Help Seeking Behavior in Learning

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Chapter2
Help-Seeking Behavior in Learning
SHARONNELSON-LEGALL
Universityof Pittsburgh
Learning is rarely a completely asocial enterprise. Learners are

influenceddirectlyand indirectlyby their social and culturalenvironment,
so that the why, what, when, where, and how of learningare not always
decidedby the individualalone. Becauselearninginvolveseffectingchanges
in the individual'sknowledgestate and skill repertoire,it is not surprising
that learnersmay seek help from others in order to effect such changes.
Help-seeking has become a topic of growing interest for educators and
psychologists concerned with the development and enhancement of
children'sactive learning skills. Indeed, many scholarsconsider that the
ability to utilize adults and peers appropriatelyas resourcesto cope with
difficultiesencounteredin learningsituationsis one of the most important
skills childrencan cultivate (Anderson & Messick, 1974;Nelson-Le Gall,
1981; Nelson-Le Gall, Gumerman,& Scott-Jones, 1983;White & Watts,
1973).
The aim of this chapter is to explicate the instrumental role of
help-seekingin learning.Majorconceptualizationsof help-seekingthat are
currentlyinfluentialin guidingpsychologicaland educationalresearchwill
be examinedandevaluatedfor theirutilityin understandinghelp-seekingin
school-agedlearners.Cognitive,developmental,and motivationalcharac-
characteristicsof
teristicsof the help-seekeras well as situational/contextual
the helping interaction have been the focus of much research and will
therefore be examined in this chapter. This review will concentrate on
help-seekingin learningcontexts and give considerationto the role that
school environmentsplay in teachingthis importantachievementstrategy.
Preparationof this paperwas supportedin partby an institutionalgrantfromthe National

Instituteof Education,UnitedStatesDepartmentof Education,to the LearningResearchand
Development Center, Universityof Pittsburgh.
55
56 Reviewof Researchin Education,12
THEORETICAL CONCEPTIONSOF HELP-SEEKING
Mostinvestigatorshavebasedtheiranalysesof help-seekingon the values
of Western individualisticcultures. Such analyses typicallypoint out the
inconsistencyof help-seekingwith the values of competitiveness,self-re-
liance, and independence that are characteristicallyemphasizedin such
cultures.Indeed, help-seekingwas often viewed as an indexof dependence
in the early studies of socialization and personality development (e.g.,
Beller, 1955; Murphy, 1962; Sears, Maccoby, & Levin, 1957). Early
theoristscharacterizedthe processof socializationas producingmovement
from an inherent dependence and reliance on others toward increasing
self-sufficiency.Help-seekingand otherbehaviorsregardedas indicatorsof
dependency were seen as the result of deficient development and faulty
socializationif they were displayed beyond very early childhood. Thus,
help-seekinghas taken on connotationsof immaturity,passivity,and even
incompetence.
Although help is sometimes recognizedto be beneficialand necessary,
seeking help has been characterized,until very recently, as a degrading
activityto be avoided. Not surprisingly,the bulk of the literaturederived
from these conceptionsfocuses on the psychologicalrisks and burdensof
askingfor help. For example,theoreticaland empiricalanalysesof the role
of perceived personal inadequacy (e.g., Rosen, 1983), embarrassment
(e.g., Shapiro, 1978, 1983), loss of self-esteem (e.g., Fisher, Nadler, &
Whitcher-Alagna,1982), and the individual'sconcernwith the presenceof
onlookers (e.g., Williams& Williams, 1983) have all been undertakenin
order to explain and predict help-seeking. These perspectives on
help-seekinghave been advancedby social psychologistsand sociologists,
andareprimarilyconcernedwithunderstandingthe attitudesandbehaviors
of adults regardinghelp-seekingin medical and social welfare contexts.
Although there is no one theoreticalperspectiveon help-seekingthat is
widelyaccepted,severalconceptionsare currentlyguidingresearch.Two of
the more influential approaches to conceptualizing help-seeking and
help-seekers are based in the social psychological and sociological
literaturesand are concernedwithhelp-seekingin adultpopulations.These
approachesare knownas social-normativemodels and self-esteemmodels.
They focus on personalandsocioculturalcharacteristicsthatare believedto
moderate the perception of the costs of seeking help. Because these
approaches are central to the bulk of the empirical literature on
help-seeking,each will be describedand evaluatedbrieflyin the following
sections.
Social Norms and Help-Seeking
Social-normativeperspectivesuse the extentto whichculturalvalues and
social roles emphasize norms related to dependence or independence as the
Nelson-LeGall:Help-SeekingBehavior 57
basis for predictingand explaininghelp-seeking.Because of the emphasis
given to normativeexplanations,researchundertakenwithin this frame-
work employs demographicand socioculturalvariables(e.g., age, gender,
race, social class, cross-culturaldifferences) to predict and explain the
occurrenceor nonoccurrenceof help-seeking(e.g., Graf,Freer, & Plaizier,
1979; McMullen & Gross, 1983; Nadler, 1983; Wallston, 1976). Thus,
varioussubgroupsof a society such as the young, the aged, the poor, and
racial or ethnic minoritiesmight be expected to be more dependent than
other segments of the society and therefore more likely to seek help.
As waspreviouslyindicated,culturalnormsemphasizingself-relianceand
individual achievement may influence attitudes toward help-seeking.
Accordingly,individualscouldbe expectedto differin the tendencyto seek
help as a function of the degree to which they have internalizedthese
societalnormsandvalues.Wholesocietiesmaydifferin the emphasisplaced
on normsof self-reliance.For example, a comparisonof evaluationsmade
by Dutch andUnited Statessubjectsof individualsdescribedas seekinghelp
or being self-reliantin everydayneed situations(Graf, Freer, & Plaizier,
1979) showed that U.S. subjectsderogatedthe help seeker more than did
the Dutchsubjects.Grafet al. interpretedthese findingsas due to a stronger
adherenceto the normof self-reliancein the United Statesthanin the Dutch
culture. Similarly,Nadler (1983) has found that kibbutzchildrenin Israel
were more likely to reportthat they would seek help in daily life situations
than were their city-dwellingcounterparts.It is recognized,of course, that
attitudestowardinterpersonalhelp-seekingdo not accuratelypredictactual
interpersonal help-seeking behavior. Nadler (1983) points out that in
societies with institutionalized helping relations, members may be
discouragedfrom developing and utilizing effective interpersonalhelp-
seeking skills.
The intensity to which norms of independence and self-reliance are
emphasizedvariesbetween social roles in a social structure.An exampleof
social roles that differ in their emphasison these norms are the culturally
defined sex roles. In Western societies, the traditional male sex role
encourages independence, self-reliance, and individual achievement,
whereas the traditional female sex role encourages dependence and
cooperation (Deaux, 1976). For females, seeking help would be a
sex-role-consistentbehavior; for males, not seeking help would be a
sex-role-consistentbehavior. Thus, help-seekingis viewed as presenting
greaterpsychologicalcoststo malesthanto femalesbecauseby seekinghelp
males violate their sex role standards. Consequently, females could be
expectedto be morewillingthanmalesto perceivethe need for help, andto
admitthisneed by actuallyseekinghelp. By andlarge,the literatureappears
to supportthis expectation (see McMullen& Gross, 1983, for a detailed
review of sex differences in help-seeking). However, most of the studies
citing more help-seeking in females than in males are concerned with

help-seekingin medicalor health-relatedsettings.Sex differences,and the
directionof differences,are not as consistentwithrespectto help-seekingin
non-health-relatedsettings. In health-relatedsettings,the "sickrole" may
be seen as clearlymorecompatiblewiththe contextof the traditionalfemale
sex role stereotype. Help-seeking in nonmedicalsettings may not be as
clearlyalignedwithone or the othersex role. For example,althoughthereis
evidencethatclassroomexperiencesduringthe elementaryschoolyearsare
more consistentwith femalesex roles thanwith male sex roles (e.g., Etaugh
& Hughes, 1975;Kagan,1964;Serbin,O'Leary,Kent, & Tonick, 1973),it is
not clearthat the studentrole continuesto be clearlymore compatiblewith
one sex role to the exclusionof the other throughoutthe school years. At
later ages, male studentsmay seek help as muchas, or more than, females
(e.g., Ames & Lau, 1982; Greenberg& Shapiro, 1971).
Contributionsand Limitations
The social-normative approach has been useful in highlighting an
individual'ssocioculturalvalues and beliefs that shape the help-seeking
process.Help-seekingis seen as a socialbehaviorgroundedin the prevailing
values and role structuresof a given social groupor culture.This approach
hastendedto focuson the normsandrolesoperatingin groupsdefinedalong
demographicdimensionsat the level of the general society. An equally
importantlevel of analysis is at the level of social norms and roles that
structurethe individual'sbehavior in schools and classrooms.
Evaluationsof the perceivednormativenessof help-seekingfor occupants
of the student role in learning settings are virtually nonexistent. An
interestingparadox arises, however, in consideringthe normativenessof
help-seekingfor students. On the one hand, students are subordinatein
status to teachers in the classroom, so dependence on the teacher is
consistentwiththe studentrole. Givinghelpis a behaviorconsistentwiththe
teacher role, whereasreceivingand seeking help are behaviorsconsistent
with the reciprocalrole of student. Therefore,studentswould be expected
to seek out teachersfor help. Researchindicatesthat help-seekerstend to
preferhelperswho are perceivedas being older, competent, and obligated
to complywith their requestsfor help (e.g., Barnett, Darcie, Holland, &
Kobasigawa, 1982; Druian & De Paulo, 1977; Nelson-Le Gall &
Gumerman,1984). The classroomteacher typicallypresents these same
characteristics.On the other hand, role expectationsfor studentsinvolve
demandsfor ever-increasingdisplaysof individualcompetencein academic
performances as evidence that they are learning what teachers are
attempting to teach. Thus, although help-seeking is normative for the
student,individualsin the studentrole mayperceivethe psychologicalcosts
of seeking help to be too great to incur because the very act of seeking help
may be perceivedby the teacher and other studentsas a failureto benefit

from the teacher's instructionalefforts.
Althoughthere maybe psychologicalcostsof help-seekinginherentto the
studentrole, these perceivedrisksmaybe mediatedby the classroomnorms
regarding help-seeking that the teacher establishes and enforces. The
presence of norms discouraginglearningin the context of activitiesother
than individualachievement and competition may account for students'
failureto seek help fromtheirteachersandeven frompeers. Supportfor this
idea comes from the substantialliteratureon peer tutoring (Allen, 1976,
1983). When help-seekingfrompeers becomes institutionalized-that is, it
takesplace in formalschool-basedpeer tutoringprogramswherea same-age
or olderstudentassumesthe teacherrole vis-a-visanotherstudent-psycho-
logicalcosts of help-seekingmaybe perceivedto increasefor the tutee (e.g.,
Allen, 1983; Rosen, Powell, & Schubot, 1978). These psychologicalcosts
become particularlysalientwhen a tutee has a youngeror same-agechildas
tutor. In such arrangements,the achievedrole of tutor is perceivedby the
tutee to be incongruent with the age identity of tutor and to violate
social-normativeexpectations about teaching-learningrelationships. If,
however, classroom norms support and encourage informal helping
exchanges among peers, the perceived costs of help-seeking may be
lessened.
Given the impact of social and cultural norms on help-seeking,
researchersmust begin to give more attentionto the study of help-seeking
behavior from a cross-culturalperspective. Cross-culturalinvestigations
couldhighlightvariablesthat are relevantfor understandinghelp-seekingas
a universalphenomenon. Researchmust also begin to focus more on the
relationshipsbetweenhelp-seekingand socialnormsthat operatein specific
social institutionswithina society. Also, we know relativelylittle aboutthe
social norms related to help-seekingin educationalsettings. Researchers
need to give more attentionto classroom-levelnormsandvaluesin attempts
to understandhelp-seekingas it occurs among studentsin the classroom.
Studies of social-normativevariablesprovide some useful information,
but are of limitedvalue without an assessmentof the processesunderlying
normativedifferences.Limitsto the value of studiesof normativeand social
variables are that (a) variabilitymay exist within a given group so that
generalizationsare not possible and (b) measures of specific aspects of
individuals'personalityand motivationalorientationsof the environment
appearto have greaterpredictiveandexplanatorypowerthando normative
variables (Ames, 1983; Fisher, Nadler, & Whitcher-Alagna,1982).
Self-Esteem and Help-Seeking
The self-esteem approach to understanding the phenomenon of
help-seekingis similarto the social-normativeapproachin that it focuseson
the role of norms and beliefs in moderatingthe decisionto seek or not to
seek help. The beliefs in question, however, are deeply instilledpersonal
beliefs and conceptionsabout the self as an individual.Self-esteem-related
conceptionshave used self-esteem-relatedconstructsto predictand explain
help-seeking.To date, self-esteem-relatedfactorshave received the lion's
share of attention as personal determinantsof help-seeking behavior.
Researchtends to focus on individualdifferencesin levels of chronic, or
persistent,self-esteem(see Nadler, 1983)and has shownthis variableto be
an importantinfluenceon the willingnessor unwillingnessto seek help (e.g.,
Fisher & Nadler, 1976; Rosen, 1983; Shapiro, 1978;Tessler & Schwartz,
1972).
Level of self-esteem is viewed as a personality characteristicthat
moderates the individual'ssensitivityto the self-threateningsituation of
admittinginadequacyto self and others. By making a request for help,
individualsacknowledgetheirinabilityto cope witha failureandlowertheir
sense of self-esteem.Self-esteemexplanationsdiffer,however,in predicting
the effect of level of self-esteemon the individual'sdecisionto seek help as a
response to failure. Two opposing predictionscan be derived from the
variousmodelsof the effect of level of self-esteemon help-seeking(Nadler,
1983).The firstpredictionis basedon notionsof vulnerability,the secondon
notions of consistency.In explanationsrelyingon notions of vulnerability,
low self-esteemindividualswouldbe expectedto seek help less thanwould
high self-esteem individuals.That is, because low self-esteem individuals
have few positive self-cognitions,they are more vulnerableto self-threat-
ening informationand avoid the self-threateningsituationof seeking help
more than high self-esteem individualsdo. In explanations relying on
notions of consistency,high self-esteem is expected to be associatedwith
less help-seeking. This predictionsuggests that it is the inconsistencyof
incoming self-related information with existing self-cognitions that is
threatening to the self. According to this hypothesis, high self-esteem
individualswith many positive self-cognitionsare predicted to perceive
more self-threatthan low self-esteem individualsand thereforeto be less
likely to seek help.
In general, the research literature (see Fisher, Nadler, & Whitcher-
Alagna, 1982, for comprehensivereview) tends to supportthe consistency
hypothesis over the vulnerabilityhypothesis. For example, Tessler and
Schwartz(1972), amongthe firstto examinethe role of chronicself-esteem
in help-seeking,used college studentsidentifiedas low or highin self esteem
as subjects.Subjectswerepresentedwiththe taskof identifyinginstancesof
neurotic behavior in tape-recorded dialogues and were given the
opportunity to seek help with the task by consulting guidelines for
judgments,if they so desired. To make this task potentiallythreateningto
their self-conception, subjects were told that performance on this task
depended on the subject's own mental health and native intelligence.

Tesslerand Schwartzfoundthatlow self-esteemsubjectssoughthelp sooner
andmorefrequentlythandid highself-esteemsubjects.Otherstudiesin the
literaturehave shown that high self-esteem individualsare less likely than
low self-esteemindividualsto seek help if they feel that they will be unable
to reciprocate(e.g., Greenberg, 1980), because inabilityto reciprocateis
perceived by the individual to be inconsistent with self-conceptions of
independenceand self-reliance.These findingsprovide additionalsupport
for the consistencyhypothesis.
Contributionsand Limitations
The self-esteem approach has been most useful in highlightingthe
influenceof affectivereactionsand personalitydifferenceson help-seeking
behavior. The focus on psychologicalcharacteristicsthat may vary from
individualto individualwithin the same social group or occupyingsimilar
roles is an importantcontribution.There are, however, several method-
ological and conceptualfeatures of this literaturethat limit its generaliz-
abilityandthatleave the subjectof the relationshipbetweenself-esteemand
help-seekingin educationalsettings open to question. Some of the issues
that arise when findingsfrom self-esteem conceptionsare employed as a
frameworkfor understandingstudents'help-seekinginvolve (a) the implicit
assumptionof globality in children'sself-evaluations,(b) the stability of
self-evaluations,(c) the natureof the tasksused to elicit failure,and (d) the
direction of causal relations among self-esteem, achievement, and
help-seeking.
Researchers have usually examined chronic self-esteem in adults by
measuringit as a global construct.Harter's(1983) researchsuggeststhat
young children(e.g., below the age of 8 years)do not have a sense of self in
general. Childrenat this point in their developmentappearcapableonly of
evaluating specific characteristicsand competencies of the self. The
generalizability of self-esteem models to help-seeking in school-age
populations is limited, therefore, not only because the problems and
contexts elicitingthe possibilityof seeking help in educationalsettingscall
for the individualto make specific assessmentsof him (her)self, but also
because the individualsseeking help may not possess a concept of general
self-worth if they are young learners. Future investigations of the
relationshipbetween help-seeking and self-esteem must certainly assess
domain-specificself-evaluations,especiallywhere elementarystudentsare
involved.
Furthermore, because the research samples are virtually all adult
samples, the generalizabilityto child samples must be suspect. It appears
that the applicabilityof this perspectiveto understandingof help-seeking
behavior in elementary and junior high school students is not only
unproven,it is also virtuallyuntried.For the most part, the self-esteem-re-

lated paradigmsinvolve the examinationof levels of chronicself-esteemin
adults. Needless to say, adultswill be more likely than young childrento
have stable concepts of self-worthin many more areas of performance.
Thus, the issue of stabilityof self-evaluationbecomessalientin considering
the applicabilityof self-esteem-relatedmodels to children'shelp-seeking
behaviorin achievementsettings.Measuringlevels of chronicor persistent
self-esteem as is done with adult subjects is also a more complex matter
when childrenare involved. Children'sself-conceptionscan be expectedto
be less stable if one considersthat changesin cognitiveprocessingabilities
occur with age, and also that changes in academic environments or
interpersonal roles may bring about dramatic changes in level of
self-esteem. For example, the transitionfrom kindergartento first grade
bringsaboutchangesin self-evaluations(Harter,1983). Severalresearchers
have also founddecreasesin level of self-esteemat the onset of adolescence
and the transition to junior high school (e.g., Harter, 1983; Harter &
Connell, 1982; Simmons, Rosenberg, & Rosenberg, 1973).
Another limitation is that much of the research on self-esteem and
help-seekinghas taken place in settingsthat bear little resemblanceto the
learningcontextsencounteredby studentsin educationalsystems.The bulk
of the researchhas takenplace in controlledlaboratorysettingswithcollege
student populations.Performanceis often assessedby a relativestranger,
after little or no training,and usuallyin the presence of few, if any, other
persons. Typicaltasks on which subjects'help-seekingbehaviorhas been
assessed include stock market investment simulations (e.g., Fisher and
Nadler, 1976) and social judgment tasks such as making judgments of
symptomsof mentaldisorderdisplayedby others (e.g. Tessler& Schwartz,
1972). These tasks may be seen as novel, atypical, and generallyisolated
fromthe individual'susualdomainsof performance.Thus, extremecaution
must be exercised in drawing inferences from such studies about the
relationshipbetween level of self-esteem and help-seekingin educational
settings.
Finally,a majorconceptuallimitationinvolvesassumptionsproposedby
currentself-esteemmodels aboutthe relationshipbetween self-esteemand
achievement. The self-esteem formulationsof help-seekingfocus on the
potentialnegativeeffectsof help-seekingfor the individual'sself-conceptof
ability, which in turn is apparently assumed to detract from task
performance. Help-seeking is assumed to lower self-esteem because it
implies the individualcannot succeedwithout help, and perhapsnot even
with help. These perceptionsare thoughtto furtherdecrease expectations
for successful task performance,increase concern over evaluation, and
furtherdistractthe individualfromthe taskcausinglowerachievement.This
formulation,however, overlooks data from an alternativecausal model
advocatedby educationalresearchers(e.g., Calsyn& Kenny, 1977;Harter
& Connell, 1982). These recent data indicatethat achievementis causally
predominantover self-conceptof abilityandperceivedevaluationof others.
Thisfindingindicatesthatincreasesin achievementshouldlead to increases
in self-concept of ability. If seeking help can enhance learning and
achievement, self-esteem specific to one's sense of competence should
increase. Thus, high self-esteem can be construed as a consequent of
help-seeking. Currentself-esteem formulationsare lackingin explanatory
power since help-seekingmay be both determinedby and a determinantof
self-esteem; yet this bidirectionalityof effects is usually not taken into
account.
Summary
Social-normativeconceptionsandself-esteemconceptionsemphasizethe
role of personalcharacteristicsthat influencethe perceptionof the costs of
seeking help. When the underlyingassumptionsaboutpersonalvalues and
beliefs are examinedfor each of these modelsof help-seekingbehavior,the
integrating theme of consistency between the act of seeking help and
internalizedbeliefs aboutself-relianceandindividualachievementemerges.
Because the focus of these explanationshas traditionallybeen on adults'
help-seekingbehaviorsin noneducationalsettings,the applicabilityof these
frameworksto the help-seekingof childrenandyouthin educationalsettings
is limited.Whetherself-esteem,social-normative,or other conceptionswill
proveto be adequateframeworksfor understandingthe role of help-seeking
in learning will ultimately depend upon their ability to incorporatethe
influences of developmental and situational factors as determinantsof
help-seeking.
HELP-SEEKINGRECONCEPTUALIZED
As was illustratedby the precedingdiscussionof social-normativeand
self-esteem conceptions of help-seeking, researchers in the area of
help-seekinghave usuallyfocusedon the psychologicalrisksand burdensof
askingfor help. Viewinghelp-seekingas incompatiblewithself-relianceand
achievement,researchershave tended to consideronly the costs of seeking
help for the individual'ssense of competenceratherthan the costs of not
seeking help for the acquisitionand masteryof skills. Considerationof the
adaptive functions of help-seeking is particularlyimportant to a fuller
understandingof learning as it occurs duringchildhood.
Treating help-seeking as incompatible with achievement can lead to
overlookingmaladaptiveperformancepatternsthat actuallyinterferewith
learning.Forexample,in the achievementmotivationliterature,individuals
who tend to persistat tasksof intermediatedifficultyfor long periodsof time
are considered to be highly achievement-oriented (e.g., Andrews & Debus,
1978;Feather, 1961, 1962). Persistence,usuallymeasuredas lengthof time

workedbefore disengagement,may not alwayslead to task mastery.Some
researchers(e.g., Diener & Dweck, 1978) have suggestedthat persistence
may sometimesbe maladaptive.Childrenmay continue to work at a task
withouthelp despite prolongedlack of successand the availabilityof more
productivealternativestrategiesin orderto forestalljudgmentsof failure.In
these cases, children may be regarded as highly achievement-oriented
becausethey have spenta long time workingon the task. Yet lengthof time
on taskmaynot be as sensitivean indicatorof achievementas some measure
of whether the time was spent in active pursuitof a solution.
Nelson-Le Gall (1981) arguedfor a reconceptualizationof help-seeking
that shifts the focus away from a view of help-seeking as stigmatizing,
self-threatening behavior to a view of help-seeking as an effective
alternative for coping with current difficulties. This adaptive role of
help-seeking in learning has generally been overlooked not only by
researchersinterested in help-seeking, but also by those interested in
learning. The lack of attention to help-seeking by researchersstudying
learninghas occurredin part because researchersusuallystudy learningin
laboratory settings where learning is more often than not a solitary
enterprise. Nelson-Le Gall's conceptions, and more recently elaborated
formulations(e.g., Ames, 1983), can be classifiedas achievement-related
conceptions.The achievement-relatedview of help-seekingis uniquein its
focus on the costs of not seeking help, and importantly,in its treatmentof
help-seekingas a part of an ongoingprocessratherthan as a dichotomous
(i.e., help-seeking-no help-seeking)decision. In the context of achieve-
ment-relatedexplanations,personalcharacteristicsof the individual,such
as perceived control and mastery orientation (e.g., Ames & Lau, 1982;
Ames, 1983), and situational characteristicsof the achievement setting
(Nicholls, 1979) are used to predict and explain help-seeking.
Two formulationsof the adaptiverelationshipbetween help-seekingand
learninghavebeen developedrecently(Ames, 1983;Nelson-LeGall, 1981).
Ames's (1983) analysis focused on the cognitive-motivationalconditions
that lead individualsto seek help fromothers. In addition,Ames attempted
an integrationof the extantsocial-psychologicaltheoriesin orderto provide
a basisfor comparingthe conditionsleadingto the decisionto seek or not to
seek others'assistance.Nelson-Le Gall (1981)focused on the cognitive-de-
velopmental and social-cognitivefactors that influence help-seeking in
learning contexts. Each of these perspectives will be discussed in the
following sections.
PerformanceAttributions,AchievementGoals, and Help-Seeking
Ames (1983) suggestedthat individualsprocess informationabout their
own actionsand performancein the context of value prioritiesthat assigna
level of importanceto variousgoals related to achievement.Goals will be
selected and pursuedto the extent that their attainmentimpliessomething
desirable to individualsabout themselves, such as that the individualis
independent or competent. These values, then, are closely tied to the
individual's sense of self-worth. In Ames's formulation, personal and
situationalfactors determinethe salience for a particularvalue in specific
achievementsettings. Thisperspectivefocuses on the relationshipbetween
self-worthbeliefs, attributionsfor perceived achievementoutcomes, and
help-seeking.
In attributionalformulationsof achievement(e.g., Weiner, 1979), there
are variousspecificcausessuch as ability,effort, task difficulty,and luck to
which achievement outcomes may be attributed. Seeking help can be
classifiedas an act of effortin thatthe help-seekeris activelyusingavailable
resourcesto increase the likelihood of future success. Failing after trying
again,however,can lead to the inferenceof low abilityandconsequentlyto
loweredperceptionsof self-worth.The attributionsstudentsmake serve to
maintaina self-conceptof ability,but the patternof attributionsmayor may
not logically entail the alternativeof seeking help. To the extent that a
studentperceivesseeking help to be relevant,that is, to be instrumentalto
futuresuccess, the studentis expectedto be willingto seek help. In Ames's
analysis, help is seen as relevant when the student's attributionalbeliefs
about achievement outcomes include internal or external controllable
factors. Thus, help-seeking would be perceived as most relevant to
achievement when students believe that they are generally capable of
successfulperformance,that they failedto mastercertainskillsor concepts,
that they need to work or study more, and that biased teachers, bad luck,
and unfair,tricky, or impossiblydifficulttasks were not amongthe factors
contributingto their performance(Ames & Lau, 1982).
Ames (1983)has noted that help-seekingis perceiveddifferentiallyby the
studentdependingnot only on the patternof attributionsmade about task
performance,but also dependingon the achievementgoal being pursued.
Ames drewupon Nicholls's(1979) and Dweck & Elliott's(1983)reanalyses
of achievementmotivation. Nicholls (1979) and Dweck & Elliott (1983)
have argued that the specific actions individualsundertaketo preserve a
self-conceptof ability depend on the particularconceptionsof ability and
achievementgoals held. Individualsmay conceive of ability as a global,
stable qualitythat can be judgedto be adequateor inadequate.This quality
or entity is believed to be displayed in the individual'sperformance.
Judgmentsof the performanceoutcome in comparisonto the outcomes of
membersof a normativereferencegroupare seen as indicatingwhetheror
not one is competent. Comparisonsof performanceoutcomes, however,
requirethe assumptionof equal and optimaleffort acrossindividuals.This
assumption, of course, is not always warranted. In contrast to the entity
conceptionof ability, other individualsmay view abilityas a repertoireof

skills that can be endlessly expanded through efforts to learn what is
presently not known. This view has been labeled the instrumentalor
incrementalview of ability (Dweck & Elliott, 1983). Level of ability is
judgedin relationto the individual'sown perceivedknowledgemastery,or
understanding.These alternateviews of abilityorientthe individualtoward
different achievement goals. Entity conceptions of ability lead to the
espousalof performancegoals in achievementsituations;thatis, seekingto
obtain favorablejudgmentsof competence and seeking to avoid unfavor-
able judgmentsof competence. Incrementalconceptionsof abilitylead to
the espousalof learninggoals in achievementsituations;that is, seekingto
acquire knowledge or skills, to master and understandsomethingnew.
According to Ames (1983), help-seekingis more likely to occur when
studentsare pursuinglearninggoals. Help-seekingis seen as task-relevant
effort and as such is an investment that increases competence. When
performancegoalsareoperative,help-seekingis less likelyto occurbecause
it is viewed as drawingattention to one's lack of ability and, thus, as in
conflictwiththe goalsof demonstratingabilityandavoidingdemonstrations
of a lack of ability.
Instrumentalityof Help-Seeking
Nelson-Le Gall's (1981; Nelson-Le Gall et al., 1983) formulationof
help-seeking as an adaptive alternativeto individualproblem solving is
based on analyses of achievement activity in everyday learning and
problem-solvingsituations.In everydayproblem-solvingsituations,learn-
ers may be affordedopportunitiesto call upon problem-solvingresources
externalto themselves(Cole & Traupmann,1981). Under suchconditions,
the abilityto solicit, obtain, and use help becomes an importantlearning
skill (e.g., Anderson & Messick, 1974; Murphy& Moriarty,1976).
Individuals'use of othersto acquireand masterskillsplaysa centralrole
in currently influential theories of mental development and learning
(Brown, 1982; Vygotsky, 1978). In Vygotsky's view, knowledge and
understandinghave their roots in social interactionswith more mature
problem solvers who plan, direct, monitor, and evaluate the child's task
activity.Mentalfunctionsfirstdevelop on a social level as childreninteract
with adults who serve as supportive, knowledgeable others. After
interactingwith othersin learningsituations,childrengraduallyinternalize
the supportiveother role and begin to performthese regulatorybehaviors
for themselves.
It has been suggested (Murphy, 1962; Nelson-Le Gall, 1981) that
help-seekingmay serve multiple purposes. The student'sgoal in seeking
help maybe merelytask completion,withoutcomprehensionor masteryas
an objective. Alternatively,the student'spurposein seekinghelp maybe to
avoid criticismfrom an agent of evaluation,or to avoidthe task altogether.
Help may be sought, however, for a far more constructivepurpose,such as
enhancingthe student'sown competence. Thus it is importantto consider
the appropriatenessof help-seeking for a person having an assumed or
known capacityfor coping with the difficultyencountered. Help-seeking
behavior from a person whose goals can be obtained readily and
economically without the mediation of others should thus be judged
differently than such behavior from a child whose goals could not be
achievedwithouthelp. In otherwords,the necessityof seekinghelp for goal
attainment in the task setting should be considered in characterizing
help-seeking as constructivefor masteryor not.
The distinction between "executive" or dependency-oriented help
seeking and "instrumental"or mastery-orientedhelp seeking, then, is an
importantone to make (Nelson-Le Gall, 1981). Executive help-seeking
refersto those instancesin whichthe student'sintentionis to have someone
else solve a problemor attaina goal on his or her behalf. Learnersseeking
executive help with problems beyond their current level of competence
appearto be more interestedin the productor successfuloutcome than in
the processes or means of achievingthe outcome. Thus, direct help and
ready-madesolutionswould be of interestto those seeking executivehelp.
Some problems encountered by learners undoubtedlycall for executive
help-seeking, but continued reliance on others to provide more than is
needed would be detrimentalto the developmentof independentmastery
and mighteven inducedependency.Instrumentalhelp-seeking,in contrast,
is masteryorientedandrefersto those instancesin whichthe help requested
appearsto be focusedon acquiringsuccessfulprocessesof problemsolution
and is limited to the amount and type needed to allow learnersto solve
problemsor attain goals for themselves. Accordingly,indirecthelp, hints,
and explanationswould be of interest to those seeking instrumentalhelp.
Learnerswith effective instrumentalhelp-seekingskills are able to refuse
help when they can performa task by themselves,yet they can obtain help
when it is needed. Instrumentalhelp-seeking, then, may serve as a
mechanism of transition from other-regulationin problem solving to
self-regulationin problem solving.
Mastery-orientedbehaviorhas been characterizedby variousresearchers
(e.g., Diener & Dweck, 1978;Harter,1975)as behaviordirectedtowardthe
attainmentof a solution to difficultor challengingproblems, and thus as
continuedtask involvement.Some researchers(e.g., Ames, 1983;Murphy,
1962;Nelson-Le Gall, 1981;Nelson-Le Gall et al., 1983) have arguedthat
mastery-oriented help-seeking should be considered an achievement
behavior. It is suggested, therefore, that help-seeking may act to keep
mastery-orientedlearnersinvolved in difficult tasks, creatingthe oppor-
tunities for constructive other-regulation and at the same time enhancing
the developmentof self-regulatoryskills. Thispoint of view is in contrastto
that underlyingstudiesof achievementmotivationin whichhelp-seekingis
consideredto be the antithesisof achievementbehavior(e.g., Winterbot-
tom, 1958).
DevelopmentalRole of Help-Seekingin Learning
In contrast to the earlier views of developmentalists, it is now
acknowledgedthat the adaptiverole of help-seekingis evident in learning
contextsoccurringacrossthe lifespan.Instrumentalhelp-seekingbehaviors
develop in the context of the child'searly learningexperiences.According
to Sears(1972), infantsnot only elicit help with satisfyingbodilyneeds such
as hunger,they also seek help with other domainsof developmentsuch as
masteryof the immediatephysical environment.
To cope in the school environmentchildrenmust adaptto the classroom
contexthelp-seekingskillsdevelopedin the contextof earlysocial relations
with parents. Studentsmust learn to monitortheir own task performance
and attemptto deal with difficultiesor problemsbecause the teacher in a
large classroom cannot always perform this function for them. Children
mustlearnto utilizetheirpeers, as well as teachers,as potentialinstructors.
Naturalisticobservationsof peer interactionsin classroomssuggest that
help-seeking is a frequent occurrence (e.g., Cooper, Marquis, &
Ayers-Lopez, 1982). Cooperet al. (1982) foundthat in a randomsampling
of peer instructionalinteractions in the classroom, the majority were
learner-initiated(i.e., a student requestedhelp from a peer). In addition,
the requestedhelp was more likely to be for academicor problem-relevant
informationthan for social attention.
Individual school assignments often represent steps in an ordered
learning sequence. This means that not only must school tasks be
completed,but they mustbe completedbeforethe next taskin the sequence
is undertaken.In addition,there are often time constraintsimposedon task
performance.Under such conditions,seeking out a competentperson for
aid or advice may represent a more adaptive strategy for coping with a
difficult task that must be mastered than giving up or persisting
unsuccessfullyat the task without help. Indeed, teachers of elementary
school children tend to believe that children who seek help are more
task-orientedand more involvedin the learningprocessthan childrenwho
give up easily or wait for others to offer them help (Nelson-Le Gall &
Scott-Jones, in press).
The importance of instrumentalhelp-seeking for learning and skill
acquisitiondoes not diminishacrossthe school years. If seeking help were
provoked merely because of general inexperienceit might be expected to
decrease steadily with increasingexperiencein the problem area because
the need for help would lessen as a function of the accumulation of
knowledge and skill. The relationshipbetween increasingknowledge and

experience,however,is not quite so linear.To the contrary,the relationship
between help-seekingand knowledge appearsto be somewhatcurvilinear
(Miyake & Norman, 1979). The more knowledgeand experiencelearners
have, the morelikelythey are to recognizewhen seekinginformationcanbe
useful. In fact, cognitive psychologistshave demonstratedthat question-
asking is basic to knowledge acquisition (e.g., Flammer, 1981) and is
dependent on the individual'scurrent knowledge base (e.g., Flammer,
Kaiser, & Mueller-Bouquet,1981;Miyake& Norman, 1979). In orderfor
help-seeking to be both effective and instrumental,the individualmust
know enough to know what is not known, to know what could be known,
and to have some reasonableideas about where and how such knowledge
might be gained. Too little or too much knowledgein a problemarea will
lessen the probability of using help-seeking as a strategy for solving
problemsthat are encountered.So, to the extentthatstudentsacquiremore
knowledgeandskillwith increasingschool experience,help-seekingmaybe
more likely to occur (given supportiveclassroom environments)among
studentsat higher,as opposed to lower, gradelevels and amongstudentsat
moderatelyhigh skill levels.
Researchshows that childrendo differ developmentallyin the tendency
to seek help and in the abilityto use the help availablein formallearning
situations.For example, Wood, Bruner,and Ross (1976) foundthat 4- and
5-year-oldswere more willing than 3-year-oldsto use an adult tutor in a
problem-solvingtask. The youngest children,who most needed help with
the problem, tended to ignore the tutor most frequently.In contrast, the
older childrenused the tutor, but only when they experienceddifficultyor
wantedtheir solutionschecked. Kreutzer,Leonard,and Flavell (1975)also
found an increasewith age in the reportedusage of seekinghelp fromother
personsas a strategyfor handlingmemorytasks. Similarly,Myersand Paris
(1978) found that sixth graderswere more likely than second gradersto
report seeking help as a strategy for handling reading difficulties.
Age-relatedincreasesin help-seekingwere also reportedby Nelson-LeGall
and Glor-Scheib(in press) in an observationalstudy of first-, third-, and
fifth-grademathclassrooms.These researchersfound a higherincidenceof
help-seeking at the fifth-gradelevel than at the lower grade levels.
Instrumentalhelp-seekingcontinuesto be adaptiveas a problem-solving
skill in formal and informal learning situations into adolescence and
adulthood.Analyzingthe verbalinteractionof highschoolstudentsworking
in smallgroupsto solve a difficultmathematicsproblem,Webb(1980)found
that achievement of individual group members, measured in terms of
successful solution of similar post-test problems, was greatest for those
studentswho were activeexplainersandfor those who were activesolicitors
of explanations.
The phenomenon of help-seeking occurs in learning situations in
adulthoodwhen an individualon a new job seeks out more experienced
colleaguesfor help "learningthe ropes"or whenworkersor managerstrade
experienceson how they havecopedwithdifficultwork-relatedtasks. In the
more structuredapprentice-mentorrelationships,the adult in the role of
apprenticerequestsand receivesassistancewithproblemsolvingin the task
situation from a mentor who is an expert in the task domain. In these
one-to-one instructionalexchanges, the more expert memberof the dyad
assists in planning, monitoring, and correctingthe novice's task perfor-
mance in a manner responsive to the novice's own internal resources
(Scribner & Cole, 1973). When help is requested and needed for task
solution, the expertrendersmore assistancethan when help is not actually
needed. Thus,it is clearthatinstrumentalhelp-seekingremainsimportantin
learning situationsin and beyond adulthood.
Summary
Achievement-related frameworks conceptualize help-seeking as an
activitythat permitsthe learnerto createan environmentthat is sufficiently
supportive to allow progress, yet sufficiently challenging to remain
interesting.By seeking instrumentalhelp from others when necessary,the
learner can undertake more challenging tasks than he or she could
otherwise. Help-seeking thus allows the learner to acquire and master
increasinglycomplex skills.
The achievement-relatedperspectivesare more recent than the social
normativeand self-esteemperspectivesdiscussedin the precedingsections;
accordingly, research and theory on achievement-relatedfactors and
help-seekingare less well developed.Nevertheless,thisperspectiveappears
to hold great promise. The reconceptualizationpresentedunderscoresthe
factthathelp-seekingis often instrumentalto the acquisitionof competence,
and encouragesattentionto help-seekingas a system of behaviorin itself,
rather than merely as a measure of dependency. In the context of
achievementperspectives,help-seekingceases to be a dichotomoussocial
behavior(i.e., seek help--not seek help) and is better characterizedas an
ongoing, multidimensionalinterpersonalprocess. Thus, the reconceptuali-
zation is also timely in that it addresseswhat are now recognizedas glaring
gaps in our knowledge about the interface of social development in
childhood with intellectualcompetence in childhood.
DEVELOPMENT OF HELP-SEEKINGSKILLS
The deliberateuse of help-seekingas a problem-solvingactivityrequiresa
fair amount of cognitive sophistication.In order to initiate help-seeking,
individualsmust become awareof obstaclesto goal attainment,must learn
to view other people as resourcesvaluablefor goal achievement,and must
learn means of enlisting others to help attain these goals. The following
sectionspresent a selective review of researchrelevantto the development
of important skills involved in acts of interpersonalhelp-seeking. The
available literature concerned explicitly with the adaptive functions of
children'shelp-seekingskills is somewhat limited. Therefore, this review
brings together studies from diverse areas of inquiry in psychology,
education, and other social science disciplines.
The skills that are discussed in this section were derived from a task
analysis of the help-seeking process and include both cognitive and
behavioralactivities in which the help-seeker may be thought to engage
priorto, during,and afterseekinghelp. Children'sabilityto engage in each
of these component processes depends in part on their metacognitive
knowledge (cf. Flavell, 1977) concerning (a) the characteristicsof the
help-seeker(PERSONvariables),(b) the characteristicsof the targethelper
and natureof the problem (TASK variables),and (c) the suitabilityof the
means employedto gain assistance(STRATEGYvariables).Discussionof
these skillswill proceedwith referenceto their developmentalstatusduring
the preschool and elementary school years.
Awareness of Need for Help
Seeking help is an intentional act and therefore is contingent on the
individual'sbecomingawareof the need for help (i.e., realizingthat his or
her own availableresourcesare not sufficientto reacha goal). Individuals'
knowledgeabout the compatibilitybetween themselvesas learnersand the
learning situation plays an important role in effective problem solving
(Baker & Brown, in press). If individualsare not aware of their own
limitationsor the complexityof the task at hand, then they are not likely to
anticipatedifficultiesand take preventiveaction or to recover easily from
difficulties encountered. If individuals have some awareness of the
complexity of the task and can monitor their progress on the task well
enoughto detect a problem,they are in a relativelygood positionto utilize
help-seeking as a strategy to enable them to cope with the problem.
Age differenceshave been found in children'sabilityto assesstheir need
for help. Nelson-Le Gall (1984b)studiedthird-and fifth-gradetask-related
help-seekingusing a procedurethat allowedfor an objective assessmentof
the need for help. Children gave tentative solutions to a task, were
subsequentlyallowedto seek help if they desired,andwere then requiredto
give their final solutionto the task. Childrenwere found to engage in both
necessary and unnecessary help-seeking. Interesting grade differences
occurredin the appropriatenessof help-seeking.Fifthgraders'help-seeking
was appropriatemore often thanwas that of the thirdgraders.Fifthgraders
sought more necessaryhelp than did third graders,the net result of this
behavior being fewer wrong final answers on the task. This age-related
increasein the adaptiveuse of help-seekingas a problem-solving?strategy is
suggested also by data on children'stentative answers. It shouQ4be noted
that third and fifth gradershad approximatelyequal numbersof correct
tentative responses (disregardingwhether or not help was subsequently
sought). These findings suggest that younger children had difficulty
assessingthe need for help. One possibleexplanationfor this age difference
lies in differentialmetacognitiveskills. The younger children may have
made a less complete or less accuratesurveyof what they did and did not
know prior to taking advantageof the availablehelp. Also, the younger
childrenmay have been simplyless experiencedwith evaluatingtheir own
performancesin academicsettingsandthereforemayhavebeen reluctantto
rely on their own impressionsof their performances.
The developmentalliteratureon metacomprehension(e.g., Markman,
1977, 1979) provides additionalsupportfor the notion that the ability to
assess one's need for help is a requisiteskill for effectivehelp-seeking.The
literatureindicatesthat the ability to evaluate the need for help is a skill
influenced by both maturationand experience. When task demands are
simple or familiar,childrenas young as 3 years of age appearto employ
metacognitiveskillssuch as attemptingto execute mentallythe instructions
for performing a task before actually beginning it. When tasks are
unfamiliaror difficult,youngerchildren,comparedto older children,may
fail to execute the appropriatementalprocessingand maybecome awareof
theirlackof understandingonly throughactiveattemptsto performthe task
or throughfeedbackfrom others. On very difficulttasks, even adultsmay
appear to lack these skills (Brown, 1978).
The implicationof metacomprehensionfor seekinghelp in learningis that
children often do not ask for help because they are not aware of the
incompatibilitybetween their own resources and the task at hand. The
failureto detect a problemmaybe due to insufficientsensitivityto internally
generatedsigns that a problem exists. Another possibilityis that younger
childrenmayset a highercriterionthanolderandmoreexperiencedlearners
for when they will attendto possibleproblems.Young childrenwho are in
general less knowledgeable and less skilled than others may as a
consequencebe more often confused. Young childrenmay have a higher
threshold for confusion or ambiguity, or it may be that they ignore
contradictionsand difficultiesso as to avoid having to ask for additional
informationor help (Markman,1980). Whenyoung childrendo seek help,
however, their requestsare less likely to be specific because they are less
likely to have surmisedthe exact natureof the problem.In contrast,adults
or experts who are able to make complex inferencesare able to function
without help in more situationsthan the child or novice. When mature
learnersrequesthelp fromothers, the requestis likely to be for help that is
very specific and limited in scope.
Decision to Seek Help
Once perceived, a problem must be resolved in an appropriateway.
Young and inexperiencedstudentsmay receive more unsolicitedoffers of
help thanolder andmore experiencedchildren,but there are no guarantees
that otherswill automaticallyanticipatethe child'sneed for help and always
spontaneouslyintervene. Because childrenare frequentlynovices at many
of the taskswith whichthey are confrontedand may not benefit as muchas
more skilled learners from their own continued individualefforts, it is
importantfor them to considerthe possibilityof seeking help from a more
expert learner. It might be assumedthat awarenessof the inadequacyof
one's knowledgeandskillwouldbe sufficientlymotivatingto cause a person
to seek help (e.g., Markman,1979;Nash & Torrance,1974). Help-seeking
may not occur, however, if the learnerdoes not also take responsibilityfor
alleviation of the problem and for task completion. Gumerman(1982)
found that kindergartenersand first gradersoften did not seek help when
confrontedwith problemsbecause they did not assume responsibilityfor
completingthe task. These childrenperceivedthe adult as responsiblefor
alleviatingany problemsencounteredand for accomplishingthe assigned
task.
Even when the help-seeker assumes responsibilityfor the task, the
decisionto seek help maybe affectedby the assessmentof the relativecosts
and benefitsassociatedwith seekinghelp, such as becomingindebtedto the
helper and admittingcurrentskill inadequacies(e.g., DePaulo & Fisher,
1980;Greenberg& Shapiro,1971). Althoughanalysesof costs and benefits
maybe of concernto olderchildrenand adolescentswho, like adults,have a
morestableconceptof theirown competenceandwho maybe morelikelyto
engagein socialcomparison(Ruble, Boggiano,Feldman,& Loebl, 1980),it
is doubtfulthat such analyseshave the same importanceto young children.
It hasbeen reportedthatchildrenat a "pre-operational"level of cognitive
functioningattendedprimarilyto the outcomesof actionsin theirverbaland
non-verbalreconstructionsof series of events (Brown, 1976;Piaget, 1932,
1976).Thus, it maybe thatsome of the psychologicalcosts of askingfor help
that affect adults'help-seeking(e.g., loss of perceivedcompetence)do not
influenceyoung children'sdecisionsto seek help, since childrenwould be
more attentiveto the successfuloutcomethanto the mannerin whichit was
achieved. Whether and to what extent perceived costs of asking for and
receiving help influence the decision of childrenof different ages and in
different problem contexts to seek help requires more empiricalstudy.
Type of Help Sought
The ability to make and convey distinctionsamong types of help is
important for effective use of help-seeking in learning situations, and
research needs to examine the acquisition and development of this skill.
Unfortunately,the studies reported in the literaturedo not consistently

distinguishbetween the types of help soughtor even differentiatebetween
solicited and unsolicited help received. When no distinction is made,
generallyno relationshipis foundbetween receivinghelp and achievement
(e.g., Peterson & Janicki, 1979;Peterson, Janicki,& Swing, 1981). When
distinctionsare made, receivinghelp has been shown to be effective only
when the help is in response to expressedstudent need (Webb, 1982). In
these cases the type of help sought has been shown to be related to
achievementoutcomes (e.g., Nelson-Le Gall, 1984b;Webb, 1983).
Webb (1982) studied junior high and high school students in small
learninggroups and reportedthat receivinghelp from group membersin
response to questions was significantlyrelated to students' achievement.
Webb also reported that the type of response received was significantly
related to achievement.The relationshipbetween receivingexplanations
and learningthe task was found to be positive, whereas the relationship
between achievementand receivingno response from group membersor
receivingrestatedsolutionswithoutexplanationswas foundto be negative.
It is not clearfromWebb'sstudieswhetherstudents'requestsdifferentiated
between answerswithout explanationsand elaboratedexplanationsas the
type of help desired from group members. Yet the distinction is an
importantone to be madeby students,andit appearsfromfindingsof recent
research(e.g., Peterson et al., 1983; Nelson-Le Gall, 1984b) that such a
distinctionis evident in students'requests.
For example, Peterson et al. (1983) studied the requestsof second and
third gradersin small learninggroups and found that most of children's
requests were not for explanations.Like Webb, Peterson et al. found a
negativerelationshipbetween the frequencyof a child'sreceivinganswers
only to questionsand subsequentachievement.No relationshipwas found,
however, between receiving explanationsand achievement. Apparently,
the relationshipbetween higher-orderresponsesreceivedand achievement
depends on the participants'age and skill level. Younger students may
simply not provide as effective explanationsto their peers as do older
students.
Otherstudies(e.g., Nelson-LeGall, 1984b;Swing& Peterson, 1982)also
reportvariationsin the type of help soughtby studentsof differinggradeand
ability levels. In one such study, Nelson-Le Gall (1984b) investigatedthe
help-seekingbids of third-andfifth-gradestudentsof highandlow abilityin
order to determinechildren'spreferencefor instrumental(e.g., explana-
tions, elaborated examples, hints) versus executive (e.g., answers only)
help. The findingsindicatedthat fifth graderspreferredinstrumentalhelp
over executive help significantly more than did the third graders.
Low-abilitychildren, boys in particular,did not show a preference for
instrumental help, as did high-ability children and girls. Taken together with
Peterson et al.'s (1983) findingthat low-abilitychildreninteractingin work
groups tend to get only answers, the findings of Nelson-Le Gall's study
suggestthat the reasonthat young and low-abilitychildrenare not effective
help-seekersis not solely that they may lackskillsto recognizetheirneed or
to elicit help; it may also be becausethey fail to seek the type of help that is
most conducive to learning and mastery.
Identificationand Selection of PotentialHelper(s)
Havingmadethe decisionto seek help, the learnermustidentifypotential
helpers. One aspect of the social knowledgeimportantfor help-seekingis
the knowledgethat all personsdo not bringequal credentialsto the role of
helper. Characteristicsof the potentialhelper,of the help-seeker,andof the
helping context may singly or jointly affect helper choice.
Developmental differences in children'shelper preferenceshave been
noted in the literature.Generally,preschoolerstended to preferadultsand
older childrenas helpers(e.g., Edwards& Lewis, 1979). Severalstudiesof
older children'shelper preferencessuggest that peers are often preferred
helpers (Boehm, 1957; Nelson-Le Gall & Gumerman, 1984; Northman,
1978). Bachman (1975) and Nelson-Le Gall and Gumerman (1984),
allowing children to make spontaneous nominations, found that family,
teachers, and friendswere the helpers nominatedmost frequentlyamong
first- throughfifth-gradechildren.WhereasBachmanfound motherto be
the firstchoice in all grades,Nelson-Le Gall and Gumermanfoundthatthe
choice of preferred helper shifted from parent to teacher to peer with
increasingage. Boehm (1957), usinga forced-choiceformat,also foundthat
with increasingage elementaryschool childrentendedto preferadviceon a
problem from a talented peer rather than from an adult. Naturalistic
observationsof childrenin their classroomsindicatethat childrenseek out
theirclassmatesfor help even whensuchbehavioris discouragedby teachers
(Nelson-Le Gall, 1984a; Nelson-Le Gall and Glor-Scheib,in press).
Childrenmustlearnto distinguishbetweenvariousothersin termsof their
competenceand willingnessto help. Two studies, Barnettet al. (1982) and
Nelson-Le Gall and Gumerman(1984), examinedchildren'sperceptionsof
helpers using an interview format. Barnett et al. interviewedkindergar-
teners and first-, third-, and sixth-grade children to determine their
perceptions of characteristicsassociated with good helpers. Kindergar-
teners spontaneouslyreported positive behaviors and global descriptive
qualities,such as kindness,as characteristicsof good helpers. Thus, a good
helper was perceivedby young childrenas someone who playedwith them
or someone who was nice. Third and sixth gradersalso mentioned these
characteristics,but they increasinglygeneratedspecificcharacteristicssuch
as willingnessand competenceas requiredqualificationsof good helpers. In
contrastto the older children, the kindergartenerscould recognize these
characteristicsas importantfor effective helping but could not spontan-
eously generate them.
Nelson-Le Gall and Gumerman (1984) investigated perceptions of
helpers among preschool and first-, third-, and fifth-grade students.
Nelson-Le Gall and Gumermanobtainedrationalesfromchildrenfor their
spontaneous choices of helpers. Similar to the Barnett et al. findings,
children in Nelson-Le Gall and Gumerman's study perceived global
prosocialqualities, competence, and willingnessas importantcharacteris-
tics of preferredhelpers. The criteriaemployedfor choosinghelperswere
also found to varywith the age of the child, but in a mannerdifferentfrom
that describedby Barnettet al. For example,unlikethe kindergartenersin
the Barnett et al. study, the kindergartenersand first-gradersin the
Nelson-Le Gall and Gumermanstudy frequentlyreportedhelper compe-
tence as a reason for choice. However, with increasing age children
mentionedhelper competenceless as a criterionfor helper choice. That a
helper should be competentto deal with the problembecame a given. At
later ages childrentended to considermore the likelihoodthat the helper
would also be motivatedor obligated to comply with a request for help.
Thus,helperwillingnessandrole obligationswere morefrequentlyreported
by olderthanby youngerchildren.In addition,helpercriteriawere foundto
varywith the specifichelperchosen. Globalhelpercharacteristicstendedto
be cited as criteria by children when the helper was not among those
generally preferredby their age group. Thus, kindergartenersand first
gradersoften cited global characteristicsas importantfor the selection of
peer helpers, whereasthird and fifth gradersfrequentlymentionedglobal
characteristicsas criteriafor choosing parent helpers.
Exactlywhatdevelopswithrespectto children'sknowledgeabouthelpers
is not clear. We still know little about the criteriachildrenuse in selecting
peers and adults as helpers. More researchis needed to determinewhich
attributesof the helperandof the helpingtasksare most salientfor children
of differentsexes and differentages. Furthermore,researchmust examine
children'sknowledge about and employmentof helpers who are actually
availablein the naturalcontextsof the school, the family,andotherlearning
settings.
Strategies for EnlistingHelpers
Once a potentialhelperhas been identified,the help-seekermustobtain
thatperson'sassistance.Elicitingassistancefroma specificpersonbecomes
a matterof social problemsolving;therefore,the extent and natureof the
child'ssocialstrategyrepertoireis important(Spivack& Shure,1974).Both
nonverbalandverbalstrategiesare availableto the help-seeker.Nonverbal
strategiesmightincludeestablishingproximityto the helper, attemptingto
establish eye contact, watching the behavior of others for a guide to
performance,and using physicalexpressionsof confusionor exasperation.

Verbal strategies might include directly asking for help, soliciting
information about the problem at hand or about the helper's abilities
vis-a-vis the problem, making statements about one's competence, and
remindingthe helper of some obligationto help (e.g., Cooperet al., 1982;
Wilkinson & Calculator,1982).
The effectivenessof nonverbalstrategiesmayvarywiththe help-seeker's
age. For very young children,nonverbalbehaviors(e.g., crying,expressing
confusion, establishingproximityand eye contactwith caretakers)may be
effective strategiesfor obtainingassistancefromparentsand other familiar
adults. Many of these same strategies,however, mightbe counterproduc-
tive when used by older children.
Studiesof the developmentof persuasiveappealshave identifiedverbal
tacticsusedby childrenin convincingothersto accedeto theirrequests(e.g.,
Bearison & Gass, 1979;Bragg, Ostrowski,& Finley, 1973;Clark& Delia,
1976; Pich6, Rubin, & Michlin, 1978). Naturalisticstudies of children's
discourse have found age differences in the means employed to seek
informationfrom childrenof differentages and adults(Ervin-Tripp,1977;
Merritt, 1980). For example, threats and demands may not be the most
effective strategiesfor obtaininghelp from adults, but they may be quite
effective with peers (Ladd, & Oden, 1979). This literature,as well as the
social problem-solving literature and the sociolinguistic literature on
communicatingin classrooms(e.g., Green & Smith,1983),suggeststhatthe
importantquestionsfor researchconcernthe flexibilityof strategiesused to
obtain help; i.e., whetherthe strategiesemployedvarywiththe age and sex
of the help-seekerand the potentialhelper, and whetherthe strategiesare
sensitive to the demands of the problem.
EvaluativeResponses
Finally, help-seekersneed to monitorthe help-seekingeffort while it is
ongoing and to evaluate the outcomes. Help-seekers may evaluate the
successor failureof the help-seekingattemptin termsof the responsesof the
helper approached,the adequacyof the help obtainedas an aid to problem
solving, the effectiveness of their own help-seeking strategies, and the
reactions of others toward help-seeking. These judgmentsmay influence
future help-seeking behavior. In assuming that help-seeking is a goal-
directedactivity,the most importantoutcomevariableis whetheror not the
help-seeker is successful in obtaining the required help. If children are
unsuccessfulin engaginga potentialhelper or if the help receiveddoes not
facilitate goal attainment, then they must reevaluate their strategies for
obtaininghelp and/ortheir choice of helper. The selection of helpers and
attempts to engage their help may be repeated until the needed help is
obtained;if the help-seekingactivityis ultimatelyunsuccessful,the children
may desist from active attemptsto resolve the problemor pursuethe goal.
Successful help-seeking may have positive social and cognitive conse-
quences (e.g., Webb, 1983), such that children can (a) further their
acquisitionand masteryof skills, (b) maintainor enhancetheirperceptions
of themselvesas learnersand goal-achievers,and (c) increasetheir skillsin
using appropriateand effective help-seekingstrategies.
Recipient reactions to aid among both adults and childrenhave been
studied (see Eisenberg, 1983; Fisher, DePaulo, & Nadler, 1981, for
comprehensive reviews of this literature). The literature on recipient
reactionsto aid, however, does not alwaysfocus explicitlyon the active,
spontaneousacquisitionof aid by the person helped. We can nevertheless
speculate that many of the determinants and correlates of recipient
reactions (e.g., age, sex, ability, and need state of the person helped;
characteristicsof the helperandof the helpingcontext)mayalso be relevant
to the study of reactionsto help-seeking. At the present time, however,
there are no datathatwould allowus even to describethe form, frequency,
and quality of children'sreactions to help-seeking.
CHARACTERISTICS OF ACHIEVEMENT SETTINGS
In preceding sections the influences of personal characteristicswere
highlighted.In academicsettings, however, it becomes clear that we are
dealingwith person x situationinteractionsratherthan with person main
effects. Help-seekingmay vary as muchwith the learningsetting as it does
with personal characteristicssuch as gender (e.g., Nelson-Le Gall &
Glor-Scheib,in press). A study by Nelson-Le Gall and Glor-Scheib(in
press) providesa good illustrationof these influences.Nelson-Le Gall and
Glor-Scheibobservedfirst-,third-,andfifth-gradestudentsof low, average,
and high ability duringtheir readingand math lessons. Help-seekingwas
found to vary with characteristicsof both the learning context and the
learner.For example,althoughstudentsspentmostof theirtime engagedin
individual seatwork, help-seeking occurred with the greatest frequency
during small group learning activities. In addition, Nelson-Le Gall and
Glor-Scheibfound that girls, more than boys, engagedin mastery-oriented
help-seekingin math classes, whereas boys, more than girls, engaged in
mastery-orientedhelp-seekingin reading classes.
A situational variable of importanceto help-seeking in achievement
settings concerns the goal of the achievement activity (e.g., Dweck &
Elliott, 1983;Nicholls, 1979). When the focus of the activityis to acquire
new skills and to mastercurrentskills, or to effectivelycomplete and also
mastertasks(i.e., to be ableto completespecifictasksnow andon one's own
in the future), individualsfocus on the task and on the processing of
task-relevantinformation.Such situationsare characterizedby task-invol-
vement. When students are task-involved,learningis a demonstrationof
abilityand thus an end in itself. Accomplishmentthrougheffort, including

instrumental(mastery-oriented)help-seeking(Ames & Ames, 1978;Ames,
1983) is valued. Feelings of competenceare producedfrom the perception
of learning,so studentsact in waysto maximizethe chanceof learningandto
minimizebehaviorthat will not producegainsin mastery.In contrast,when
the focus of the activityis to obtain immediatesatisfactionand success in
demonstrating skills or avoiding the demonstration of lack of skill,
individuals tend to focus on themselves and on their performance in
comparisonto others. These situationsare characterizedby ego-involve-
ment (Dweck & Elliott, 1983; Nicholls, 1979).
Achievementgoals may be definedby the individualundertakinga given
task, or they maybe imposedfromwithoutby the taskor some aspectof the
task environment. Developmental achievement motivation research
suggeststhatall childrenstartout in life espousingandpursuinglearningand
mastery as goals of their activity (e.g., White, 1959). It is through
socializationexperiencesin the familycontext (see Scott-Jones,1984, for a
comprehensivereview of familyinfluenceson children'sachievement)and
the school context that children orient themselves increasingly to
performancegoals.
It appearsthat aspectsof the instructionalorganizationandproceduresof
classroomsmayencouragetask-as opposedto ego-involvementin students.
Severalcharacteristicsof classroomorganizationhave been identified(e.g.,
Rosenholtz & Simpson, 1984; Rosenholtz & Wilson, 1980) that may
contributeto task-involvedlearningorientationsby actingas deterrentsto
social comparisonof performance.One suchcharacteristic,a differentiated
academicstructure(i.e., qualitativelydifferentinstructionalmethods and
materials) is thought to inhibit global comparison among students'
performances.A second characteristicis the degree of autonomygranted
studentsto make choicesaboutwhatworkto do andwhen and how to do it.
Studentswho are allowedto scheduletheir own work assignmentshave the
possibilityof increasingtheir performanceoptions (e.g., Wang, 1983). If
studentsare performingdifferentactivitiesat the sametime, or even similar
activitiesbut at differenttimes, or in differentways and in differentplaces,
comparisonsof ability become more difficult. A third characteristicof
classroomorganizationthat may help to promote task-involvementis the
extent to whichgroupingof studentsby abilityfor instructionalpurposesis
practiced.When studentswork as individualsor in varyinggroupswhose
membershipis not definedby ability,it is moredifficultfor othersto observe
andinterpretpatternsof taskperformance.A relatedfeature,the structures
for evaluationof academicoutcomesthatoperatein the classroom,mayalso
influencestudents'task-involvement.For example,research(e.g., Ames &
Ames, 1978; Crockenberg& Bryant, 1978) has consistentlyshown that
children in competitive learning environments tend to focus on obtaining
favorableand avoidingunfavorablecomparisonof their ability to that of
their classmatesmore than do childrenin cooperative learning environ-
ments.
All of these classroomorganizationalfeatureswork to reduce students'
orientation toward making judgments of their ability that are based
primarilyon social comparison.Studentswith high self-conceptsof ability
can remain sufficiently confident about their ability in the face of task
difficulty and thus can remain oriented to the task. This basis for task
orientation would not be available to all students when classrooms
emphasize social comparisonof performance.When classroom learning
proceduresemphasizemasteringtasks and increasingskills and knowledge
over one's currentlevels, as opposedto demonstratingthatone knowsmore
than other students, there is a greater chance that more studentswill be
optimally task-oriented.
It is somewhat ironic that children find themselves increasingly in
competitive settings and under greater exposure to social comparisonin
school at a time when their cognitiveand metacognitivecapacitiesprovide
them with the tools for effectively utilizing help-seeking in service of
competence-increasing activities. The distinction between ego- and
task-involvement is crucial for educational thinking, because it is
appropriateto promotehelp-seekingundertask-involvedconditionsin the
classroom. However, we probablywant to avoid promotinghelp-seeking
under conditions of ego-involvement because such help-seeking would
probablybe maladaptivein the long run and encouragecheatingor other
undesirable performance tactics. It is important, then, to identify for
educators those instructionalpractices occurring in school, and other
learning settings to which children are exposed, that may foster
task-involvementand adaptive help-seekingskills.
DIRECTIONSFOR FUTURERESEARCH
Although the role of help-seeking has been relatively neglected in
accountsof learning,it is in fact a pervasivefeature of everydayproblem
solving, learning, and skill acquisitionacross the lifespan. The need for
researchon the effects of help-seekingfor children'slearningis great. In
remedyingthe lack of positive attention given to children'shelp-seeking
skills, we will need studiesto investigatepossible antecedentsof individual
differencesin help-seeking.Furtherresearchshould also attend closely to
contemporaneousvariablesassociatedwith individualdifferences,such as
currentachievementlevel, motivationalorientations,and communicative
and social interactionalskills.
To this end, a varietyof researchmethodologieswillhaveto be employed.
These include (a) the collection of naturalisticobservationaldata on the
frequency,form, and functionof help-seekingactivities;(b) the collection
of open-endedand semistructuredinterviewdata on children'sknowledge
of whatis involvedin seekinghelp and theirperceptionof the opportunities
for help-seeking in specific situations; and (c) the use of structured
interviewsand experimentalproceduresto highlightthe role of develop-
ment in the varioushelp-seekingskills. In the followingsectionsa few of the
areas ripe for furtherresearch are discussed.
Socializationof AdaptiveHelp-Seeking
Severalexistinglines of researchon cognitivesocializationin parent-child
relationships,teacher-studentinteractions,andpeer collaborationin dyads
or small groupscan complementone anotherin addressingbasic questions
aboutthe child'sorientationtowardhelp-seekingand its appropriateuse in
achievement settings. For example, parent-child, teacher-child, and
peer-childrelationsall allowfor reciprocalrelationsamongpartners.Yet in
the varioustypes of adult-childexchanges,child behaviorand characteris-
tics have traditionallybeen neglected. When the child's contributionsare
acknowledged,researchershave tended to focus on the passive or static
meansof influencethat childrenbringto bear upon the interaction,such as
age, gender, currentability, etc. Recently, however, researchersinvesti-
gating the origins of learning skills in mediated learningsituations (e.g.,
Griffin & Cole, 1984; Rogoff, Malkin, & Gilbride, 1984), have come to
acknowledge children's active influence upon the individual in the
"teaching"role. Revivalof theoriesof learningand developmentthatplace
emphasis on mediated learning experiences provides a frameworkfor
studyingthe socializationof help-seekingbehavior in its adaptivemode.
Within this frameworkhelp-seeking becomes a potential mechanism of
transitionfrom necessaryreliance on more expert thinkers and problem
solvers to independentachievement(e.g. Brown, 1982; Feuerstein, 1980;
Wertsch, 1979). Successfulexperiences in collaborativedyads with more
capablepartnersmay providethe context for the developmentof attitudes
and expectanciesabout learningthat promote task mastery. Adoption of
this frameworkshouldbe useful not only for clarifyingthe continuitiesand
discontinuitiesin children'sexperiences with help-seekingacross various
settings,butalso for highlightingthe possibilitiesfor improvinginstructional
practice.
Effective teachers, whether they are parents (e.g., Wertsch, 1979;
Wertsch, McNamee, McLane, & Budwig, 1980), professionals (e.g.,
Feuerstein, 1980; Palincsar& Brown, 1984; Wood, Wood, & Middleton,
1978),or morecompetentpeers (e.g., Griffin& Cole, 1984),will attemptto
operatewithinthe child'szone of proximaldevelopmentin orderto induce
changesin skill level and affectlearning.The notionof the zone of proximal
developmentwas introducedby Vygotsky(1978) and refersto the distance
between the level of performancethat a child can reachwithout assistance
andthe level of performanceattainedunderguidanceby or in collaboration
with anothermore knowledgeableindividual.When operatingin the zone
of proximaldevelopmentstudentsare presentedwith tasksthat are beyond
theircurrentlevels of successfulperformancebut are attainablewithguided
effort and aid.
It is interestingto observethe similaritybetweenthe child'sattitudesand
behaviorswhen engaged in learningactivitieswithin the zone of proximal
development and his or her task-involved achievement behaviors.
Descriptionof achievementbehaviorsunderconditionsof task-involvement
(Nicholls, 1984a, 1984b)indicatethat studentsshow a preferencefor tasks
that make neither success nor failurecertain.The learningtasks are those
beyond the child's current state of competence (thus ruling out certain
success) but not so far beyond the child's reach that (s)he could not
accomplishthem even with moderate guidance from the more capable
partner(thus rulingout certainfailure). The mergingof the two research
traditionswould help to create a more coherent picture of the learner's
activities.
An equally important issue, namely, how the help-seeker develops
self-reliancein the contextof the helpingreaction,needsto receiveresearch
attention. With the assistance of a helping other, the help-seeker
accomplishesproblems too difficult for him or her. Yet, this success at
problemsolvingmaybe attributedto the helperor to the helpingdyaditself.
Thus, the development of self-relianceand perceived competence is not
merelya questionof the developmentof the skillsnecessaryfor competence
in the task domain, but it also involvesdevelopingthe self-perceptionthat
this competence rests within the self apartfrom the helping relationship.
Researchersstudyingparentalsocializationof achievement(e.g. Chandler,
Wolf, Cook, & Dugovics, 1980; Rosen & D'Andrade, 1959) suggest that
mastery may be more salient than independenceas a factor in the early
development of perceived competence and control, because mastery
providesits own feedbackand rewards.Independence,in contrast,may or
may not involve mastery. Parents who encourage mastery of tasks by
providingsupport,helpfulsuggestions,andpraiseduringtask activity,tend
to have childrenwho develop early self-relianceand a sense of perceived
control. Classroomteachersmay also vary in the emphasisthey place on
independence versus mastery in classroom activities. The match or
mismatchof the teacher'ssocializationemphasiswith that experiencedby
students in the family context deserves furtherstudy.
Motivationand Learning
The motivational components of help-seeking also require further
empiricalsupport.Studiesareneededto examinethe role of help-seekingin
the developmentof task competence.There is the need for data to answer
questionsabout (a) the relationshipbetween children'sperceptionsof their

own competence and their solicitationand the use of the help in problem
solving, (b) the differentialuse of executiveversusinstrumentalhelp-seek-
ing as problem-solvingstrategies, (c) the relationshipbetween mastery
motivation, preference for instrumentalhelp, and microdevelopmental
changes in problem solving.
Microdevelopmentrefers to changesin behaviorduringa work session.
Such investigationswill require a procedure that allows for controlled
observation of children's more natural or spontaneous help-seeking
behaviorsin a problem-solvingsetting. If help-seekingleads to dependence
on externalsourcesof help, then it wouldbe expectedthatoverthe courseof
interactionwitha helper,childrenwouldaskincreasinglyfor adultinputand
feedbackon the correctperformanceof a task. In other words, one would
expect to see the child relinquishingcontrol of the solutionprocess to the
helper. If help-seekingis functioningas a mediatorof independenceand
competence as hypothesized,then children'sbehaviorin the task setting
should manifest continued (and even increased)involvementin the task.
There should be more requestsfor help with conceptualizingthe problem
and strategies for solving it, rather than for direct help with individual
problem elements. Strategies for problem solution should also become
increasinglyindependent of external assistance over time, and children
should initiate successivelymore task behaviors without input from the
adults.
Recent developmental and cognitive psychologicalstudies of learning
have providedus with the conceptualframeworkand methodologicaltools
for undertakinginvestigationson this subject. Studiesby Anzai and Simon
(1979) and Karmiloff-Smith(1979) provide excellent examples of the
microanalysisof learning.Applicationof these methodologiesto studying
learning in task-involved situations and the functions of instrumental
help-seekingin such settings are recommended.
InstructionalGrouping
An immediate line of inquiry to pursue is the relationshipbetween
studentability, potentialinstructionalresourcesin the lesson context, and
help-seeking.Findingsfrom a classroomobservationalstudyof help-seek-
ing among high-, average-,and low-achievingstudents(Nelson-Le Gall &
Glor-Scheib,in press) indicatedthat average-abilitystudents sought help
less than low-ability students but more than high-ability students.
Interestingly,however, the help-seeking bids of average-abilitystudents
were ignoredand rejectedmore frequentlythan those initiatedby low and
high achievers. Furthermore, average-ability students received fewer
unsolicited offers of help from peers and teachers than their low- and
high-abilitycounterparts.These findingsarecompatiblewiththose of Webb
(1980) and Peterson, Janicki, and Swing (1981), yet at present no clear
interpretationof the effectsof classroomstructureon learningoutcomesfor
these students can be offered.
In observationalstudiesof help-seekingin the classroom(e.g., Nelson-Le
Gall & Glor-Scheib,in press) it has been noted that on many occasions,
high-abilitystudentsengagedin little help-seekingin those situationswhere
help-seekingwouldhavebeen an appropriateproblem-solvingstrategy.The
low frequencyof help-seekingamongthese studentsmaybe taken to mean
that they understood the material and, therefore, did not need help.
Alternatively it may be that because the high-abilitystudents received
instructionin the same classrooms with lower-achievingstudents, they
perceived the pool of potential helpers to be substantially limited.
High-abilitystudents may not have engaged in help-seeking when they
needed help because they perceivedhelp to be unavailable.In classrooms
with more homogeneous ability grouping, such as honors programsor
enrichmentprograms,such high-abilitystudentsmayshow appropriateand
sophisticatedhelp-seekingbehaviorsbecause there will be more students
perceivedas potentiallycompetentto help. Becausethereare so few studies
investigatingacademichelp-seekingamongstudentsof variousskill levels,
no firm conclusions or recommendations about optimal classroom
organization can be made. The effectiveuess of different classroom
organizationsandinstructionalgroupingsin fosteringtask-involvedlearning
conditionsfor studentsof varyingabilitylevels warrantsfurtherattention.
SUMMARYAND CONCLUSION
Ten yearsago the researchliteraturefocusedspecificallyon help-seeking
could probablybest be describedas a scatteredset of apparentlyunrelated
studies. In just the past five years or so, however, there has been an
exponentialincreaseof theoreticalandempiricalactivityin the area. In this
paper, current conceptions of help-seeking were discussed and their
appropriatenessas frameworksforunderstandingthe role of help-seekingin
children'slearningand skill acquisitionwas examined.A reconceptualiza-
tion of help-seekingthatemphasizedits adaptiveandinstrumentalfunctions
in achievementactivitieswas outlined. The role of instrumentalhelp-seek-
ing acrossthe developmentalspanfrominfancyto adulthoodwas illustrated
in the contextof parent-childandpeer relations,andin formalandinformal
learningsituations.Priorresearchon the developmentof skills relevantto
help-seekingwas reviewed. Finally, the impactof situationalvariationsin
the learningand achievementsetting of the classroomwas discussed, and
ideas for future research on help-seekingin childrenwere suggested.
In conclusion, it is hoped that this chapter has clearly established the
importance of help-seeking activity for children's learning and mastery. The
domain of inquiry as outlined in this chapter is in its earliest stages of
development and, thus, many more issues and questions have been
identified than can currently be answered definitively. It appears, however,
that an examination of the role of help-seeking in learning will provide an
important lead in understanding why some children are able to overcome
obstacles to learning that serve to defeat other children. Who seeks help,
what type of help is sought, and at what point in the learning activity help is
sought are central questions for theories of skill acquisition and mastery.
Our continued systematic study of these and related questions holds promise
for the enhancement of children's learning and the effective structuring of
learning environments.
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Help Seeking Behavior in Learning

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Learning is rarely a completely asocial enterprise. Learners are

Preparationof this paperwas supportedin partby an institutionalgrantfromthe National

citing more help-seeking in females than in males are concerned with

may be perceivedby the teacher and other studentsas a failureto benefit

depended on the subject's own mental health and native intelligence.

unproven,it is also virtuallyuntried.For the most part, the self-esteem-re-

1978;Feather, 1961, 1962). Persistence,usuallymeasuredas lengthof time

conceptionof ability, other individualsmay view abilityas a repertoireof

knowledge and skill. The relationshipbetween increasingknowledge and

Unfortunately,the studies reported in the literaturedo not consistently

performance,and using physicalexpressionsof confusionor exasperation.

abilityand thus an end in itself. Accomplishmentthrougheffort, including

questionsabout (a) the relationshipbetween children'sperceptionsof their

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