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claims than freedom of religion2. However, accommodation litigants are more successful when
invoking religion due to the restrictive analysis the court adopted regarding equality. In theory
groups seeking reasonable accommodation can challenge the inequality of face-neutral laws or
policies that effectively perpetuate oppression on the grounds of race, national origin, religion
and sex. In practice however, the insistence on formality has undermined minorities’ abilities to
accommodations claims. I argue that equality can offer a more comprehensive framework to
address two issues underlying the reasonable accommodation debate: structural inequality and
intersectional discrimination. Viewed in this light, equality could reorient our understanding of
a) Purpose. The Supreme Court of Canada has given s. 15 a largely formal purpose. It
has interpreted the provision as guarding from ‘unfair limitations upon opportunities’. 3 In
another formulation, equality is understood as ‘equal recognition at law (...) equally capable and
equally deserving of concern, respect and consideration’.4 This is a major stumbling block for
accommodation claimants challenging the differential effect of seemingly neutral law. For
instance, the complete ban of religious arbitration in Quebec and Ontario appears consistent with
the purpose of equal treatment since it purports to enforce secular law on all family disputes. In
practice however, the ban creates the very double standard it seeks to avoid: religious minorities
still use arbitration informally but its illegality means that populations at risk are out of reach
from social workers, legal aid assistance and sheltering options for battered spouse. Perversely
marginalisation.
of reasonable accommodation claims. The enumerated grounds of s.15 explicitly address race,
colour and religion-based discrimination, so that in theory the equality provision could be used to
combat structural inequality based on belonging to those groups. While Law emphasized a
contextual approach, in practice its formal analysis limits the utility of s.15. The correspondence
contextual factor of the dignity test acts as a formal internal limitation5. If the claimant fails to
prove the lack of correspondence between the discrimination and the objective of the law, she
will not have met her burden of proof. In Law, the differential treatment based on age was upheld
as it did not infringe the claimant’s dignity. More precisely, denying pension for deceased spouse
based on age was not discriminatory since the claimant’s youth corresponded to her increased
ability to attain long-term financial autonomy. This correspondence test constitutes a return to
between the means and the objective of the impugned legislation8. In this framework, a claim for
would likely fail. For instance, it would be difficult for Muslims demanding prayer rooms in
federal institutions to prove that refusing this accommodation lacks correspondence with the
restrictive judicial interpretation of equality is part and parcel of the subtle institutional policies
that perpetuate structural inequalities, and indirectly sanction latent racism? While recent
disproportionate burden on the plaintive9, they fall short of proposing a concrete new
comparator group —a sincerely held belief will suffice11— and imposes a positive obligation on
the State to accommodate religious differences until undue hardship, in the form of a reasonable
limit under s.112. Nevertheless, litigating for reasonable accommodation under s.2(b) has the
perverse effect of essentializing accommodation claims as religious. In the process, the complex
terms of race, colour, ethnic origin and colonial inheritance become extraneous to the analysis.13
C- Revisiting Equality
are socially organized to sustain existing power arrangements, we cannot hope either to
context of their claims is social differentiation wherein groups, and individuals within them, are
posited differently in terms of division of labor, decision-making power and norms of
based on underlying structures of racial, ethnic and colour differentiation. These paradigms for
exclusion are loosely echoed in the enumerated and analogous grounds, as they remind us of
historical and contextual disadvantages.17 Pothier suggests that grounds effectively save
accommodation.
discriminations. Gurbaj Singh Multani was of the Orthodox Sikh religion, but it is disingenuous
to ignore the possibility that discrimination on the basis of race, ethnic origin and colour also
‘coloured’ the kirpan ban. However, the current trend shows that the more grounds invoked, the
likelier it is that an equality claim will fail.18 Instead of permitting the claim to fall between the
cracks of multiple grounds, a proper understanding of the interaction between various grounds of
grounds.19 A conjunctive analysis of all grounds, as opposed to the current watertight approach,
joined analysis also avoids pitting gender and minority rights against each other. A case in point
is the accommodation of the veil in sexual assault court testimonies21. Discrimination is relevant
not only on the basis of religion, but also through the lens of gender. When asking Muslim
plaintives to ‘undress’, an analysis of the patriarchal nature of both rape per se and of its
institutional response in the justice system is relevant. Such a holistic approach regarding the
cumulative effects of discriminations enables a convergence of gender and minority rights and
allows us to move beyond Okin’s view that multiculturalism threatens gender equality
achievements.22
vulnerability of minorities who suffer from structural inequalities. Law’s reference to the
‘adverse effects’23 of face neutral legislation provides room for steering jurisprudential
interpretation of equality in this direction. In Multani, one can argue that the adverse effect of
banning the kirpan is excluding Sikhs from public education. Limiting access to free education
not only has symbolic detrimental effects on one’s dignity, it also affects the family’s financial
situation because they must pay for private education. Hence reasonable accommodation of the
kirpan can be conceived as affirmative action addressing the marginalization of Orthodox Sikhs
otherwise excluded from a key public institution and the vulnerability that comes with the
differentially onerous cost of having to seek private education. This retreat to the private sphere
is not unlike the retreat to Shari’a private arbitration. One suspects the failure to include
minorities in the public sphere is at least partially responsible for the balkanisation of both
equality. In theory Muslim women can take off their veil to testify, to pose for driving license
pictures or to vote, but in practice those policies will have the effect of curtailing participation in
public life and reinforcing marginalization and vulnerability. An overhaul of our understanding
of s.15 would open the possibility for equality to be sensitive to the complex identities of
1
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s.2(a), Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being
Schedule B to the Canada Act, 1982 (U. K.), 1982, c. 11 [Charter].
2
Ibid. at s.15.
3
Law v. Canada (Minister of Employment and Immigration), (1999) 1 S.C.R. 497 at para. 42
[Law].
4
Ibid. at para. 88.
5
Fiona Sampson, “LEAF and the Law Test for Discrimination: An Analysis of the Injury of Law
and How to Repair It” (Toronto: Women’s Legal Education and Action Fund, November 2004)
at 8.
6
Bruce Ryder, Cidalia Faria and Emily Lawrence, “What’s Law Good For? An Empirical
Overview of Charter Equality Rights Decisions” (2004) 24 Supreme Court Review 1 at 14.
7
Charter, supra note 1 at s.1.
8
R. v. Oakes, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103, 26 D.L.R. (4th) 200.
9
R. v. Kapp, 2008 SCC 41, [2008] 2 S.C.R. 483 at para 22 [Kapp].
10
Multani v. Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys, 2006 SCC 6, [2006] 1 S.C.R. 256 at
para 26 [Multani].
11
Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem, 2004 SCC 47, [2004] 2 S.C.R. 551.
12
Multani, supra note 10 at para 12.
13
In the context of the accommodation of Shari’a family tribunals, Razack explains that the
insistence on the secular/religious split casts minorities a non-liberal and glosses over group
based harm, namely structural issues such as colonial past and racism. Sherene Razack, “The
‘Sharia Law Debate’ in Ontario: The Modernity/Pre-Modernity Distinction in Legal Efforts to
protect Women from Culture”, (2007) 15 Feminist Legal Studies 3 at 18 and 24 [Razack].
14
Interestingly, Multani invoked s.15 for the accommodation of the kirpan in public school.
However the court didn’t consider it since the ban infringed s. 2(b).
15
Razack, supra note 13 at 8.
16
Iris Marion Young, “Structural Injustice and the Politics of Difference,” in Anthony Simon
Laden & David Owen, eds. Multiculturalism and Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007) 60 at 68.
17
Dianne Pothier, “Connecting Grounds of Discrimination to Real People’s Real Experiences”,
(2001) 13 CJWL 37 at 43 [Pothier].
18
Ibid. at 65.
19
The court recognizes that in theory a claim can be based on multiple grounds. See Law, supra
note 1 at para. 37. Nevertheless the analyses are conducted separately.
20
Pothier, supra note 13 at 62.
21
R. v. N.S., [2009] 95 O.R. (3d) 735.
22
Susan Moller Okin. Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1999).
23
Law, supra note 3 at para 36.