Académique Documents
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Culture Documents
Scott Brook
Abstract
Keating governments (1983-1996), one which highlighted the fault lines along
upon closer inspection the theoretical and ethnographic work behind the ‘cosmo-
multiculturalist’ thesis appears seriously flawed. This article revisits Hage’s mid-
multicultural suburb’. It argues Hage’s ethnography not only distorts the causality
that underpin local planning and the active participation of migrant associations in
are due to the commodity relations it enables, rather than being a consequence
1
social advantages. A brief review of one recent attempt to operationalise Hage’s
critique in Australian broadcasting policy further supports the conclusion that the
‘multiculturalism’ slides across levels of analysis, reflecting not only the different
are at stake, but also the different methodologies Hage has employed. Moving
resources and popular pedagogy often sustains the role of public intellectual.1
methodology has been that questions of cultural diversity, whether at the level of
one working class, the other middle class—that are taken as exemplary of two
1
Ghassan Hage is currently listed at number eighteen on the Australian Public Intellectuals (API) Network
‘Top Forty’ list. Available on-line at http://www.api-network.com/main/index.php?apply=&webpage=
default&cID=16&PHPSESSID=&menuID=50 [Accessed 1/6/2008]
2
competing policy priorities. For instance, in the book chapter ‘The class
cultural survival. For a book with the subtitle ‘searching for hope in a shrinking
society’, and a rhetorical style that strongly testifies to this ambition, the prospect
vis the nation state, Hage argues, the value of a culturally diverse polity from the
I can provide your multicultural workers with the […] grooviest coffee
shops you can imagine, equipped with the latest Italian coffee-
2
Ghassan Hage, Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for hope in a shrinking society, Pluto Press,
Annandale, NSW, 2003, 108-19.
3
Hage, Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for hope in a shrinking society, 110-11
3
Although clearly polemical, Hage’s argument is anticipated by empirical research
migration—Hage sought to highlight the less benign motives behind the pick-up
his cue from the use of the term ‘cosmopolitanism’ interchangeably with
late Hawke and Keating Labor governments had little to do with the needs of an
ethnically diverse polity, and even less with the symbolic work of ‘home building’
4
Ghassan Hage, ‘Anglo-Celtics Today: Cosmo-multiculturalism and the phase of the fading phallus’,
Communal/Plural, no. 4, 1996, 41-77, 63. Ghassan Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’ in Helen
Grace, Ghassan Hage, Leslie Johnson, Julie Langsworth and Michael Symonds Home/world: Space,
community and marginality in Sydney’s west, Pluto Press, Annandale, NSW, 99-153, 150-51n33.
5
Ghassan Hage, ‘Republicanism, Multiculturalism, Zoology’, Communal/Plural, no. 2, 1994, 113-37.
6
Hage, Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for hope in a shrinking society, 58-60.
4
in migrant communities, but rather centralised a middle-class tourist subject for
cultural taste developed by the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu,8 Hage suggested that
the function of a cultivated taste for ethnic diversity resided in the cosmo-
lack such ‘good taste’, and that such class practices could be redeemed as
suburbs of Sydney focused on the consumption of ethnic cuisine, this thesis was
not limited to food. It could include fashion, travel, music, film—in fact any activity
represented a more radical embrace of cultural difference than the earlier welfare
policy moment, yet it put this embrace in the service of a new national self-image
and a new national economy. Hage’s account therefore dovetailed well with the
policy contexts of both the 1989 Garnaut Report, Australia and the Northeast
during the 1980s as a solution to what Australian’s were being taught was their
7
Hage, ‘Anglo-Celtics Today: Cosmo-multiculturalism and the phase of the fading phallus’, 64.
8
Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, translated by Richard Nice,
Harvard University Press, Cambridge & Massachusetts, 1984.
9
Ross Garnaut, Australia and the Northeast Asian Ascendancy: Report to the Prime Minister and the
Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Commonwealth Government of Australia, Canberra, 1989.
5
vulnerable national economy; a moment Graham Turner has described as the
alone in drawing attention to this. Sociologist Nancy Viviani would write in 1996
that ‘[t]he stress on cultural diversity at the expense of the concern with equality
however, provided a history and theory of the public spaces in which such elitism
was performed. During the 1980s and 1990s there was no shortage of articulate
willing to testify how cultural diversity was good for the nation, and how culturally
consider how their rhetoric merged multiculturalism with globalisation, the forms
of class power their own position signaled in the media, or how their own morally
10
Graeme Turner, Making it National: Nationalism and Popular Australian Culture, Allen & Unwin,
Sydney, 1994, 111.
11
Nancy Viviani, The Indochinese in Australia 1975-1995: From Burnt Boats to Barbecues, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, 1996, 148.
6
elites’ that culminated in a spectacular backlash, as Meaghan Morris has
suggested.12
during this period, then I want to suggest its utility for policy is less
Cabramatta.13 This fieldwork was a key exhibit in the development of the ‘cosmo-
multiculturalism thesis’, one that sought to show how government policy was
unavailable to those who lack cosmopolitan capital, but focuses instead on the
point of exchange between cosmopolitan tourists and their hosts. This relation is
situation in which the value of ethnic culture shifts from being a source of ‘home-
consider the well documented fact that local government in Cabramatta has
12
Meaghan Morris, ‘`Please explain?’ ignorance, poverty and the past’, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies,1:2,
2000, 219-32.
13
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’.
7
drawn upon Indochinese cultural identity as a resource in numerous tourism-
orientated projects in cultural and urban planning, projects that have involved a
implies not only a ‘moral resistance’ to the notion that culture might form such a
resource, but an inability to appreciate the more mundane and routine objectives
are at stake. In the face of this, Hage’s research on the pursuit of cosmopolitan
capital.15
Cabramatta is a suburb with high levels of ethnic and linguistic diversity in the
Local Government Area of Fairfield in Sydney’s south west. Cabramatta also has
14
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’, 140.
8
visible due to both regular moral panics in the media during the 1980s and 1990s
associated with drugs and ‘Asian gangs’, as well as vigorous urban tourism
initiatives since the 1980s which continue today with the promotional tag:
‘Discover Cabramatta: A Taste of Asia’. Fairfield City Council invests a great deal
of effort in promoting the cultural diversity of the area, and boasts Cabramatta on
these two lived relations to cultural diversity off against each other—one
cosmopolitan, the other migrant; one centred on cultural consumption, the other
are, despite the fact that more migrant Australians live there, but also, and even
cuisine. In the case of Cabramatta, the interviews were with local restaurant
patrons, patrons who traveled to Cabramatta from Sydney’s inner suburbs for its
15
I should point out my comments are restricted to a reading of the notion of ‘cosmopolitan capital’ and do
not attempt to cover Hage’s much broader concept of ‘national capital’ as developed in White Nation:
Fantasies of White supremacy in a multicultural society, Pluto Press, Annandale NSW, 1998.
16
Fairfield City Council, http://wwwfairfield.nsw.gov.au [Accessed 1/6/2008].
17
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’.
9
perceived authentic Vietnamese cuisine, as well as the staff and owners of the
behaviour and interactions of restaurant customers and their hosts and therefore
didn’t consider the history of urban planning and municipal promotion in Fairfield,
nor the distinct local rationales for these projects. This leads to a serious error in
Hage’s account of the history of local tourism and the agency of local businesses
effect of the desire of tourist-consumers, rather than the managed result of town
Cabramatta, like any good ‘Third World’ tourist spot outside of the touristic circuit,
was ‘discovered’ by the adventurers of the centre playing the colonial explorer
game.’18 However, apart from the claims made by the Cabramatta culinary
cultural geographer Kevin Dunn.19 Dunn notes that from the late 1980s domestic
18
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’, 143.
19
Kevin M. Dunn, ‘The Vietnamese concentration in Cabramatta: site of avoidance and deprivation, or
island of adjustment and participation?’, Australian Geographical Studies 31:2, 1993; 228-45. Kevin M.
Dunn, ‘Rethinking ethnic concentration: the case of Cabramatta, Sydney’, Urban Studies, 35:3, March
1998, 503-25. Kevin M. Dunn, ‘Using cultural geography to engage contested constructions of ethnicity
and citizenship in Sydney’, Social & Cultural Geography, 4:2, 2003, 153-65.
10
tourism has been touted by a range of local agents as a way of combining a
‘place-making’ that has significance for local migrant communities.20 Such place-
making projects have been founded on the hope that negative press associating
the area with crime and drugs21—which Cabramatta locals, reportedly, regarded
Cabramatta Pai Lau Beautification Association which from 1986 onwards was
responsible for organising annual Lunar New Year festivities. This group
sculptures of animals from the Chinese zodiac. Freedom Plaza in the heart of
community groups both locally and throughout New South Wales, including
government of Taiwan, the heritage listed Pai Lau gateway was built—according
20
Dunn, ‘Rethinking ethnic concentration: the case of Cabramatta, Sydney’.
21
Peter Teo, ‘Racism in the news: a critical discourse analysis of news reporting in two Australian news
papers’, Discourse and Society, 11:1, 2000, 7-49.
22
Christopher Kremmer, ‘Generation V’, Sydney Morning Herald, 30 April 2005.
11
and, above all, as ‘a monument to democracy and freedom.’23 Bold letters spell
out the words ‘liberty’ and ‘democracy’ in Chinese, Vietnamese, Khmer, Lao and
English. The regional political significance of these words is deliberate. The tour
notes the gate was also designed to challenge popular perceptions that Chinese
early 1990s Dunn interviewed many of the office bearers of the Pai Lau
promotion of Cabramatta during the late 1980s with pamphlets and bumper
stickers with titles such as ‘Visit the new face of Cabramatta’, and slogans such
virtual tours on compact disc, and food tours. Dunn notes that ‘[l]ike the
23
'Tune in to Fairfield: a multicultural driving tour’, produced by Fairfield City Council in partnership with
the Migration Heritage Centre and Premier’s Department NSW. Audio tour notes available at
http://www.fairfieldcity.nsw.gov.au/default.asp?iDocID=6771&iNavCatID=213&iSubCatID=2258
[Accessed 5/10/2007]
24
Dunn, ‘Using cultural geography to engage contested constructions of ethnicity and citizenship in
Sydney’, 160.
12
about them, constructing the suburb as the ‘Exotic East’’. 25 He also suggests that
communities’.26 Dunn also notes, however, that there were many agents and
I do not draw attention to this history in order to claim such urban and
that the effects of such ‘orientalist’ strategies are benign. However, I do suggest
they too constitute the field in which cosmopolitan practices are played-out, and
that their local policy rationales cannot be read-off from the broader cosmo-
overlooks the specific context in which local tourism was touted as a solution to a
was being put. While these are not the immediate topic of Hage’s ethnography,
relations of tourism. For his part, Dunn’s research sought to develop a case
25
Dunn, ‘Using cultural geography to engage contested constructions of ethnicity and citizenship in
Sydney’, 160.
26
Dunn, ‘Using cultural geography to engage contested constructions of ethnicity and citizenship in
Sydney’, 160.
27
Dunn, ‘Rethinking ethnic concentration: the case of Cabramatta, Sydney’, 13.
13
concentrations, policies which Dunn shows had during the 1980s developed
far more serious problem, which concerns his use of the concept of cultural
capital. For unlike Pierre Bourdieu’s account, Hage does not leave room for
a person’s capacities that have been built-up by various forms of implicit and
explicit training, beginning with the family, extending through education and into
more subtle forms of ‘sensibility’, such as knowing what to talk about across a
wide range of social contexts. Cultural capital brings advantages to its holders as
it is the basis of further acquisition of cultural capital (for instance, through the
28
Dunn, ‘The Vietnamese concentration in Cabramatta: site of avoidance and deprivation, or island of
adjustment and participation?’.
29
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’, 101.
30
Pierre Bourdieu, ‘The Forms of Capital’, in John G. Richardson (ed.), Handbook of Theory and Research
for the Sociology of Education, New York, Greenwood Press, 1986, 241-258.
14
education system) and can also be ‘converted’ into symbolic capital (recognition),
social capital (social contacts and networks) and economic capital (financial
capital). And it is because cultural capital is unequally distributed that it can cater
for games of distinction that assist in the reproduction of social class. To follow
Bourdieu, however, would be to maintain the possibility that cultural capital can
be, and in the words of Tony Bennett, ‘withdrawn from the ‘game of distinction’’,
through an intervention in its distribution.31 For Bourdieu this was best achieved
through state education. To give an example: that some Australians might use
their capacity to appreciate ‘high’ cultural forms to produce social distance from
people from other social classes who do not have this capacity was not to be
countered by overturning the scales of cultural legitimacy upon which they were
erected (so that, for instance, arts funding bodies might regard Heavy Metal
music as equally worthy of funding as chamber music). Rather, for Bourdieu, this
might possess the means of appropriating those ‘cultural fields’, such as classical
music, that had achieved ‘aesthetic autonomy’ and thereby could support the
own problems, not least concerning its assumptions concerning the universal
value of European aesthetic culture.32 In any case, Hage’s use of cultural capital
31
Tony Bennett, ‘Cultural Capital and Inequality: Refining the Policy Calculus’, Cultural Trends, 15:2/3,
2006, 239-44, 240.
32
My reading of Bourdieu here has been greatly assisted by Tony Bennett’s recent essay that dispels the
myth that Bourdieu was a cultural relativist. See Tony Bennett, ‘The historical universal: the role of
cultural value in the historical sociology of Pierre Bourdieu’, The British Journal of Sociology 56:1, 2005,
141-64.
15
here is clearly different from Bourdieu’s. It does not attempt to clear a space in
example. Rather, Hage stakes out opposition to the idea that multicultural policy
might work with the kinds of market exchanges that permit the cosmopolitan’s
tourist itinerary in the first place. Furthermore, it is not that economic exchanges
critique of those forms of neo-liberal ideology that aspire to delete any role for
government beyond economic management). Rather, Hage takes up the far less
cultural difference.33
distinction, which would require research on the forms of social advantage that
accrue to holders of cosmopolitan capital on the basis of these claims, and (2)
33
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’, 140.
16
cannot consider cosmopolitan capital neutrally as a capacity that only becomes a
capital’ is not problematic because it delivers social advantages to its holders that
are unavailable to others due to its restricted circulation (which Hage’s research
function of ‘home-building’.34
an easy target for a classic study in tourism studies, namely Dean MacCannell’s
The Tourist: a new theory of the leisure class.35 For MacCannell, the modern
34
I must thank an anonymous reader of an earlier version of this paper for both an extended critical
response to my discussion of Cabramatta tourism and a spirited defence of Hage’s research there. These
have encouraged me to clarify the limits of my argument and more fully acknowledge those findings of
Hage’s research that are outside its scope. However, this reader emphasised a central objection that I cannot
accept; namely, that I rely on secondary sources and report no ethnographic findings of my own. Of course,
it is beyond dispute that fieldwork is crucial to the advance of research on cultural diversity and cultural
capital. However, as a criterion by which to assess the worthiness of contributions to debates in this area,
this criticism would imply methodological discussions have no validity of their own and/or can only be
broached when the speaker has cultivated the authority that comes with fieldwork. This not only diminishes
the possibility research might be accumulative and divided between specialised functions, but appears to
attribute a special status to ethnography as of higher cognitive value than those more bureau-based (dare I
say ‘bureaucratic’) modes of intellectual work, such as paying close attention to the details of published
reports and applied methodology, as well as raising questions of how research findings are coordinated
with the action of government agencies.
35
Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: a new theory of the Leisure Class, Schocken Books, New York, 1989,
[1976].
17
difference places them at the vanguard of many of the negative effects of
Modernity, the motivation for this quest is not an appetite for social distinction,
but rather the quintessentially Modern need to recuperate the disorientating and
prefigures the social sciences, including anthropology, as well as holds out the
planning’. It is for this reason MacCannell claims ‘[t]he modern critique of tourists
of the problem.’36 Indeed, the only way of interrupting the touristic desire for
the very same desire for authenticity, and the very same desire to escape the
Accordingly, one can hear a nascent form of Hage’s critique in the statements of
Sydney who was interviewed for the research on why he travelled to Cabramatta
36
MacCannell, The Tourist: a new theory of the Leisure Class, 10.
18
us with Australianised food they actually present the real food, and I’d
Here we can see the cosmo-multiculturalist in all their glory; freely providing the
clearly strong evidence in support of Hage’s account. Regarding the second half
of the quotation however, we also have to consider the possibility that this
and in fact shares the value Hage places on those forms of migrant home-
making that are not orientated towards the Other in a commercial exchange
Indeed, I’m not sure it’s possible here to separate Hage’s moral critique from that
of the interviewed subject, except for the fact that the interviewee is speaking in
the context of being asked to reflect on their tastes in restaurant cuisine, and
practical limitation of this position is that it cannot appreciate the mixed agendas
37
Hage, ‘At home in the entrails of the west’, 140. Emphasis added.
19
and domains of local government, such as urban and cultural planning, which
routinely factor in the priorities of local economies and are fairly impervious to
a resource not only prevents critics from attending to the details of governmental
attention from the varied agendas of non-government agents who make use of
this terrain. Given this, it would appear to restrict discussion to a mode of political
A neat conclusion here would be to suggest, following Ian Hunter, that the
practical site of application for Hage’s critique would be the classroom, where the
idea and ideal of culture as a ‘whole way of life’ works as a pedagogic tool
38
Ian Hunter, Culture and Government: the emergence of literary education, Macmillan, London, 1988.
39
It is hard to avoid being persuaded by Hunter’s historical account of the exemplary role of cultural
critique even if the sarcasm that often accompanied this argument detracted from Hunter’s claim to
appreciate those mundane and routine aspects of the teaching apparatus that are overlooked by overly
‘profound’ approaches. John Frow has noted the discrepancy between Hunter’s ‘in principle’ assumption of
the validity of critique as a pedagogically orientated mode of ethical self-formation and his tendency to
speak of it as ‘narcissistic, dilettantish and therefore trivial’. See his ‘Rationalization and the Public
Sphere’, Meanjin, 51:3, 1992, 505-16, 513. The significance of multiculturalism for curriculum
development at all levels of the education system can hardly be overstated and constitutes a highly
dispersed field of policy development with its own distinctive and enduring rationales. The dissemination
of Hage’s work in this field is clearly outside the scope of this article.
20
critique in a policy context makes such a conclusion unsustainable. In 2002
SBS’s charter requires the public broadcaster to reflect the cultural and linguistic
diversity of Australia and the research was commissioned by the SBS Board to
Work and Play’, Greg Noble introduces the term ‘everyday cosmopolitanism’ to
signal a positive difference from both the ‘elite cosmopolitanism’ Hage had
40
Ien Ang, Jeffrey E. Brand, Greg Noble and Derek Wilding, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural
Future, Special Broadcasting Service Corporation (SBS), Artarmon, NSW, 2002.
41
The National sample group (1437 respondents) included both ‘long time Australians’ and 1st generation
migrant Australians. The other sample group sizes were as follows; 406 Filipinos: 401 Greeks: 400
Lebanese: 401 Somalis: 400 Vietnamese: and 56 Aboriginal people. All respondents were above the age of
21
practical relation to the plurality of cultures, a willingness to engage with others’42
cultural diversity which this Report describes’.43 However, the chapter does cite
without migrants’, as a plausible explanation for those long time Australians the
report identifies as enjoying culturally diverse food, yet having ‘relatively little
‘very much a mainstream practice’, (with 72% of the national sample saying they
‘enjoy eating food from other countries’45) becomes a site of potential concern.
While long-time Australians are more likely to enjoy the cultural variety
migrants’ Hage (1997) describes: that is, people who consume exotic
contestable in relation to the data that is presented. First, the report notes it is
16 at the time of the survey. For more information on the sample groups see Ang et al, Living Diversity:
Australia’s Multicultural Future, 67-74.
42
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 34.
43
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 6.
44
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 37.
45
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 40.
46
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 37. The reference is to Hage, ‘At home in
the entrails of the west’.
22
workplace contact with people of other cultural backgrounds than members of the
diverse social interaction. Second, the report also suggests that the reason
ethnic minorities are less inclined to value culturally diverse foods compared to
long time Australians may be because, for ethnic minorities, eating food from
one’s own culture plays an important role in the migration process.48 Third,
culturally diverse content. Yet the survey instrument cited by the report does not
restaurants that serve food from a different country than your own, owning
cookbooks about foods that come from other countries, or searching for
ingredients in grocery stores that specialize in such foods. What it refers to is the
far more ubiquitous category of ‘enjoying foods from other cultures’. 49 What the
finding most likely indicates is that with the advent of increasingly globalised
industries of food production and distribution and the rise of powerful new forms
of food marketing, different types of cuisine have become available to the general
population and acceptable to those sections of the population who do not have a
traditional, inherited relation to such foods. What this might be taken to suggest is
47
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 30.
48
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 31.
23
supermarkets, fast-food franchises and convenience stores no less than
restaurants) far exceeds, for long time Australians, the opportunity to socially
is further supported by the fact that the more problematic sub-population of ‘long
time Australians’ the report identifies consists of those who lack cosmopolitanism
and to whom SBS should target their services; namely ‘older groups and those
any explanatory import here, as the report suggests, what it clearly does do is act
government subsidised culture that the agent behind the report (SBS) might
about.51 However, the signpost works because it is detached from Hage’s moral
49
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future 31. This measure is also referred to in the
text as ‘enjoying food from other countries’. (p. 30).
50
Ang et al, Living Diversity: Australia’s Multicultural Future, 38.
51
Tony Bennett, Michael Emmison and John Frow, Accounting for Tastes: Australian Everyday Cultures,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 234-35.
24
position. As we might expect, the proposed policy solution to the disjunction
between ‘enjoying foods from different cultures’ and low level of ‘intercultural
contact’ in the long time Australian population is that SBS should consider
focusing its efforts on older and less well educated ‘long time Australians’. Just
‘distributing hope’, as Hage calls for. This isn’t to eclipse a commitment to equity-
nor to argue against a principled appeal for the maintenance of such programs.
And it certainly isn’t to suggest that the pursuit of cosmopolitan capital by certain
groups who may thereby secure class-based advantages is not a cause for
25