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Introduction The concept of critical pedagogy (CP) has been around in the E LT profession
for almost two decades (Canagarajah 2005), but it has only been relatively
recently that we have seen heightened interest in its principles and practical
implications. Most of the discussion on CP has been limited to its rationale
and not much has been done to bring it down to the actual world of
classroom practice, for which it was originally intended. The present paper
seeks to present a snapshot of CP by delineating its principles and
suggesting some areas of application for L2 practitioners.
What is CP? Unlike most of the other concepts and ideas one encounters in the literature
on L2 teaching, CP is not a theory, ‘but a way of ‘‘doing’’ learning and
teaching’ (Canagarajah op.cit.: 932), or borrowing Pennycook’s (2001)
terminology, it is teaching with an attitude. What critical pedagogues are
after is the transformation of society through education, including language
teaching.
CP deals with questions of social justice and social change through
education. Critical pedagogues argue that educational systems are
reflections of the societal systems within which they operate, and since in all
social systems we have discrimination and marginalization in terms of race,
social class, or gender (Giroux 1983), the same biases are reproduced in
educational systems. In other words, the same people who have the power to
make decisions in society at large are the ones who also have the power to
design and implement educational systems, and consequently, their ideas
and values get accepted and promoted while the values and ideas of others
Transforming classes Culture has always been treated as an indispensable part of any language
Base your teaching teaching/learning situation and in fact it has been used as a source of
on students’ local content for many language teaching coursebooks. Most cultural content,
culture however, has been from the target language, since the justification has been
that those who want to learn a new language want to communicate with the
users of that language, and successful communication would be impossible
without familiarity with the cultural norms of the society with whose
speakers the learner is trying to forge bonds. This assumption, of course,
holds true for those groups of learners who want to migrate to countries
such as the US or UK for work or study. The reality in which many other
language learners find themselves, nevertheless, is different (McKay 2003).
English has now turned into an international language, and due to the scope
of its application both geographically and communicatively, it has developed
certain features which are not part of any specific national character. In
other words, English has become de-nationalized and re-nationalized as
a result of its spread as the world lingua franca (Sridhar and Sridhar 1994;
Seidlhofer 2001). In this international situation, most of the
communication carried out in English is between people who are
themselves the so-called non-native speakers of English and with a distinct
Regard learners’ L1 The common practice in L2 professional literature has been the rejection of
as a resource to be learners’ L1 as a negative force which will slow down their progress by
utilized interfering with L2 development. Teachers have been advised to conduct
their classes in the target language to minimize this negative effect and give
students ample practice opportunities in gaining mastery over L2 features.
However, from a scientific perspective, there is not much evidence available
in support of the total banishment of learners’ L1, and in fact there might be
cases to the contrary. In other words, a learner’s first language can be
regarded as an asset that can facilitate communication in the L2 and as part
of her communicative experience on which to base her L2 learning. For
example, L1 can be successfully used to maintain discipline in the classroom
or to provide instruction for certain activities. It can also be used for
explaining delicate grammar points or abstract vocabulary items (Cook
2001). The rationale for the total exclusion of L1 from classes, therefore,
must be sought mostly in the political/economic dimensions of L2 teaching
and the inability of native English teachers to utilize the mother tongue
potential of their learners.
A note of caution, however. The call for the use of learners’ L1 in the
classroom does not necessarily mean that it can be used as the language
of instruction. An L2 class is primarily designed to provide a setting for
learners to be exposed to the features of the language they are trying to learn,
and an opportunity to practise the use of those features. The focus of
attention, therefore, must be on the L2, while allowing for a more liberal use
of the L1 to facilitate communication and comprehension.
Include more of CP takes the ‘local’ as its point of departure, and local here includes the
students’ real-life overall actual life experiences and needs of learners. Learners’ needs in CP
concerns are defined not just linguistically or in terms of tasks, but in terms of the
purposes they serve in the social mobility and activism of students.
CP, in fact, would object to a blanket approach to syllabus design where all
students are assumed to have a common set of communicative goals. In CP
there is no separation between the communicative needs of learners and
who they are socially and politically, which means that what students are
taught will differ widely depending on their locale and linguistic, economic,
ethnic, as well as political affiliations. In other words, in a critically inspired
pedagogy, rural students’ needs are different from those of urban centres,
minorities have needs which diverge from those of the majority, and haves
and have-nots need different types of instructional material and approaches.
Commercially produced coursebooks, which form the backbone of
instruction in many mainstream language teaching contexts, lack the
required sensitivity to be able to address such concerns.
A problem of commercially produced coursebooks, in other words, is their
disregard for the localness of learning and learning needs. Most such books
make use of a language which is considered to be aspirational (Gray 2001),
where most of the language introduced deals with the needs and concerns
of middle and upper classes; in most of the dialogues of such books the
interlocutors talk about issues which are far removed from the lives of many
learners. While learners might have needs related to finding a part-time job,
extending their visa for another year or term, or negotiating their status as
a refugee (Baynham 2006), participants in coursebook dialogues worry
about where to spend their vacation, how people celebrate Mardi Gras, or
what to wear for a friend’s party. An example of how local concerns can be
incorporated in a typical English syllabus may clarify the issue further.
In Iran there are still regions that are contaminated by landmines; these
landmines are the leftovers of eight years of war with Iraq. Each year
hundreds of people get killed or are wounded by these landmines, and most
of the victims are children and adolescents. Iran’s Ministry of Education, in
Make your learners The majority of students who come to English classes do so because most of
aware of issues faced their basic needs in Maslow’s hierarchy have been met and they are now
by marginalized aiming at more social respectability and higher levels of self-actualization.
groups In other words, they mostly belong to the middle or upper classes of their
society. Such learners, by virtue of their social position, are unaware of the
way the majority of their society’s citizens negotiate their day-to-day lives or
even their survival; CP can provide the needed insight for such learners so
that through social activism they can transform the lives of those who are
marginalized and help them attain better economic and social conditions.
The majority of coursebooks used for English instruction have been
anesthetized to make them politically and socially harmless for an
international audience. Most publishers advise coursebook writers to follow
a set of guidelines to make sure that controversial topics are kept out of their
books. One such set of guidelines is summarized as P A R S N IP (Gray 2001),
which stands for Politics, Alcohol, Religion, Sex, Narcotics, Isms, and
Pornography. As a result, most coursebooks deal with neutral, apparently
harmless topics such as food, shopping, or travel. However, there are many
groups in any society which are driven to the margins exactly because their
political, behavioural, or belief systems are in conflict with those of the
mainstream groups and they are consequently denied certain rights or
opportunities.
In addition to some guidelines (or maybe we can say ‘redlines’) provided by
publishers, some coursebook producers and writers either intentionally or
unintentionally set themselves restrictions in refusing to recognize and
represent certain groups of people who might not fit in exactly with the
expectations of their middle and upper class language learning clients. For
example, poverty in the learners’ immediate society is not normally treated,
and if poverty is dealt with in a coursebook, it is usually with respect to a far
away country or continent and groups of people with whom the learners
can hardly identify. Missing also in most coursebooks are people who are
invisible due to their psychological or physical abnormalities; one can hardly
find any lessons dealing with the plight of amputees or the disabled, and if
Conclusion CP is about the relationship between the word and the world (Freire 1973), or
how the world of ideas in education relates to the world of reality in society.
In a sense, CP is about the messy, unpleasant aspects of social life and the