Vous êtes sur la page 1sur 13

ria permana sari (st 111366)

“Women's empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all
spheres of society, including participation in the decision-making process and access
to power, are fundamental for the achievement of equality, development and peace.”
(Beijing Declaration, 1995)

Gender quotas in election can be a means to boost women’s participation in

politics. This is in line with the international agenda for women’s advancement in all

spheres, as mention in the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and also Beijing Platform for Action 1995.

Now gender quota seems became ‘fever’, which is followed by several countries in

the world.

In Indonesia, the regulation on gender quota for the first time is introduced on

2003 through Law number 23/ 2003. New law on Legislative General Election (Law

number 10/2008) and Political Party (Law number 2/2008) also regulated gender

quota. Mentioned on that law, every political party should ensure at lease 30% quota

of women representatives in the process of establishment, as well as in the board

structures. Furthermore, a political party could participate in 2009 general election if

there were at least 30% women in the party’s board. But, that regulation seems as

just a symbolic sign, since not followed by clear regulated implementation as well as

sanction for non-compliance.

Although there are pro contra related with gender quota, I agree that gender

quotas in election should be used in my country. I stand for that argument because

of several reasons. First, gender quota is an affirmative action for women as a

compensation of women’s discrimination in politics. Affirmative action defined by

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


Roberta Ann Johnson as “a generic term for programmes which take some kind of

initiative either voluntarily or under the compulsion of law, to increase, maintain, or

rearrange the number or status of certain group members usually defined by race or

gender, within a larger group” (Bacchi, 1994). So, gender quota as an affirmative

action for women can be understood as a positive discrimination to women in order

to eliminate inequalities in politics, it also the fastest way to involve more women in

politics, since politics is very male dominated.

In case of Indonesia, under the constitution, as well as men, women are having

equal opportunity in politics, but due to social and cultural constraints as well as

gender discrimination, women having less participation in politics. Meaning that

although having same opportunity but the starting condition between woman and

man are different. There are some barriers that limit women to participate in politics.

Strong patriarchy culture makes man are considered as a leader and woman as

follower as well as gender bias in religion interpretation (especially Islam as the

majority religion group in Indonesia and generally Muslim in Indonesia followed

patriarchy social system and culture). For example fatwa anti women leader by

ulama in East Jave related with Megawati Soekarnoputri’s nomination as the

president of Republic Indonesia (Netherland Radio, 2004). The divide of public and

private sphere also becomes another constraint to women in entering political

sphere. Politics as public sphere is considered as man domain, while women are

always linked with private sphere. When woman try to enter politics which is consider

as public sphere the society considered as a taboo. Also the notion that politics is

dirty and not appropriate for women makes them having less contribution in politics

actively.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


Those conditions are described by Bessel (2004), that the barriers preventing

women’s representation in parliament were a combination of the New Order gender

ideology, religious values and women’s stereotype. The notion of ibuism (housewife-

ization) has reinforced Indonesian women’s duties as wife, mother, financial

manager of the household and member of the society. That gender ideology was

strongly maintained in the New Order era and assigns women roles in the domestic

sphere as mother and wives, and further voter may internalize the idea that politics is

not suitable to women.

Those situations have placed men in the privileged position in the society, and

create unequal opportunity between man and woman in politics also makes politics

very much male dominated. Moreover, the political party also prefers to nominate

men rather than women. So gender quota is the compensation to women due to

some barriers and discrimination that they face in political sphere.

Second, having gender quota will breakdown negative views of women, and

also allowing them demonstrating their capabilities. As mentioned before that

different with men, women face difficulties in entering political sphere because of

gender discrimination. According to Carli (1999) gender differences in power give

women real consequences, since men have greater access to social or interpersonal

power than women do. Interpersonal or social power can be defined as “having the

potential to influence or control others or having control over valued resources or

outcomes, and based on that definition, power is derived from the structural and

external advantages of one group or individual over another” (Carli, 1999). Men are

assumed having that power, and as the consequence women are acknowledged

less competent than men and men’s opinion is more preferable and take into

consideration.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


The negative views of women not only come from the political party or political

actor but also from the voter. As the result women did not get opportunity, even if

women having the same competency as men, men are more preferable rather than

women. Through gender quota, women can get opportunity to show their skill and

competence. Furthermore, it will breakdown the negative stereotype that women less

competent than men.

Third, gender quota ensures equal representation between women and men in

the politics. Related with this, Phillips (1998) stated that “democracy has become

largely a matter of representing particular policies or programmes or ideas, is should

be leaves a question why the sex of the representatives should matter.” So, quota

can be quick means to reach equal representation between women and men in the

politics.

During the New Order era, the highest percentage of women representatives in

parliament only 13% in 1987, and the number was dropped in 1992; also in the

reformation era in 1997 and 1999. Comparing to the total number of women,

118.048.783 from 237.556.363 of total population or almost 50% (BPS, 2010), with

less number of women as a representatives indicate a phenomenon of under

representation of women in the number of parliament member, since there are only

18,04% women in parliament. Along with the Indonesia’s history women are floating

mass that used by the political party, since there are big number of women voter. But

only few number of women involve actively in politics (parliament), meaning that

women just supporter and their needs is less or even not being address in politics.

Refer to the democracy system and parliament is the manifestation of

representation of the society since difficult to enacted direct democracy within the

state, as the representative of the society the position should be distributed among

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


sexes and across all the ethnic groups that make up the society. But, in the practice,

men are monopolizing representation. Refer to Htun, gender quota can be a way in

translating legal equality between women and men into de facto equality by

guaranteeing women’s presence in leadership in the immediate term (Aggio, 2001).

The political representation also important, since women’s right still not getting

enough attention and women are marginalized in the decision making process. If

everybody is agree with equal participation, why not for equal representation?

Fourth, quota will increase number of women in parliament and lead to

women’s effective contribution, also can minimize stress that often experienced by

the token women. Increasing number of women in parliament will lead to the

women’s contribution, since women are not likely having significant contribution in

parliament unless the women’s representatives increase from a few token individuals

into a considerable minority or reach critical mass number of all legislators (Childs et

all, 2008). Related with token phenomenon, Kanter (1977) explained that because of

their few number comparing with male peers and often had ‘only woman’ status, they

become tokens or symbol of how women can do, stand-ins for all women. That

phenomenon also mentioned by Staudt (1998), that a lone woman is burdened by

prejudice in committee and institutional settings. She having a pressure to be better

rather than men politician and what she did then people will assumed or linkage with

women as a whole.

Those conditions put stress to the women’s representatives and make them

under pressure. By increasing number of women in parliament can reduce that

stress and also feel of being isolated. It will open up the opportunity for the women to

form supportive alliance, so they can give support to each other as well as give

significant impact to the gender friendly policy change and influence their male

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


colleagues. “Women’s contribution is depending on the willingness and ability of the

minority to mobilize the resources of the organization or institution to improve the

situation for themselves” (Dahlerup, 1988). So, women can give impact beyond their

token status if they form alliances and try to make changes.

Fifth, women’s experience is needed in the political sphere. Gender diversity in

the parliament will give significant impact on the parliament’s output. It is because

women and men having different experience (because of socio-biologic), and

influence the way they looking at the problem. Since women and men will look at the

problem differently, it will enrich the discussion in the parliament and influence when

creating a law because women would bring a different set of values, experiences

and expertise to politics and enriching political life (Aggio, 2001). I realized that

women are not single category and they may vary in responding gender issue, but at

least they share one in common, which is they need improved access to every

sphere. And the increase number of women representatives will increase the

chances for a qualitative improvement of representativeness related with women

interests. Since parliament plays significant role in the political game and also

decision making process, by having more women in parliament will make greater

opportunity having gender friendly policy.

At least, gender quota can increase women’s participation in politics. Since

gender quota in election will increase the number of women in parliament, then there

will be some good women politician. With a good track-record in parliament can be

their ladder to step in the political hierarchy. Furthermore they will be role model to

other women, since there is lack of role model for women in politics so by having role

model will increase women’s participation in politics. It based on this argument, when

more women candidates are elected, their example is said to raise women’s self

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


esteem, encourage others to follow in their footsteps and dislodge deep-rooted

assumption on what is appropriate to women and men (Phillips, 1998).

Beside the positive things of gender quota in election, there are also some

downsides. First, gender quota in election is not automatically promoting gender

equity, since it not automatically leads to remove all of the barriers for women involve

in politics. Gender quota might bring women in into politics, but it does not mean

changing the dynamic of the process that still gender bias and male dominated.

Although women can participate in politics, but there is a tendency women

representatives are concentrated in the commission that dealing with social, health,

family and education. Based on IPU report 2008 (Soetjipto, 2010), Sweden with 48%

women representatives but they are mostly concentrated in education and health

compare with defense commission and men that mostly in the economic and finance

commission. In case of Indonesia, Galligan and Tremblay (2005) mentioned the

strong patriarchal culture in political, while they often having a women’s branch, but

the most part heavily male dominated. Even if women reach positions of authority

within party structure, they tend to be excluded from the informal power structure

where ‘real’ decisions are made (Galligan & Tremblay, 2005). Meaning that even if

political party increase their female member, but still a tendency to prevent women in

influencing their political agenda and also in terms of decision making process.

Related with money as the biggest obstacles of the politician (both women and

men), it will give preference to the one who have financial support. Because men

having more resources and network, so it can support them financially, also ‘old boy’

network without clear regulation in quota system, can hamper women entering

politics since men will be in the top of electoral rank list. In Indonesia, although the

General Election Law regulated zipper system, but in the implementation many

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


women candidate are placed in the final sequence of multiple 3, for example 3, 6, 9,

etc (WRI, 2008). This will be happen if gender quota in election applies mechanism

of reservation of candidates system by ensuring given minimum number of female

candidates.

Within the quota system the stigmatization of women politician might be

increase. It is related with the difficulties face by women politician in combining family

life, work life and politics would the severe obstacle to women, i.e. unsocial working

hour, less social support from the family and also lack of child care facilities.

Second, having more women representatives does not mean they will promote

more gender friendly policy to improve women’s condition. Related with this, Krook

(2006) argued that women who elected through quota may not pursue women-

friendly policy change, since it is gender quota (sex quota?), which try to increase

women’s number in politics and not related with the obligation to change policy

outcome. Meaning that, it is not because a person a woman than she will

automatically try to pursue gender sensitive policy.

There is also a tendency of the possibility of internal conflict, since women

became the representative through political party as their vehicles. As the

consequence, the agenda and political party interest will more dominant rather than

women’s interest. If the political party did not have commitment on gender

mainstreaming, it would be difficult to accommodate women’s interest. Moreover the

culture within the political party still put the power to the political party official (which

is male dominated), especially in the central level. As the result the candidate will

prefer to take ‘the safe way’ for the shake of her/ his political career, since criticize

the political party will give negative effect to her/ his career.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


Third, women who elected through quota might be seen as token women or

they just symbolic representation. That condition particularly face if the women

elected have no power base in a constituency of their own or in the parties or in

strong movement outside the political institutions (Dahlerup, 2005). Moreover, there

might be tendency of the political party to nominate women who they will able to

manage. Anna Balletbo - former MP, Spain - (Dahlerup, 2005) mentioned that “since

it is men who are opening up these spaces, they will seek out women who they will

able to manage, who will more easily accept the hegemony of men”. In case of

Indonesia, the intern policy of political party to female candidate in particular (and

female member in general) is not serious or half-hearted. There is a tendency that

women are supported as a tool to fulfill the quota requirement in the first step and in

the next step support is given to the men candidates (WRI, 2008).

Fourth, gender quota ignoring merit principal, and there will be a tendency to

elevate under-qualified women to power. As a result it did not influence the

consisting condition of gender inequality and gender discriminatory, furthermore it

can give bad effect on women’s effort, because by gender quota seems giving

women free pass ticket to enter politics without considering their capability (even if

she has the capability). It also will make a notion that women can goes to parliament

because of ‘quota’ not because of her capability. Goetz and Hassim (Dahlerup,

2006) mentioned the example of Uganda, that gender quota that giving seat for

women, removing them form normal competition for ward councilor seat and making

them ‘seem lesser competition.

Moreover if the women’s candidates did not take effort to influence gender

mainstreaming in parliament, then it will make the level of trust to the women

representatives will be decreased. As a result it can lead to backlash in the society,

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


giving woman quota but the representatives are not qualified. So why did not give

that chance to qualified man or even feminist man?

In order to eliminated or decreased the downside of gender quota in election,

and since gender quota is an affirmative action, meaning that it is temporary not for

permanent period (when women can have equal access and opportunity with men as

well as no gender discrimination and socio-cultural barrier, then there will be no

gender quota) so there should be an effort to reach it.

First, Quota is not the final goal, but there should be followed by engendering

politics. Meaning that, the structure and political system including in political party

should be gender friendly. Political party should have serious commitment on gender

mainstreaming. Even the based on law regulated gender quota in election, but the

political party still did not realized the importance of women participation in politics.

So, important to review and engender internal regulation of political party, program

and another policy within the political party. This is important since the political

parties are the gatekeeper to gender balance in political decision making, as

mentioned by Dahlerup (2008) that political party control ‘the secret garden of

nomination’ (Dahlerup, 2008).

The importance of engendering political parties is also because the

representatives come from political party, so women representation in politics and

gender equity agenda is based on the sincerity and political will of the political party

and its elite. It also include how the political party distributed women representatives,

and not giving them position in the committee which is identical with women’s

stereotype, i.e. culture, social welfare, etc but giving less opportunity in the

committee of finance, security, etc.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


Since gender quota in election might be due to the pressure from international

actors and domestic activists, so that action may not followed by change in the

normative believe. Changing in political situation should be complemented with the

changing in socio-economic as well.

Second, give political education to the women. Political education can be given

by political party, women organizations, etc. This is important in order to improve the

capacity and knowledge of women so they would be qualified to be elected. The

political education also includes knowledge about gender, so they will have gender

sensitiveness and when they are elected they will promote gender policy. Gender

sensitiveness in political education should be given not only to the women but also to

the men as well, so both women and men will promote gender friendly policy. It is

also important not only in terms of candidate but also voter, so they will vote for the

candidate who promote gender program.

Political party as one pier of democracy has function to conduct education,

recruitment and political socialization. In order to do it, there should be give greater

opportunity to the women in learning practical politics by giving or placing them in the

strategic position and involving them in the policy making process.

Gender quotas are not ‘only’ about giving opportunity to the women, but also

related with relationship between the citizen and the state, conception of

representative democracy and also power. It can be translated as a step towards

(not the final ends) providing real equality of opportunity rather than equality in result.

Meaning that gender quota should be followed by another effort to increase gender

equity.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


References

Aggio, Carlos. (2001). ‘Lady Leaders’. The Case of Quotas for Women’s
Representation in Argentina. Retrieved March 20, 2011. Website
www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/beijing12/argentinawip.pdf.  
Bessel, S. (2004). Women in Parliament in Indonesia. Discussion paper in Policy
and Governance. Asia Pacific School of Economics and Government.
Australian National University. Retrieved March 15, 2011. Website
http://www.apseg.anu.edu.au.
Bryson, Valerie. (2003). Feminist Political Theory: An Introduction (Second
Edition).New York: Palgrave.
Childs, Sarah and Mona Lena Krook. (2008). Critical Mass Theory and Women’s
Political Representation. Journal of Political Studies, Vol 56, pp. 725-736.
Cleary, Matthew R., (2010). Gender Quotas in Europe and Latin America. Seminar
in the Government Department at Cornell University. Retrieved March 23,
2011
Dahlerup, Drude and Lenita Freidenvall (2005). Quota as a ‘Fast Tract’ to Equal
Representation for Women. International Feminist Journal of Politics. Vol 7:1,
pp. 26-48.
_______ et all. (2008). Electoral Gender Quota Systems and Their Implementation in
Europe. Brussels: European Parliament.
_______. (2002). Quotas – A Jump to Equality? The Need for International
Comparisons of the Use of Electoral Quotas to Obtain Equal Political
Citisenship for Women. Regional Workshop on the Implementation of Quotas:
Asian Experiences. Retrieved April 9, 2011. Website
http://www.quotaproject.org/CS/CS_Comparative.pdf.
_______. (2003). Comparative Studies of Electoral Gender Quotas. International
IDEA Workshop: The Implementation of Quotas: Latin American Experiences.
Retrieved March 23, 2011. Website
http://www.equalvoice.ca/pdf/CS_Dahlerup_25-11-2003.pdf.
_______. (2005). Increasing Women’s Political Representation: New Trends in
Gender Quotas. In Dahlerup, Drude. Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers.
Retrieved March 25, 2011, from
http://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/upload/4._Increasing_Women's_Political
_Representation.pdf, download at March 25, 2011.
_______. (2006). Women’s Quota and Politics. New York: Routledge.
_______. (2007). Between Equality of Opportunity and Equality of Result.
Representation, vol 43, No. 2, pp. 73 – 92. London: Routledge.
Galligan, Yvonne and Manon Tremblay (eds). (2005). Sharing Power: Women,
Parliament, Democracy. Hampsire: Ashgate Publishing.
IDEA. (2002). Women in Parliament: Beyond Number (in Bahasa Indonesia),
Jakarta: IDEA.
Indonesia Statistical Bureau. “Population Census Result 2010” (in Bahasa
Indonesia). Retrieved March 27, 2011. Website http://bps.go.id.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights


Kanter, Rosabeth Moss Kanter. (1977). Chapter 4: Men and Women of the
Corporation. In Kanter, Men and Women of the Corporation (pp 34-48). New
York: Basic Books.
Krook, Mona Lena. (2006). Gender Quotas, Norms and Politics. Politics and Gender
2. No. 1, pp.110-118.
Lovenduski, Joni. (2005). Feminizing Politics. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Marzilli, Alan (ed). (2004). Affirmative Action. Philadelphia: Chelsea House.
Momsen, Janet. (2010). Gender and Development (second edition). London:
Routledge.
Netherland Radio, 2004, in Deby Prabawati, Quo Vadis Perempuan dalam Politik.
Retrieved April 11, 2011. Website
http://www.docstoc.com/docs/20427843/QUO-VADIS-PEREMPUAN-DALAM-
POLITIK-Oleh-Debbie-Prabawati-I.
Palmer, Barbara and Dennis Simon. (2006). Breaking the Political Glass Ceiling:
Women and Congressional Elections. New York: Routledge.
Phillips, Anne. (1991). Engendering Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press.
_______. (1998). Democracy & Representation: Or Why Should it Matter Who Our
Representatives Are. In Anne Phillips, Feminism and Politics (pp. 224-240).
New York: Oxford University Press.
Randall, Vicky and Georgina Waylen (eds). (1998). Gender, Politics and the State.
London: Routldege.
Ratnawati (2004). The Picture of Women’s Quota in Parliament (in Bahasa
Indonesia), Journal of Social and Political Sciences, Vol 7, No. 3, pp. 295 –
313.
Soetjipto, Ani et all. (2010). Gender Mainstreaming in the Parliament: Research on
House of Representative and Regional Representative Council 2004-2009 (in
Bahasa Indonesia). Jakarta: UNDP Indonesia.
Staudt, Kathleen. (1998). Policy, Politics and Gender, West Hartford Conn:
Kumarian.
Strolovitch, Dora. (2007). Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class and Gender in Interest
Group Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
UNDP Indonesia. (2010). Women’s Participation in Politics and Government in
Indonesia: A Policy Paper
WRI. (2008). Delphi Panel: Women and Politics in the Local Autonomy Era in
Indonesia (Quota and Decentralization) (in Bahasa Indonesia). Jakarta: WRI.
Retrieved April 9, 2011. Website http://wri.or.id/id/penelitian/Penelitian
%20Politik%20dan%20Perempuan?q=id/penelitian%20politik%20dan
%20perempuan/Delphi%20Panel%3A%20Perempuan%20dan%20Politik
%20dalam%20Era%20Otonomi%20Daerah%20di%20Indonesia.
Yanto, Oksidelfa. (2009). General Election 2009: Women Political Legitimacy (in
Bahasa Indonesia). Journal of Community Dynamics. Vol. VII, No. 2, pp. 1453
– 1465.

ED75.11 Gender Politics, Civil Society and Human Rights

Vous aimerez peut-être aussi