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Like a parricide suing to collect his parent’s life insurance, the intervenor House
Apportionment and Elections Committee (hereinafter the “House Committee”) asks this Court to
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order into effect a redistricting plan for the House of Representatives that it could not sell to the
Mississippi Senate. [Dkt. 82]. Indeed, it is not even clear which House plan the House
Committee is trying to sell to this Court, because two different plans were adopted on the House
floor. Neither the House plan nor the Senate plan, which the House accepted only on the
condition that the Senate would not exercise its constitutional duty to scrutinize the House plan,
should be ordered into effect by this Court. Because the two unicamerally concocted plans fail
to satisfy Mississippi law or federal law, particularly the equitable considerations governing
judicially imposed remedial plans, Governor Haley Barbour and the Mississippi Republican
Party Executive Committee (hereinafter the “Republican Party”) urge this Court to deny the
motion.1
ARGUMENT
The Mississippi Constitution very clearly mandates that state legislative redistricting be
accomplished by “joint resolution” of both Houses of the Legislature. Miss. Const. § 254. That
section also clearly requires that such joint resolution be passed by “majority vote of all members
of each house.” There are fifty-two (52) members of the Mississippi Senate and one hundred
twenty-two (122) members of the House (the membership of both houses of the Legislature is
1
Plaintiffs [Dkt. 86] and the Mississippi Democratic Party Executive Committee [Dkt. 83] have
joined the House Committee’s motion. Attorney General Jim Hood has filed a motion seeking the same
relief. [Dkt. 89] Plaintiffs have also filed a motion asking the Court to order the Attorney General to
submit the un-enacted House and Senate Plans to the Department of Justice for review under § 5 of the
Voting Rights Act. [Dkt. 91] The arguments of those parties essentially duplicate those made by the
House Committee and should be rejected for the same reasons.
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In the past, each House of the Legislature acting separately, following what has been
described as a “gentlemen’s agreement,” not defined in the Constitution or even in the rules
adopted by the Legislature regarding its operation and conduct, determined how to redistrict its
own membership. The full Legislature then adopted the separately-crafted redistricting plans for
each house as part of a joint resolution as required by § 254. That process did not occur this
year.
In fact, when the Senate refused to accept the House-passed plan and “invited
conference” (meaning that the Senate offered to and did appoint conferees to a conference
committee to attempt to work out differences and to come to agreement on a plan that might be
jointly adopted as required by § 254), the House, acting through its elected Speaker, refused to
confer and to appoint conferees.2 Later, near the end of the legislative session, the House
amended its earlier plan and voted to amend a Senate Concurrent Resolution to forward the
newly-passed House plan to the Senate for a vote. The Senate, based on the joint resolution
Clearly, there is no “legislative plan” as defined by the Constitution upon which this
Court can rely. Indeed, “the failure of a bill to be enacted evidences a legislative policy that the
bill is not desired by the legislature.” Shayer v. Kirkpatrick, 541 F. Supp. 922, 932 (W.D. Mo.
1982) (three-judge court) (emphasis added). Therefore, this Court “cannot simply embrace as
2
Those facts are apparent from the legislative history attached by plaintiffs as Exhibit A to their
joinder in the House Committee motion [Dkt. 86]. Also, see House Resolution No. 93, “A Resolution
Urging the Speaker of the House of Representatives to Appoint Conferees on Joint Resolution 201, To
Negotiate a Redistricting Plan,” which was introduced by 55 Representatives on March 23 but died in
committee. A copy of H.R. 93 and its History of Actions are attached as Exhibit 1 and are available at
http://billstatus.ls.state.ms.us/2011/pdf/history/HR/HR0093.xml.
3
The affidavit of Chairman Reynolds, attached as Exhibit 1 to the response of the House
Committee in opposition to the Republican Party’s motion for appointment of expert [Dkt. 88], confirms
that this second House plan did not receive a vote in the Senate.
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[its] own the bill that went the furthest or that experts believe would have or could have passed.”
Id. “Such action would be a massive intrusion into the legislative process.” Id. This Court
“would, in effect, be amending the rules for enacting legislation” in the State of Mississippi if it
granted the relief requested by the House Committee. Id. Ordering into effect plans that the
Legislature itself refused to enact cannot be justified as an act of deference to state policy. The
only state districting policies in force that have the actual approval of the Legislature are found
in Miss. Code Ann. § 5-3-101 (Rev. 2002). This Court should follow those policies, not the un-
redistrict. Shayer, 541 F. Supp. at 932 (“Other than the state constitution’s compact and
contiguous requirements, state policies are difficult to discern. Following them is not required
by state law, so we have given the compact and contiguous requirements preeminence over all
For this Court to grant the House Committee’s motion also would ensure that § 254 will
never be applied as Mississippi voters intended. The court in Carstens v. Lamm, 543 F. Supp. 68
(D. Colo. 1982) (three-judge court), made this very point in refusing to adopt a plan that was
passed by both houses of the Colorado legislature but vetoed by the state’s governor. Id. at 78-
79. There, the plaintiffs argued that “[s]ince redistricting is primarily the responsibility of the
State Legislature,” the last plan enacted by the legislature (but vetoed by the governor)
“represents current state policy on redistricting and should receive priority during the Court’s
deliberations.” Id. at 78. The court rejected that argument because “[t]he Colorado Constitution
explicitly provide[d] that every bill passed by the General Assembly shall be signed by the
Governor before it becomes law.” Id. at 79. Apropos of this case, the court reasoned that “[t]o
take the [plaintiffs’] position to its logical conclusion, a partisan state legislature could simply
4
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pass any bill it wanted, wait for a gubernatorial veto, file suit on the issue and have the Court
defer to its proposal.” Id. But the court refused to do so, explaining that it would “not override
the Governor’s veto when the General Assembly did not do so.” Id.
Here too, the Legislature has not adopted any redistricting plan according to the
procedures explicitly provided for in the Mississippi Constitution. Those legislators who
disagreed with the proposed plans—with good reason, see infra—prevented their adoption,
exercising an effective veto over the plans. Yet the House Committee now wants this Court to
adopt the plans anyway and override the requirements of § 254 of the Mississippi Constitution.
As Carstens points out, if the House and Senate can each achieve by judicial decree a
redistricting plan satisfactory to that body’s members, why would conferees ever be appointed to
attempt to reach a compromise on a joint resolution, as § 254 requires? To grant the House
Committee’s motion would guarantee that, every ten years, the Legislature will adjourn without
attempting to reach a compromise and that its members will troop before this Court to seek
enforcement of each body’s favored plan for itself. That is not what § 254 requires, and that is
not the proper role for a federal court charged with enforcing federal law.
B. Plans That The Legislature Refused To Adopt Are Not “Legislative” Plans.
At the April 22 status conference, citing Burns v. Richardson, 384 U.S. 73 (1966),
counsel for the House Committee argued that the House and Senate plans should be considered
“legislative” plans for purposes of the one-person, one-vote mandate despite the fact that the
Legislature refused to adopt them. Burns does not support the Committee’s counterintuitive
argument. Plans that the Legislature refuses to adopt are not “legislative” plans as a matter of
In Burns, the district court held that the Hawaii state senate was unconstitutionally
malapportioned and ordered the Hawaii legislature to “enact three separate statutes”: one to
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establish an interim apportionment plan for the 1966 elections and two others to amend the
Hawaii constitution as necessary to implement a permanent reapportionment plan. Id. at 80. The
full legislature subsequently enacted an interim apportionment plan, but the district court held
that the plan was unconstitutional not because it resulted in “population disparities” but solely
because it employed “multi-member … legislative districts.” Id. at 86. The Supreme Court held
that the district court erred in enjoining use of the interim plan because Equal Protection Clause
did not require use of single-member districts. Id. at 88. The Court also upheld Hawaii’s use of
Burns was decided nine years before the Court held “that unless there are persuasive
multimember districts, and, as well, must ordinarily achieve the goal of population equality with
little more than de minimis variation.” Chapman v. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 26-27 (1975). Therefore,
Burns did not discuss the differences between the standards applicable to court-ordered plans and
those applicable to legislative plans. Nonetheless, the Court has since described Burns as having
“treated the proposed plan as a legislative plan, despite the fact that the Hawaii Legislature was
452 U.S. 130, 143 n.21 (1981). In McDaniel, the Court went on to hold that the fact that a
court did not change its character as a legislative plan for purposes of § 5 of the Voting Rights
Act. Id. at 146; see also Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535, 542-49 (1978) (opinions of White and
Powell, JJ.) (holding that a plan enacted by a city council in response to a federal court order was
a “legislative” plan and thus did not violate the rule against court-ordered multimember districts).
As the Court explained, “the essential characteristic of a legislative plan is the exercise of
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legislative judgment. The fact that particular requirements of state law may not be satisfied
before a plan is proposed to a federal court does not alter this essential characteristic.”
McDaniel, 452 U.S. at 152 (citing Wise, 437 U.S. at 548 (Powell, J.): “The essential point is that
the Dallas City Council exercised a legislative judgment, reflecting the policy choices of the
Critically, in Wise, in McDaniel, and in Burns, the legislative body as a whole “exercised
a legislative judgment.” Wise, 437 U.S. at 548 (Powell, J). In Wise, “the Dallas City Council
exercised a legislative judgment” (id.) by adopting a resolution proposing a plan to the district
court and then by enacting an ordinance adopting the plan (see id. at 545-46 (White, J.)).
Likewise, in McDaniel, the County “Commissioners Court officially adopted the plan …
submit[ted] to the District Court.” 452 U.S. at 135. And in Burns, the Hawaii legislature as a
whole enacted the reapportionment plan at issue. 384 U.S. at 80-81. While particular state-law
requirements were not satisfied by the plans at issue in those cases, in each case there was an
452 U.S. at 152. Here, in stark contrast, the Legislature has not exercised legislative judgment.
Indeed, the Legislature’s complete failure to act is the only reason this lawsuit is necessary, and
the only discernible “legislative judgment” is the Legislature’s unwillingness to enact either of
the plans that the House Committee now asks this Court to impose by court order. Because the
Legislature has not exercised judgment, Burns and progeny are inapposite, and the un-enacted
House and Senate plans cannot be considered “legislative” plans for purposes of one person, one
vote.
Put simply, a plan that the relevant legislative body has never approved is not a
“legislative” plan simply because it has some measure of support among legislators. Clark v.
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Putnam County, 293 F.2d 1261, 1264-65 & n.13 (11th Cir. 2002). In Clark, the Eleventh Circuit
Id. at 1264. After the Georgia legislature “defaulted its responsibility,” a federal district court
approved the plan on an “interim” basis. Id. The Eleventh Circuit concluded that although there
was a “substantial dispute” among the parties “as to whether the plan … constituted ‘court-
While it is true that the county drew the plan which the district
court ultimately ordered, it is also true that the Georgia legislature
did not approve it, which left the plan null and void. Without court
intervention, there would be no … plan to challenge…. We shall
treat this plan as a court-ordered one, since it was.
Id.; see also id. at 1276 (applying the de minimis population deviation requirement applicable to
court-ordered plans).
Likewise in this case, while it is true that the respective Houses of the Legislature drew
the plans that the House Committee now urges this Court to adopt, “it is also true that the
[Mississippi] Legislature did not approve [them], which left the plan[s] null and void.” Id.
Moreover, “[w]ithout [the requested] court intervention” to adopt the plans on an “interim” basis,
there will be no further proceedings concerning those plans of the sort proposed by the House
Committee. [Dkt. 82]. Therefore, as in Putnam, this Court should treat the un-enacted House
and Senate plans as proposed court-ordered plans, since that is what they are.
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II. THE TWO PLANS DO NOT MEET THE REQUIREMENTS FOR JUDICIALLY
IMPOSED REMEDIAL PLANS.
Both legislative bodies and courts must satisfy the population equality requirement of the
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the constraints on remedial plans
imposed by the courts are significantly tighter. As the Supreme Court of the United States ruled
in an earlier appeal from this Court’s imposition of a redistricting plan for the Mississippi
state legislature … must ordinarily achieve the goal of population equality with little more than
de minimis variation.” Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S. 407, 414-15 (1977) (quoting Chapman v.
Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 26-27 (1975) (alteration omitted). The House Committee does not bother to
suggest what important state interests can justify the substantial deviations from absolute
As the Republican Party explained at page 5 of its memorandum supporting its motion
for apportionment of expert [Dkt. 68; see also Dkt. 70 at 3], binding Fifth Circuit precedent
precludes this Court from imposing wide deviations by judicial decree. In Wyche v. Madison
Parish Police Jury, 635 F.2d 1151, 1159 (5th Cir. 1981), the court held that a deviation of 8.2%
in a court-ordered plan was “far more than de minimis” and therefore violated one person, one
vote. See also Chapman, 420 U.S. at 25-26 (refusing to assume that a 5.95% deviation in a
court-ordered plan would satisfy one person, one vote); Marshall v. Edwards, 582 F.2d 927, 937-
38 (5th Cir. 1978) (stating that “a maximum population deviation of 9.7 percent … would seem
to be unacceptably high” for a court-ordered plan); Colleton County Council v. McConnell, 201
F. Supp. 2d 618, 655, 660 (D.S.C. 2002) (devising state house and senate plans with deviations
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of plus or minus 1%). Here, both plans far exceed the population deviations previously
permitted by the Fifth Circuit. Both House plans deviate 4.983% above and below the norm, for
a total deviation of 9.966%. The Senate plan is only a little better. The largest district is 4.672%
above the norm, and the smallest 4.726% below the norm, for a total deviation of 9.398%. See
Declaration of Thomas Brooks Hofeller, Ph.D. (“Hofeller Decl.”), ¶¶ 8-9, attached as Exhibit 2.
Neither plan reaches the 10% limit which typically invalidates a legislative plan, but neither can
Moreover, while a deviation in excess of the 10% “standard” referenced by the House
Committee [Dkt. 82 at 2] establishes that a true legislative plan is prima facie unconstitutional, a
deviation of slightly less than 10% “does not provide a safe harbor.” Fairley v. Hattiesburg, 584
F.3d 660, 675 (5th Cir. 2009) (emphasis added). Accordingly, the two plans, particularly the
House plan, would likely be unconstitutional even if they had been properly adopted under
§ 254. As the district court explained in Larios v. Cox, even legislative plans must justify
substantial deviations from population equality. 300 F. Supp. 2d 1320, 1339-53 (N.D. Ga.)
(holding that state legislative reapportionment plans with total population deviations of 9.98%
for partisan advantage), summarily aff’d, 542 U.S. 947 (2004). While partisan gerrymandering
by itself does not violate the Constitution, partisan gerrymandering cannot support population
deviations that would otherwise violate the Equal Protection Clause. In the original House plan,
districts presently having Democratic incumbents have average populations of 1.0% below the
norm. Districts with Republican incumbents average 1.3% above the norm. Hofeller Decl. ¶ 12.
In addition, the House plan has redrawn or relocated certain districts presently represented by
Republicans so that they have a black voting age population majority; excluding those districts,
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the average population of the remaining Republican districts is 1.5% above the norm. Id.
districts happened on purpose or by accident, it defeats any suggestion that the broad population
Contrary to the arguments of the House Committee, it is not significant that the partisan
gerrymandering in this case is less “extreme” than that involved in Larios. [Dkt. 82]. Rather,
the point is that partisan interests cannot possibly supply a justification for unnecessary
population deviations. “[T]he Equal Protection Clause requires that a State make an honest and
good faith effort to construct districts, in both houses of its legislature, as nearly of equal
population as is practicable.” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 577 (1964). Even a plan actually
adopted by a legislature does not comply with Reynolds’s requirement of “an honest and good
interests. Certainly, it cannot satisfy the much higher standard of population equality applicable
to court-ordered plans.
One other point requires mention. The peculiarities of the House plans contain certain
details that are not immediately apparent from a mere analysis of the numbers. For instance, the
borders of District 121, represented by Democrat Diane Peranich, were substantially redrawn
with the effect of removing from her district the residence of Jeff Wallace, who had announced
Exhibit 3. In fact, the House plan removes Mr. Wallace from District 121 by splitting the very
precinct in which he resides. Id. Mr. Wallace’s exclusion from District 121 is not an isolated
case. In three other instances, the House plan draws announced Republican challengers to
Democratic incumbents out of the incumbents’ districts. Id. ¶¶ 3-5. District 24, represented by
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Republican Sid Bondurant, has a compactness measure of 0.36 under the plan presently in effect.
That measure was reduced to 0.16 under the first House plan and 0.11 under the second House
plan. Hofeller Decl. ¶ 6. Additional, similar examples are noted in an attached declaration. See
Hofeller Decl. ¶¶ 6-7. It is hard to escape the conclusion that the House Committee has pointed
the gun and is now asking this Court to pull the trigger. While politics may not be
B. The two plans do not meet the criteria set by Miss. Code Ann. § 5-3-101.
As also explained in the memoranda supporting the Republican Party’s motion for
appointment of expert [Dkt. 68 and 70], Mississippi has established neutral redistricting criteria
in Miss. Code Ann. § 5-3-101 (Rev. 2002). They are similar to the neutral criteria that federal
courts have traditionally applied in remedial orders, as this Court did in Smith v. Clark, 189 F.
Supp. 2d 529, 540-41 (S.D. Miss. 2002). This Court must employ those criteria except to the
extent necessary to comply with federal law. Both plans endorsed by the House Committee
accepted measures of compactness. For instance, a square district would have a compactness
measure of 0.64. Both House plans display a compactness measure of 0.33. Hofeller Decl. ¶ 5.
While some deviation from compactness may be expected in an effort to create minority districts
in compliance with § 5 of the Voting Rights Act, certain non-minority districts, now represented
by Republicans, are reduced to compactness measures such as 0.11 and 0.13. Id. ¶ 6. The
district of Democratic Representative Peranich, from which her likely opponent has been
excluded, now has a compactness measure of 0.16. Id. The Senate plan is better, with an
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average compactness of 0.38, id. ¶ 7, but the House Committee does not even pretend that either
Nor can it be said that either plan meets the statutory requirement of crossing county
lines, and other jurisdictional lines, as rarely as possible. Numerous counties could have been
divided into House districts without breaking county lines and without violating any provision of
federal law. As the attached declaration demonstrates, Warren County, Oktibbeha County, and
Lafayette County could each have two districts, but are divided into five, six, and four,
respectively. In the Senate plan, Pearl River County could stand alone as a single district, but,
The House Committee does not even acknowledge this Court’s obligation to effectuate
the policies set forth by statute in Mississippi, much less attempt to explain how its plan could
meet them. The inescapable conclusion is that the two plans do not even attempt to meet the
requirements of § 5-3-101, and therefore may not be used for remedial purposes by this Court.
If, contrary to the suggestion set forth in the Republican Party’s motion for appointment
of expert [Dkt. 67], this Court chooses to impose an “interim” plan for the 2011 election, for
such a term as this Court shall see fit to set, then it should not use the two plans suggested by the
House Committee. Instead, the existing plans are superior in many respects.
In the first place, the two existing plans really are legislative plans. Unlike the plan now
endorsed by the House Committee, they really were adopted by a joint resolution of the entire
Mississippi Legislature, as the people of Mississippi required in § 254 of the Constitution. While
that expression of Mississippi policy is now almost a decade old, it at least has the benefit of
constitutional legitimacy.
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Moreover, both plans were actually approved by the Attorney General of the United
States pursuant to § 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c. Counsel for the House
Committee may have had good reason to assure the Court that federal approval of his client’s
plans can be obtained, but this Court can have no certainty in predicting the conduct of a party
not presently before the Court. By contrast, this Court knows for certain that the existing plans
Third, at least with regard to the House plan, the measure of compactness is even worse
under the new plans than under existing law. The existing plan has a compactness measure of
0.34. Both House plans endorsed by the House Committee reduce that measure to 0.33. By
Worst of all, the evidence demonstrates that the House plans contain political agendas
that should be alien to any plan imposed by a federal court. See, e.g., Wyche, 635 F.2d at 1160
(“a court is forbidden to take into account the purely political considerations that might be
appropriate for legislative bodies”); Wyche v. Madison Parish Police Jury, 769 F.2d 265, 268
(5th Cir. 1985) (“Many factors, such as the protection of incumbents, that are appropriate in the
courts.”). The record does not reflect the political agendas that may have motivated the adoption
of the existing plans a decade ago, but those quarrels are long past. Specific districts and specific
candidates will be disadvantaged by a House plan which the House Committee invites this Court
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated in the Republican Party’s motion to appoint expert [Dkt. 67], this
Court should adopt its own remedial plan for 2011 to elect a Legislature for a full four-year term.
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Alternatively, this Court should employ the current plans in 2011 for such a term as this Court
may see fit. In no event should this Court order into effect the plans endorsed by the House
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that I electronically filed the foregoing with the Clerk of the Court using
the ECF system which sent such notification of such filing to the following:
s/Jack L. Wilson
STEPHEN L. THOMAS (MB No. 8309)
sthomas@babc.com
JACK L. WILSON (MB No. 101482)
jwilson@babc.com
BRADLEY ARANT BOULT CUMMINGS LLP
188 East Capitol Street
Jackson, MS 39201
Post Office Box 1789
Jackson, MS 39215-1789
Telephone: (601) 948-8000
Facsimile: (601) 948-3000