civic
sector complementing them.
These paradigms correspond broadly with the scenarios depicted in UNEP’s Global
Environment Outlook (GEO-3). The Conventional Development scenario relies on market
processes to lead SD, but has not played out within Pakistan. The private sector has generally
not managed to lead the society toward a transition in the way development is practiced. A
key component of this scenario was for market forces to “self-adjust” to a change in
dynamics that can enable SD. There is no significant evidence for such a transition in
Pakistan, although a few initiatives have indicated the potential for this to happen if
partnership with civil society is given importance.
The second GEO-3 scenario, Policy Reform, envisions definitions of outcomes leading to
appropriate policy solutions that can enable SD; this has been the primary focus of most SD
initiatives in Pakistan. Efforts through institutional donor agencies with government have
also begun to focus on reforming and “building the capacity” of public institutions to practice
SD. A growing number of civil society organisations have also incorporated policy influence
and advocacy in their agendas, based on the faith that a proper definition of outcomes of SD
can lead to effective policy formulation and implementation that can, in turn, generate a
transition in the process of development toward sustainability. The basic foundation of the
Pakistan Country Assessment Report and other documents to be officially presented at the
WSSD is also a belief that SD requires only hitting the right policy mix that can generate
macro-economic growth, alleviate poverty and conserve the natural resource base.
The limited successes in SD in Pakistan, however, have a glaring exception: the active
presence of civil society that is practicing and promoting SD “on the ground.” These
initiatives have defined SD for themselves through their practical work, and managed to
generate at least some progress on indicators of SD, albeit limited geographically and
programmatically. These initiatives support another GEO-3 scenario, Great Transitions, that
envision a change in attitudes and practices of society sparked by the “gradual coalescence”
of independent action by civil society (with all its varied components) in partnership with
businesses and public institutions. This scenario is based on diversity of visions that converge
on the challenges posed by SD, and on a long-term process at the micro and meso levels.
Significant evidence can be found in Pakistan whereby limited initiatives, often acting in a
number of partnerships, have managed to bring about a change in societal attitudes toward
development. The impact of these “success stories” has been felt in Pakistan by the market,
particularly in responding to increasingly aware consumers, and by the state, particularly in
translating the lessons from these models into policy.
These successes have relied on the dedication and commitment of civil society organisations
and networks. The core principles and attitudes driving these initiatives are their strength, and
understanding these driving forces can guide the wider transition of society toward SD. An
attempt has been made in this report to study some of these cases and draw lessons from them
that can be used to replicate their efforts.
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Pakistan
It is important to emphasise that this report is not a state-of-the-environment report (currently

under preparation by SDPI) and is intended to complement Pakistan’s official country report
to WSSD, not replace it. The focus is thus not so much on environmental or SD reporting, as
it is on presenting the alternative road to SD being adopted by civil society in the country.2
Emphasis has been placed on the contribution made by the public, private and civic sectors to
SD, particularly in light of the GEO-3 scenarios highlighted above. The condition of
environment and SD are effectively and articulately presented elsewhere, particularly in the
Government of Pakistan’s Compendium on Environmental Statistics and a draft background
paper for an environmental strategy in Pakistan (Banuri and Khan, 2000). The latter contains
an analytical and factual outline of the state and future of SD in the country.
This report presents a civil society perspective of trends in SD, particularly since the Rio
Summit in 1992. One of the main features of post-Rio SD trends in Pakistan has been the
steady decline in environmental indicators, despite sizeable inputs. Large-scale efforts have
resulted to some degree in raising awareness about the environment but not so much in actual
improvement in environmental health or a move toward sustainable development (Hanson et
al., 2000). The public sector, in particular, has shown very limited success, while private
sector initiatives are few and far between. Instead, the report highlights the role played by the
civic sector in promoting and practicing SD “on the ground.” This role, and potential,
represents an “alternative” path toward sustainability of development. Through the
elaboration of some case studies, the factors driving the success of civil society in SD are
then elicited, including an emphasis on community participation and local management, a
focus on social goals of poverty reduction that integrate the environmental agenda, personal
motivations of civic actors and a demand-based definition of SD. These factors add up to a
“civic” will, that has more potential to generate a society-wide transition to sustainable
development than “political” or “market” will have demonstrated.
2. History of Sustainable Development in Pakistan

2.1 Background
The Constitution of Pakistan recognises the need to ensure human development and meet the
basic needs of all citizens. It charges the state machinery with the responsibility of promoting
the economic interests of backward classes (Article 37a), eliminating all forms of exploitation
(Article 3), and requires it to “provide the basic necessities of life, such as food, clothing,
housing, education and medical relief for all citizens” (Article 38d). This recognition of
human development as a fundamental right was complemented by the inclusion of
environmental conservation in the revised Constitution of 1973, after the Stockholm Summit
on Sustainable Development.
The constitutional provisions, however, have provided little if any guidance to development
policy formulation or implementation. Pakistan began its independent history in 1947 with a
handicap, inheriting an agrarian economy with poor physical and social infrastructure and
virtually no industry. A concentration on economic development was thus an early focus of
development thinking. Early development trends had a strong emphasis on industrialization
with low investment in human resources. From the 1950s to the 1970s successive
governments built on the “trickle-down” model of economic development being led from the
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top down, involving a buildup of physical infrastructure and setting up industries.

Conversely, agriculture’s share in GDP dropped from 53% in 1949-50 to 25% in 1979-80,
and there were large real-value inflows from agriculture to industry. Development became
mostly synonymous with large physical infrastructure projects, such as dams, roads,
irrigation channels and other bricks-and-mortar interventions. Social development was
neglected, and inequality was basically perceived as a necessary short-term fallout of macro-
economic development.
In the 1980s there was a practical inclusion of the social agenda in development. This was
partly due to shifting international trends and partly to local innovations. Key among these
were the results of Dr. Akhtar Hamid Khan’s pioneering efforts in Comilla, East Pakistan,
before the division of the country. Also, Pakistan suddenly became more “strategically”
important because of the war in Afghanistan, becoming a front-line state for Western forces
to promote resistance to the Russian invasion. One of the impacts of this new status was an
influx of institutional donors and their associated agenda of human development.
Source: John Sharkey, Edgecliff High School in Staffordshire
Social development thus began in earnest in the 1980s, with donor financing being readily
available for government and civil society alike. At the same time, structural adjustment “hit”
Pakistan, and the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) began to propose
economic and social policies as a condition for the huge loans being provided. During the
decade, environment became an increasingly important practical agenda, not merely a
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commitment made in Stockholm. The environment began, again, as primarily a donor agenda
in the early 1980s. During this time, importantly, social and environment projects were
mostly un-related, and were not inherently linked to the mainstream economic agenda, which
began to be “adjusted” more and more toward liberalization, foreign investment and export-
orientation. Also, development remained associated more with project interventions than
processes or policy impacts.
The emphasis on integration and policy planning began in earnest in the late 1980s. The
environment was introduced as a mainstream agenda in Pakistan, to be linked with social and
economic considerations. Interest in development policy planning (as distinct from the
project-oriented planning emphasis during the 1960s and 1970s) grew, as did
experimentation with integration of the three components of development.
The National Conservation Strategy (NCS) was a landmark with respect to environmental
planning, and complemented the much-lauded official contribution of Pakistan to the Rio
Summit in 1992. The NCS was produced after a nine-year gestation period following the
acclaimed World Conservation Strategy launched by UNEP and IUCN in 1980. At the time
of its adoption by the government in 1992, the NCS was an unprecedented strategy in
Pakistan’s history both for the quality of the product and for the process that had gone into its
production. The NCS had managed to spark a nation-wide debate and momentum among
government, civil society and the private sector to discuss and integrate environmental
conservation with social and economic development. Crucially, the government had initiated
and coordinated the NCS production, generating ownership within various levels. The final
document also stressed on government ownership of the environmental agenda, including
allocating adequate resources. The strategy for implementing the NCS was spread over
federal, provincial, district and departmental levels of government, as well as involving
NGOs, the media, communities, donors and the private sector. The indigenous growth of the
NCS was its primary strength, despite a complete reliance on external funding, primarily
from the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).
The NCS maintained a strong focus on environmental conservation and integrating this
aspect into other development efforts, rather than defining new holistic SD alternatives, such
as livelihood concerns. The comprehensive document ended up as a rather detailed program
agenda for conservation based on 14 core areas, with no less than 60 clusters of outcomes
spread over 68 programs. This “shopping list” was almost a throwback to the project-
orientation of the 1960s, rather than the policy integration gaining credence at the time in the
development sector. The implementation road map and monitoring systems were weak, and
the strategy also lacked adequate multi-stakeholder accountability mechanisms. A recent
mid-term review of the NCS (Hanson et al., 2000) has qualitatively assessed that only some
three of the 60 clusters of outcomes were achieved almost a decade after the NCS was
approved. Financing SD proved to be an insurmountable barrier – only 51% of the planned
funds for implementation of the NCS were eventually allocated and only 74% of these were
actually utilised. Virtually none of the planned private sector contribution was actually made.
Despite these design concerns, the NCS process managed to generate some projects that
continue to contribute to the agenda. Awareness-raising has been a significant outcome of the
process since 1992, more than actual improvements in environmental health. Hagler Bailly
Pakistan (2000) have documented at least 26 national and at least nine local awareness
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campaigns launched on NCS-related issues between 1992 and 1999. The number of articles
in the press (as one proxy indicator) jumped from under 1,000 in 1993 to over 7,500 in 1998.
While a number of factors may have influenced this trend (including the Rio Summit), the
NCS can justifiably lay claim to being a major driving force. The NCS also helped to
strengthen civil society and managed to identify the need to integrate development efforts.
The overall lack of achievement of the NCS is significant. The NCS-MTR, itself almost a
report on the state of SD in the country, brought out the need to integrate social development
(and policy reduction) with economic growth and environmental sustainability in Pakistan.
The study points out three elements critical to holistic SD in the country:
• Improving environmental health to reduce the burden created by air and water
pollution, vector-borne diseases and exposure to toxic substances
• Building sustainable livelihoods to include natural resource and biodiversity
considerations in poverty reduction and community development. The ecosystems
and economies of communities need to developed simultaneously
• Encouraging sustainable industrial development to move industries toward
environmentally and socially-friendly production and cleaner energy. A strong
regulatory environment will be necessary in this regard
The NCS-MTR recommendation was clear: environmental concerns have to be effectively
“mainstreamed” in social (poverty reduction) and macro-economic development processes
for any substantial impact. This conclusion is supported by other research in Pakistan and
elsewhere (especially Banuri and Khan, 2000). Khan and Naqvi (1999), in particular,
elaborate the nexus between poverty and environmental degradation in Pakistan forcefully.
They point out that the “magnitude, and in some cases irreversibility, of environmental
degradation in Pakistan is largely due to the inability to mainstream environmental activities
within the development process.”
These works also highlight the still-present need for an SD strategy in Pakistan. The lack of
concrete progress in SD may be attributed in large part to a lack of national ownership of the
principles of the agenda, usually expressed through a comprehensive strategy. While the NCS
could not articulate all of these principles it did set the groundwork which was not followed
up on at a large scale. Policy or strategy formulation has not been followed by
implementation, which casts doubts on the stated policy initiatives. Instead, the SD agenda
was adopted by civil society in the mid 1990s, and they continue to promote it at their level.
Currently there is a growing recognition of governance as a crucial problem for SD in

Pakistan. Development focus has now shifted from mere projectization to analyses of
institutional issues under-pinning the development process. Donor emphasis, thus, has lately
been on building capacity for development planning and implementation, rather than
planning or implementation alone.
2.2 The State’s Role

The state has been playing an active role in development since independence. As outlined
above, this role has been mostly determined by international trends with one basic exception.
This is that the Pakistani state has maintained an active and over-extended role in
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development. Unlike many other countries, the state has been late in reforming itself away
from direct implementation to facilitation of stakeholders. As a consequence, it has
dominated the development scene, and been wary of influence by national actors in the
private or civic sectors.
Development has focused, mostly, on economic, social and micro-economic initiatives. The
state has been engaged throughout the 1980s in charity work through Zakat and Bait-ul-Maal
schemes for the needy. Many of these and other development efforts have been marred by
financial discrepancies and a lack of transparency. Another major focus has been on
successive rural development programs from the 1950s to the 1990s. None of these have had
an impact on the rural population proportionate to their input, while urban programs have
been few and far between. The Rural Support Programs have been the marked exception in
state interventions in rural development.
By far the most ambitious state venture in social development has been the Social Action
Plan (SAP). SAP was launched in 1993 as a social compensation for the short-term negative
impacts that the World Bank-induced structural adjustment policies were expected to have.
The program involved a huge outlay of Rs. 127.4 billion, 75% of which was funded
domestically. Bottlenecks in implementation soon resulted in short-falls in SAP’s efforts to
introduce policy reforms and social service delivery through citisen participation – there was
virtually nothing to show for the money. In 1997 the government launched another phase of
SAP with a staggering investment of Rs. 498.8 billion (over US$10 billion) with 80%
domestic contribution, focusing on basic education, primary health care, and rural water
supply and sanitation. The intention was again policy reform and improved social service
delivery, this time through institutional capacity building. A recent Mid-Term Review of
SAP II (Oxford Policy Management Group, 2000) found that “The progress has been limited
in comparison with the large amount of effort and resources allocated.” Another independent
analysis (Pasha et al., 2000, pp. 3) concludes that “The overall impression is that the progress
being made in SAP-II in most provinces is slower than expected and fragile.” None of the
outcome targets have been achieved. Serious management problems and an ultimate lack of
civil society involvement have been factors. In addition, the most recent reports, in 2001,
have indicated that the government has now acknowledged that SAP II’s low performance is
mainly due to widespread corruption and misuse of funds. Even in its formulation, SAP
hardly constituted an SD agenda, with its focus on service delivery.
State adoption of the SD agenda began with the NCS concept in the early 1980s and has
been evident at least in rhetoric since then. Pakistan’s report for the UNCED Rio Summit
in 1992 also indicated this commitment. Some of the more concrete steps include the
development of official provincial and district conservation strategies building on the NCS
and coordinated by relevant government departments. None of these, however, has
managed to generate the ownership that the NCS did, although the latter strategies are
much more focused on SD than the NCS was.
The Ministry of Environment, Local Government and Rural Development (MoELGRD)

coordinates federal action on the environment. An NCS Unit was established in the Ministry
soon after the NCS adoption, but has also failed to make any significant impact. One of the
reasons is that the MoELGRD itself is mainly on the sidelines of the mainstream policy
community in the country. Far more relevant is the Planning Division, which makes the
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annual development budget and three-year rolling development plans, and also coordinates
all major development activities. An Environment Section was created in the Division in
1993 to facilitate environmental vetting of all development projects. The Section is funded by
CIDA as part of its Pakistan Environment Program (PEP) to implement the NCS. Provincial
actions on the environment are coordinated by Departments of Environment, typically
lumped together with other provincial departments. Development planning continues to be
generally isolated from environmental considerations at the lowest level, despite a stated
commitment to SD at the senior levels.
A significant development since 1999 has been the focus of the present government on
devolution of power to the local level. Local government is now in place, comprising of
elected representatives and a reformed bureaucracy at three tiers (district, tehsil and union
council – the district is superseded by the provincial and then the federal levels). The
administration has now been divided into 13 departments at the district level (highest tier
of local government), one of which deals exclusively with the environment. The local
government system has been brought into effect only recently (August 14, 2001), and it is
still unclear what the modalities of devolution and decentralization actually are. As such, it
is premature to judge the potential effectiveness of local government, and particularly of
the newly established environment department. However, it is expected that local control
over natural resources will improve their management, if effectively transferred. A
significant potential is for these departments, and local government in general, to interface
with district conservation strategies being prepared by the government in association with
IUCN-The World Conservation Union, Pakistan (case study on sub-national conservation
strategies in Section 4).
Federal and provincial Environment Protection Agencies (EPAs) were already in place, but
barely functional, prior to the NCS. The NCS assigned some roles to the EPAs, but these
were largely ignored.
The Pakistan Environment Protection Act of 1997 (PEPA) was one of the more significant
events in environmental development trends in the country. The Act was formulated by the
state after considerable engagement with NGOs and wider civil society. PEPA assigned
EPAs the central responsibilities of administering, monitoring and implementing the
provisions of the act. They were also mandated to prepare national implementation policies
for approval, to implement approved policies, coordinate environmental policies and
programs nationally, promote awareness on environment and ensure the enforcement of
National Environmental Quality Standards. While many donor initiatives have attempted to
strengthen EPAs, these institutions continue to face capacity limitations. PEPA also
proposed the formation of special environment tribunals that could investigate cases of
pollution and environmental harm. To date, however, no significant case has been brought
before the tribunals.
Flowing from the NCS, National Environmental Quality Standards (NEQS) have been an
important initiative by the state. The NEQS were designed in 1993 on the recognition of “the
polluter pays” principle. They were revised in 1995. However, there was little
implementation of the Standards as they were inadequately covered by law. PEPA provided
the legal basis for enforcing NEQS, and the latter were considerably refined in 1999 with the
help of (and due to the advocacy by) NGOs.
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The NEQS, again, have not been implemented, which is usual compared with the experience
of other countries at the initial stages of defining such standards. However, there has been
little push by the state to enforce the standards, and they have been relegated to “self-
monitoring” by polluting industries. The policy-level agreement among sectors now remains
to be materialised in terms of an action plan. SDPI is leading the initiative to enforce the
NEQS and initiate pollution charges on industry.
At the time PEPA was being moved through government a debate had also begun on the social
and environmental impacts of large development projects. In particular, citizens displaced by
dams were vocal in demanding their rights. Independent assessments of large projects had also
emphasised the environmental fallouts which were beginning to have an impact on the
national economy and the livelihoods of local communities. PEPA made it a legal requirement
to conduct Environmental and Social Impact Assessments of all development projects, to be
monitored by the EPAs. This component of PEPA is generally implemented.3
The protected areas system of Pakistan is another commendable initiative. Pakistan has
defined protected areas since 1967 on the basis of ecological importance. There are now 14
national parks in the country and a number of game reserves which are protected from
exploitation by provincial laws. However, recent exploration for natural gas in the country’s
largest and oldest national park, Kirthar (in the province of Sindh), has brought out the state’s
primary interest in economic opportunities over and above all other considerations.4 Despite
the Kirthar fiasco the state has decided to update and improve its protected areas system
through a comprehensive management plan.
The NCS, its subsequent MTR in 1999-2000, donor focus on governance and the recently
introduced plan on devolution of power to local government have also helped to define the
importance of policy coherence in development initiatives by the state. Unfortunately, while
the need for policy coherence is being continually emphasised, there is little concrete action
in this regard. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, now being produced by the
Government, is another attempt to consider at least one significant aspect of SD holistically.
The NCS-2, now on the table, may also focus specifically on sustainable development.
The government has recently begun to advocate and negotiate “debt swaps,” asking for a
debt-write off in place of approximately equal investment in national development, including
environmental issues. The impact of these remain to be seen, especially for the major debts.
Another positive potential is from the concept of provincial or local SD funds – pools of
funds generated by pollution or other environment-related fines – to be collectively managed
for environmental development. To make these transparent and avoid the failure of political
will, it is being proposed that these funds be managed collectively with public, private and
civic stakeholder involvement. There are no other significant taxes for curbing unsustainable
practices, and similarly no export/import regulations beyond the agreements the government
has signed on to internationally.
The situation with subsidies, however, is the opposite. While the government offers a number
of subsidies, these mostly undermine environmental concerns. For example, tube well
construction is subsidised, encouraging the wide-scale depletion of ground water. Various
incentives to the private sector, particularly mining, petroleum exploration and large-scale
fishing companies, encourage further degradation.
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Importantly, however, where rhetoric is present – such as in the case of deforestation – this is
not backed up by commitment. Thus timber logging, while not subsidised, is also not
practically deterred. A comprehensive ban on deforestation is only loosely implemented, but
in that implementation mostly affects disadvantaged groups whose sustainable livelihoods
depend on foraging for firewood. Similarly biodiversity reserves, while accorded legal cover
from exploitation, are not actively protected.
In light of these observations, there is a serious need to revisit the “policy reform” thesis as a
thrust for SD. Even when stated commitment has been found, there is little evidence of action
on the ground. SD is hampered by the state’s general lack of openness to internal influences,
such as from NGOs. Policy initiatives have not led to any marked improvement in key SD
indicators. Instead, there is evidence of policy discord, whereby contradictory policies vie for
supremacy and the SD lobby is not very strong within the policy community. For example,
where environmental laws were found to deter petroleum exploration in Kirthar National
Park they were simply by-passed, and the Ministry of Environment could not with-stand the
economic pressure. Similarly, the present Government’s stated policy promoting food
security is at considerable risk from liberalization policies and corporatization of agriculture.
Human development initiatives by the state, such as quality universal primary education and
access to basic health services, routinely suffer from mis-management and under-financing,
while non-development expenditures continue to dominate fiscal outlays.
Very little academic innovation has actually come from the state to define appropriate
outcomes for SD. The research that would be a pre-requisite to such a definition has not been
taking place, aside from a few isolated activities such as in Pakistan Institute of Development
Economics and the Planning Division. Nor has the state actively encouraged such innovation
from other sectors. A lack of clarity on the proper definition of outcomes of SD has limited
the impact of policy actions.
The “massive dissonance between proclamation and implementation” of SD may be largely

a function of the absence of political will – a necessary condition for policy reforms to
initiate a path toward SD. Without holistically considered outcomes of SD and without the
requisite “political will” commitments have not generally translated into implementation.
This holds true for virtually any SD-related sector: equitable economic growth, social
development (and poverty reduction) or environmental rehabilitation and integration in
development planning. A continued reliance on the state to induce policy reforms for SD is
thus not borne out by past trends.
2.3 The Market’s Role

The private sector has been late in adopting the SD agenda in the country. Action has been
limited mostly to the treatment of pollution as a by-product of industry rather than pro-active
attempts to “clean up” production processes.
These actions have included the use of expensive, imported technology as well as local
technological innovations. The Environment Technology Program for Industry (ETPI) was
one of potential success story. ETPI promoted the use of safe technologies for the production
of environmentally safe products by the manufacturing sector and compliance with ISO
14000 and NEQS. It was a joint project of the Federation of Chambers of Commerce and
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Industry and the Government of Netherlands. The program carried out environmental audits
of some select industrial units to identify their environmental problems. Of these, 8 units
were assisted with environmental solutions in terms of cleaner production technologies, in-
house improvements, and end-of-pipe treatments.5
A more significant case is the program on Technology Transfer for Sustainable Industrial
Development (TTSID) run with the collaborative effort of NGOs, government and the
industry. A priority area for TTSID is the development of environmental monitoring
mechanisms, a pre-requisite for clean production, technology transfer or implementation of
environmental policy. The program facilitated a dialogue between industry representatives
(primarily through the Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce & Industries – FPCCI),
government (primarily through the EPAs and MoELGRD) and NGOs (led by SDPI), based
on the provisions in PEPA (particularly those relating to pollution taxes and NEQS). The Self
Monitoring And Reporting Mechanism (SMAR) that emerged from these consultations is
based on an honor system, whereby industry voluntarily agrees to comply with environmental
standards as expressed by the NEQS.
The system involves regular monitoring of industrial effluents and emissions based on
guidelines developed (again in consultation) in September 1997. The guidelines were adopted
by the government in November 1998, and the EPA and SDPI developed an electronic
database (Self Monitoring And Reporting Tool – SMART) to record industrial waste.
SMART has successfully been pilot-tested with 50 voluntary industries, and has moved into
its first implementation phase with 200 industries. Training and technical facilitation to use
SMART is provided by SDPI and EPA.
Industry representatives have also agreed to pay a “pollution charge” on effluents and
emissions above the NEQS stipulations. These charges have been calculated to act as
deterrents for pollution, amounting to more than the “clean-up cost” for industry. The
industry is also negotiating with the government and other stakeholders on how to utilise the
“taxes” so generated for the benefit of cleaning up production processes generally.
Two aspects of TTSID are striking: Firstly, that the program relies on market initiative. The
pollution charge was determined entirely by industry representatives themselves in internal
negotiations in a unique example of pro-active steps for sustainable industrial development.
Secondly, the process relied on extensive and regular consultation and dialogues between all
stakeholders, including industries, NGOs and the government. Participation slowed down the
implementation of NEQS, but resulted in a “buy-in” from all stakeholders, as well as a clear
understanding of roles.
The private sector’s strong bargaining position with a state trying to promote private
economic growth means that they operate in a weak regulatory environment. Experiences
from across the world have suggested that at least in the early stages, some regulation is
needed to encourage the private sector to engage in SD activities (Hanson et al., 2000).
Outside of ETPI and TTSID there has been little evident activity for sustainable industrial
development or clean production. The few efforts concentrate mostly on technological
innovations in production process. Some of the interesting examples are:
Shakarganj Mills Ltd. improved its process of refining sugar. The mills now have an
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environmentally friendly production process, primarily for export;
• Packages Ltd. is one of the largest industries in the country producing packaging
material, and is a heavy consumer of water. The firm improved water conservation
in its production process, reducing consumption from 11.5 cusecs to eight cusecs at
a cost of roughly Rs. 400 million (over US$6 million)
• Shafi Tanneries developed a simple and cost-effective technology to recover much
of the chromium the industry was discharging in its waste water. The chromium had
been previously mixing with the local water supply and constituting a serious public
health risk. Minimal investment by the firm resulted in multiple benefits: cleaner
environment for the local inhabitants and workers, recovery of expensive material
for the industry, and improved production standards for the export and local market
• Dadabhoy Cement found that it was the cause of undue air pollution primarily due to
poor pollution control within its processing plant. The firm installed expensive dust
control filters that significantly reduced the air pollution
Some of the sporadic actions have been reported as being undertaken purely on moral
grounds. In most cases, however, the driving forces for industry, reported by their own
representatives (Arshad Zaman Associates, 2000), have been external. These include:
• In some cases, multi-national companies in Pakistan follow the rules of their home
countries, which normally involve stricter environmental and social regulations. In a
few cases, they also force their subsidiaries or related companies up and down the
supply chain to follow those same rules
• Large-scale national industries geared, particularly those geared toward exports, are
now improving their businesses as pre-requisites for ISO 9000 or 14000
certification. This certification is becoming a necessity for the export market even if
it is largely ignored within the country
• Regardless of certification requirements, exporting industries are increasingly
having to respond to a discerning export market. Consumers now, particularly in
“developed” countries are more conscious of social and environmental standards of
production than before. Clean industries stand a better chance of improving profits
than sloppy ones
• Consumer and local community awareness campaigns have also forced the private
sector to sit up and take notice of environmental concerns. Residents in area plagued
by industrial pollution are now mobilised by civil society and the experiences
elsewhere to demand cleaning up processes
In all of these factors, large-scale operations are an important commonality. Small and
medium-scale enterprises are generally not as affected by external factors as are large
industries or multi-nationals. The challenge to engage smaller firms in the SD agenda is
waiting to be addressed.
Even larger firms or MNCs, however, have not filled the “sustainability space” by providing
environmental services for a profit (aside from small consultancy firms offering management
advice and training). The reason may well be a lack of demand for such services, such as
large-scale waste treatment plants or fuelwood alternatives in rural areas.6 A few recycling
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plants have been established to produce recycled floor tiles, paper and some other products
(at about the same cost as fresh products), but the market for these is limited. Solar-powered
water geysers and electric panels have been repeatedly introduced into the market but have
not caught on in household or industrial use, partly because of large initial costs. Thus there
are hardly any examples of market forces pushing a transition to sustainability solely on the
basis of personal motivations (i.e., profits).
The informal sector is slightly different to the organised private sector in this regard,
although only marginally so. Most urban centers in the country are home to a number of
scavengers who pick up solid waste (including glass and plastic) and sell this to recycling
plants and incinerators (such as those of brick kilns). In some cities, newspapers and used
paper are routinely picked up by scavengers and sold to be processed for packaging material
and used as cheap wrapping. By its very nature, however, such work is generally
unorganised and does not collect a significant portion of the waste generated (most of which
is taken to municipal dump sites and burnt). Other examples of the informal sector are
small-scale local innovations, such as relatively silent motor rickshaws in rural Punjab and a
case of micro-hydel power generators in Sindh. These, again, have not been taken to scale,
although a public-sector Institute for Appropriate Technologies does promote such
innovations in theory.
Professional associations in the private sector are potential drivers for sustainable practices.
The Chambers of Commerce and Industries, the Oil Companies’ Advisory Committee, the
Association of Carpet Manufacturers, the All-Pakistan Textile Mills Association and other
collective bodies offer platforms for actions that are in the common interest, but any
significant actions are yet to be seen. Sustainable development does not enter into these
associations’ agenda except mildly in rhetoric, although the attempt by the Sarhad Provincial
Conservation Strategy and some other actors to form an Environment & Industry Roundtable
offered great hope; again, this was not followed up on. A striking feature is the absence of
any large-scale activity for fair trade or green investment that would directly promote
sustainable production patterns.
Standardization is another weak component, further reducing the potential for the private
sector to lead a transition toward SD. The Pakistan Standards and Quality Control Act, 1996
provides for “quality labeling standards which specify ingredients, performance,
specifications, usage, methods and other relevant quality control matters,” but it is yet to be
enforced. The Pakistan Standards Institute (PSI) was repealed by the Act, but the
replacement Authority is yet to be made fully functional. The PSI itself suffered from severe
capacity constraints and only standardised 41 items, most of which are not enforced. ISO
certification is complied with only by some exporters, not for consumption within the
country, and National Environmental Quality Standards are implemented on a purely
voluntary basis (see above).
Industry’s practices of sustainable production may thus be correlated with the presence of a
regulatory environment, pressure from the civic sector and international trends, rather than
an internal drive. The lack of significant sustainable production is evident from industrial
trends, excepting minor cases presented above. Industry’s consumption of petroleum
products, for example, has doubled over the past decade while its consumption of
electricity (most of it being produced by hydro-power in Pakistan) has gone down. Drilling
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activities in the private sector continue to increase, fed by government encouragement of

offshore and onshore exploration.
From the observations above it is evident that in Pakistan the market has not been able to lead
a path toward SD in the past few decades. The private sector has failed to deliver where it had
the greatest comparative advantage: financing SD in Pakistan. The implementation of NCS
and subsequent SD initiatives have brought out clearly that the market is unwilling to
establish such a long-term strategy for its operations.
The growth of the private sector has not led to significant reductions in income inequality nor
have they managed to sustain huge levels of employment. In addition, there are only sporadic
and almost insignificant examples of environmental quality improvement. More importantly,
none of these factors are internally driven. Even consumer demands within the market affect
only the largest industries in Pakistan, not the plethora of small and medium enterprises
servicing the local market. In the larger, export-oriented industries too, the responsiveness
has been sluggish and mostly cosmetic. In any case, consumer demand for environmental
quality is a factor of awareness that is raised outside of market mechanisms in the first place,
by the civic or public sectors. This is all the more so given the small (and declining) quantum
of foreign investment in Pakistan.
Figure 1: Foreign Investment (Direct and Portfolio)
The decline in foreign investment in 1997 and 1998 may be attributed in part to the East
Asian financial crisis, but is part of a much more permanent negative background trend.
Pakistan accounted for 0.2 percent of world Foreign Direct Investment flows (GoP, 2001),
0.5 percent of developing countries, less than one percent of Asia, and only 16 percent of
South Asian countries. Portfolio investment declined from an inflow of US$219 million in
1992 to an outflow of US$128 million in 2001. The overall decline is due to investor-
unfriendly policies, such as with Independent Power Producers, an unstable political
economy – where policies are not constant – and security risks. Some policy steps in
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particular – such as freezing foreign currency accounts in 1998 – have played an important
role in keeping investors away. Most of all, the extent and scale of corruption have proven to
be deterrents to investment. These factors have over-ridden the incentives offered from time
to time, including tax holidays, infrastructure development and a relatively unregulated
financial environment.
While these measures have not succeeded in attracting the amount of foreign investment
hoped for – and consequently forcing governments to seek “bail-out” packages from
international financial institutions – the result of the policies is devastating. Foreign
investment is given maximum support when it does arrive, leading to naturally unsustainable
practices. A prime case in this regard was the bending and, ultimately, re-writing of
environmental regulation to allow Shell and Premier oil companies to explore in a National
Park: Kirthar in Sindh. Environmental regulations, particularly for pollution control, are
typically relaxed for investors – multinationals usually have much stricter internal production
controls than the government sets. The lack of effective regulation and the openness to
foreign investment lobbies has led to the current situation, where sustainable production
patterns are simply not present on any significant scale.
The expectation that markets will play a significant role in SD is built more on faith than on
any empirical evidence that can be found in Pakistan. Solely market-based solutions for SD
have not emerged in Pakistan. ETPI was prompted by the NCS, driven by the government of
the Netherlands’ active involvement and yet could not sustain itself. TTSID also depends to a
large extent on SDPI and the provisions of PEPA, although voluntary compliance and self-
determination of charges by some firms is a positive sign.
In the absence of any credible or significant trends, it must be concluded that this faith in
market forces is misplaced. However, the provincial conservation strategy for NWFP (in its
fourth and fifth phases) has just begun to engage the private sector in a partnership for SD,
meeting at least with some interest. Thus, there does seem to be some scope for engaging the
private sector in the SD agenda; indeed, given the strong focus on private sector development
in the country, it is almost a necessity to do so. The initiative for such engagement, it has
been seen, must come from the civic sector. In and of itself, “business as usual” has not
proven to lead the way to SD.
2.4 Civil Society’s Role

The civic sector, in contrast to both state and market, has been more pro-active in defining
SD practically and theoretically in Pakistan. The first steps toward SD, as distinct from
human resource development or physical infrastructure projects, actually came from civil
society. The preparation of the NCS involved a number of civic actors locally and
internationally. While the government owned the process from the beginning, the
innovations came primarily from the civic sector: NGOs, individuals, mass media and the
wider public consulted.
In its attempts at generating ownership within the government at all levels, however, the NCS
worked mainly within a policy reform view of SD.7 The main arguments of the document
implied fundamental shifts in the structure of public institutions and macroeconomic policy
based on clearly defined outcomes. In this push on the public sector to work for “the
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shopping list” of activities outlined, civic mobilization was neglected. Mid-level NGOs were
generally accorded a role of working with public and private sectors in a “partnership” for the
outcomes specified, while community organisations were considered the key for success.
Civic actors, in particular, were urged to concentrate on awareness-raising and project
implementation instead of defining their own view of SD.
Source: Government of Pakistan (www.tourism.gov.pk/peshawar.html)
Despite the momentum that the NCS had generated in its making, civil society generally fell
out of line with NCS implementation shortly after its adoption in 1992. The marked
exceptions were IUCN-The World Conservation Union, Pakistan (IUCNP) and SDPI. The
former is part of an international network, established in Pakistan in 1985 with the initial
purpose of assisting the government of Pakistan in developing the NCS. It has now adopted a
program approach and is one of the largest environment-focused civic organisations in the
country. The organisation now has access to considerable specialist skills and has generated a
large implementation portfolio, including the Mountain Areas Conservancy Project and the
Environmental Rehabilitation of NWFP and Punjab project in collaboration with the
government. The projects combine natural resource management with community
development through active participation. IUCNP is also assisting provincial and local
governments in developing and implementing sub-national conservation strategies.
The Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) was established in 1992 to serve as a
source of expertise and advice for government, private sector and NGOs in support of the
NCS. Since then SDPI has broadened its scope to facilitating the flow of international
knowledge and research on SD while contributing research itself on key SD issues and
policies in the country. However, the closed nature of public policy-making has increased
SDPI’s focus on policy advocacy as a tool for injecting SD into the policy agenda. SDPI has
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undertaken several programs and projects in the core areas of the NCS as well as the SD
agenda. Primary examples of its initiative include the research and advocacy around PEPA,
the NEQS and pollution charges; gender in SD; devolution of power; and education policy. In
addition, SDPI has become a productive training ground for Pakistani analysts and experts.
Sustainable Development Networking Program (SDNP) has been a unique innovation in the
SD initiatives of civil society. SDNP was established as a joint UNDP-IUCN project to use
the internet for human sustainable development, awareness-raising and problem-solving. It
was built on the principle that the information revolution’s potential for SD could only be
realised with low-cost connectivity in developing countries. SDNP quickly became a strong
and successful advocate for connectivity at reasonable prices, while also offering low-cost
services itself. SDNP pioneered the path to electronic information networking for
development organisations. Since then, however, the growth of private sector internet service
providers has shifted attention away from SDNP’s original role. It has now begun to
concentrate on knowledge-based services and the maintenance of Pakistan’s first SD portal
website. SDNP now faces a challenge in shaping its future role.
There are a host of national NGOs that have begun to implement their vision of SD on the
ground. Apart from large IUCNP and similar projects being implemented by international
agencies such as the World Bank, there are a host of locally grounded initiatives. Prime
among these are the models of community development developed by the Aga Khan Rural
Support Program (AKRSP) in the deprived Northern Areas of the country. AKRSP
pioneered integrated rural development in the country by building on the model of the
Comilla experiment in East Pakistan. The model integrated community development with
resource management through projects such as social forestry, agro-forestry, water resource
development, and agro-based micro-credit. Community organisation has remained a key
aspect of the program, as did close coordination with local and higher levels of government.
The AKRSP model has been widely replicated in Pakistan, primarily through a network of
Rural Support Programs in NWFP, Balochistan, Sindh and Punjab. Other innovations on
the model also exist, albeit on a much smaller scale. The overwhelming majority of NGOs
and CBOs still work in the rural areas, given the disparities of well-being between rural-
urban populations.
An alternative view of SD, however, emerged in 1980s and has been strengthened since the
1990s. This relates to the evolution of Public Interest Organisations (PIOs). PIOs have begun
to concentrate more on policy influence to multiply their impact on SD. These “third-
generation” NGOs consider SD basically the responsibility of the state to be implemented
through policies. Where the state does not do so, PIOs bring pressure to bear on the state to
implement formulate and implement appropriate policies. The world-view, fundamentally, is
one of policy reform being able to bring about SD.
Prime examples of such PIOs include Sungi Development Foundation, working on

community development and advocacy in NWFP; Aurat Foundation working on women
issues throughout the country; Christian Study Center, working on minority concerns; Shirkat
Gah, a women’s resource center; and TheNetwork, working on consumer issues and rational
use of medication. In addition, PIOs have formed alliances and coalitions to increase their
impact and credibility, while also offering protection from harassment to each other.
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Despite the failure of such organisations to bring about any substantial change in the root
structure of policy formulation and implementation, policy advocacy is a major focus of a
growing number of NGOs. On-the-ground implementation of SD is seen as another tool to
increase the impact of policy influence. PIOs have begun to improve their communication
skills, and now effectively use the media to highlight their message.
Yet another alternative to this mode of operation relies more on civic mobilization to address
the fundamental issues facing interest groups. This sort of mobilization work, more related to
social movements than to other NGOs, concentrates on interest groups and localities. It relies
on increasing the awareness of the community and then improving their skills to tackle the
development problems closest to them. Further awareness continues so that the root causes of
under-development may be identified and addressed collectively.
A prime example of such “movement-type” mobilization is the Pakistan Institute for Labor
Education & Research (PILER), working with the organised and informal labor sectors.
PILER concentrates on building effective organisations of sectors of labor, including the
informal sector, and then building their skills. Another example is the South Asian
Partnership-Pakistan (SAP-PK), which works with small and landless farmers to facilitate
their organisation. It then offers skills-training and capacity-building to make the
organisations effective and help them link up with each other. The Institute for Development
Studies Pakistan (IDSP) concentrates on reaching the poorest of the poor in different locales
in the province of Balochistan. IDSP offers liberating educating to this target group,
conscientizing them to their objective reality and exploring ways to change it. In all of this
type of mobilization, SD is a broad theme in which environmental, social and economic
concerns are all integrated.
Capacity-building is a recurring theme in the work of most of the cases. Efforts in this regard
focus on building the capacity of local organisations and community members for practicing
SD on the ground. These typically include training for managerial and technical skills
enhancement, as well as information on SD issues locally, nationally and internationally.
While these NGOs are all defining the SD agenda for themselves and promoting it (very
effectively in some cases), they are all constrained by an Achilles’ heel. Most of these
initiatives, even the “semi-mobilization” of PILER, SAP-PK and IDSP, are heavily
dependent on financial support from institutional donor agencies. While the steady stream of
funding from Western donor agencies offers a perverted form of sustainability for these
initiatives, that is certainly not enough for it implies dependence on external agencies instead
of internal agencies. The lack of internal sustainability of these initiatives themselves casts an
unmistakable shadow over their promotion of SD.
Alternatively, there are models of locally founded civic initiatives that have defined SD in
their own discourse and are promoting the agenda. These are indigenous efforts that rely only
minimally on external financial support. The small, if any, extent of external financial support
implies that these initiatives can dictate the terms of any support, unlike donor-dependent
NGOs who are not in a position to bargain.
These initiatives have begun to affect a transition in society through the credibility of their
work. Significantly, public perception does not classify these efforts as traditional “NGOs,”
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whose impact has remained limited to pockets and who are still struggling for public
credibility. These initiatives include some nascent and some well-established efforts. In the
absence of any credible, non-partisan social movements in Pakistan, these initiatives come
the closest to becoming movements for SD in the country. However, their (mostly
intentional) distance from the traditional discourse means that they do not adopt the jargon
so widely used in government and NGO language, although their work reflects the
principles of SD.
The Katchi Abaadi Tehreek (movement of residents of un-planned urban dwellings), Dir
Forestry Royalty Rights and the Citizen-Police Liason Committee are examples of such
indigenous efforts, focusing on mobilization of citizens around their rights. Edhi Foundation
and the Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital are two very famous examples of organizing local
philanthropy for meeting immediate needs.
Outside of NGO and related sectors, civil society has not generally managed to bring SD
into mainstream practice. The print media has just begun to cover SD stories in-depth, but
there is little pro-active initiative, while the electronic media largely ignores the issue
completely. Professional associations, too, have not been adequate reached by the civic
leaders of SD, although doctors, lawyers, teachers and other professionals do offer a huge
potential in terms of generating the transition. Some organisations have begun to reach out
to, and include, these groups, such as TheNetwork in its campaigns to rationalise drug
prices and promote medical consumer awareness. Again, though, such efforts have been
marginal and largely isolated.
2.5 Donor Role

Donor organisations have played a critical role in driving sustainable development, both
through government actions and in supporting civil society. Annex VI lists the major donor
organisations funding sustainable development initiatives in Pakistan.8
Donor funding of public sector sustainable development initiatives has come mainly from
bilateral and multilateral sources. The most sought-after funding has been in macro-economic
areas, especially fiscal support. As in a number of other developing country cases, this
support is linked to policy packages or structural adjustment of one sort or another,
particularly since the late 1980s. Specific support for policy reforms has also been a major
feature, such as civil service or police reforms. None of these, however, has ever been linked
to sustainable development goals, even those articulated in the NCS adopted by the
Government or Agenda 21 ratified by the Government.
More direct support for sustainable development initiatives has typically involved large-scale,
time-bound, goal-oriented projects. Infrastructure development has been a major area of
focus, stemming from the bricks-and-mortar approach traditionally favored by all political
governments to enhance their popularity visibly. Roads, irrigation systems, electrification,
have all been a significant part of public sector support. Environmental concerns have been
seldom integrated into these projects, although there has been a growing emphasis on
environmental impact assessments throughout the 1990s.
Other areas include governance, particularly over the past decade, with most of the support
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going for capacity-building of the public sector to utilise its funding more effectively. The
environment has received more and more support, although this is again targeted mainly at
visible rehabilitation efforts. Forestry and agriculture are the significant sectors within
environment/natural resource management, with considerable emphasis on reforestation,
desalination and combating desertification and water-logging in productive lands. Very little
attention has been paid to environmental policy or to integrating environmental concerns in
other development initiatives. Notable exceptions to this general case include CIDA support
to the Pakistan Environment Program (including the Environment Section in the Planning
Division) and ADB support for Forestry Sector Reforms.
The result of this public sector support has been highlighted earlier. Although there is no
consolidated figure available for donor support to the government for sustainable
development, the amount is likely to be considerable in relation to Pakistan’s economy. A
large proportion of government efforts in sustainable development have been supported by
donor funding. The result is better infrastructure than Pakistan inherited, but not much more.
The limited success in social indicators (including education, life expectancy and access to
clean drinking water) may well be attributed to global trends as much as to public sector
efforts. The trend, in any case, is not positive, particularly when compared with other
countries in the region or at the same stage of development.
A fundamental cause for this lack of ultimate impact may be that donor support to the public
sector relied on the government knowing what it was doing and being committed to a long-
term plan for reform. This would require over-arching policy commitments, such as those
signed onto in Rio, but subsequently paid only lip service to. Another reason may be that
while the same government was receiving support for sustainable development, particularly
environmental and social development, it was also constantly contending for macro-
economic support from international financial institutions – the latter had requirements that
did not always match the donor agenda for sustainable development.
Thus a lack of policy coordination seems to be a striking feature of donor assistance to the
public sector, both from government that received the support and from donors that
provided it. Taking a step back, it is quite plausible to propose that the reason for a lack of
policy coordination and integration was the lack of political commitment to an over-
arching sustainable development framework, despite the rhetoric. Donor support to the
public sector in Pakistan is a prime example of the failure of political will for a transition to
Civil society support has had much more concrete, positive and long-term benefits. Typically,
civil society receives support from international NGOs (INGOs) as well as bilateral and
multilateral agencies.9 Most of the support is medium-term program funding and short-term
project funding. A lot of this funding has focused on building the capacity of NGOs and their
partner communities to manage the funding, manage and enhance their programs, and network
with other organisations in the country and internationally. Communications has been another
significant focus that cuts across all sectoral support – this has enabled civil society to mobilise
the media and raise awareness at a mass-based and person-to-person level on a scale not
imagined by government. Awareness-raising on a number of issues related to sustainable
development may well be classified as the most significant impact of donor support to civil
society. Policy advocacy is related to this, but has not been built up systematically by donors as
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a support area in the same way. However, a number of NGOs have been engaged in national
and international policy advocacy with donor support but not always with donor consent.
Sectorally, donor support has been wide-ranging in Pakistan, mostly focusing on poverty
alleviation and social service delivery. Education, health and, recently, micro-credit have
been major foci of attention. A number of civil society initiatives are also concentrating
specifically on environmental and natural resource management issues with donor support.
The trend is, increasingly, on social and environmental service contracting.
Donor support to civil society has had an impact on sustainable development indicators
spread throughout the country. However, the successes are limited geographically and do not
add up significantly into the national averages. The notable exception is AKRSP, with a
measurable and significant impact on household income, education, health and political
empowerment in a large region of the country. The limited success, mostly considered as
“models” for replication, have actually not been replicated as much as possible. Political
instability and a lack of political space for civil society have prevented the spread of these
successes throughout the country. Again, it is civil society’s reliance on political commitment
to replicate and scale up that has led to a constrained impact. This situation is markedly
different from the case in Bangladesh, where civil society initiatives have scaled up their
operations to cover large sections of the country, in some cases more active and effective than
government itself (such as the vaccination and oral rehydration campaigns by BRAC).
A few key issues in donor funding may be identified from this brief analysis and experience:
• Donor reliance on political will for a transition to sustainable development has not
yielded results, whether directly through public sector funding or indirectly through
civil society replication. An alternative focus needs to be found, quite possibly
relying more on civil society.
• Much more donor coordination is needed to fit various supports into an overarching
framework for sustainable development. The emerging Poverty Reduction Strategy
Paper may provide this framework, but that would require considerable
commitment.
• The trend toward social and environmental contracting has mixed effects. While it
allows objective-oriented planning and implementation, it takes away from the
flexibility needed in sustainable development initiatives. The trend needs to be
balanced by developing a partnership relationship with civil society rather than a
donor-recipient one. This has already begun happening in some cases (mostly with
INGOs) with positive results. Most importantly, dictation, or even perception of
dictation, has disastrous effects on civil society initiatives, as it kills the civic
entrepreneurship that lies at the heart of civic successes (section 4).
• Partnership with civil society would naturally involve technology transfer. This has
been a weak area so far, whether in material technology transfer or in knowledge.
Again, the most positive efforts are generally from INGOs, and bilateral and
multilateral agencies need to revise their approach to this aspect of support.
• Another aspect of partnership would be for donors to help enhance the political
space for civil society to enhance its impact for sustainable development. Donor
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organisations can realistically act as an interface between civil society and the
national government as well as between national civil society and multilateral
agencies, such as the World Bank, WTO, IMF or the UN. Such an approach may
well prove critical in allowing civil society to influence policy-making for better
coordination as well as for replicating success stories.
• Finally, donor agencies suffer in Pakistan from a generally negative image. This
image needs to be redressed by making donor operations more transparent and by
raising awareness on the role and mechanism of donor agencies. A national debate
on the role and function of donor agencies in national sustainable development has
yet to take place. The result of such a process of debate may be to refine the support
process and target assistance where it can be most effective.
2.6 Summary of Key Historic Factors

The lack of progress on SD in Pakistan prompts reflection, particularly considering the
relatively large level of input. An integration of environmental concerns with economic
growth and social development remains a dream. Although a number of mainstream analyses
have commented on this, extending from historical perspectives to current political theories,
most of them have been rooted in the same paradigms as the efforts for SD themselves,
broadly corresponding to the Policy Reform scenario within GEO3. Despite the failure of the
state to deliver on stated policies, and to reorient some existing policies, SD efforts continue
to focus on this paradigm for development.
The marked exception in this regard was the formulation of the National Conservation
Strategy. The intensive 9-year-long process generated significant and high-level ownership
within the public sector and was a positive step toward SD, albeit unstated. However, the lack
of progress on implementation by the public sector has retarded the momentum, and SD has
once again slipped from the priority agenda of the policy community. The Mid-Term Review
of the NCS conducted in 2000 aimed at, and to a large extent managed to, renew some of the
commitment within the public sector. This may result in a second NCS, which would offer a
chance to shift the focus of the strategy more toward SD as well as generate significant
follow-up in implementation.10
However, the political will so necessary for all development policy thrusts remains a question
mark. In the past, political will has generally failed the SD agenda in implementation.
Further, the sustainability of such will – where present – may be reasonably questioned if it
relies on regular, external inputs in terms of financing and facilitation. Successive
governments have continued to rely on external financing and paradigms, content to follow
the shifting moods of the international development community without significant
adaptation to the local context.
Political will is also a factor of international trends, which are changing without significant
policy input from Pakistan. While some of these trends are promoting the SD agenda (not
necessarily only in the Policy Reform paradigm), others are forcing Pakistan away from the
path of SD. Declining international financial assistance is one such retarding trend which has
impacted Pakistan significantly. Similarly, technology cooperation and transfer had been a
major component of Agenda 21 and subsequent multi-lateral understandings; however,
progress has been limited in Pakistan and, indeed South Asia.
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Another retarding factor of growing significance is the interaction of Pakistan’s economy

with the world through international trade. A number of analyses have pointed out the
imbalances within the world trading system that work against the interests of developing
countries, primarily through restricted access of developing-country exports and liberalised
imports into these nations. The global economy has also proved adept at “externalizing”
environmental costs to the next generation or exporting them from developed nations to
developing countries. Economic and environmental inequities are beginning to wreak havoc
on the SD agenda of countries like Pakistan, particularly as they are much more powerful
than the international forces promoting SD.
A positive international trend is the emphasis on reforming the role of the state away from
implementation is positive for SD. This is beginning to create some political space for civil
society within the development policy community. Although civic efforts have remained
focused mainly (and largely unsuccessfully) on building political will, there is the
opportunity to inject alternative paradigms for SD. The previously strong emphasis on
confrontational policy advocacy adopted by civil society was in response to the closed nature
of the state. This emphasis is now shifting to “engagement” with the public and private
sectors, reflecting the more open attitude of the state.
Source: Government of Pakistan (www. tourism.gov.pk/peshawar.html)
The market has also not had any significant influence in the policy community for SD, aside
from some isolated exceptions like ETPI. Some service providers in the private sector have
begun to inject the agenda of sustainability within the private sector and through it into
society. These include consultancy firms providing solutions for corporate social
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responsibility and policy advice, such as Hagler Bailly (Pvt.) Ltd. which is part of an
international group of companies devoted to SD. These firms, however, have not yet had a
significant impact on societal attitudes and institutions.
The rise of civil society (in number of organisations and in their relative importance in the
policy community) is the most significant factor of movement toward SD in the country.
Civic success, however, has been limited by dependence on institutional donor agencies,
most of them based in foreign countries. There has been little reflection on the principles
motivating “successful” models of SD and how these may replicated in society.
Donors have had a critical role to play in promoting sustainable development, although the
experience has been mixed. Most sustainable development efforts, whether in the public
sector or in civil society are directly supported financially by donor agencies. Whereas public
sector funding has resulted in large infrastructure developments, civil society funding has had
more sustainable and longer-term impacts. The latter, however, is limited geographically. In
both cases, there has been an implicit reliance on political will to commit to policy reforms
under an overarching framework for SD. This has not been seen, hence the lack of ultimate
impact. There is a need now for donor organisations to revise their focus on civil society,
developing partnerships and providing an interface for the civic sector to enhance its political
space in national policy making and also to engage with international institutions.
Finally, a lack of considered reflection is a cross-cutting factor retarding the movement

toward to SD. There has been remarkably little academic input and innovation directly linked
to SD practice on the ground. A handful of independent and government organisations
perform this role marginally, including SDPI, Social Policy Development Center and the
Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE).

3.1 Current National Situation
3.1.1 Pakistan’s Economy
Pakistan’s economic situation is interesting in light of its history. On the one hand, the trend
of macro-economic indicators has been almost encouraging from 1947 through the 1980s
and part of the 1990s. On the other hand, this growth was clearly built on unsustainable
patterns of production and consumption, resulting in the crash of the economy from the
early 1990s onward. From an average of 3.2% between 1975 and 1990 (exceeding 5% in
some years) the GDP growth rate has slipped to 1.3% between 1990 and 1999. The
indications are that this will decline further.11
The per capita GDP of Pakistan in PPP US$was 1,834 in 1999, compared to 3,500 for all
developing countries of the world and 2,280 for South Asia. The lag behind economies at
similar stages of development and in the region are as much a cause for concern as are the
low figures in absolute terms. Part of this is due to the sise of Pakistan’s “white” economy (as
distinguished from the underground economy generated by illegal activities) – the GDP was
about US $58 billion in 1999 compared to US $447 billion in India.
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Pakistan
At the same time, Pakistan has not yet fully integrated with the global economy, managing to
generate exports worth around 15% of its GDP, while imports continue to hover around 20%
of GDP. Foreign direct investment has also been declining, standing at 0.8% of GDP in 1998
compared to 2.9% for all low- and middle-income countries. The structure of the Pakistani
economy has changed considerably due to successive policies, moving from a mainly
agricultural base to a service and industry orientation.
Figure 2: Sectoral Breakdown of Pakistan’s Economy
However, despite the emphasis on industry, the sector has not grown in terms of its
contribution to national output. At the same time, the economy has not developed a financial
base that can sustain its growth internally, as reflected by the weak nature of its stock
exchange.
Figure 3: Stock Market Capitalization
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Most importantly, Pakistan’s economy is marked by a severe fiscal crisis, where public
expenditures consistently over-run resource mobilisation.
Figure 4: Fiscal Scenario
Despite a high value relative to the economy, the trend of decreasing deficit is encouraging,
led primarily by a drop in public expenditure.12 However, despite substantial population
increase, revenues have not increased proportionately. The fiscal deficit is financed mostly by
external loans, leading to a large debt burden on Pakistan’s economy. Servicing this debt
causes expenditure to rise further, adding to the deficit in a non-sustainable trend:
Table 1: Fiscal Scenario
Item 1998-99 1999-2000 2000-01
TOTAL REVENUE 468.6 536.8 570.6

Federal tax revenue 375.1 387.0 451.3
Provincial tax revenue 15.6 18.8 20.3
Non-tax revenue 77.9 131.0 99.0
TOTAL EXPENDITURES 647.8 743.6 756.3

Federal debt servicing 213.3 245.1 237.0
Defense 143.5 150.4 157.5
Civil government 46.9 47.5 52.1
Other federal expenditures 20.7 42.6 41.1
Provincial expenditures 122.8 157.4 171.0
Development expenditure 100.5 100.7 97.6
OVERALL FISCAL DEFICIT 179.2 206.8 185.7

Domestically financed 82.1 139.9 65.6
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Externally financed 97.6 66.9 120.1
GDP at market prices 2,938.4 3,182.8 3,472.1

All items expressed in Billions of Pak. Rupees (in November 2001, 1 US$
= PKR 62.0).
Pakistan’s total debt is now estimated at Rs. 3,198 billion (about US$52 billion), about half
of which is external debt. Public debt has grown at an average rate of almost 16 percent per
annum over the last two decades, increasing from 66 percent of GDP in 1980 to 94 percent in
1990 and further to about 100 percent in 2000! Total public debt has increased from 403
percent of revenues in 1980 to 624 percent in 2000. This is among the highest debt burdens in
the world (Mexico: 22%, Thailand: 94%, Morocco: 273%, Philippines: 286%, Malaysia:
291%, Nigeria: 377%, India: 385%).
While servicing the debt puts further pressure on the budget, defense expenditures are also
reducing the amount of possible development financing. Defense expenditure is still high,
despite moderate declines over the past decade;14 in 2000-01 it was equivalent to 4.5 percent
of GDP and 28 percent of total revenues.
These figures prompt a reflection on the nature of the much-lauded economic growth of
Pakistan up until the 1990s. Among the fallouts of this type of growth, focusing on heavy
industrialization and top-down development, has been the impact of the economy on people.
Official figures estimated unemployment at over 6% in 1999, while independent estimates
may come to a considerably higher figure if all types of unemployment are calculated, such
as disguised employment and sub-employment. Under-employment is also a severe problem
in the country. Due to tight monetary measures the inflation rate has been dropping over the
past decade; the Consumer Price Index provides the official estimate of inflation. Despite
these controls, Pakistan’s average annual inflation rate exceeds that of other countries in the
region: the UNDP Human Development Report (2000) estimates Pakistan’s average inflation
rate between 1990 and 1998 at 11.1 percent (compared with Bangladesh: 3.6%, Malaysia:
5.1%, Nepal: 8.9%, India: 8.9%, and Sri Lanka: 9.1%).
Figure 5: Consumer Price Index Rate of Growth
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The World Bank (2000) has further estimated that all basic goods, aside from essential health
care, cost more than the average price level of the GDP. That is, the prices of food, clothing,
education, fuel, etc., are higher than the general price level prevailing in the country as
expected by the GDP. Thus, inflation is hitting the most vulnerable groups the hardest, as
survival needs are being priced out of the market.
These trends bring out the inherent inequality in the structure of the economy. The share of
the richest 20% of the population’s income was 41.1% in 1998 while the share of the poorest
20% was 9.5%. The Gini15 stood at 31.2 in 1998, not very high compared to some developing
countries, but still indicating a fundamental problem in the economy. The future trend is not
encouraging even if faith is reposed in the Kuznet16 hypothesis (of which no evidence has
been found in Pakistan), as growth continues to decline.
All these trends converge to produce the single most troubling issue in the national economy:
poverty. In 1998, about 34% of the population was living below the nationally defined poverty
line, while roughly the same lived at less than US$1 per day. In fact, an annual income of less
than US$500 per capita means that the average Pakistani lives on under US$1.5 per day. In the
most severe cases of poverty, this has led to troubling health and livelihood concerns, indicated
in the next section. Most of the poor reside in disadvantaged areas (far-flung rural communities
or urban slums) where basic civic amenities are not available and institutions are weakest.
This quick overview of the Pakistani economy emphasises the dire straits that the country is in.
The key challenges are the extent and depth of poverty throughout the country, magnified by
inequality, and the huge debt burden that Pakistan is straddled with. Both problems are now
recognised as fallouts of inappropriate economic policies, for which structural adjustment with the
World Bank may be justifiably held responsible. In particular, “macro-economic, structural and
pricing policies have tended to promote extractive and capital-intensive production processes,
encouraged consumption excesses and impoverished the poor” (Khan and Naqvi, 1999).
A lack of people-friendly economic policies may be the single most important factor behind the
growth of poverty and rising debt burden. Kemal and Mahmood (in Banuri et al., 1997) show
that poverty is closely correlated with economic policies, rather than economic growth. Other
factors, however, have also been at play. The issue of refugees has always been important in
Pakistan, given the presence of over 3 million international refugees in the country, mostly from
Afghanistan, before 2000. In the aftermath of 11 September 2001, this number has already
increased significantly and it is uncertain how many further refugees will be integrated with the
national economy. The economic fallout of the events since 11 September are also uncertain,
but are likely to be significant in determining the future course of the economy.
3.1.2 The Social Sector

While the national economy has shown mixed results, Pakistan’s social indicators have no such
ambiguity. Successive economic and social policies have resulted in a depressing situation among
a population of close to 140 million, with an urban population of about 37%. This population itself
has been a major concern, whether symptom or cause, growing at 2.8% per annum.
The Human Development Index, developed by the UNDP, has been regarded as a measure of
human development trends for close to a decade now. The HDI is a normalised value
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representing achievement of human-centered development, with 0 being the lowest possible

development and 1 being the highest possible achievement. Pakistan’s progress along the
HDI line has been upward, reflecting improving social conditions, but certainly nowhere near
satisfactory when compared with other countries.
The Human Development Report of 2001 ranks Pakistan 127th out of a total of 162 countries
assessed, placing it in the category of Low Human Development. Pakistan’s HDI of 0.498 is
far below the average HDI for all developing countries, 0.647. The HDI is a composite of
indicators on health, education and income. In each of these Pakistan’s situation is troubling,
especially when compared with other countries.
Table 2: Selected Social Indicators

Social Indicator (1998) Pakistan South Asia All Developing
Countries
Life expectancy at birth 64.0 62.7 64.4

(years)
Infant mortality rate (per 95 72 64
1,000 live births)
Adult literacy rate (% above 44.0 54.3 72.7
age 15)
Combined gross enrolment 43 52 60
ratio (%)
Annual population growth 2.4 1.4 1.4
rate (%)
Population without access to 21 18 28
safe drinking water (%)
Population without access to 44 65 56
sanitation (%)
Source: UNDP, 2000
Figure 6: Human Development Index Trends
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Figure 7: Comparison of Selected Social Indicators in South Asia
A detailed examination of the indicators amplifies the social concerns in Pakistani society. In
1999, about 65% of the population had access to essential drugs, while only 61% of the
population was using adequate sanitation. In drinking water, Pakistan has reported marked
improvements (88% of the population using improved drinking water sources in 1999) but
these are offset by environmental considerations discussed below.
Despite a relatively high physician-population ratio compared to the rest of the region,
Pakistan’s health indicators are poor. Part of the reason for this may be the low public sector
expenditure on health, amounting to 0.9% of GDP in 1999 (Sri Lanka and Nepal spent 1.4%
and 1.3% respectively in the same year).
Poor education indicators may also reflect low public expenditure in the sector. In 1997 the
government spent 2.7% of GDP on education, while India spent 3.2% and Sri Lanka spent
3.4% in the same year. The status of women is especially troubling: 76% of women remain
illiterate and the female combined enrolment rates were 28% in 1997 compared to 58% for
men.
Other indicators reveal a decline in Pakistan’s social harmony. Citizens are less secure in
their personal lives and welfare, as reported crimes showed a 98% increase between 1980 and
1994, almost twice the increase in population. Tension has been increasing steadily since the
launch of international attacks on Afghanistan, as the state fails to provide basic security to
the common citizen in the wake of violence by internal groups.
Pakistan’s poor social indicators are a direct result of poor policy planning and
implementation, manifested primarily in misallocations and misuse of resources. The social
impact of economic policies is devastating.
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Pakistan
3.1.3 The Environment

Much of the economic growth has
been built on exploitation of Table 3: Economic Growth and the Environment
natural resources without adequate PAKISTAN % OF GDP IN
compensation. At the macro level, 1997
this means that genuine economic
growth must be further deflated by Gross Domestic Savings 10.4
impacts on the environment and Consumption of Fixed Capital 6.4
public health. The World Bank Net Domestic Savings 4.0
(1999) estimated that the genuine Education Expenditure 1.9
domestic saving of Pakistan in Energy Depletion 1.1
1997 is much lower than the Net Forest Depletion 1.6
reported saving if other CO 2 Damage 0.8
considerations are taken into Genuine Domestic Savings 2.5
account.
The social cost of environmental degradation is also significant, and is likely to increase in the
absence of a holistic macro-policy for SD. Direct health and productivity impacts have been
conservatively estimated at US $1.5-3 billion annually, or 2.3 to 4.6% of GDP (Hanson et al.,
2000). About half of these losses may be attributed to water pollution, while two thirds of the total
loss constitutes the toll on human health from premature mortality, morbidity and reduced
economic activity. These figures are considerably more than economic growth or the small
percentage of GDP dedicated to uplift projects.
The forestry sector is part of the livelihood base for a significant portion of Pakistan’s population.
Upland forests provide fuelwood and a habitat for the biodiversity that supports gatherers, livestock
farmers and agriculturalists. The mangrove forests in the coastal areas are also an important part of
the country’s biodiversity, providing nesting grounds for shrimps and fish. However, Pakistan’s
forest area (amounting to only 4.53% of total land area, including sparse forests) is being degraded
at the alarming rate of 4 to 6% per annum (GoP, 1998), regarded as the second highest rate of
deforestation in the world. The Pakistan Forest Institute estimates that fuelwood constitutes 87% of
the demand for forest products, making population growth and poverty the principle pressures.
Figure 8: Share of Energy Types At the same time, non-renewable energy sources
in Supply are being depleted rapidly, as the structure of
energy supply shows.
Land and water, however, form the most critical

component of Pakistan’s ecosystems. Given the
importance of agriculture to Pakistan’s economy
and economic structure, the quantity and quality of
land are of prime importance. Of the 88.2 million
hectares of total land area, Pakistan cultivates only
about 22 million hectares – among the worst land
use statistics in the world. Marginal lands are used
for livestock grazing or small-scale agriculture by
nomads and other disadvantaged groups.
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Even on cropped land, agricultural production suffers from waterlogging (at least 7% of
cropped land) and salinity (over 23% of cropped land). The quality of agricultural land is
being further harmed by the introduction of chemical pathogens in the soil and water table.
About 50% of all crops are now contaminated by pathogens, many of them vegetables and
fruits that are eaten raw. Land pollution is a result of domestic sewage, large garbage dumps,
industrial waste and chemical-intensive agriculture.
Pakistan is also facing a water crisis. The year 2000 was marked by one of the worst droughts
in the country, particularly in the arid/semi-desert province of Balochistan. Pakistan’s water
availability was estimated at 1,200 m3 per capita in 1998, only slightly higher than the level
of water scarcity, defined at 1,000 m3 per capita. Freshwater is being withdrawn at a rate of
about 37.2% of total water resources per annum. This, too, is among the highest rates in the
world; (India utilises 18.2% of its annual water resources and Bangladesh 1%).
Aside from water availability, water quality is another growing concern. As much as 72 percent
of well and tube-well water in Punjab was found to be biologically or chemically contaminated
in one survey of 1998 (IUCN, 1998). The mega-cities of Karachi and Lahore discharge a total of
approximately 550 million gallons of wastewater every day, affecting the marine environment,
public health and the livelihoods of fisher communities. The communities dependent on fishing
in the river Ravi, flowing beside Lahore, report a loss of roughly 5,000 tons of fish catch
annually; the river had unacceptably high pollution levels of 190 mg per liter, compared to 80
mg/liter allowed by the National Environmental Quality Standards. In all, it is estimated that
Pakistan generates over 50,000 tons of sold waste per day, out of which only 20 to 25 percent is
collected; most of this is not disposed off in the proper manner (UNEP, 2001). Only 3 percent of
the industry treats its wastes, while the rest discharge effluents into rivers, lakes and seas.
The prime sources of freshwater pollution include domestic sewage, industrial waste and agro-
chemicals, none of which are adequately treated before being passed into the freshwater system.
Marine pollution is caused mostly by oil, industrial waste, municipal discharges and siltation.
Air pollution is becoming a significant problem in cities, even though Pakistan contributes very
little (0.8 metric tons) to the world’s annual CO2 emissions of 4.0 metric tons per capita. However,
vehicular pollution is a growing problem: it has been estimated on average that each Pakistani
vehicle emits 15-20 times more pollutants than the average vehicle in developed countries (UNEP,
2001). Industrial emissions combine with power generation from non-renewable sources to make
air pollution a severe problem in concentrated pockets. The rate of deforestation is also reducing
the availability of carbon sinks, thus exacerbating the problem of pollution.
The livelihood of local communities is further harmed by the loss of biodiversity. IUCN
estimates that almost half of the wild species known to have existed in Pakistan in the past
have become extinct or are endangered (IUCN, 1998).
The depletion of the natural resource base is quite likely having some impact on health and
livelihood of local communities dependent on it. In the recent past, Pakistan has experienced
a new phenomenon of internal environmental refugees. While many communities have been
displaced on account of large infrastructure projects, such as dams and mining, this new
phenomenon is causing displacement of entire communities due to the degradation of their
local environment. Inland fishing communities and forest grazers have been most affected so
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Pakistan
far. However, this problem is likely to grow in other parts of the country too, and recent
research has highlighted the link between environment and security concerns of Pakistan
(IUCN, 1999). The study has highlighted flash-spots in the country that are likely to erupt
into violence due to environmental decline. It has also brought out significant environmental
concerns due to Pakistan’s geopolitical situation (emphasised since 11 September), Afghan
refugees, macro-economic shocks, structural adjustment policies, high population growth,
resource capture by elite interests, threshold poverty and institutional failure.
Figure 9: Pakistan’s Ecosystems
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3.1.4 Political Situation

Policy formulation and implementation, along with institutional constraints, have been identified
as critical to Pakistan’s national situation. Instability in the political environment has been labeled
as a prime factor in retarding economic growth, reducing private investment, slowing down the
pace of social progress and degrading the environment. Successive governments coming into
power in Pakistan have brought in different policies and institutional baggage, harming continuity.
However, the more things change the more they stay the same. The past few decades have
seen little fundamental shift in the nature of policy formulation and implementation.
Decision-making remains fundamentally undemocratic in Pakistan, and there is very little
political space for civil society to break into the real policy community. A top-down mode of
policy-making remains predominant, and could be one of the causes for poor economic and
environmental performance in particular.
The political process is disrupted further by a widely acknowledged breakdown of fundamental

institutions in the country. Prime among these is the judicial mechanism, marred by widespread
distrust and lack of access by the lowest tiers of society. Part of the problem is a lack of resources
– the high courts had a case disposal rate of 50-60% over the past decade while overall there are
a staggering 85,000 citizens per judge in the country. However, part of the problem is also a lack
of accountability and transparency in the polity, particularly the state agencies.
The crisis of governance underpins the SD scenario in the country. It is being addressed by
sporadic efforts at institutional development (such as civil service or policy reforms), but there
is little sign of basic political change that is required to democratise the state. In the absence of
the basic environment for SD, it is questionable how much impact individual efforts will have.
At a regional level, Pakistan’s situation is also critical, particularly since the events following
11 September. Pakistan’s economy and society are extremely vulnerable to external and
internal shocks, disrupting the development process.
3.2 Key Challenges for Sustainable Development

The prime challenges facing SD efforts may be categorised into the following components:
• Chronic poverty and the debt burden. These are the two biggest challenges for
Pakistan’s economy. Recent research (Khan and Naqvi, 1999 and others) has
brought to the fore the correlations and mutually reinforcing nexus between poverty
and environmental degradation. In particular, the government’s economic policies
need to be significantly altered to meet the requirements of the new world order.
• Population growth. The high population growth rate is placing increasing pressure on
the environment and is diluting gains in social development and economic growth.
• Lack of opportunities in rural-areas forcing urban migration. Migration to cities has
been a concern in Pakistan since the “Green Revolution” in agriculture brought heavy
mechanization to the farm, reducing labor input. However, cities are now past their
carrying capacity, leading to squalid living conditions in large sections (UNEP, 2001
estimates that about 25 percent of the country’s urban population lives in slums and
unplanned dwellings). The rural areas continue to lag behind urban populations in
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Pakistan
virtually all social and economic indicators, and are further threatened by the process
of globalization that will weaken the status of the poor farmer (for example through
the World Trade Organisation’s regime for agriculture and intellectual property
rights.17) Urban migration is also a function of the degrading natural resource base in
the rural areas, leading in some cases to “environmental refugees.”
• Institutional/governance crisis. This is one of the most critical cross-cutting
challenges for SD in Pakistan. People-centered development planning is generally
missing, primarily because of the lack of democratization in the state. The closed
policy environment, particularly for decisions of fundamental import, is a difficult
hurdle for civil society to overcome. Bureaucratic procedures in government are
another problem, only partly due to capacity constraints. This also affects legislation
formulation and implementation, matched by the crisis facing the judiciary. At the
same time, inter-sectoral antipathies are strong, as the government, private sector
and various shades of civil society exist in an atmosphere of distrust.
• Development legislation. While serious and commendable attempts have been made to
draft and even enact legislation for SD, these remain to be implemented. At the same
time, globalization is forcing a new set of rules onto the legal order without any
serious challenge. Intellectual property rights is one area where local populations stand
to lose the fruits of their traditions and labor in the coming years. The national patent
regime, on the other hand, is too weak to withstand the onslaught of mass patenting by
multi-national companies. One of the challenges facing the state now is to rationalise
its legal regime to interact with the international forces on its own terms.
• Conflict and regional cooperation. The environment-security nexus is growing in
importance, as is the need for re-defining national security in terms of human
security. In particular, trans-border environmental issues are having significant
impact on the country, including refugees, economic shocks and geopolitical
maneuverings. What makes these challenges important to list, despite their debatable
impact, is the lack of control over them by civil society in Pakistan.
• The global economic order. Again, Pakistani civil society and, for that matter, the
state, have little control over the global economic regime. However, this emerging
order has a huge impact on the course of SD, no matter what scale the latter is
charted on: local, regional or national. Matching local and national needs with
international constraints is a continuous challenge for SD efforts, such as with the
impacts of international trade on the environment. Multi-national companies, in
particular, are having more and more of a say in national development concerns,
such as exploration for oil at the expense of the environment.
• Environmentally unfriendly patterns of production and consumption. Pakistan’s
consumption at the cost of its natural resource base is not being adequately
channeled back into the environment. Thus disturbing trends of deforestation,
freshwater withdrawal, agro chemical pollution and waste are beginning to take their
toll on environmental health and livelihoods. These challenges are compounded by
environmentally unfriendly patterns of production. Commercial logging, industrial
emissions and unprocessed waste are having negative impacts down the supply
chain. These effects, as expected, target vulnerable groups the most, thus feeding
into a cycle of poverty. The path toward SD would require a fundamental re-think in
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the way production and consumption are structured in the country.

• Financing for SD. The NCS stumbled on this aspect. While the government
allocated a sizeable amount of funds for NCS implementation, these were not
utilised rationally or, the even, productively. However, even these allocations were
not matched by donor countries, who have maintained the decline in overseas
development assistance. The private sector too has not come up to the expectations
generated during NCS formulation or to the demands of the day. Thus, while SD is
accepted generally as an over-arching framework, society as a whole has yet to
demonstrate this commitment in terms of resource allocation. In many cases,
including most government programs, the SD agenda has become limited to the
agenda dictated by donors and international financial institutions. This has had the
result of further “projectization” rather than an internalization of principles of SD in
all actions. Sustainable financing of SD remains a question mark (flagged in the
NCS-MTR by Hanson, et al., 2000), given the resource constraints of the
government, the lack of internalization by the private sector and the donor
dependence of civil society.
• Private sector. An important part of SD would be the involvement of the private
sector. Particularly over the past 10 years, Pakistan’s economic policies have been
emphasizing the development of the private sector and investment, whether local or
foreign. The global trend, too, is pushing for a greater role of the private sector in
driving the national economy and hence according it priority in decision-making. In
this situation, it has become critical for the private sector to adopt the SD agenda, so
that it may be mainstreamed into national development. The more important it
becomes, the bigger the challenge facing government and civil society to involve the
private sector. Within the sector, small- and medium-scale national enterprises are
lagging behind, and need to be focused on. The regulatory environment is another
concern, as this may be tightened up to ensure adherence to SD concerns.

Partly due to the challenges in an un-conducive environment and partly due to internal
constraints, the civic sector’s success in SD has been limited in impact. In particular, there is
little evidence of a transition-from-below to has galvanise society onto the path of SD,
despite the active presence of civil society organisations for a number of years. The poor
performance on core indicators of SD highlight not just the failure of the state and of market
but also the lack of any significant gains by the civic sector. In particular, social movements
that could have contributed significantly are missing.
What distinguishes the civic sector’s impact, however, is that it is significant within its
geographical or programmatic boundaries, and that it is based on an alternative track for
achieving SD. Many initiatives have only begun to generate a transition of society toward a
sustainable form of development. While a society-wide impact remains to be seen from these
models, there is evidence of the beginning of such an impact.
A number of cases may be studied in this respect. A listing of some of the most significant
civil society initiatives in SD is presented in Annex V. The role being played by civil society
in SD is as diverse as is the civic sector itself in Pakistan, varying in form, substance and
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Pakistan
vision. This report will build on the following criteria to choose which cases to highlight that
can best demonstrate the underlying principles behind civil society’s varied approaches to SD:
• Independent: Any initiative chosen to represent SD success must be independent in

its agenda, rather than dictated by external agencies. This criterion builds on a
central argument of this report: dependence of civil society institutions on donor
agencies significantly reduces their ultimate impact, through impinging on their
independence and responsiveness to local communities. Donor dependence has also
generated a negative perception in Pakistan, which inhibits such organisations to
credibly promote the sustainability agenda. The critical feature in non-dependent
models is their ability to dictate their own agenda to any financing agency, or
provide for their needs through independent means as much as possible.
• Proven track record: The initiative must have existed for a significant period of
time. This corresponds to some extent with the previous criterion, but also
incorporates the factors of acceptability and legitimacy of the initiative. Many civic
cases are active mainly due to a “supply-push” instead of a “demand-pull.” Their
impact, however, tends to wane after some time, as their vision does not manage to
generate the change in attitudes necessary for society to push the agenda of SD.
Consistent achievement of objectives is one indicator to select only those cases that
have made a space for themselves.
• Impact on the quality of life of a significant portion of the population: The initiative
must have contributed to improvements in health, education or material income
(including generation of employment) at a significant scale. Alternatively, it may
represent a significant potential for such impact.
• Impact on environmental quality or public health: The initiative must have
contributed either to pro-actively improving environmental quality or must be
conducting its core development activities without harming public health or
environmental quality.
• Capacity building for SD: The initiative must have a clearly identifiable vision of
sustainable development, and must be actively engaged in transferring this vision to
society, possibly through increasing public awareness. The initiative may also be
engaged in building skills to implement and sustain this vision of SD, thus enabling
a true transition.
While cases are being chosen, two strategic options emerge: studying time-bound project
activities or studying organisations that conduct those and other activities. The latter is opted
for in this report, for two reasons. Firstly, there are very few projects that have had a
significant impact on a large number of people by themselves, and that have managed to meet
the criteria above. Secondly, project outputs are very seldom sustained without the active
involvement of an organisational entity, at least in Pakistan. In searching for the true
“drivers” of sustainable development, it thus becomes necessary to examine institutions
rather than disparate activities.
The following selection examines 16 organisations in greater detail as examples of drivers of

SD in Pakistan, based on the above criteria. To specify the cases further, some key activities
or projects of the organisations are mentioned.18
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Table 4: 16 Examples of Sustainable Development
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Pakistan
311
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Pakistan
313
Four of these cases may be studied in still greater detail. They are, by no means, the only such
examples, particularly if works-in-progress are chosen that have the potential to have a significant
impact. Again, the report studies institutions, with a focus on key initiatives of each institution.
The case studies that follow will outline the current status of the initiative, as well as its
institutional and managerial history. The personal history behind the initiative’s success will
also be highlighted. These will lead to the analysis of some underlying forces and concepts
that have motivated the initiative. The analysis will also bring out the external opportunities
that the initiative could avail and some of the challenges that hindered it. Finally, key factors
of success in each effort will be highlighted for future lessons.
4.1 Case Study 1: Orangi Pilot Project

The Orangi Pilot Project (OPP) has become one of the best known civil society initiatives in
the provision of sanitation in Pakistan and across the world. In over two decades of
operations, the Project has directly and indirectly assisted over one million people to gain
access to improved sanitation in one of the poorest areas of Pakistan’s largest city, Karachi.
The initiative has also developed programs in housing technology, health, education support
services, credit and income generation, social forestry and a rural development project. For
the past five years, Project staff has been assisting government and non-government agencies
to initiate new projects in other cities across the country drawing on the lessons of OPP.
OPP considers itself to be a research institution whose objective is to analyze outstanding

research problems within Orangi and then, through prolonged action research and extension
education, do discover viable solutions. OPP’s primary strategy is to promote community
organisation and self-management; by providing technical guidance, it facilitates the
mobilization of local financial and managerial resources through cooperation. OPP has, so
far, developed the following model programs:
• A low-cost sanitation program which enables low-income households to construct and

maintain modern sanitation (pour-flush latrines in their own homes and underground
sewerage pipelines in the lanes) with their own funds and under their own management;
• A low-cost housing program which upgrades the quality of construction by
introducing stronger concrete blocks and by using battens and tile roofing, cheaper
than reinforced concrete. The program also upgrades the skills of local masons by
introducing modern construction techniques and by educating house-owners on
planning, orientation and low-cost technologies;
• A basic health and family planning program for low-income women. The program
raises awareness about the causes and methods of preventing common diseases, the
importance of birth control, and techniques for kitchen gardening. It also offers
immunization and family planning services;
• Credit for small enterprises. Importantly, the program is not subsidised by donors,
and instead relies on borrowing from scheduled banks and lending on to
communities. After an initially tough period, the program now has virtually full
repayment, and has linked the borrowers directly to the credit market;
• A schools program which assists in the upgrading of physical and academic
standards in private schools;
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Pakistan
• A women’s work center program which organises stitchers and other garment
workers into family units dealing directly with exporters and wholesalers. The
program also offers managerial and cooperative action skill-building. The program
is now community-managed and self-financing;
• A social forestry project encouraging tree plantation and collective management
through nurseries in Orangi schools and in villages outside Karachi;
• A rural development pilot project which provides credit and technical guidance to
support entrepreneurs to develop their arid holdings into woodlots and orchards in
the areas neighboring Karachi. The program also assists in growing fodder for milk
cattle. The project identifies and builds the capacity of local activists as trainers.
OPP began work in April 1980 in Orangi, a low-income, unplanned settlement on the
periphery of Karachi, Pakistan’s largest and most cosmopolitan city, located in the south of the
country. People began living in Orangi in 1965, and it grew rapidly after 1972. Orangi’s
population, currently estimated at over one million, consists largely of the working class,
comprising of unskilled laborers, artisans, shopkeepers, peddlers and clerks. Official agencies
have provided a few public facilities, such as main roads, water lines and electricity, as well as
a few schools and hospitals. Initial research in 1980 outlined sanitation as a primary concern in
the absence of sanitary latrines and underground sewerage lines. Bucket latrines, soak pits and
open sewers resulted in poor health from diarrhea, dysentery, typhoid, malaria and scabies.
Poor drainage resulted in water-logging, reducing property values and security. Local residents
were aware of the problems but did not take action in the belief that official agencies would do
so free of charge and that conventional sanitation was too expensive for them.
OPP researchers in 1980 rejected solutions to the most pressing crisis – sanitation – based on
foreign aid because local residents could not afford to repay the loans or maintain the systems.
Research into an affordable system took about one year, as OPP managed to develop a design for
an in-house and lane sanitation system that cost less than one-quarter of constructors’ estimates.
Staff then began to motivate residents of each lane to form organisations that could supervise the
construction and maintenance of the system. The organisations were also responsible for
collecting contributions from the community and managing the construction finances collectively.
To date, OPP has managed to facilitate the construction of virtually 100% of lanes in the area
(close to 6,347 lanes) and most of the houses. OPP’s role had been one primarily of
motivation and social and technical guidance. This is evidenced by the cost break-down in
the sanitation provision project: between 1981 and November 1993, local residents had
invested over Rs. 57 million in improved sanitation; during the same time, OPP had spent Rs.
3.8 million, or about 7% of the people’s investment.
Safe, affordable housing was another serious problem in Orangi in 1980. The public sector
agencies had failed to provide any services, and private entrepreneurs filled the space. These
private actors obtained, divided, and allotted the land, established construction yards for
providing building material, credit and advice, while masons offered the services usually
reserved for architects and engineers. Housing was expensive and sub-standard, as the building
materials were generally not sound and the techniques were faulty. OPP began its housing
program in 1986, conducting research into low-cost options and developing a design based on
machine-made materials that were of higher quality and lower cost. Over 100,000 houses have
now been built with OPP technology.
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Other OPP programs follow the same approach and principles. Since 1988, following the success of
the models that it initially developed, OPP has expanded into four autonomous institutions. The OPP
Society is responsible for allocating core funds to the three implementing institutions: OPP Research
& Training Institute manages the sanitation, housing and social forestry programs in Orangi, as well
as the replication and associated training for all programs. The Orangi Charitable Trust manages the
credit program, and the Karachi Health and Social Development Association manages the health
program. These institutions, together, have managed to generate a significant impact on the public
health and environmental quality, as well as the quality of life of residents in a particular context.
All studies conducted in the area suggest that the infant mortality rate has fallen in Orangi
considerably faster than it has fallen in Karachi or in the rest of Pakistan. The absence of stagnant
water has reduced the incidence of common diseases that used to afflict residents of the area prior
to 1980 and residents in the area unanimously feel there to be an improvement in their health
(Zaidi, 2000). The underground sewerage system has also allowed roads to be paved, improving
access to the area and showing a marked difference between improved and original lanes.
OPP’s widely acclaimed and demonstrated success is, to a large extent, the result of personal
motivation: that of Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan. Dr. Khan joined the Indian Civil Service around 1940,
and was appointed the Director of the Comilla Academy for Rural Development in East Pakistan in
1958. In Comilla, he decided to adapt the 19th century European model of cooperatives, land grant
colleges and folk schools, an idea which found considerable support. The Comilla Academy
conducted research and designed a rural works program in a sub-district, covering about 300
villages. Cooperatives and community organisations formed the backbone of the model, along with
training of local residents in infrastructure development and maintenance. The Comilla model was
widely replicated in East Pakistan and elsewhere and Dr. Khan was showered with awards at home
and abroad. Soon after the upheavals of 1971, however, he left to teach at Michigan State
University for six years. He was well over 60 when he returned to Pakistan.
In 1980, Agha Hassan Abidi of BCCI approached Dr. Khan to initiate a pilot project in
Orangi, where BCCI had worked for many years. Dr. Khan agreed, although he was offered
minimal resources and infrastructure to begin with. He gathered a team of three, gathering
information and getting to know the locale before designing the sanitation program. As the
project grew, it managed to involve local and outside staff who were committed to the
concept, providing a key input into its development. The later involvement of Arif Hasan as
principal consultant is one of the factors in the project’s achievements.
The personal history and philosophy of Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan proved to be the single most
important feature in the evolution of OPP. This was seen in the original conception of OPP along the
lines of Comilla, and can be seen even today, two years after his death, in the style that OPP operates.
The internal motivations and underlying approach of OPP (largely due to Dr. Khan in person) are
critical to understanding the success of the project, and will be outlined below. It is also important,
however, to understand some of the important external opportunities and challenges faced by OPP.
First of all, the “hands-off” approach adopted by BCCI Foundation (later INFAQ) allowed
Dr. Khan to practice a participatory approach and respond to people’s needs in Orangi. Also,
the public sector continued to sideline OPP’s efforts for the first five years of its operation,
thus allowing it the time to develop its model without interference.
Secondly, Orangi’s population consists of migrants mainly from urban settlements, unlike
most other katchi abaadis in Pakistan. This allows them to understand urban problems and
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solutions much faster than rural migrants to urban settlements, unlike most other katchi
abaadis in Pakistan. The population in Orangi is also mainly permanent, unlike settlements
with transitory or temporary migrants who have much closer roots with their origins.
Thirdly, being situated in Karachi is an advantage. Karachi’s literacy levels are about 30 percent
higher than urban Pakistan’s average, while female literacy is higher by almost 50 percent. A 1993
study suggested that Karachi’s per-capita income is two and a half times that of the national average
and it is quite likely that Orangi is a richer settlement than other katchi abaadis in the country.
Finally, Orangi’s sloping topography allowed the sanitation system to be easier to install than in
a flat terrain, where expensive sewage pumping equipment and trunk sewers would be needed.
Despite these opportunities afforded to OPP initially, the project faced a number of constraints.
Prime among these were the four barriers that OPP’s initial research identified as being the reasons
for lack of community initiative: psychological barriers (residents believed that it was the duty of
official agencies to build sewerage free of charge); economic barriers (the cost of conventional
sanitation and housing were out of residents’ reach); technical barriers (the skills needed for
underground sewerage lines were not present in the community); and sociological barriers (the
high level of community organisation needed for collective action was absent). These barriers were
difficult to overcome, requiring investment of time by the team in an evolving approach.
This approach involves (Zaidi, 2000): identification of existing community organisations and
dialogue with them; survey and documentation of what exists (physical, social, economic
conditions and technology in use); development of a conceptual plan (including division of labor
between community, OPP and government); identification of activists and the provision of
financial and technical support to them; development of skills within the community;
participatory monitoring of progress; complete transparency in accounts of all projects; collective
decision-making; and relating local level issues to larger urban realities through dialogue with
government agencies and politicians. The approach relies heavily on local activists and the
removal of staff from any direct implementation to build local capacities sustainably. Action
research, based on an attitude of mutual respect and listening, is also a key foundation.
The underlying philosophy of OPP has been said to be its biggest strength, not technical
expertise in construction or health, nor the way in which subsidy levels are managed. An
early evaluation of the Project also concluded that the sociological input was critical to
success. OPP itself categorises its work as research and extension, based on the personal
strengths and inclination of its founder, Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan.
The key factors important for OPP’s success may be elucidated from the nature and
methodology of the approach as well as the history of the project:
• The unique combination of experience, academic knowledge and dedication of the

founder Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan in person was, arguably, the most critical factor for
OPP’s success. The personal influence and linkages of Dr. Khan were probably also
a factor in determining its success.
• Critically, OPP has maintained a “lean” operation, minimizing overhead and staff
costs. This radically multiplied the impact of the project, allowing closer contact
with the community. There is an austerity and frugality in the manner in which the
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project offices and programs are run. This austerity and frugality [was] visible in the
lifestyle of Akhter Hamid Khan himself, and thus “no one [could] accuse the
director of hypocrisy” (Hasan, 1999). This aspect of hypocrisy has been found to be
critical in the ultimate impact of many community development interventions.
• It also reduced dependence on donor agencies, allowing itself the freedom to respond to
community issues as they arose and not taking any dictation on its agenda. Indeed, there
are documented cases where OPP refused to accept financial assistance when it was not
linked to the Project’s basic approach; OPP was also a determining factor in the
government refusing an ADB loan for sanitation that it felt did not incorporate the lessons
learned by the Project (Zaidi, 2000). Most importantly, OPP did not allow financial
dependence to grow within the community by facilitating self-help and development of
appropriate, affordable technologies. A study on the Project states that “OPP believes that
acceptance of foreign money is a slow corrupting device which undermines the efforts
and initiatives of the indigenous and self-motivated efforts of communities…It is possible
that OPP sees its approach of self-financed infrastructure as one of the defining marks
which makes it different from those who tend to use a subsidised approach” (Zaidi, 2000).
• Generating and fostering civic will was an important component of the philosophy.
Dr. Khan used to argue that “the underlying philosophy of OPP is that charity and
subsidies are bad: people should not be made dependent on government
organisations because then the program will become unsustainable. If the
government takes care of everything people become uninterested and will not
maintain and care for the provided services (Zaidi, 2000 and Rouw, 1995).
• OPP took a strong stand on subsidies, particularly in the sanitation and housing
programs. Communities or lanes building sewers or improved construction yards
must bear the full physical and infrastructure cost; no subsidy or grant is permitted
from any local or foreign donor. The distinction drawn between “internal” and
“external” development has allowed the project to be completely indigenous.
• OPP does not rely on specific targets set by donors or by itself. Organic programming
as a result of action research and extension education involved communities in their
own development. Reliance on an attitude of listening is crucial to the philosophy of
OPP, marking participation as a basic element of the project.
• OPP relies on the philosophy that NGOs cannot solve problems on the scale
required. Hence, it does not construct sewerage lines, houses or clinics itself.
Instead, it promotes community organisation and self-management to improve the
existing private and public institutions already existing. This allowed the initiative to
evolve without generating external, technical dependence of the community.
• The approach relied on identifying one key problem of the community, dealing with
it and only then moving on to other matters. This prevented the project from
spreading itself too “thinly.” The approach of consolidating individual achievements
before moving on, contrary to many “integrated” NGO practices in the country,
facilitated communities to be mobilised later.
• The low-cost sanitation, housing and other interventions all built on existing, local
models and technologies, thus allowing easier acceptance by the communities.
Technological innovation, however, was instrumental in the Project’s impact.
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Pakistan
• A distinguishing feature of OPP has been the small, manageable scale of community
organisation, in this case a lane, instead of creating huge supra-organisations. Local
activists from within the community also found it easier to interact with smaller
organisations.
• Capacity building – developing skills of local residents – allows the Project to
sustain its impact, which is an internal agenda of the community to begin with.
• Finally, OPP did not follow the more typical NGO approach of mixing local work
with regional, national and international participation simultaneously. The Project built
itself up over a long period of time locally, before even moving on to the municipal
level on issues that directly affected Orangi, such as the Karachi Sewerage Plan.
OPP’s success within Orangi has been a source of inspiration in the country. However, OPP’s
localised nature has meant that there is yet to be any wide-scale replication. In particular, OPP
never approaches a community to replicate its model; it is not OPP which replicates its low-cost
sanitation or housing models, but rather communities, CBOs and other local groups. Despite the
stringent set of criteria, especially the absence of foreign donor funding in the intervention,
some groups have contacted and pursued OPP for replication elsewhere. One of the prime cases
is the Anjuman Samaji Behbood (ASB) in Faisalabad, a congested city in the province of
Punjab. ASB has followed the basic approach of OPP, but is significantly different in a number
of respects. The fact that its founder does not have the intellectual, social or political clout, or
the vision of Dr. Khan or Arif Hasan is probably important. The Anjuman Falah-o-Bahbood in
Rawalpindi, Punjab, has also adapted the model successfully, but with some discrepancies
(including the provision of minimal subsidies and staff’s physical intervention).
Closer replications of the OPP model include the Lodhran Pilot Project, in Lodhran, being handled
by one of the oldest and most experience of OPP’s social organisers, Hafiz Arain. The Environment
Protection Society in Swat, located in the mountainous northern part of the country, is a new
initiative which is independently following the OPP model closely. Awaz works in a low-income
settlement of Multan, situated in the agrarian southern part of Punjab. Awaz has learned from OPP
but has adapted the model considerably in light of prevailing situations in their work area.
OPP also trains and initiates a steady stream of visitors, national and foreign, in its approach.
None of the interventions following this contact, nor the ones listed above, have had OPP’s
startling level of success. A prime reason for this may be that instead of replicating the principles
and methodology of OPP’s approach, attempts have been made at replicating the actual micro-
interventions themselves (Zaidi, 2000). As a result, none of the above has managed to generate
OPP’s level of innovation and specificity to local conditions. OPP’s community-centered
approach has been replicated since, particularly by Shoaib Sultan Khan in the Aga Khan Rural
Support Program, but the power of action research and local innovation, needing extensive
preparatory time, is yet to be explored. The realization that local communities can make technical
innovations without relying on external “expertise,” and that they can then act on those
innovations on a self-help basis was unique in 1980, and remains a powerful feature of OPP.
4.2 Rural Support Programs: Activating Government

The most significant adaptation of the principles of OPP was not in the urban sector, but instead in
a rural support program initiated by Shoaib Sultan Khan, who had worked closely with Dr. Akhter
Hamid Khan. Following the huge success of OPP, and stemming from the principles of the Comilla
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experiment, community involvement became accepted as a foundation for poverty alleviation. This
basic tenet, and the lessons distilled from the experiences of agricultural cooperative movements in
Europe and Asia, inspired the formation of the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP),
largely considered to be the most effective model of rural development in Pakistan. The AKRSP
model has been replicated and adapted by a number of initiatives, most closely by: the Balochistan
Rural Support Program (BRSP, working in the arid, sparsely populated and harsh province of
Balochistan), the Sarhad Rural Support Program (SRSP, formerly known as the Sarhad Rural
Support Corporation, working in the Northwestern Frontier Province), the National Rural Support
Program (working in parts of Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan) and most recently the Punjab Rural
Support Program (working in the province of Punjab). These now form a Rural Support Program
(RSP) Network, and take considerable pains to distinguish themselves from the “NGO sector.”
AKRSP started its work in the Gilgit district of the northern areas of Pakistan in December
1982. By the end of 1986 it had extended its programs to six districts in Gilgit, Chitral and
Baltistan regions, where it still operates. The region is rugged and heavily mountainous. The
overwhelming proportion of the region’s population is dependent on subsistence farming,
earning less than half the national per-capita income before AKRSP began its work. Social
indicators, too, were considerably worse than the country’s average, while the terrain has
limited infrastructure development considerably.
Significantly, the region’s population is divided into Shia Ismaili, Shia Ithneshiri and Sunni Muslims
in roughly equal proportions. AKRSP is linked to the donor organisation Aga Khan Foundation,
headed by the Prince Aga Khan, religious leader of the Shia Ismaili community. The program began
by working with the Ismaili community but soon expanded to cover all ethnic groups. AKRSP has
now formed broad-based Voluntary Organisations in about 85% of the roughly 120,000 households
in over 1,000 villages in the region (AKRSP, 2001). More detailed studies are needed to assess how
much of AKRSP’s program is tilted toward involvement of the Ismaili community.
AKRSP focuses on physical infrastructure projects as an “entry point” for the mobilization of
communities to form collective institutions. Aside from an impressive listing of outputs, AKRSP’s
cumulative impact on poverty in the area is significant. Recent data indicates that head-count poverty
decreased from 61% to 33% in Baltistan, from 42% to 23% in Gilgit and from 43% to 36% in
Chitral, better than national rates. Per capita incomes have almost doubled in the area, indicating that
AKRSP has helped the Northern Areas to “catch up” with the rest of the country. Social services are
now more readily available in the region, and community-led development is more visible.
NRSP began work in November 1991 after the success and fame of AKRSP. It was formed
on the initiative of the Federal Secretary of the Ministry of Local Government & Rural
Development. This initiative followed a proposal made by Shoaib Sultan Khan to the Prime
Minister for setting up a national NGO to undertake social mobilization for achieving the
national goal of poverty alleviation through social service provision. Both Shoaib Sultan
Khan and Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan joined NRSP’s Board of Directors. The organisation was
given a government grant of Rs. 500 million, later converted into an endowment and invested
in government securities. NRSP’s unique feature is that it runs almost entirely on the returns
from this endowment. The government does not interfere in the program’s agenda.
NRSP now works in 27 (of 106) districts spread across the country. Its distributed geographical
coverage makes it difficult to assess its impact on social, economic or environmental indicators,
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but the list of programmatic outputs is impressive. The program manages to involve an average
of 25% of all households in an area in Community Organisations, and has formed almost
11,000 COs to date (NRSP, 2001). Its training program is widely regarded as one of the best in
the country, particularly for social organisation and other community-level interventions.
BRSP and SRSP (formerly SRSC) follow the same basic approach as AKRSP and NRSP
with some innovations in their particular contexts. The interventions of the RSPs, building on
AKRSP’s model, involve:
• Building community organisations (COs) as the basic unit of interaction for

communities with the development process. Like OPP, the organisation model relies
on local activists of the area who can continuously catalyze residents into collective
action. The COs attempt to be broad-based and inclusive, following strict rules of
participation, transparency and mutual accountability.
• An extensive savings program that builds up the local capital base, used as collateral
for gaining credit from scheduled banks or as part of a revolving loan fund.
• RSPs provide further credit to the COs and individuals for productive investment.
Enterprise development has become a major feature of the model, particularly the
promotion of small business and livestock management.
• Natural resource management is also a strong component, particularly in AKRSP and
NRSP. The livelihoods of most of their partner communities are dependent on a natural
resource base that is rapidly degrading. RSPs aim at halting or reversing local degradation
of resources and at building local capacities for sustainable use. Most of the country’s
forests are present in the north, where AKRSP works, and so forestry is a strong
component of the program. AKRSP has also evolved innovative models of social forestry.
• Physical infrastructure development continues to be a primary focus, particularly in
AKRSP where the geography demands external intervention. RSPs typically provide
social guidance, technical assistance and conduits for linking community
organisations with responsible line departments.
• Human resource development builds the capacity of local residents, particularly in
specific skills, such as agricultural or livestock management techniques, artisanship
or management.
• Social sector services are provided in health (primary care, sanitation and drinking
water) and education. RSPs’ attempt to develop and demonstrate cost-effective
models for replication, as well as improving the social conditions in their program
areas. Capacity building is an important component in the self-management of social
services facilitated by RSPs.
The basic approach of the RSPs involves:
• Building COs as a pre-requisite for development activities. The striking feature of

RSP organisation is its scale: the coverage of households in the program area and
their networking into supra-bodies.
• Local interventions are the key, based on the COs. The RSPs do not favor standard
NGO practice of taking on issues at multiple levels, preferring to concentrate on
local problems identified by communities. This facilitates participation considerably,
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as does the physical presence of the RSPs in their program areas.

• Community management remains a top priority in all interventions, and the RSPs
focus on facilitation and provision of technical guidance. The strong capacity-
building component is a result of the philosophy: people have the basic skills to
develop but need these skills to be enhanced and facilitated. The capacity-building
component has expanded considerably, and each RSP now has an impressive roster
of training events, some even for other NGOs and government departments
• The integrated approach is religiously pursued. All RSPs stay strictly away from
programmed interventions in only one sector. The holistic approach to development
allows the RSPs to respond to any needs identified by communities.
• Although the RSPs focus on social development instead of initiating purely economic
or environmental interventions, this holistic approach has introduced a significant
innovation. Social issues are linked directly to immediate micro-economic concerns,
prompting strong components of income and employment generation and physical
infrastructure development. One of the most noticeable RSP achievements is the
buildup of huge pools of community savings.19 Their use is integrated with the
sociological approach of the programs (through for example, group management,
technical skill enhancement and micro-credit). Similarly, environmental components
are directly linked with social organisation and pressing economic concerns, such as
through nursery raising and sustainable agriculture or livestock practice.
• Financing remains a critical weak point in the RSP model. Subsidies are seen as
important in the rural context – AKRSP even offers a completely free grant for the
first physical infrastructure project with partner communities as an entry point for
later mobilization. Although the community’s financial involvement in development
projects is being introduced, this usually still involves heavy subsidizing, as opposed
to the core belief of OPP in community financing. As a result, the institutions
themselves are dependent on donor organisations, although NRSP is mostly
operating on an intelligent investment of a one-time fortunate grant.
Box 1: Poverty Alleviation and NRM in the North
Like other parts of the north, people of the village Morder in Chitral need wood for cooking
and heating purpose, relying mostly on shrubs, twigs and dead branches of fruit and
ornamental trees. The harsh winter does not allow gathering, forcing the purchase of
prohibitively expensive and unsustainable fuel wood. Existing wood resources are dwindling
rapidly due to population pressure. To augment these resources, AKRSP collaborated with
a local organisation to start an afforestation project from which wood production commenced
in 1997. As a direct result of the project, all households in the village are expected to be able
to meet their fuel wood requirements, and the forest resources are being sustainably used.
The saving of excess expenditure on fuel wood has also helped in alleviating local poverty.
– from AKRSP, 1999
The success of RSPs as models of SD is dependent on one critical feature that is part of their
basic approach: micro-level interventions integrated horizontally. The prime feature of RSPs
within this scale of operations is their view of government and NGOs. RSPs believe,
fundamentally, that it is the responsibility of government to provide basic social services. Where
there is a gap in this delivery they believe that civil society can step in to fill it briefly, but that
this is not sustainable. So, the RSPs concentrate on two aspects to make their interventions
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sustainable: firstly, they build the capacity of local communities to manage a service themselves,
and secondly they link communities to the line departments for direct public sector involvement.
This latter feature is worth highlighting as a particular success of the RSP in SD. While the model
of subsidised intervention may not be sustainable in itself, the action of linking facilitating public-
civic linkages certainly is. The RSPs all aim at catalyzing a self-sustaining development process
that relies on the organisation, skills and capital of local residents. A critical step in the process is
the development of functional linkages between communities and public service providers: “…One
of the more important functions [of AKRSP] is to bring the various stakeholders in the development
process together through building functional linkages amongst them” (AKRSP, 1999).
RSPs link COs with government projects and departments that deliver services as part of their
regular mandate. Within running development projects, RSPs use their experience-based
knowledge of social organisation and community participation to facilitate implementing agencies.
Box 2: NRSP and Salinity Control and Reclamation Project in Swabi, NWFP
The Government of NWFP assigned NRSP the task of organizing local residents of district
Swabi around the activity of Water Course Renovation and Construction under the extensive
project. Farmers’ participation was expected to improve the pace and quality of construction
and rehabilitation of almost 1,200 water courses. NRSP established a regional office in the
project area and effectively began work in June 1996. NRSP has formed over 200 Water
Use Associations (WUAs), facilitated the collection of over Rs. 3 million as the community’s
20% share in water course construction and renovation, and trained over 3,000 WUA
members in various skills, including community organisation management. The biggest
challenge in the exercise was to bring all partners (primarily different government
departments) onto the same platform, recognizing and understanding the intricacies and
importance of community participation through organisation. Throughout the project NRSP
had to sustain an integration of the sociological arm of the project along with the technical
engineering aspects. Community involvement not only improved the engineering aspects
but also introduced an environmental aspect into the project.
— from NRSP, 1998
Developing linkages between communities and regular government service providers is based
on the knowledge that a formidable gap exists between line departments and the grassroots,
particularly in challenging terrains. RSPs recognise that government departments cannot
possibly reach each and every individual at his/her doorstep to provide services to the extent
needed. Most public sector institutions, particularly at the lowest levels, are in any case
acknowledged as being dysfunctional across the country.
RSPs attempt to bridge this gap by providing line agencies an entry point in the form of a
CO, which allows them to provide more services and/or disseminate information to more
individuals in a shorter period of time. The line agencies are made aware of the needs
identified by a CO, and are facilitated in responding to these needs through services,
such as provision of improved seed and saplings, livestock vaccination, supply of poultry
and fish, school or health facilities and so on. In the process these line agencies are also
sensitised to participatory methodologies and their importance to development. As line
departments internalise this approach, their staff have begun to attend CO meetings,
where they plan development interventions with the community residents.
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Box 3: Sarhad Rural Support Program (SRSP)
SRSP (formerly SRSC) works closely with government service providers in Kohat and
Mansehra regions in the NWFP through public development initiatives, handling the social
organisation component. In both areas, the premise of the projects is that COs need to be
linked up to government line agencies in order to have a sustainable access to services.
SRSP facilitates the linking up of COs with government departments as soon as it organises
them. In some villages, such as Shahu Khel, Kohat, the village CO meetings serves the
purpose of discussing BADP activities as well as local problems, such as deforestation.
In other areas, SRSP has facilitated local COs to contact the Public Health Engineering,
Irrigation, Fisheries, Wildlife, Health, Education, Agriculture and Livestock departments, as
well as municipal authorities for more effective and equitable service delivery.
– from SRSC, 1996
The basic approach of RSPs augmenting public service delivery through linkages has been
extremely successful in activating the departments. Some of the factors behind this success are:
• A reliance on civic will to activate government departments. This is distinct from the
Policy Reform paradigm, as RSP rely on the initial impetus from civil society.
• A focus on the micro level and building linkages between each CO and each
relevant government department.
• Activating individuals within the departments. RSPs offer an exciting possibility of
planning and implementing participatory development activities that the agencies do
not provide to dynamic individuals.
• High-level engagement of the RSPs with government at the federal and provincial
levels (primarily through Shoaib Sultan) allows smoother interaction at the local level.
• The scale of RSP work builds its own momentum and allows a ‘snow-ball’ effect
through expanding reputation.
These factors have allowed the RSPs to catalyze “self-sustaining” development, relying on a
constructive engagement with the government. Despite the fact that the initiative requires
AKRSP’s consistent involvement (it continues to work in the first village it began in),
AKRSP’s innovation has been a driving force. Prior to its large-scale social mobilization,
community-based organisations had little interaction with public service line agencies.
AKRSP’s model allowed departments to interact with manageable units for service delivery,
and also allowed the communities to take control of public sector projects. The innovation
was particularly remarkable given the remote nature of communities in the Northern Areas.
4.3 Idara-e-Kissan: Community Management of Sustainable

Development
In 1983, in order to meet the development needs of the livestock sector, the Government of
Pakistan began a program with the technical and financial assistance of the Federal Republic of
Germany. Before starting the program a detailed survey was conducted to identify people’s
needs in the livestock sector and evaluate the livestock potential. After a research phase, GTZ
together with the Livestock & Dairy Development Department, government of Punjab,
identified the key limitations to intensified animal and milk production. Based on the research
findings, a project was formulated for the development of the livestock sector in canal-irrigated
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Pakistan
Punjab, in the fields of production and marketing of buffalo milk and the establishment of a
rural institution. An important early part of the project was the establishment of a farmers’
organisation that could sustain activities after the project had ended.
An executing agency, the Pattoki Livestock Production Project was started in 1984 to offer
milk collection and marketing; animal health and fertility; extension; and fodder production,
feeding and animal husbandry services. A key aspect of the project was the specific and
targeted involvement of women. After five years of operation, the project began to wind
down, setting up an independent organisation that could sustain the successful activities.
Right from the start, the aim was to establish an institution that could be controlled by
farmers themselves. In 1989 Idara-e-Kissan (literally, “farmers’ organisation”) was registered
with the Societies Act.
The Pattoki Project and then Idara-e-Kissan (IK) built on an approach that combined
livestock management with crop production. This approach integrated micro-economic
development (through improved livestock production), social development (through
institutions at the grass roots) and environmental interventions (through, for example,
promotion of manure as organic fertiliser).
Box 4: Structure of IK
Farmers/Livestock Owners
Nomaindas
(Representatives)
Board of Directors
General Manager
Field Services Processing Distributing Administration
Subject Specialists Milk Sales Personnel

Area Managers Milk Products Promotion Accounts & Finance
Expansion Quality Control Research Purchases
Milk collection Stores
Women’s Development
IK is inherently a cooperative society, and part of its success in promoting SD emerges from
its unique structure. It is organised on the basic structure of a commercial enterprise under the
responsibility of a general manager who supervises activities through professionally staffed
departments.
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IK has organised over 100 villages in two districts of central Punjab for membership of the
society. From the beginning of the transition from Pattoki Project to IK, the society began
marketing milk and yogurt under the brand name Halla Halla. now competes with multi-national
giant Nestle in the retail market for processed-milk products and has become the biggest
cooperative success story in the country. The continuous expansion of IK has proved that the
commercial elements of the scheme can finance service-oriented development activities.
The uniqueness of IK lies in the nomainda (“representative”) system in its governance. One
nomainda is chosen from each village on the basis of recommendations made by landless, small,
medium and large farmers separately, on the basis of being honest, progressive, self-cultivating and
acceptable to all. Leadership traditionally involved in electoral politics is normally not included,
although nomaindas usually hold a seat in the traditional, informal village courts (panchayats). A
consensus-based nomination procedure is employed to avoid creating rifts among different groups.
The nomaindas have a wide range of duties:
• Elect the Board of Directors from amongst themselves

• Guide and monitor all programs and development activities in the village
• Assist professional staff of IK in executing schemes in the village
• Act as representatives of the target group in the area in IK and other programs
• Resolve village disputes and differences in case of conflict
• Coordinate and control the work of village workers who work closely with IK
• Formulate policies concerning village schemes along with the professional staff
In addition, farmer membership is a foundation of the organisation, with members supplying
a minimum amount of milk per annum as a basic requirement. This allows the members to
avail services such as special bonuses during lean seasons and free services (vaccination,
artificial insemination, pregnancy tests and so on).
Within the organisation, the Field Services Department (FSD) manages the development
services financed by the commercial component (primarily milk marketing). The FSD helps
farmers to raise the volume of buffalo milk production; increase production standards;
establish reliable and efficient marketing procedures; and enhance income and general living
standards of the population. Area managers lead all programs, which are executed in a
“catchment area” covering 20 to 30 villages. Subject specialists provide training, standard
setting and program development services related to animal health and fertility, veterinary
services, fodder and feeding and extension/advice. In addition, FSD introduces small
schemes, such as bee-keeping, which have also proved to be commercially successful.
Throughout these services, village workers (VWs) are critical. VWs are nominated and confirmed
by resident members, and receive intensive training continuously. They receive a commission
from IK for the services they provide as milk collectors, fertiliser agents, village veterinary
assistants and female village workers. The last was introduced at the specific request of a number
of members, who also demanded a women’s program be set up. Traditionally, women’s role is
crucial to the livestock sector in central Punjab. The Women’s Program has expanded to include:
women extension in livestock-keeping (including vaccination); goat program (for independent
income generation); mother and child health program (by training traditional midwives and
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providing necessary medicines); and health education and literacy program (establishing schools).
Milk collectors collect the milk and transport it immediately to a chilling center. Each farmer’s
contribution is documented separately and quality is controlled through measurement of fat
content, etc. The smooth system established has allowed over twice as much milk to be collected
from the program area than by local dealers before IK began work. At the same time, per-capita
milk consumption in the area has remained roughly constant, thus implying greater production.
The project soon found that the amount of milk it produced was not being absorbed by the
local urban and rural markets through milk dairies. The milk channel turned out to be
extremely unreliable, so it was decided to establish a milk-processing and distribution system.
In 1988 pasteurised milk in plastic pouches was first produced under the brand name HALLA,
named after a central village located in the initial area of operation. Products such as plain and
flavored yogurt, flavored milk, butter and cream are now also produced regularly.
IK has been appreciated nationally and internationally for its integrated approach and
innovations in technical as well as sociological terms. To this day it remains a unique
initiative in cooperative action, particularly given the failure of other cooperative
experiments. Some of the factors critical to its success are:
• Civic will pushing commercial enterprise, rather than relying on purely market-
based forces to lead SD
• IK’s primary strength is that it does not depend on any external donor agency. At the
same time, it spends only about 12% of its expenses on salaries and administration
• Critically, IK mixes a sociological approach (institution building at the local level)
with political aspects (using the nomaindas for conflict resolution in the village)
with economic direct benefits
• Community management through nomaindas, farmer-members and a local Board is
crucial for the ownership generated
• Village workers trained by IK ensure the smooth functioning of the system
• IK’s expansion geographically and programmatically is entirely demand-based; the
organisation does not move into any area without the explicit demand of local
residents, nor does it initiate activities without the demand from members
• The women’s program has involved entire households in the institution
• Environmental issues are integrated within the program rather than being distinct,
possibly unattractive components
• Most importantly, the Pattoki Project had planned in its very early phases for
sustaining its activities through a rural institution
4.4 IUCN Pakistan: Developing Sub-National Conservation Strategies

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the World Conservation
Union, was founded in 1948 and brings together 78 states, 112 government agencies, 735
NGOs, 35 affiliates, and some 10,000 scientists and experts from 181 countries in a unique
worldwide partnership. Its mission is to influence, encourage and assist societies throughout
the world to conserve the integrity and diversity of nature and to ensure that any use of
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natural resources is equitable and ecologically sustainable. Within the framework of global
conventions IUCN has helped over 75 countries to prepare and implement national
conservation and biodiversity strategies.
IUCN Pakistan (IUCNP) was established in 1985 with the initial purpose of assisting the GoP
in the development of the Pakistan NCS. It played a pivotal coordinating role in the
formation of the NCS and, more recently, has re-oriented its project approach to a program
approach. In the post-NCS period IUCNP has expanded considerably internally,
geographically and in program breadth. One of its major contributions is to the Pakistan
Environmental Program being funded by the Canadian International Development Agency to
support NCS implementation. A significant feature of IUCNP derives from its unique
structure. The organisation acts as a secretariat to about twenty member organisations
devoted to SD; it implements its own programs and projects, often in collaboration with the
government; and it mobilises a world-wide network of technical experts for scientific advice
on a range of SD issues.
IUCNP’s remarkable evolution has been in large part due to the dynamism and dedication of
its first country representative, Ms. Aban Marker Kabraji. Ms. Kabraji not only developed
IUCNP as an institution, she was also instrumental in promoting conservation in the national
development agenda. Partly due to her inclination and partly due to the very nature of IUCN
world-wide, IUCNP established strong linkages with the government, which is itself a state
member of the global IUCN network. Five federal and provincial departments are also
individual members of IUCNP.
IUCN’s program is divided into regional offices interacting with thematic units that integrate
cross-cutting themes with activities. The organisation also manages a sizeable project
portfolio in Pakistan, including the Environmental Rehabilitation in NWFP and Punjab
project and the Mountain Areas Conservancy Project (MACP). The latter is a “remarkable
coalition” (Hanson et al., 2000) of communities, government organisations, NGOs (including
IUCNP and World Wildlife Fund Pakistan) and donors such as UNDP. Four conservation
areas in the Northern Areas and the NWFP are the domain for ecological integrity
interventions, aimed at protecting important watersheds and biodiversity elements within
whole valleys. Significantly, MACP builds economic opportunities for local communities in
the process, thus integrating social, environmental and micro-economic aspects of SD. The
AKRSP social organisation model is replicated and extended to produce decision-making
institutions linked vertically up to the district level. Conservation committees are being
established at multiple levels to address ecological concerns central to the sustainable
livelihoods of local residents.
IUCNP’s main contribution to SD in Pakistan, however, stems from its role in coordinating
the NCS. This role established the importance of planning for SD comprehensively and in a
participatory manner. The NCS itself highlighted the importance of detailed debate, planning
and implementation of NCS recommendations at provincial levels through provincial
strategies. While the dream of having in place a second tier of conservation strategies
covering all regions of the country has not been fully realised, IUCNP has covered
considerable ground. Part of the reason for lack of this replication is the stringent set of
criteria required by IUCNP before facilitating the development of such a strategy, including
the demand from a provincial government. By far the most important model is the Sarhad
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Provincial Conservation Strategy (SPCS) prepared for the NWFP and approved by the
provincial cabinet in 1997.
NWFP has been a leading province in many ways for SD, and particularly for the
development of sub-national conservation strategies. The chief minister of the province
submitted a formal request to the NCS in 1991, shortly before the Pakistan NCS was
approved and followed this request up actively. The GoNWFP assigned lead responsibility to
the Planning & Development Department, a key agency, and requested IUCNP to provide
technical facilitation to the process which was aimed at being led by the provincial
government. The SPCS process started off with considerable support, due largely to the NCS
and charismatic high-level NCS “champions.” But subsequent changes in attitudes may be
attributed solely to the SPCS, not the NCS. The document produced introduced significant
innovations to the original NCS, in particular focusing more on SD than purely on
environmental or conservation aspects.
Once again, the impetus for producing a provincial conservation strategy came from the
leadership provided by the chief secretary of the province, the most senior position in the
provincial bureaucracy. Mr. Khalid Aziz took the initiative to request a conservation
strategy for the NWFP and then supported IUCN’s facilitation of government considerably.
IUCNP, too, built on the initiative of the chief secretary to generate a momentum for
producing the strategy.
The SPCS was produced after extensive consultations with community-level organisations,
the private sector and a range of government departments, covering all the districts in the
province. The demands of each area were given importance in formulating the overall
strategy, which was also based on a number of technical papers on specific sectors. The
process again managed to generate a huge civic and public sector momentum, with a draft
document prepared in October 1993, only two years after the first request was submitted.
The final document, produced after successive rounds of provincial consultation, was ready
in late 1995.
After formulation and adoption by the provincial government, the SPCS was moved into a
transition for implementation, again coordinated by IUCNP. The project to support SPCS
implementation is now in its second phase, after setting up province-wide participatory
institutions to facilitate implementation. One of the striking innovations in this regard has
been the establishment of separate roundtables for each sector, such as agriculture, industries,
urban environment, environmental education and culture. These roundtables have aimed at
facilitating multi-stakeholder dialogues on the issue in light of the SPCS document and
background technical papers. These roundtables have provided a nexus for the various policy
communities connected to SD in the province to come together, and they have managed to
influence projects and information flows. Policies, however, have not been significantly
impacted, partly due to the lack of political will. As a spin-off outcome, the roundtables have
also facilitated awareness-raising to the extent that individual members and organisations
have initiated activities for SPCS implementation.
Despite a number of innovative mechanisms, the SPCS has not managed to significantly
improve environmental indicators in the province. It suffered, ironically, from a lack of
appropriate adoption by the government, bringing into question once again the factor of
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“political will.” The provincial government has been expecting more of a list of projects and
activities than the broad guidelines and principles articulately presented in the strategy. In the
event, SPCS has generated more action and adherence from the civic sector than from
government departments, although the implementation project continues to “prod”
government departments into action for SD through a number of innovative tools, such as
government focal points and the roundtables.
The SPCS also opened up the door to yet another first for SD: developing conservation
strategies for district-level implementation. IUCNP is collaborating with local governments
to produce two district conservation strategies (out of 22 districts in the province) as models.
With the present focus on decentralization and devolution of power in the country, these
strategies are offering for replication an important bottom-up process for SD planning at the
local level. Both strategies, in Abbottabad and Chitral districts, are in the process of
formulation, utilizing the same basic techniques that made the NCS and SPCS processes so
valuable. The present Government’s focus on devolution of power to the district level has
added value to the process of district conservation strategies. The strategies are developing
close linkages with the elected and administrative local governments.
IUCNP also collaborated with the government of Balochistan (GoB) to produce a complex
and thorough Balochistan Conservation Strategy (BCS). Like the NCS and SPCS the BCS
is strategy and state-of-the-environment reporting combined. A complicated
implementation matrix lays out roles and responsibilities, drawing on the lessons from
NCS and SPCS. There is a stronger focus on poverty and the strategy provides a unique
insight into the harsh environment and tribal social set up of Balochistan. Once again,
community input into the BCS was critical. The BCS was approved by the provincial
cabinet in 2001, but implementation remains a problem, as the government is relying on
external financial assistance. The Northern Areas Conservation Strategy is still in the
process of formulation, concentrating on generating broad-based support for the process to
facilitate later implementation. The provinces of Punjab and Sindh have yet to request
conservation strategies.
The lack of significant implementation of provincial conservation strategies deserves to be

highlighted, particularly after the significant momentum generated by SPCS and BCS in their
formulation phases. There had been a clear and important reliance on personalities during the
formulation of NCS and SPCS (to a lesser extent in BCS) which then relied on continuity
within government for success in implementation. However, this stability could not be relied
on, and external political factors derailed the implementation considerably.
At another level, the process of provincial conservation strategy formulation may be linked to
the analysis of “policy communities”20 and issue networks in Pakistan. At this time, issues
that are considered by government to be on the policy periphery, including environment, are
not actively integrated in the consideration of core issues such as national security, fiscal
concerns or mega-projects. “Most priority policy agendas continue to be designed with the
environment as an after-thought” (Banuri and Khan, 2000). This national condition forced
itself on the SPCS and BCS, and is likely to impact the other sub-national conservation
strategies too, as it probably did with the NCS itself. Although the processes, particularly in
NWFP, built linkages between the environmental policy community and pulled it toward the
core policy agendas, it could not manage the transition to alter those mainstream agendas.
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The success of IUCNP in building the environmental policy community around the
formulation conservation strategies relied on some interesting factors:
• All the initiatives relied on civil will, coordinated by IUCNP to influence the
government policy agenda. While this was less successful in generating ultimate
impact, it did build up the environmental policy community as a recognised force.
The momentum that the strategy formulation generated was critical, as they
managed to mobilise large sections of civil society, including the media, academia
and NGOs.
• The momentum generated in formulation relied to a great extent on creating demand
within civil society, the private sector and the government for an SD agenda rooted
in the provincial context. Although the demand has yet to express itself in
implementation, this is perhaps not so much a fault inherent in the process as in the
lack of appropriate communications and networking.
• The process of formulation was at least as important in all cases as the final product
itself. In particular, the conservation strategies were successful in understanding
community concerns at the local level and linking them up into a holistic SD
strategy, a feat not achieved by practitioners on the ground to the same extent.
• Post-NCS, the sub-national strategies have all relied on a social development and
sustainable livelihoods perspective, instead of a purely environmental agenda. One
of the reasons that the strategies could garner wide-spread support, particularly
within civil society, is that poverty alleviation was recognised as a principle concern
to be addressed by any development strategy.
The conservation strategies, particularly SPCS, have been globally acknowledged as models
of SD planning at the local and meso-levels. Translating the momentum into action is a work-
in-progress, and IUCNP is examining its networking and communications approach for
sustaining the momentum successfully. If IUCNP succeeds in mobilizing civil society and the
private and public sectors in implementing the conservation strategies to the same extent that
it has managed in their formulation, there is an enormous potential impact on the quality of
life of large sections of the population. In particular, the sub-national conservation strategies’
focus on poverty alleviation will reach out to the most disadvantaged sections of society.
IUCN’s success in the preparation and adoption of sub-national conservation strategies lies in
the innovation of the concept: it is possible to create integrated development plans that
incorporate environmental concerns. Previously, the federal Planning Division, provincial
Planning Departments and Annual Development Plans remained a “no-go” areas for civil
society, defining immutable limits and constraints. IUCN managed to engage the government
in changing that, opening up space for civil society to participate in environment-centered
development planning. The fact that NCS implementation left much to be desired or that
SPCS has yet to be made functional does not detract from the success in planning; instead, it
points out the need for other civic actors to build on the success and take it to the next level
of implementation.
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4.5 Observations
The experiences of these success stories point to the value of civic will in facilitating a
transition-from-below for SD. Some common factors may be elucidated from the success
stories:
• They stem from a clear failure of the state. The state is, in theory, responsible for
assuring the lives and livelihoods of all citizens, particularly the disadvantaged ones.
However, the state’s failure to do so is a common feature in Pakistan, just as it is in
most Southern countries. This, along with other contributing factors, has led to a
situation of desperate poverty in the country, where the social indicators need to be
improved in virtually all dimensions. Thus, the more that action is needed, the less it
is forthcoming from the state, and so on. The reinforcing link between state failure
and poverty is enough incentive for civic action to take place in virtually any field
related to sustainable human development. If the success stories imply that civil
action was inevitable in these cases that is because – in a sense – it is! There has
been no significant response to prevailing problems by the state or market forces,
and so the space has been filled by civil society in one form or the other.
• Related to the first observation, each initiative is a mix of problem-specific and
issue-specific action. While the main purpose of each initiative is to address a
specific problem (such as income poverty and disconcerted actions in rural Northern
Areas, the lack of environmental concerns in development strategies in all parts of
Pakistan, the exploitation of small livestock farmers by dairy corporations or
middlemen in rural central Punjab), this problem is usually only one of many
affecting the sustainable livelihoods of communities. In each case, then, the
institution has moved from an immediately pressing concern to other issues of
sustainable livelihoods, including broader themes of institutional, policy and legal
solutions as well as broad-based community actions. OPP is typical in this respect,
moving from solving the problem of inaccessible sanitation and housing services in
an urban slum to addressing housing problems and then a host of sustainable
livelihood concerns, such as education, health, social forestry, etc. Importantly, each
initiative carries through a specific methodology and approach that define its
“newness” or distinguish it from other similar initiatives.
• Community participation is evident in all initiatives. In field initiatives participation
has involved local residents in planning and implementing their own development
activities. The responsiveness of the lead NGO to the partner community has been
crucial to success. Similarly, community management and demand-based efforts
have driven the success stories, as opposed to top-down or supply-pushed projects.
Idara-e-Kissan is the typical example in this respect. Local community participation
and self-help have historically been central features of the social norms and values
of this region, and contemporary initiatives build on this successfully.
• Building a collective momentum has been common in all cases. Subsequent efforts
have typically built on individual successes. Sustaining the project activity through
participatory mechanisms is a recurring feature. At the same time, successes have
relied on developing linkages within civil society and between civil society and
other sectors.
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• All initiatives have focused on social change, as opposed to macro-economic or

environment-centered initiatives. In Pakistan’s scenario, where poverty is the
biggest concern, a social development focus has made initiatives more appealing to
local communities in particular.
• Civic will has been a factor for the success of all cases. Although political will has
helped in many cases, such as in the RSPs and in the adoption of provincial
conservation strategies, this has not been the determining factor. Instead, the
initiatives have all relied on harnessing and facilitating the will of affected local or
policy communities. The will of civil society is evident throughout the stories, from
the inception of each initiative and through various successes – importantly, none of
the cases were initiated from within government, although many of them activate
government counterparts.
• Defining SD for themselves is also common to the initiatives. Instead of relying on
abstract definitions and policy outcomes, the institutions have preferred to define SD
through their practice on the ground.
• Innovation has been, and continues to be, a key feature of the cases studied. OPP’s
intervention marked the birth of community-based action research, although this has
not been replicated to the same extent anywhere else. AKRSP’s approach of
cooperation with government to activate line agencies has since been copied by
many civic initiatives, particularly at the grassroots level. IK’s cooperative scheme
was based on concrete research of livestock issues in the area, and filled a marketing
niche that was being otherwise used for the exploitation of poor farmers. IUCN
introduced the concept of strategizing for SD through the NCS, and produced
another “first” by moving to sub-national integrated planning.
• Institutional support has been necessary for all initiatives to sustain themselves. This
observation stresses the importance of civic actors seeking more direct ways to
sustain themselves financially and in their vision.
• The initiatives have all, to a greater or lesser extent, relied on personal motivations
of the civic actors themselves (as in OPP) or of supporting players (such as in RSPs
and conservation strategies). The role of leadership has been critical in most of the
cases. It is arguable whether any of these success stories would have produced the
same level of results had the leadership been differently motivated.
5. Conclusion
The state in Pakistan is over-extended, typically so for a post-colonial nation. Its interference
in all spheres of life has led to great expectations from the state machinery, particularly in
sustainable development. The failure to achieve any substantial progress toward SD in
Pakistan, thus, is largely due to the state, which has assumed such a leading role in most SD-
related activities as well as in governance.
The failure of the state to deliver on SD is, in turn, primarily a function of political will. Such
will for SD has been found to be a myth in Pakistan, although it exists in advanced forms for
other policy arenas, such as fiscal management of defense. But state rhetoric on SD has rarely
been turned into sustained reality.
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Similarly, pure market forces have not managed to lead any great societal transition toward
SD. There are few examples where entrepreneurial will has taken leadership in SD issues,
although sustainable industrial production is recognised by most as a key target for the
country. The few cases where an initiative has been taken it is largely due to civic pressure or
state regulation or both (such as TTSID).
By contrast, civil society has demonstrated concrete outputs and practice of SD on the
ground. This is based, to a large degree, on the presence of civic will among individuals and
collectively. This will has manifested itself in the four case studies presented earlier.
The success stories give some insight into civil society’s practice of SD. Firstly, civil society
has been instrumental in shifting the development paradigm away from isolated interventions
to an integrated approach. Market and state forces have remained focused until late on mega-
projects in distinct sectors, where an attempt is later made to “tack on” sustainability as an
after-thought, not very successfully.
Integration of multiple interventions has been one of the basic ingredients for civil society’s
success. IK, for example, linked a number of functions into their governance model at the
village level, including social development, political management, environmental health and
the core business of economic uplift. Similarly, OPP’s primary success was in matching the
minor technological advice with an integrated sociological approach, triggering collective
action. In all the cases, residents of an area have been organised on the basis of common
issues. RSPs also exemplify integrated SD, developing village and supra organisations as a
unit of interaction for social, environmental and economic interventions. Critically, some of
their programs have been built on the holistic approach of sustainable livelihoods. The prime
example of the integrated approach to SD is the development of conservation strategies at the
local level by IUCN Pakistan.
An important part of this integration has been leading the SD effort from the perspective of
human development or poverty alleviation, rather than from the perspective of environmental
interventions. The livelihoods perspective is much more relevant to the Pakistani condition,
given the importance of chronic poverty in the development scenario, as outlined in the
second chapter.
Secondly, civil society has demonstrated some of the basic requirements for SD through their
practice, as seen in the success stories above. Again, these requirements have not been
consistently underpinning state or market efforts. These include:
• Participatory planning: involving communities and all stakeholders in all phases of

operation, from planning to implementation and monitoring. The top-down approach
so favored by the other sectors is in stark contrast to this bottom-up approach;
• Demand pull from partners: staying strictly away from imposing an agenda, as part
of the participatory approach. Wherever successful in SD, civil society has always
built on existing demands, the prime examples being OPP and IK, who do not
undertake any activity without the explicit demand of partner communities. Where
such demands have not been articulated, the success of civil society has relied on
linking felt needs together into a framework for SD and constantly interacting with
the policy or local community to generate the demand. This has been the case for
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IUCN with the sub-national conservation strategies;

• Community management: building capacity for self-management of SD practice in
the field. This has allowed the development interventions to be sustainable
themselves;
• Institutional support: the success of any initiative for sustainable development,
whether community organisation by AKRSP, innovative service provision through
action research by OPP, strategies for SD by IUCN or cooperative management by
IK, has relied on the particular institution consistently backing up the process
through direct and indirect interventions. The sustainability of civic initiatives
themselves, thus, relies to a large extent on the sustainability of the civic institution
providing the innovation.
• Action research: linking research together with concrete actions and vice-versa.
OPP, in particular, has typified the sort of participatory research that is needed for
SD and the remarkable impact it can have. Conservation strategies have also
developed an interesting model where academic, technical papers are put through
the rigorous test of ground-level acceptability and the subsequent strategy is molded
together from both inputs;
• Capacity building: developing the skills, knowledge and attitudes of society,
particularly local communities, for SD.
Thirdly, the successes are all grounded in local action. They build on the local expertise and
skills of residents instead of imposing radically new technologies or methodologies.
Although generating a transition to SD at a national scale will require a broader scope of
activities also, such as the advocacy campaigns launched by SDPI and other actors, this
localised approach has generally demonstrated better results than grandiose mass-based
projects or attempts at policy influence.
The local action has relied on active networking for replicating the success. In some cases
this has been strong, such as in the RSP network, but in others it has not been present, such as
for OPP or for the implementation of sub-national conservation strategies. RSP replication
may have been largely due to the personal efforts of Shoaib Sultan Khan and his approach of
working closely with government at all levels and stages. IK, too, has not been replicated at
the same scale, which is probably not a reflection of the model but of its outreach.
Political will seems to have been an important determining factor in the replication – or
otherwise – of civil society’s initiatives. Another factor has been the role of “civic
entrepreneurs” like Shoaib Sultan Khan in creating partnerships and linkages. If isolated
success are to generate a societal transition, there is a need to develop political will to support
it, perhaps through strengthening the environmental policy community and promoting the
development of “entrepreneurs.”
Fourthly, the success stories all point to the importance of the medium-term perspective for
SD. This contrasts with the short-term gains proposed by the state through policy reforms or
the positive results expected on faith from the market in the very long term. OPP required
over seven years to prove its model in only one intervention, sanitation, moving on
subsequently to other areas. AKRSP also needed five to 10 years to show any impact, while
IK was founded after six years of intensive action research by the Pattoki Livestock Project.
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The NCS took nine years to formulate and the SPCS over four years to finalise. As a result of
this medium term planning, however, the results (or potential results) are not only significant
but are sustainable.
Fifthly, the stories bring out the importance of an enabling environment for success. Some of
the features of such an environment include:
• A “hands-off” approach by the donor agencies where they are involved. OPP and
the sub-national conservation strategies are prime examples where donors (BCCI
and the Swiss government, respectively) did not interfere with the program. The
RSPs too, particularly NRSP, have benefited from programmatic freedom not
common among the NGO sector in the country. This brings out the importance of a
civic initiative being independent, even if it is not completely sustainable, such as
OPP or IK. Even though the RSPs may be considered government-organised NGOs
(GONGOs), they are afforded considerable latitude in developing their programs;
• The presence of the right people at the right time, however difficult to plan for, has
proved critical. The success of RSPs, in fact, has relied on finding and activating
dynamic individuals in the government for SD, while key people in the public sector
have facilitated IUCNP as well;
• Political stability has been largely absent from Pakistan during the period studied
here. The impacts of instability have been visible, particularly in the case of IUCNP
and the conservation strategies;
• Political space for civil society is part of the “good governance” agenda and has
helped the success stories considerably. In the case of OPP this space was provided
primarily to Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan in the first instance and then to the credible
results that OPP produced. RSPs also relied on considerable space for their
engagement with government, led from the top. In general, however, the NGO
sector has until recently been facing a hostile environment. This has changed
somewhat only over the past couple of years as an undemocratic government has
offered a lot more space to the sector than before. Regardless of the reasons, the
availability of this space to operate freely and possibly influence the policy
community is an important factor for SD practice by civil society;
• Pakistan’s traditionally over-extended state machinery has been slow to adopt the
global trend of moving away from implementation and toward facilitation of
stakeholders. The more this trend is pursued, the greater the opportunity that civil
society will have to influence the society for SD.
The case studies support the hypothesis that civic will is more successful in promoting SD
than political or entrepreneurial will has proven. This clear argument for more political space
for civil society and more initiatives by civil society for SD on the ground. Although there is
no dearth of NGOs in Pakistan (about 20,000 registered bodies, and inestimable unregistered
ones), only a small percentage of them are engaged in “actual” SD practice. Building up the
stock of civic initiatives requires more encouragement to NGOs but also to other civic actors,
particularly the media and academia.
The absence of social movements from SD practice in Pakistan is noticeable. As mentioned

earlier, there are some nascent movements that have begun to promote an alternative model to
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that of NGOs, but these are in too early a stage to comment on just yet. The efforts of the Dir
Forest Royalty Rights Movement, Fisherfolk Forum and the All-Pakistan Katchi Abaadi
Alliance have yet to be seen on any significant scale. They also have the potential to absorb the
energy of Public Interest Organisations, like SUNGI, which might affect their “alternativeness.”
Civil society will also have to address up-front at some time or another, possibly collectively,
its Achilles’ heel in SD promotion: dependence on external financing. While alternative
models have been promoted (such as by OPP and IK), these have yet to be as financially
attractive as donor dependence. The Aga Khan Foundation’s Institute of Philanthropy is a
recent initiative addressing this question, and may offer a solution.
Another critical concern is the lack of mainstreaming of the SD agenda with core policy
issues like security, democracy, defense, international trade, and fiscal management. Civil
society must integrate its agenda with these policy communities for there to be any cross-
sectoral impact at all.
Partly as a result of the limited number of “actual SD” practices on the ground and partly due
to internal problems (like donor dependence), civil society has had little cumulative impact
on the core SD indicators of the country. RSP results are the most impressive of the list, but
are limited on a national scale – in all the RSPs work in 44 districts (of 106) in the country,
and cover on average less than half the households in a district. While these civic initiatives
are building up arithmetically, particularly with their medium-term focus, the environmental,
social and economic problems are compounding geometrically. Civil society represents more
of a potential than a reality in terms of impact at the scale necessary. Key issues like water
pollution, land degradation, climate change and energy use patterns are not being adequately
addressed by civil society, while many practices are focusing only on human or micro-
economic development without a sustainable livelihoods perspective.
Many of these gaps are due to the lack of a conducive policy environment. Based on the
experience of limited successes and constraints of civil society, it is possible to identify the
sort of national policies that can support sustainable development:
• Civil society successes have been typically limited in scale. However, where
individual government departments or functionaries have been “motivated,” the
scale of the success has been magnified many-fold, such as with the RSPs. This
points to a need to open up policy making to civil society. The same conclusion may
be reached from other arguments as well, including the need to institutionalise
functional democratic practices. This is particularly true for “hardcore” areas where
civil society access is typically restricted, such as macro-economic or foreign policy.
Opening up these arenas to civil society input will not only allow for the inclusion of
a different type of experience and insight, but will also allow civil society to scale up
some its programs. This is, arguably, the most critical policy support that can be
provided to civil society for more concrete SD outcomes.
• The inability of integrated SD initiatives at the small scale to make a significant
impact at the national level is clear. Part of the reason is the weak macro-economic
situation in the country, including employment, inflation, and trade imbalances.
Despite continuous efforts over the past, the situation has not improved
significantly. There is now a need to focus on macro-economic development but
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within an SD framework. This need was pointed out by Hanson et al. (2000) in the
NCS Mid-Term Review. An environment that enables people-centered, sustainable
policy making may be established again by opening up the policy process to public
input, particularly by civil society and be clearly enunciating principles for policy-
making that can be used to hold government accountable.
• Within this approach, the role of intergovernmental organisations can be highlighted
directly. Organisations like UNEP may support civil society initiatives for SD in two
ways: firstly by advocating for a greater role for civil society in policy making and
implementation at the national level; and secondly by acting as an interface for
national civil society to engage with multilateral institutions and agreements, such as
WTO, IMF, World Bank and the Convention on Biological Diversity. This latter
role involves a reform of international environmental governance toward greater
transparency, accountability and more input from civil society.
• International organisations like UNEP can also engage civil society through
partnerships, as opposed to the typical donor-recipient relationship. Partnerships
would involve far more equal interaction than is taking place currently, and a
definition of mutually supporting roles that work for the same goal of SD.
In the absence of these supporting conditions, civil society represents the best possible
alternative for SD but certainly not a complete one. There is a need to investigate the
boundaries of a critical momentum that can induce the transition to SD in a discrete jump of
consumption-production patterns. Such a jump would, of necessity, stem from a change in
discourse and attitudes. This report has attempted to demonstrate that this could best be
induced by civil society, such as the initiatives studied above, if the sector is able to
transform its isolated accomplishments into society-wide impact. That is not to say that civil
society is enough by itself to induce the transition; indeed, the successes studied above have
relied on multi-stakeholder interaction. However, their leadership and drive has come from
the civic sector; this drive may be enhanced in an enabling policy environment and can
realistically transform society before far more radical action become necessary.
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Endnotes
1 The most well-known definition of sustainable development was formulated by the World
Commission on Environment & Development in 1987 as “development (exploitation of
resources, orientation of technological development and institutional change) must meet the
needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to
meet their needs.” Quoted in K F Jalal (1993, pg.6). For a more detailed discussion on
defining SD, see Annex IV.
2 A summary of key statistics relevant to SD are presented in Annex II.
3A major part of the legal requirement is to hold public hearings on the results of the
Assessments before beginning work; as expected this aspect is generally ignored and the
Assessment studies are not widely shared.
4 The case of exploration for gas in Kirthar National Park is an interesting case, where
environmental NGOs across the country are mobilised against the government and multi-
national companies Shell and Premier, who wanted to mine the park. Kirthar is home to a
unique sub-species of Ibex as well as other fauna and flora representative of the ecology.
5 The project has recently been terminated on account of operational difference amongst the
stakeholders.
6 The only real exception is drinking water purifying services, such as those offered by AVA,
or bottled water, such as that offered by AVA, Nestle and numerous others. However, these
are targeted at a very small section of the urban population that can afford pure water.
7 Although the document followed more of a “shopping list for projects” approach of projects
than a policy approach, it was rooted in the belief that these would lead to a change in policy
focus of the government. In its process and its final product, the NCS was most definitely
state-centric, although there were provisions for supporting actions by civic and private
actors. The process relied on political will to carry implementation through after the NCS was
adopted by the government.
8 The list does not include typical or total funding size, as there was no consolidated source of
information for this. Gathering such information is important but will require dedicated effort
and considerable time.
9 Again no figures are available, but experience suggests that civil society receives financial
support at least as much from INGOs as from bilateral and multilateral sources.
10 Pakistan’s National Environment Action Plan has been proposed as one post-NCS SD
possibility.
11These and other statistics in the section are from UNDP (2001), World Bank (2000) and
GoP (2001).
12These figures are expressed in percent of GDP (at market price), and so are also affected to
some extent by the drop in GDP growth rate.
13This does not include “disguised” defense expenses including in the form of “mini-
budgets.”
14The Gini Coefficient is a widely accepted measure of equality, ranging from 0 (complete
equality) to 1 (complete inequality)
15 The Kuznet hypothesis postulates that income inequality will continue to rise as a country
339
grows economically until a certain critical stage, after which inequality will decline as the
economic growth’s effects filter down. The hypothesis has been the subject of much debate.
16 Dr. Abid Suleri “WTO and Agriculture” in The News on Sunday, December 16th, 2001.
17 This list is chosen from the larger selection of forty nine civil society initiatives for SD in
the country (Annex V). The same information presented in the Annex is not duplicated here.
18
AKRSP had generated community savings of Rs. 430 million (almost US$7 million) and
NRSP of Rs. 300 million (about US$4.8 million) by the end of 2000.
19 A policy community is defined by Banuri and Khan (2000) as a network of individuals and
institutions with interest and expertise in a particular area, and therefore a stake in the process
of decision-making in that area. It is based on the idea that policy-making is not a monolithic
exercise located in one ministry or agency, but involves cooperation between distinct
government agencies, as well as with non-governmental entities: NGOs, media, business,
academia, etc. the decision-making process invariably reflects the relative political influence
of these groups and involves political negotiations and compromises between them.
20The Commission’s actual report is quite detailed, outlining more specific objectives and
processes – however, these have not been incorporated in the popular statement.
21The author notes various references throughout the text which have been omitted here for
easier reading.
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Pakistan
6. References
AKRSP (Aga Khan Rural Support Foundation). 1993. Briefing Notes on the Aga Khan Rural
Support Program.
— 1999. “Annual Report of the Aga Khan Rural Support Program 1998.”
— 2001. “Annual Report 2000 – Towards a Shared Vision.”
Arshad Zaman Associates (Pvt.) Ltd. 2000. “The Contribution of the Private Sector and
NGOs Towards Implementation of the Pakistan NCS.” Report prepared for the
Ministry of Environment. Government of Pakistan.
Banuri, T., G. Hyden, C. Juma and M.Rivera. 1994. Sustainable Human Development: From
Concept to Operation. New York: UNDP.
Banuri,T. S.R Khan and M. Mahmood. 1997. Just Development: Beyond Adjustment with a
Human Face. Karachi: Oxford University Press.
Banuri,T and S.R Khan. 2000. “Environmental Strategy Background Report.” Produced by
SDPI for the MoELGRD and World Bank. January 2000.
BRSP (Balochistan Rural Support Program). 1996. “Annual Report of Balochistan Rural
Support Program 1994-95.”
GoP (Government of Pakistan). 2001. “Pakistan Economic Survey 2000-01 Islamabad:

Finance Division.”
— 2000. A Database on Public Sector Investments in the Core Areas of NCS 1992/93
to 1999/2000. Report prepared by the NCS Unit. Ministry of Environment. Local
Government and Rural Development.
— 1998. Biodiversity Action Plan of Pakistan. Islamabad: Ministry of Environment.

Local Government & Rural Development.
— 2000. Economic Survey 1999-2000 Islamabad: Finance Division.
Hanson, A.J., S.Bass, A. Bouzaher and G.M Samdani. 2000. Pakistan’s National
Conservation Strategy: Reviewing the Commitment to Action. “Report of the Mid-
Term Review of the NCS.”
Hasan, A. 1999. Akhter Hameed Khan and the OPP. Karachi: City Press.
Hagler-Bailly Pakistan. 2000. “Mass Awareness Initiatives.” Report for the NCS-MTR..
IUCN Pakistan: Islamabad.
GTZ. Idara-e-Kissan: Farmers’ Organization in Pakistan. Lahore: Punjab Livestock & Dairy
Development Department.
IUCN Pakistan (World Conservation Union). 2001. “Protected Areas System Review and
Action Plan Karachi”. IUCN Pakistan.
341
— 1999. “In the Balance:Environment and Security in the NWFP.” Report of a scoping
mission for IUCN.
— 1998. “Environmental Profile of Pakistan.” Report prepared for the Department For
International Development.
Jacobs, P and D.A. Munro. 1987. “Sustainable and equitable development.” Conservation
with Equity: Proceedings of the Conference on Conservation and Development –
Implementing the World Conservation Strategy. Ottawa. Cambridge: IUCN.
Jalal, K.F. 1993. “Sustainable development. Environment and Poverty Nexus.” Occasional
Paper # 7 of the Economics & Development Research Center. Asian Development
Bank.
Khan, M.H. 1998. Climbing the Development Ladder with NGO Support. Karachi: Oxford
University Press.
Khan, S.R and A.Naqvi. 1999. “The Environment-Poverty Nexus: An Institutional

Analysis.” Paper prepared for the UNDP Local DialogueGroup III by SDPI.
Khan, S.R (ed.). 1999. Fifty Years of Pakistan’s Economy. Karachi: Oxford University
Press.
Miles, S. 2000. “Pakistan: Environment Sector Review.” Report prepared for the Pakistan
Desk. Asia Branch. Canadian International Development Agency.
NGORC (NGO Resource Center). 1998. “Directory of Donor Organizations in Pakistan.”

Karachi: NGORC.
NRSP (National Rural Support Program). 1998. “Fourth Annual Report of the NRSP 1996-
97.”
— 2001. Seventh Annual Report of the NRSP 1999-2000.
OPP (Orangi Pilot Project). 1995. Orangi Pilot Project – NGO Profile. Journal of
Environment and Urbanization. Vol. 7:2.
O’Riordan, T. 1993. “The politics of sustainability”. In R K Turner (ed.) Sustainable

Environmental Economics and Management: Principles and Practice. London:
Belhaven.
Parikh, K S. 1991. “An Operational Definition of Sustainable Development.” Discussion

paper # 21. Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research.
Pasha, H., A. Ghaus-Pasha, Z.H. Ismail, and S.Rizvi. 2000. “Revamping the SAP.” Karachi:
Social Policy Development Center.
Qadir, A. 2001. “The State of Consumers in Pakistan. Islamabad”. The Network for
Consumer Protection.
Reid, D. 1995. Sustainable Development: An Introductory Guide. London: Earthscan.
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Shamsie, M. 1995. Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan: “The Guiding Light.” The Dawn Newspaper.
Tuesday Review Section.
SRSC (Sarhad Rural Support Corporation). 1996. “Annual Review of the Sarhad Rural
Support Corporation 1995.”
UNDP (United Nations Development Program). 2001. Human Development Report 2001.
New York: Oxford University Press.
UNEP (United Nations Environment Program). 2001. “Sustainable Development: Challenge

for Action and Accountability.” Draft South Asian strategy paper prepared for
WSSD.
— 2001. “Pakistan Environmental Profile.” Website of the UNEP.NET Environment

Network: www.unep.net.
World Bank. 2000. World Development Report 1999-2000. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Zaidi, A.S. 2000. Transforming Urban Settlements – The Orangi Pilot Project’s Low-Cost
Sanitation Model. Karachi: City Press.
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Annex 1 Environmental Fact Sheet

Population Total (1998) 130.6 million
Growth rate (1991-98) 2.6% per annum
Urbanization Urban population (1998) 42.46 million (32.5%)
Cities over 1 million popn. 8
Economy GDP (1999) US$ 58.2 billion
GDP growth rate (1975-90) 3.2% per year
GDP growth rate (1990-99) 1.3% per year
Exports share of GDP (1995-96) 13.57%
Imports share of GDP (1995 -96) 18.34%
Industry share of GDP (1997 -98) 24.7%
Agriculture share of GDP (1997-98) 26.4%
Human HDI Rank (1998) 135 / 174
development in HDI (1998) 0.522
HDR, 2000
GDI Rank (1998) 135 / 174
Poverty Rank (1998) 68 / 85
Land Area 88.2 million hectares
Land use (1995-96) Forest area 3.61 million ha
Cultivated area 21.54 million ha
Current fallow 5.26 million ha
Culturable waste 8.92 million ha
Not cultivated 24.43 million ha
Agriculture Major crops Wheat, rice, cotton, maize,
sugarcane, tobacco, potato,
pulses
Agricultural Fertilizer use (1997-98) 2.602 million nutrient tons
chemicals Pesticide use (1997) 44,872 tons
Surface water Total 145 million acre feet
Per capita (2000) 1.1 acre feet (1,306 cubic
meters)
Deforestation 4-6% per annum
Livestock Sheep and goats 75.3 million
Cattle 17.8 million
Buffaloes 20.2 million
Camels / donkeys / horses 5.6 million
Fisheries Marine catch (1995) 405,500 tons
Inland catch (1995) 136,400 tons
Industry Main industries Textiles, leather, food
products, tobacco, paper&
board, machinery, cement,
steel, pharma., sports
Energy shares Electricity (Hydel) 4.9%
(1995-96) Electricity (Thermal) 9.8%
Oil 48.3%
Gas 29.7%
Coal 6.3%
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Pakistan
Marine pollution Daily discharge into Korangi harbor 35 tons TSS, 376 tons TDS,
2 tons ammonia, 1.4 tons
arsenic oxide, others
Air pollution Ambient concentration 0.6-3.8 (WHO guidelines=9)
(Karachi and big CO (ppmi) (1998) 180-1,375 (WHO
cities in Punjab) TSP (1998) guidelines=150-230)
PM10 (1998) 110-790 (WHO
guidelines=90-150)
Solid waste Generation rate (1998) 0.263-0.613 kg per capita per
Total waste (8 cities) day
National total 3.8 million tons per year
12.5 million tons per year
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Annex 2 Pakistan National Profile

Pakistan consists of a rectangular mass extending northeast to southwest over about 88
million hectares. Mountains and foothills on the north and west cover about half its area. The
remaining half comprises the Indus Plain toward the east, intersected by the Indus River and
its tributaries. The country is largely arid, with three-fourths receiving an annual precipitation
of less than 250 mm and 20 percent of it less than 125 mm. Only about 10 percent of the area
in the northern Himalayas and the Karakorum mountain ranges receive rainfall between 500
mm and 1500 mm. Of the country’s total area (88.2 million hectares), 24 percent is
cultivated, of which about 80 percent is irrigated. Forests and grazing lands cover about 4
percent, and about 31 percent is not fit for agricultural use – close to 2 percent is under urban
cover.
With its dramatic geological history, broad latitudinal spread and immense altitudinal range,
Pakistan supports a wide array of ecosystems. However, any description of the natural
ecological zones of Pakistan must be qualified by the statement that these zones have been
affected so widely by human activity that very few truly natural habitats remain. Pakistan
may be divided into 18 distinct ecological zones, with nine major vegetative or agro-
ecological zones. These range from the permanent snowfields and cold deserts of the
mountainous north to the mangrove forests of the Indus delta and the Arabian Sea coast.
Pakistan’s fauna is rich and varied: affinitive to three faunal regions – the Palearctic region
west of the Indus, the Oriental region east of the region and the Ethiopian region. Pakistan is
bounded to the west by Afghanistan and Iran, to the east by India and to the North by China.
The total maritime zone of Pakistan is over 30 percent of the land area. This region is
characterised by distinctive oceanic phenomena that produces rich fisheries, mineral and
hydrocarbon resource. The continental shelf area is about 50,000 km2 and the territorial sea is
the Arabian Sea with a territorial coastal zone of 23,820 km2.
Pakistan’s climate is generally dry, with a quarter of the country having less than 250ml of
rain annually. Only in areas reached by the monsoons and in the north does the rainfall
exceed 500 ml a year. June and July are the hottest months, with midday temperatures of 40
degrees centigrade in most places. December, January and February are generally cool.
The Islamic Republic of Pakistan gained Independence from British rule and separated from
India at the same time on 14 August 14 1947. Since then, Pakistan has primarily remained a
parliamentary democracy, although about half of its independent life has been under military
rule of one kind or another. In 1988 the 11-year military dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq
ended and multi-party representative democracy was introduced. The next 11 years saw four
governments, none of them allowed to complete its full term, and General Pervez Musharraf
introduced yet another military rule on 12 October 1999. This coup was granted legal cover
by the Supreme Court of Pakistan for a period of three years, and the present government
intends to hold general elections in October 2002.
Constitutionally, Pakistan has been a federation since 1947, comprising of the provinces of
Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan, and the regions of Azad Jammu & Kashmir and the
Northern Areas. In addition, a minimal portion of the population resides in federally
administered tribal areas bordering Afghanistan. The provinces and regions are divided into a
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Pakistan
total of 106 districts. The district is the headquarter of most local administration and services,
which extend further into tehsils and union councils. A union council typically includes a few
villages (three to ten). A significant step of the present government has been to introduce a
system of local government extending from the union council to the district. Local
government now includes elected representatives and decentralised administration.
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Annex 3 Defining Sustainable Development

Although the Brundtland Commission’s definition of sustainable development is widely
quoted and used, it remains incomplete operationally. There can be few practical applications
of the broad definition20. K. F. Jalal (1993, p. 6) expands it to mean a simultaneous focus on
poverty alleviation and environmental integration into mainstream development. The
practical relationship is expressed graphically:
Source: K F Jalal (1993, pg. 8)
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Pakistan
This approach does not identify clear outcomes but focuses sharply on the process of
development. It defines two vicious cycles of environmental degradation, one due to poverty
and the other due to affluence. According to Jalal, both root causes have to be tackled side-
by-side to step onto the path of SD.
By contrast, Jacobs, et al. (1987, p. 20) outline the essential goals of SD, that can be further
broken down into concrete, specific objectives:
• Integration of conservation and development

• Satisfaction of basic human needs
• Opportunities to fulfill other non-material needs
• Progress toward equity and social justice
• Respect and support for cultural diversity
• Provision for social self-determination and the maturing of self-reliance
• Maintenance of ecological integrity
A related approach is that of sustainable livelihoods or sustainable human development.
Banuri et al. (1994) define sustainable human development as the “enlargement of people’s
choices and capabilities through the formation of social capital so as to meet as equitably as
possible the needs of current generations without compromising the needs of future
generations.” The practical operationalization of the definition is holistic (not based on
projects), non-linear, based on diversity and innovation, pro-traditional, relying on human
agency, long-term, and with a historical perspective.
With the plethora of definitions and approaches to SD, it is important to highlight that no one
has been universally adopted, except perhaps for the Brundtland Commission’s vague
statement. K. S. Parikh (1991, pp. 1-2) outlines the various approaches to SD21:
“To some, sustainable development means indefinite preservation of all species and eco-
systems. Others focus on development and the constraints imposed upon it by environmental
resources. They require that sustainable growth is growth that can be supported in the
foreseeable future or growth that relies only on self-perpetuating and renewable limits of
resources and operates within, and not beyond, the finite limits of the planet. For others,
sustainable development is one that maintains an appropriately defined capital stock or an
asset base whose composition may change. The capital stock should be defined to include,
besides the national capital asset stock, also the natural environmental asset stock and should
be preserved in a way that maintains or expands production possibility, i.e. permits
monotonic development.
In these various definitions of sustainable development that are advanced, the basic notions
of inter-generational equity, preservation of eco-systems and species, and maintenance of an
appropriately defined capital stock are at the center. While one can provide a definition that
integrates all these concerns, such a definition is not likely to be operational.”
To construct an operational definition, Parikh then makes some simplifying assumptions in a

neo-classical economic model to identify sustainable paths in terms of discounted values of
the associated material output stream.
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An alternative, qualitative, approach to SD has been provided by O’Riordan. He suggests

that there are five conditions necessary to meet the demands of SD, although none of these
are anywhere near a “political consensus” (1993, p. 39):
• A form of democracy that transcends the nation-state and the next election, namely
that alters the meaning of “self-interest” and sacrifice;
• Guarantees of civil rights and social justice to oppressed people the world over, so
that they are allowed to consume resources in an equilibrium manner, and appreciate
the intrinsic rights of nature;
• Commitments of resources, notably technology, intellectual property generally, and
cash, to impoverished and environmentally vulnerable regimes, many of which are
run by politically unstable and inherently corrupt regimes (as indeed are many rich
nations);
• Elimination of debt where debt is induced by unfair terms of trade and a historical
legacy of exploitation;
• Establishment of a variety of public-private and non-governmental mechanisms for
delivering resources, training and management techniques to areas and communities
in need, in such a way as to be socially acceptable and democratizing.
For O’Riordan, the issue is fundamentally political. He presumes that entrenched state and
commercial interests have forged a global system in which SD is impossible. Thus, the entire
political system needs to be challenged directly if SD is to be realised.
These definitions and approaches have been presented as an illustration of the diversity of
thought on the subject. The purpose in this report has been to use the Brundtland Commission’s
generalised statement as a starting point but not to develop concrete objectives around it and
then assess progress. Instead, the objective of the report is to present actual practice of SD on
the ground in an attempt to elicit the underlying principles that can define sustainable
development operationally. The results are presented in the conclusion of the report.
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Annex 4 Key SD Initiatives

The following cases are presented in the following format:
“Name of the organisation; telephone and/or website; brief description of the initiative; date
of inception; main programs and activities related to sustainable development (each separated
by a full stop); major sources source of funding.”
Aga Khan Rural Support Program: +92.51.2279015; pioneering integrated rural

development program focusing on sustainable livelihoods of deprived communities in six
districts of Northern Areas; 1982; formation of village organisations. Micro-credit and
community savings program. Infrastructure development. Natural resource management and
sustainable livelihoods projects. Creating community linkages with line departments;
resources mainly from the Aga Khan Foundation, bilateral donors and the World Bank.
All Pakistan Katchi Abaadi Alliance: +92.320.5515847; national coalition movement of

local organisations of unplanned slum dwellers; 1999; advocacy for a rational housing and
unplanned dwelling policy. Mass mobilization and action against forced evictions.
Community development programs in urban slums. Awareness-raising about slum dwellers’
concerns. Mass mobilization on related activities; resources from purely voluntary and
philanthropic contributions.
Ansar Burney Welfare Trust: www.ansarburney.org; network of human rights

organisations fighting against all forms of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment,
forced disappearances, summary executions, child abuse or other more subtle forms of
violent repression and human rights violations; 1981; release and rehabilitation of more than
300,000 innocent prisoners in Pakistan and elsewhere imprisoned illegally. Release of more
than 10,000 improperly detained “patients” from mental institutes. Bureau of missing
persons, managing to recover over 60,000 lost children. Shutting down of several slave
markets for trading of women; resources mainly from voluntary contributions to legal cases
and advocacy efforts.
Aurat Foundation: +92.42.6306534; www.brain.net.pk/~apisf/main.html; women’s

empowerment organisation focusing on increasing women participation in governance and
management, improving women’s access to knowledge and resources and providing support
to women’s organisations in the country; 1986; capacity building of women’s organisations
(training and management support). Information programs, including political education for
women, 1,000 information network centers in the country, radio programs, and research.
Advocacy, including legislative watch program; resources from bilateral donors and
international NGOs.
Baahn Beli: +92.21.4526202; participatory rural development organisation working in the

Thar desert in the south east, one of the most deprived and remote areas of the country; 1984;
infrastructure development. Non-formal education. Basic health care. Savings and credit
program. Participatory community development process, including capacity building.
Advocacy for equitable public service delivery; resources from bilateral donors, international
NGOs, national grant-making bodies and voluntary contributions.
Citizens’ Alliance in Reforms for Efficient and Equitable Development: +92.21.4530668;
351
an advocacy group of citizens fighting for efficient and equitable reforms in development;
advocacy and awareness campaigns against privatization. Reform of development projects by
international financial institutions; resources from voluntary contributions of finances and
time.
Development Visions: +92.42.5414427; www.brain.net.pk/~daima/index.htm; collective

of concerned development professionals and activists working to ensure participatory
development that leads to a just and equitable society; provision of professional services to
development actors, such as research, training, documentation and communication. Public
Interest Research on sidelined issues. Development Watch on large development projects,
such as the World Bank-funded Salinity Control and Reclamation Project. Widely
acknowledged publication on water issues – Waterline; resources from fees for services and
limited donor support for individual projects.
Dir-Kohistan Forestry Watch Cell: +92.992.334750; movement to protect the forest

royalty rights of local residents in two districts of North-West Frontier Province; 1999; mass
mobilization and activism targeted at policy changes and effective implementation of forest
royalty rights for local residents. Long marches and awareness-raising. Policy advocacy in
NWFP Forestry Sector Reforms; resources from voluntary contributions and minimal support
from SUNGI Development Foundation, a national NGO.
Edhi Welfare Trust: www.edhiweb.com; largest and most organised social welfare system
in Pakistan – Edhi is recognised across the world as an extraordinary civic entrepreneur
whose operation relies solely on the trust that the entire nation places in him; 1950; ground
and air ambulance services. Orphanage service and post-natal care. Destitute homes and
schools. Welfare centers. Highway emergency services. Emergency posts. Blood and drug
banks. Marine and coastal rescue and emergency services. Public kitchens. Cancer hospital.
Graveyard services. Refugees’ assistance. Prisoners’ aid. Income-generating schemes.
Animal shelters. Ware houses. International community centers; resources completely from
voluntary and philanthropic contributions.
Environment Protection Society: +92.936.712282; www.eps-swat.org; Swat; physical,

social and cultural environment of Swat District in the north of Pakistan; 1991; River Swat
Conservation Project RSCP is a social organisation and action project in collaboration with
UNDP. Representing the province in forestry sector reforms project. Community nurseries.
Action research on unplanned expansion of human settlements in the area; various donors
and international NGOs.
Frontier Resource Center: www.frc.sdnpk.org; Peshawar; enhancing the capacity of

NGOs and CBOs in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan through information
collection and dissemination, training, research and networking; information collection and
training for organisational development. Action research and documentation of NGO and
CBO work; various donors and international NGOs.
Forum of Environmental Journalists, Pakistan: www.fejp.hypermart.net; national

network of media persons interested in environment and development; training of journalists
and other media personnel for environmental reporting. Environmental events, such as film
shows. Annual environmental reporting awards. Regular reporting on environmental issues;
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Pakistan
resources from IUCN Pakistan and other international NGOs and bilateral donors.
Human Development Foundation: +92.51.5508351; www.yespakistan.com/hdf;

movement for positive social change through mass literacy and universal primary education,
enhanced quality of education, primary health care and grassroots economic development;
1997; community-based health care program APPNA SEHAT. Integrated model for
community development based on capacity building of local activists. Numerous health care,
income generation and education projects; resources from voluntary and philanthropic
contributions from Pakistanis in North America.
Human Resources Management and Development Center: +92.91.842850;

www.hrmdc.sdnpk.org; Peshawar; evolving people-centered development through training,
research, community development and networking; 1994; integrated urban development
program. Entrepreneurship development program. Training, research and networking.
Community-based primary education; primary source of revenues is income-generating
activities, such as sale of greeting cards and fees for services rendered (research, training, and
so on).
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan: +92.42.5838341; www.hrcp.cjb.net; Lahore;

national human rights advocacy forum; 1986; regular investigations into and publication of
human rights abuses in Pakistan. Advocacy with the government and relevant actors to halt
abuses. Elimination of illegal bonded labor from certain large farms in Sindh through
independent investigation and media coverage; minimal funding from some NGOs;
Idara-e-Kissan: dairy farmers’ cooperative society in central Punjab (most successful

cooperative society in Pakistan); 1989; collective dairy produce production, collection,
processing and sale. Micro-economic development through improved livestock production.
Social interventions including community organisation. Environmental interventions,
including promotion of organic farming; resources from highly successful collective
marketing of dairy produce.
Indus Farming: www.geocities.com/indusfarming/; non-profit, research-oriented

academic, educative, electronic mailing and networking list intended to highlight issues, post
information and exchange messages on subjects related to agriculture. Established by the
Sindh Society for Rural Development; regular updates on the disputes between provinces on
Indus water-sharing and the situation of water shortage.
Insaniyat: www.insaniyat.sdnpk.org; Gujranwala; rural development, with a special focus

on human rights and equitable access to improved production technologies; 1994; facilitation
of local dispute settlement. Training for women and farmers. Mobilizing charity support for
widows in the area; resources from various donors.
IUCN – The World Conservation Union, Pakistan: +92.21.586-1540;

www.iucn.org/places/pakistan/; country office of the international union, comprising of
members from the federal and provincial governments and NGOs, engaged in policy
advocacy and projects to promote conservation of nature and implementation of the National
Conservation Strategy; 1988; developing sub-national conservation strategies in collaboration
with public, private and civic sectors. Implementation of conservation projects, including the
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innovative trophy hunting project. Environmental communications and education.

Environmental assessment services and environmental law program; resources from IUCN
headquarters and bilateral donors.
Khwendo Kor: +92.91.842757; literally “Sisters’ Home” – Women and Children

Development Program in one of the most rigid societies in the country; 1993; non-formal
education, functional literacy and vocational training for women. Basic health and family
planning needs of communities. Development and capacity building of women’s
organisations. Advocacy for women’s rights. Environmental management and rehabilitation
projects. Income-generating activities; resources from bilateral donors and national and
international NGOs.
LEAD Pakistan: +92.51.226-4742; www.pakistan.lead.org; part of an international

network of institutions dedicated to training future leaders from all walks of life in
environment and sustainable development; 1995; well-established, regular two-year training
program, emphasizing practical skills for integration of sustainable development in
mainstream work. International exposure and learning for trainee associates. Regular and
occasional research series on related topics; resources from Rockefeller Foundation and other
donors.
Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center: www.un.org.pk/hdc/; policy research

institute and think tank, committed to organizing professional research, policy studies and
seminars in the area of human development, with a special focus on the South Asia
region;1995; producing annual reports on Human Development in South Asia. Organisation
of a South Asian Commission to produce a book. Seminars and conferences on national,
regional and global human development issues. Conducting and publishing research on
human development; resources from UNDP and other donors.
National Rural Support Program: +92.51.2822319; rural support program working

throughout Pakistan on the model of AKRSP with an emphasis on capacity building; 1991;
participatory community development based on social organisation. Capacity building, with
an emphasis on training, of community organisations. Savings and credit program.
Environmental management and rehabilitation projects. Infrastructure development. Non-
formal education and other social services; resources from investment of a founding
endowment by the Government of Pakistan.
The Network for Consumer Protection: +92.51.2261085; national consumer protection

organisation, re-modeled from a medical consumer protection organisation; 1992; research
and analysis on consumer issues. Advocacy on consumer policy and legislation. Information
dissemination and awareness-raising about consumer rights. Mobilization of consumers into
groups. Representation of consumers in policy discussions. Training on consumer protection;
resources from bilateral agencies (primarily DFID) and international NGOs.
NGO Resource Center: +92.21.5865501; www.ngorc.org.pk; enhance organisations and

systems that promote gender-sensitive, participatory approaches to sustainable development;
1994; management training and organisational development. Provision of information,
research and communication services. Research and awareness-raising on the civic sector and
philanthropy in Pakistan. Environmental management and participatory community
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Pakistan
development projects in one district in Sindh province; resources mainly from the Aga Khan
Foundation.
Orangi Pilot Project: +92.21.665-2297; www.hsd.ait.ac.th/bestprac/orangi.htm; urban

community action research and development project; 1980; low-cost urban sanitation and
housing services. Participatory action research on urban community issues. Community-
based basic health, primary education and family planning. Credit for small enterprises and
women work centers. Social forestry. Pilot rural develop project; minimal resources from
community-generated enterprises and contributions.
Pakistan Association of the Deaf: www.pad.sdnpk.org; association of deaf men and

women to promote acceptance of deaf people and provide unique services to the deaf in
Pakistan, with a view to breaking down discriminatory barriers in society;1987; innovative
programs in education, vocational training, marriage counseling, job placement and welfare
assistance. Representation at the World Federation of Deaf. Adopt A Park Project to establish
a place in Karachi where deaf people enjoy cricket and other competitive sports as well as
creative art, drama and other cultural activities in a congenial environment to develop self-
esteem; resources mainly from philanthropists, including parents and wider society.
Pakistan Energy and Environment Management Center: www.peemac.sdnpk.org;

energy and environment conservation in Pakistan, with a focus on youth; awareness-raising
activities about dangers of inefficient energy use. Regular facts sheets on energy and
environment issues for public awareness. Innovative designs for fuel and energy saving in
household, industrial and commercial utilities. Information dissemination about every-day
energy saving tips.
Pakistan Institute for Environment Development Action Research:

www.saseanee.org/EE&C.htm; community level participatory action-research in the field
of environment and development; 1989; Environmental Education through Participatory
Learning in Overseas Pakistani Foundation schools, involving under-privileged students in
conservation awareness and activities, resulting in the OPF Environmental Society.
Environmental management and community development in southern Punjab. Policy
research on environment; resources from bilateral donors and international NGOs.
Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research: +92.21.4557009; educational,

political (non-partisan), research and organisational work with formal and informal sector
labor across the country; 1982; education program for workers and local representatives
elected on labor seats. Research into labor-related issues. Participation in international labor
movement. Advocacy on labor policy, labor laws and related issues. Awareness-raising about
labor-related concerns; resources from bilateral donors and international NGOs.
Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund: +92.51.253225; national funding agency established to

support poverty alleviation programs in the country; 1998; micro-credit project funding.
Targeted poverty alleviation program funding; resources from Government of Pakistan and
World Bank.
The Reformers: group of concerned citizens working voluntarily for citizen welfare
particularly in Karachi and Lahore; discussion of citizen and political issues. Communication
355
and awareness on citizen rights. Formation of a Citizen-Police Liason Committee to monitor

police performance and assist the police in security cases, such as kidnappings.
SAHIL – Against Child Sexual Abuse: +92.51.2260636; www.sahil.org; only organisation

in Pakistan working exclusively against child sexual abuse and exploitation; action research
and resource center. Awareness-raising and information on the issue. Training for policy
makers, development practitioners and individuals directly involved with children. Crisis
intervention and legal aid for victims and their families; resources from bilateral donors and
international NGOs.
Sarhad Rural Support Program: +92.91.273731; (formerly Sarhad Rural Support

Corporation) rural support program working in North West Frontier Province on the model of
AKRSP with an emphasis on sustainable livelihoods; 1991; social organisation and capacity
building. Infrastructure development. Savings and credit program. Training for skill
enhancement. Non-formal education and other social service delivery through a community
development process. Environmental rehabilitation and management projects; resources from
investment of an endowment and Government of Pakistan.
SHEHRI – Citizens for a Better Environment: +92.21.4530646; www.shehri.org.pk;

membership organisation devoted to creating a peaceful, just and ecologically-friendly
Pakistan, particularly focusing on Karachi; 1988; public information counter for citizens of
Karachi. Publications to assist common citizens in reaching government, receiving services
and finding out about the municipal corporation. Solid waste management project in Karachi.
Guns-free campaign. Anti-pollution campaign. Public advocacy and mobilization against the
illegal encroachment of builders. General policy advice and research on urban planning;
resources mainly from voluntary contributions and time.
Shirkat Gah – Women’s Resource Center: +92.42.5760764; information, advocacy and

publications center on women’s issues and related development concerns; 1972; pressure and
advocacy on women’s issues and sustainable development. Publications and awareness-
raising activities on women development. Income-generating projects. Non-formal education
projects; resources from bilateral donors and international NGOs.
Society for the Advancement of Education: www.brain.net.pk/~saheskt/; promotion of

education, particularly community-based primary education, as a pre-requisite for sustainable
development; 1982; teacher training, curriculum development and social mobilization.
Notable project is SAHE Sialkot, a pioneer civil society organisation in District Sialkot of
Punjab, initiated in 1992. SAHE Sialkot has launched Universal Primary Education Project,
besides engaging in research, social awareness, educational resource center, basic education
for working children, reference library, and motivation program for enrolment of out-of-
school children.
Society for Conservation and Protection of Environment: +92.21.4965042;

www.scope.org.pk; direct action, advocacy, research, community participation and mass
mobilization for the protection of environment and natural resources; 1988; numerous
campaigns on conservation issues, including desertification; resources from bilateral donors
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South Asia Partnership–Pakistan: +92.42.5426470; www.brain.net.pk/~sappk/; Lahore;

support organisation to help CBOs develop capacity and partnerships; 1987; training and
networking of CBOs. Mobilization of social activists to advocate on injustice and inequity in
society. Democratization programs, such as national coordination of Democratic Rights and
Citizens’ Education Program; resources from various donors for individual projects and
programs and from SAP–Canada for core funding.
Strengthening Participatory Organisations: www.spopk.org; support organisation for

small CBOs and NGOs across the country; 1994; training and capacity building activities,
including skills development, networking, management support, community participation and
environmental integration; resources mainly from CIDA and other donor organisations.
Sultana Foundation: www.sultana-foundation.org; integrated human development in the

fields of welfare, education, health, skills training, character building and personality
development by promoting the spirit of self-help; 1987; numerous welfare projects. Literacy
campaign to reach the poorest of the poor. Mobilizing local resources for welfare activities;
resources mainly from philanthropic donations and voluntary contributions, such as free
health centers.
SUNGI Development Foundation: 0992.334750; www.sungi.sdnpk.org; integrated rural

development program in the North West Frontier Province, focusing on sustainable
livelihoods and policy advocacy; 1989; Very strong social mobilization component as a pre-
requisite for development interventions. Community-based policy advocacy on local, national
and international issues. Unique sustainable livelihoods component based on micro-credit and
natural resource management. National leadership in campaign for food security and
promotion of sustainable agriculture; resources from bilateral donors and international NGOs.
Sustainable Development Networking Program: www.sdnpk.org; promoting access to

information on sustainable human development by different sectors of society; 1992; pioneer
of electronic mail and offline internet content service provision in Pakistan – the first ISP in
the country. Policy advocacy for accessible internet service provision in Pakistan. Developed
and operating first portal site for Pakistan on sustainable human development. Web hosting,
internet connectivity, and e-mail provision for sustainable development organisations.
Capacity building for ICT and information management for sustainable development
organisations. Information dissemination, e-mail list management, electronic bulletin boards
and networking groups on environmental issues. Provision of information to organisations on
emergencies. Facilitating online provision of all development-related material; resources
from UNDP and other donors through IUCN Pakistan.
Sustainable Development Policy Institute: +92.51.2278134; www.sdpi.org; policy

research and advocacy related to sustainable development, including participation in regional
and global sustainable development events, research and implementation on sustainable
industrial development, poverty, education, governance, gender, sustainable agriculture,
climate change, and others; 1992; 15% core funding from CIDA and other bi-lateral donors,
remainder from research projects.
Thal Welfare Organisation: www.thal.sdnpk.org; integrated rural development

organisation in the deprived southern Punjab district of Layyah (typical of many other such
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initiatives in Pakistan); health activities including awareness and free camps. Non-formal
education program focusing on women. Women’s skill enhancement center. Agriculture
extension services. Information center for local communities; resources from bilateral donors
Thread Net Hunza: +92.572.77164; www.threadnethunza.com; community-based

enterprise organisation promoting sustainable livelihoods in Northern Areas of Pakistan;
marketing local crafts globally in a fair-trade set-up, generating income for over 2,000
women, disabled, artisans and other disadvantaged groups; resources from sale of products
and bilateral donors, primarily Swiss Agency for Development Corporation.
Trust for Voluntary Organisations: +92.51.9211399; www.tvo.org.pk; grant-making

organisation for strengthening of NGOs and CBOs for community development work; 1988;
institutionalizing a merit-based grant making capacity outside of Government. Strengthening
capacity of small NGOs and CBOs in all fields of sustainable human development; resources
from USAID, other bilateral donors and Government of Pakistan.
Urban Resource Center: +92.21.4559275; www.urckarachi.org; Karachi; improve urban

planning in Pakistan’s largest city – Karachi – to be more cognizant of socio-economic
realities and to be more participatory through research, documentation and advocacy; 1989;
radically altered the Karachi Mass Transit
Project to be more cost-friendly and environment-friendly. Caused the municipal corporation
to abandon the Lyari Expressway project that would have abandoned 125,000 people.
Advocated for the extension of circular railway into deprived areas of Karachi; minimal
resources generated by fees for services. Mostly voluntary contributions.
World Wide Fund for Nature – Pakistan: www.wwfpak.org; Lahore; conservation of

natural diversity through research, advocacy and project implementation; 1970; conservation
projects to protect ecologically representative regions. Support to local community initiatives
to conserve natural resources and ensure sustainable livelihoods. Developing a GIS database.
Promoting environmental education and communication; resources from WWF headquarters,
sale of products and various donor-funded projects.
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Annex 5 Major Donor Organisations in Pakistan

The information is presented below in the following format:
“Name: type of donor; country of origin; telephone number in Pakistan; sectoral focus
Actionaid Pakistan: international NGO; UK; +92.51.2264689; advocacy. Food security and
agriculture. Environment. Information dissemination and research. Human rights. Poverty
alleviation and community development.
Aga Khan Foundation: international NGO; Switzerland; +92.51.2276812; agriculture.

Poverty alleviation. Women. Environment. Information dissemination and research.
Education. Institution building and strengthening.
Asian Development Bank: multilateral agency; Phillipines; +92.51.2825011-7; agriculture.

Poverty alleviation. Development. Education. Infrastructure development. Disadvantaged
groups. Women. Institution building and strengthening. Credit. Environment. Information
dissemination.
Australian Agency for International Development: bilateral agency; Australia;

+92.51.2824345; advocacy. Children. Women. Development. Environment. Institution
building and strengthening. Agriculture. Communications. Poverty alleviation. Health.
Disadvantaged groups. Credit. Human rights. Education.
Canadian International Development Agency: bilateral agency; Canada; +92.51.2279138;

advocacy. Environment. Children. Culture. Drug demand reduction. Poverty alleviation.
Institution building and strengthening. Women. Communications and information
dissemination. Research. Development. Agriculture. Credit. Disadvantaged groups.
Education. Health. Governance. Emergency relief. Agriculture and food production. Energy.
Catholic Relief Services: international NGO; USA; +92.51.2254336-7; agriculture and food
production. Credit. Drug demand reduction. Environment. Human rights. Development.
Education. Health. Institution building and strengthening. Disadvantaged groups. Emergency
relief. Poverty alleviation. Human rights.
Church World Services: international NGO; USA; +92.21.7215604; advocacy. Children.

Culture. Drug demand reduction. Emergency relief. Human rights. Infrastructure
development. Agriculture. Environment. Communications and information dissemination.
Poverty alleviation. Institution building and strengthening. Credit. Disadvantaged groups.
Education. Health.
Commission of the European Community: multilateral agency; European Union;

+92.51.2271828; education. Environment. Health.
Department for International Development: bilateral agency; UK; +92.51.2822131;

advocacy. Children. Disadvantaged groups. Education. Health. Drug demand reduction.
Agriculture and food production. Environment. Poverty alleviation. Institution building and
strengthening. Development. Women. Youth. Research. Governance. Emergency relief.
Human rights.
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Embassy of Japan: embassy; Japan; +92.51.2279320; disadvantaged groups. Education.

Health. Drug demand reduction. Agriculture. Poverty alleviation. Institution building and
strengthening. Development. Women. Energy. Infrastructure development.
Food and Agriculture Organisation: multilateral agency; Italy; +92.51.2820238; health.

Agriculture and food production. Environment. Poverty alleviation. Institution building and
strengthening. Development. Women. Youth. Research. Emergency relief. Credit.
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung: international NGO; Germany; +92.51.2261074; business.

Governance. Women. Communications. Industrial relations. Economy. Infrastructure
development.
Friedrich Naumann Foundation: international NGO; Germany; +92.51.2278896; advocacy.

Communications. Environment. Institution building and strengthening. Development.
Governance. Human rights. Women. Children.
Hanns Seidel Foundation: international NGO; Germany; +92.51.2275568-9; advocacy.

Education. Business. Environment. Institution building and strengthening.
Heinrich Boll Foundation: international NGO; Germany; +92.42.6668640; ecology.

Religion. Education. Women. Human rights.
International Labor Organisation: multilateral agency; Switzerland; +92.51.2854804;

business and industrial relations. Development. Environment. Human rights. Research and
information dissemination. Children. Disadvantaged groups. Food production. Poverty
alleviation. Credit. Health. Institution building and strengthening. Youth.
Japan International Cooperation Agency: bilateral agency; Japan; +92.51.2829473-8;

agriculture and food production. Education. Business. Emergency relief. Health.
Environment. Development. Women.
Oxford Committee for Famine Relief – Great Britain/Ireland: international NGO; UK;
+92.51.4449790-1; emergency relief. Poverty alleviation. Disadvantaged groups. Institution
building and strengthening. Research and information dissemination. Education. Women.
Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund: national funding agency; Pakistan; +92.51.2253225;

poverty alleviation. Income generation and micro-enterprise. Small-scale physical
infrastructure. Women. Capacity building.
Plan International: international NGO; Spain; +92.51.2255591; agriculture and food

production. Children. Credit. Disadvantaged groups. Energy. Health. Education.
Infrastructure development. Women. Business. Culture. Environment. Human rights. Poverty
alleviation. Children. Community development. Emergency relief. Institution building and
strengthening. Research.
Save the Children - UK: international NGO; UK; +92.51.2279124-5; advocacy. Children.
Disadvantaged groups. Health. Research. Agriculture. Credit. Human rights. Development.
Environment. Institution building and strengthening.
Social Action Program: national government funding agency; Pakistan; +92.51.2279639-40;
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Pakistan
community mobilization. Social service delivery through community participation.

Improvement of existing social service delivery outlets in NGO sector. Development of
organisational and financial management capacity of CBOs and NGOs.
Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation: bilateral agency; Switzerland;

+92.51.2280151; advocacy. Children. Disadvantaged groups. Emergency relief. Education.
Health. Infrastructure development. Women. Agriculture and food production. Credit.
Environment. Poverty alleviation. Youth. Human rights. Institution building and
strengthening. Development.
Swiss NGO Program Office: international NGO; Switzerland; +92.51.2280151; agriculture

and food production. Environment. Development. Institution building and strengthening.
Research and information dissemination. Human rights. Poverty alleviation. Disadvantaged
groups. Credit.
The Asia Foundation: international NGO; USA; +92.51.2270590; advocacy. Democratization

and governance. Human rights. Environment. Development. Research and information
dissemination. Health. Education. International relations. Institution building and
strengthening. Poverty alleviation. Women.
The German Agency for Technical Cooperation: bilateral agency; Germany;

+92.51.2264161; business. Energy. Development. Environment. Education. Health.
The Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund of Japan: bilateral agency; Japan;

+92.51.2823116; advocacy. Credit. Business. Emergency relief. Infrastructure development.
Institution building and strengthening. Agriculture. Environment. Development. Poverty
alleviation. Education. Women.
The Royal Netherlands Embassy: embassy; Netherlands; +92.51.2279510; development.
The Royal Netherlands Embassy – Local Women Fund: embassy; Netherlands;

+92.51.2279510; women.
The World Bank: multilateral agency; USA; +92.51.2819781-6; development grants and
loans of all types.
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Trust for Voluntary Organisations: national funding agency; Pakistan; +92.51.9211399;

business. Disadvantaged groups. Agriculture and food production. Credit. Information
dissemination. Education. Health. Infrastructure development. Environment. Development.
Poverty alleviation. Institution building and strengthening.
United Nations Development Program: multilateral agency; USA; +92.51.2279165-74;

advocacy. Communications and research. Women (separate program on gender).
Disadvantaged groups. Governance. Agriculture. Poverty alleviation (separate program for
poverty alleviation and social sector). Credit. Education. Environment. Development.
Institution building and strengthening.
United Nations Development Program – LIFE: multilateral agency; USA; +92.51.2279165-

74; environment. Development. Energy. Sustainable development.
United Nations Development Program – Global Environment Facility: agriculture.

Environment. Disadvantaged groups. Research, communications and information
dissemination. Institution building and strengthening. Energy. Development. Women.
Education.
United Nations Educational, Scientific, Cultural Organisation: multilateral agency; France;

+92.51.2829452-3; advocacy. Communications and media. Research and information
dissemination. Children. Disadvantaged groups. Health. Education. Development.
Environment. Culture. Drug demand reduction. Human rights. Infrastructure development.
Institution building and strengthening. Women. Technology. Business. Youth. Emergency
relief. Energy. Poverty alleviation.
United Nations International Drug Control Program: multilateral agency; Austria;

+92.51.2279087-9; advocacy. Research and analysis. Drug demand reduction. Governance.
United Nations Population Fund: multilateral agency; USA; +92.51.2279084; advocacy.

Environment. Institution building and strengthening. Disadvantaged groups. Health.
Education. Human rights. Women.
World Food Program: multilateral agency; Italy; +92.51.2827150-2; agriculture and food
production. Disadvantaged groups. Environment. Institution building and strengthening.
Health. Education. Women. Emergency relief. Development. Infrastructure development.
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Annex 6 Timeline for Sustainable Development in

Pakistan
1980 – Orangi Pilot Project launched as a civil society initiative in an urban slum in
Karachi by Dr. Akhter Hamid Khan, based on his rural experiences in
Comilla in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). OPP’s initial work marked the
birth of community-based development on self-help basis in Pakistan, at
least in the contemporary discourse. OPP’s remarkable results in a short
time facilitated the trend of participatory development
1982 – Shoaib Sultan Khan initiated the Aga Khan Rural Support Program in
collaboration with the Aga Khan Foundation and Government of Pakistan.
Shoaib Sultan based his model on OPP’s principles, but with greater
emphasis on activating government line agencies for the development of
remote communities. AKRSP’s model of community organisation remains to
this date a foundation for other experiments in social organisation for SD.
AKRSP consciously avoids confrontation with state agencies, relying instead
on partnership, and has demonstrated significant, measurable outcomes.
The experiment was an inspiration for the National Rural Support Program,
Sarhad Rural Support Corporation (now “Program”), Balochistan Rural
Support Program and, recently, Punjab Rural Support Program
1983 – Environmental Protection Ordinance announced. This first seminal piece of

legislation formed a high-level Pakistan Environmental Protection Council
(PEPC, to be chaired by the head of government and expected to be the
highest decision-making body on environmental issues), the Pakistan and
four provincial Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA) and the first set of
National Environmental Quality Standards (NEQS). Since then, the PEPC
has been largely dormant and virtually defunct, despite consistent advocacy
by NGOs, including SDPI. The EPA’s suffer from severe capacity
constraints, particularly finances, and rely mostly on external projects and
impetus. The NEQS of 1983 were not implemented or generally adopted, but
went through various revisions
1985 – IUCN Pakistan program launched to assist the Government of Pakistan in

preparing a National Conservation Strategy in collaboration with WWF.
Since then the program has expanded many-fold, now implementing
conservation projects, advising government on environmental issues and
acting as a neutral platform for stakeholder dialogue and cooperation for SD
1986 – Ministry of Environment established in the federal government
1988 – SUNGI Development Foundation launched by Omar Asghar Khan in NWFP.

The organisation has increasingly begun to advocate for the rights of
disadvantaged rural communities vis-à-vis state agencies and development
planning. SUNGI has been a prime motivating force and leader in rights-
based advocacy by civil society, including through the formation of a number
of networks and alliances. SUNGI is now implementing grassroots
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development and conservation programs in four districts of Hazara division

of the province. Its work has been acknowledged by national and
international awards at various times
1989 – Idara-e-Kissan launched as a dairy cooperative, based on the intervention of

the Pattoki Livestock Production Project funded by GTZ five years earlier. IK
remains the most successful rural cooperative, and has resulted in improved
livestock production and marketing for poor farmers, yielding higher incomes
and overall welfare in four districts of central Punjab
1989 – National Conservation Strategy process initiated by the federal government

in response to the World Conservation Strategy. The decision launched a
massive momentum that brought environmental concerns to the forefront of
development planning, involving all levels of government, civil society and
academics
1990 – The process of formulating the NCS with wide civic consultations brings
environmental concerns into the mainstream of civil society and public sector
development efforts. Wide ranging consultations and academic involvement
generate a momentum that is yet to be replicated in SD policy making
1990 – ISO standardization adopted by some companies. While the number of

complying firms continues to increase, there are few incentives for
compliance, particularly in the national market. Standardization is not
required by law for many goods and services, and regulation is weak.
However, export-oriented industries such as leather and textiles are being
forced to “clean up” production processes to market their goods in
developing countries. Individual firms and industries continue to implement
minor processes to reduce pollution and make industrial production
environment-friendly. However, innovations are few and their collective
impact negligible
1992 – National Conservation Strategy adopted by the federal cabinet and submitted
to the world community at the Rio Summit. The Government of Pakistan also
submits an official report to the United Nations Conference on Environment
& Development at Rio de Janeiro. The report and the NCS are widely
acclaimed for their breadth and depth of analysis, as well as the political
commitment reflected
1992 – Provincial governments adopt Forestry Sector Master Plans to guide the
sustainable use and conservation of forest resources. However, since then
the Plans have been hardly implemented in letter or spirit
1992 – Sustainable Development Policy Institute initiated by Dr. Tariq Banuri in

collaboration with IUCN Pakistan to implement the policy research agenda of
the NCS. SDPI has established itself as a leading policy research and
advocacy organisation for SD, and represents civil society and Pakistan in
general at regional and international SD events. SDPI is implementing
projects for SD (such as Sustainable Industrial Development) and also
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Pakistan
offering policy advice based on research to government
1992 – Sustainable Development Networking Program established by Dr. Isa

Daudpota in collaboration with IUCN Pakistan and UNDP. SDNP launched
offline internet and e-mail services in Pakistan, consistently and successfully
advocating for opening up the “internet highway” in Pakistan, particularly for
SD organisations. SDNP provides web development and information access
services at subsidised rates to SD organisations, and has also initiated the
first internet portal website for SD in Pakistan. The program is now moving
from connectivity to information access for SD
1993 – Ecosystems and Biodiversity Action Program launched by Government of

Pakistan in compliance with the Forestry Sector Master Plans and Agenda
21. Again, implementation remained weak throughout
1993 – Environment Section created in the Planning Division of the federal

government to facilitate environmental vetting of all development projects
1993 – NEQS designed but not implemented
1993 – Social Action Plan Phase I launched as a social compensation for expected
short-term negative economic effects of structural adjustment with a
staggering outlay of Rs. 127.4 billion (over US$2 billion at 2001 exchange
rate) with 75% domestic contribution. SAP I focused on elementary
education, primary health, population planning, and rural water supply and
sanitation. The program aimed at effective social service delivery through
citizen participation. It failed miserably in realizing any outcomes, merely
generating a network of bricks and mortar
1993 – After the Rio Summit, civil society organisations begin to take a very active
role in international environmental events and advocacy, linking up with
global partners. SDPI continues to lead this involvement, but is
complemented by a number of civic actors in different fields of SD
1994 – SUNGI and other civil society development organisations begin to take a
much more active role in advocating on governance issues and democratic
participation as a pre-requisite to fulfilling SD commitments. State hostility to
the organised civic sector has resulted in frequent conflicts with the state
and powerful elements in Pakistani society. Partly as a result of SUNGI and
partly as a consequence of international linkages, advocacy-based
organisations begin to mushroom, particularly in deprived communities,
demanding basic civic and development rights.
By contrast, civil society organisations in general also begin to become more

“projectised,” relying on donor support for individual interventions. A debate
on donor dependence of NGOs begins in earnest in the country, and
alternative models are sought
1994 – Federal cabinet of the Government of Pakistan ratifies the Convention on
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Biological Diversity, two years after adopting it at Rio
1995 – Pakistan Environment Program launched to implement NCS by two

government agencies, IUCN and SDPI (funded by CIDA). The program has,
since then, concentrated on institutional capacity building and integration of
environmental issues in development planning and decision-making
1995 – Devastating floods in Punjab and Sindh spark government action in

collaboration with donors and civil society. However, most of the efforts are
relief-based, and do not build on rehabilitation. Environmental concerns
continue to be ignored in the response
1995 – Women’s and population organisations come together to build a dramatic

momentum for the Beijing Summit. Since then a network of civil society
organisations has been constantly monitoring Pakistan implementation of
official commitments and providing advice to government
1996 – Timber logging banned by law in all provinces. The ban ends up hurting poor
communities the most by affecting subsistence foragers in remote areas
1996 – Sarhad Provincial Conservation Strategy adopted by the provincial

Government of NWFP
1996 – Pakistan Standards and Quality Control Act passed by the National
Assembly. Minimal consumer protection offered, and even that is not
implemented. The Pakistan Standards Institute standardised only 41
consumer items, while the new Authority created by the Act is yet to be
made functional
1997 – Pakistan Environmental Protection Act (PEPA) adopted by the National

Assembly. PEPA involved wide-ranging negotiations between public and
civic sectors. PEPA provides for mandatory environmental screening of
development projects and limits on industrial pollution. The Act complements
various provincial wildlife conservation laws and rules providing legal cover
to protected areas since 1974
1997 – Social Action Plan Phase II launched with a still larger investment of Rs.
498.8 billion (over US$8 billion at 2001 exchange rate) with 80% domestic
contribution. SAP II incorporated the same sectors as SAP I but this time
with a focus on institutional capacity building and civil society involvement.
Again, physical infrastructure development proceeded at almost 100%
achievement while policy reforms failed and there has been no marked
improvement in social indicators as a result
1997 – Civil society unites on different platforms to oppose the exploration for oil and
natural gas by Premier in Pakistan’s oldest designated national park: Kirthar.
While legislation expressly prohibits such activities in national parks, the
government begins negotiations to grant the concession and possibly amend
the law to enable exploration and mining. Shell joins Premier, and civic
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Pakistan
organisations then appeal to the courts, while also engaging with the oil
companies and government to promote conservation in line with legislation,
national environmental imperatives and international commitments. While it
is now clear that the concession will be made, the case of Kirthar National
Park succeeded in bringing the conservation-development debate center-
stage, built up civil society linkages and established that governance and the
rule of law are essential to SD
1998 – Biodiversity Action Plan adopted by the Government after one and a half
years of research and wide-ranging consultations. The goal of BAP is “to
promote the conservation and sustainable use of Pakistan’s biodiversity and
the equitable sharing of benefits thereof, for the wellbeing and security of the
nation.” BAP focuses on policy frameworks and programs to create
conditions conducive to sustainable use. The Plan proposes federal and
provincial institutions to launch and monitor CBD and Agenda 21 compliance
mechanisms. A CBD cell is created in the Ministry of Environment
1998 – Select industries collaborate with SDPI and EPA to implement Self-
Monitoring and Reporting guidelines for industrial pollution based on the
NEQS. SDPI continues to provide technical support for the program, and the
results have been encouraging. The pollution charge to be paid on effluents
and emissions beyond the standards have been determined by industry itself
1999 – NEQS refined and adopted by the federal government on self-monitoring

basis. SDPI plays an active role in bringing stakeholders together to adopt
the NEQS and develop a voluntary compliance mechanism
1999 – NGOs lead civil society in advocacy against WTO aspects, particularly
related to agriculture and intellectual property rights. Linkages are
established with many international groups, but national impact is
significantly reduced by the perception of donor dependence of NGOs and
their lack of grassroots linkages. Civil society participates in the Seattle
Ministerial, joining advocacy groups in a successful campaign to stall
government negotiations for a new WTO round
1999 – Many civil society organisations decide to cooperate with the military
government that imposed rule in October 1999. A leading civic activist joins
the government as a federal minister and many others take office as staff or
consultants in key agencies. Despite their involvement, significant outcomes
are yet to be seen. However, direct and indirect cooperation with the military
regime in itself is a watershed in civil society evolution, and will define civic-
government relations for SD in the future
2000 – National Conservation Strategy Mid-Term Review presented to the

government
2000 – Deep Sea Fishing Policy adopted by the federal cabinet al.though the policy
mentions sustainable fishing as a principle, there are few incentives to small
fishers and many more to industrial large-scale trawling
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2001 – Balochistan Conservation Strategy adopted by the provincial government of

Balochistan. IUCN continues to work with the Government of Northern Areas
to produce a Northern Areas Conservation Strategy
2001 – Devolution of Power plan implemented with fully functional elected and
administrative local government. Local governments suffer from a lack of
clearly defined authorities and responsibilities, as well as a lack of funds.
There is general skepticism of the utility of the Plan, partly as a result of
capture of power by local elite and partly due to research that suggests that
the basic pre-requisites for devolution are not in place, such as secure
tenure and ownership rights and land reforms
2001 – National forest policy revision initiated. The new forest policy is expected to
institutionalise more community and civil society participation, as well as
focus on development issues such as population and poverty pressures on
forests
2001 – Ministry of Environment approves the preparation of a National

Environmental Action Plan in collaboration with UNDP. The overarching
framework is expected to tie in with numerous other macro policy initiatives,
such as the Poverty Reduction Strategy, Biodiversity Action Plan, and
commitments under CBD. However, the conditionalities under the Poverty
Reduction Growth Facility provided by the International Monetary Fund is
likely to take policy precedence over social and environment-focused
initiatives, and hence will be the determining factor in policy planning and
decision making
2001 – Financial misappropriations and lack of implementation in SAP Phases I and

II unearthed by ADB and others. SAP I and II are now widely regarded as
having failed to meet their objectives, and the revelations have forced
governance and corruption issues to the forefront of development planning
2001 – Pakistan Protected Area System Review and Action Plan prepared by
independent technical consultants under the CIDA-funded Pakistan
Environment Program, particularly with IUCN Pakistan. The document
provides a comprehensive stock-taking and ruthless analysis of protected
areas in the country, concluding that 169 of 227 protected areas are
inappropriately defined. It also provides an introduction to protected area
system planning by the government and other stakeholders
368

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C IVI C

Volume I: A Global Synthesis

Volume II: Africa Report

Volume III: Latin America Report

Volume IV: South Asia Report

Volume V: Southeast Asia Report

Volume VI: West Asia and North Africa Report

Volume VII: Central and Eastern Europe Report

GANDHARA ACADEMY PRESS

Visit our website at: http://seib.org/

United Nations Environment Programme

Visit our website at: http://www.unep.org

The RING Regional and International Networking Group

Visit our website at: http://www.ring-alliance.org

First Published 2002

Cover Design: Khalid Mazhar Ali

Stockholm Environment Institute – Boston Center

© Copyright 2002 Stockholm Environment Institute

ISBN: 0-9722919-3-8 (Volume IV)

Editorial Advisory Board

– Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General

The World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) is a good moment in time to

I am grateful to Dr. Tariq Banuri of the Stockholm Environmental Institute-Boston for

United Nations Under-Secretary General and Executive Director, United Nations

Chapter One: South Asia 1

Chapter Two: Bangladesh 71

Chapter Four: Pakistan 269

Chapter Two: Bangladesh

Chapter Four: Pakistan

Chapter Two: Bangladesh

Chapter Three: India

Chapter Four: Pakistan

Chapter Four: Pakistan

Development Alternatives (DA)

BCAS Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies

BSCIC Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation

BOI Board of Investment

CBFM Community-Based Fisheries Management

CSO Civil Society Organisation

EIA Environmental Impact Assessment

EMS Environment Management System

ETPI Environment Technology Program for Industry

GEO Global Environmental Outlook

GIS Geographic Information Systems

GoB Government of Bangladesh

GPS Global Positioning System

HDI Human Development Index

IDRC International Development Research Centre

LIFE Local Initiative Facility for Urban Environment

MoEF Ministry of Environment and Forest

NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development

NCS National Conservation Strategy

NEMAP National Environmental Management Action Plan

NRA Natural Resource Accounting

OPP Orangi Pilot Project

RRA Rapid Rural Appraisal

SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute

SEI-B Stockholm Environmental Institute – Boston

SEWA Self-Employed Women’s Association

SME Small and Medium Enterprise

SMAR Self-Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism

TTSID Technology Transfer for Sustainable Industrial Development

UNEP United Nations Environment Program