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Generalizations*
Like all valued resources, positive and negative emotions are unequally distributed
in a society and constitute an important basis of social stratification. In this article, a
general conceptual scheme and a more specific theory of emotions are employed to
offer a preliminary explanation of the dynamics of emotional stratification. This theory
attempts to explain which specific positive and negative emotions will be aroused and
distributed across the social class system as well as among members of differentially
evaluated social categories. The theory emphasizes the importance of repression and
subsequent attribution processes as central to understanding the nature, intensity, and
distribution of negative emotions among individuals in lower social classes and deva-
lued social categories. By viewing emotions as not just reactions to the unequal distri-
bution of other resources but, rather, as a valued or punishing resource in their own
right, it becomes possible to better understand how micro-level dynamics occurring in
face-to-face encounters are affected by, and have effects on, meso-level and macro-
level social structures and their respective cultures. In particular, the distribution of
emotions can help account for both the processes of legitimatization of macrostructures
and, at the same time, de-legitimization of, and collective action against, macrostruc-
tures. This analysis of emotions questions much recent theorizing and commentary,
often within postmodern analysis, about the authenticity of people’s emotions in con-
temporary society. The stratification of emotions is as real as inequality in money and
power, and it has significant effects on the dynamics of human societies.
In this article, I will briefly lay out the theory of emotions that I have
been developing over the last decade (Turner 1988, 1996a, 1996b, 1997,
1999a, 1999b, 2000a, 2000b, 2002, 2007a, 2007b, 2007c, 2008), but I will
turn to a topic that I have not explored before: the stratification of emotions.
Like any other resource, emotions are distributed unequally across social
strata; and the relative distribution of positive and negative emotions has sig-
nificant consequences for not only the dynamics of stratification but also for
all other social processes in societies. The distribution of emotion is generated
by the same institutional dynamics that distribute unequally other resources
such as material wealth, power, and prestige. People’s experiences within
institutional domains generate a legacy of emotions, just as they determine
how much money, power, prestige, health care, or any other valued resource
they come to possess. Moreover, part of this emotional legacy is individuals’
reactions to their ability or inability to gain material well-being, power, or
prestige; and so, emotions are not only directly distributed to individuals play-
ing in roles within institutional domains, they are also generated by their reac-
tions to the kinds and amounts of other resources that they receive from these
domains. A theory of human stratification must thus incorporate a view of
emotions as a critical resource that, like all other resources, is stratified.
A Simple Conceptual Scheme of Human Social Organization
Figure 1 outlines my view on human social organization as unfolding at
three fundamental levels: micro, meso, and macro. These three levels are, of
course, analytical distinctions but they are much more: they denote the reality
of social organization itself. They are not an analytical fiction but, in fact, a
representation of actual social reality. At the micro-level are focused face-
to-face encounters as well as unfocused encounters (Goffman 1961, 1963,
1971); at the meso level are corporate units (revealing a division of labor
organized to pursue goals, however vaguely defined) and categoric units
(social distinctions, such as those denoting class, ethnicity, or gender, that people
make and use in evaluating and responding to others who are placed into a
social category); at the macro-level are institutional domains, stratification
systems, societies, and systems of societies. As the arrows connecting the boxes
in Figure 1 emphasize, these levels of reality have causal effects on each other.
An important property of social reality is embedding, whereby micro-
units are embedded in the structure and culture of meso-level units; in turn,
meso-level units are embedded in institutional domains and stratification sys-
tems lodged inside a society and, often, systems of societies. Another way to
look at embedding is to recognize that smaller units are constrained by the
structure and culture of larger social units. But, we should not forget that, ulti-
mately, meso structures and their cultures are constructed from micro-level
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 171
Figure 1
A Simple Conceptual Scheme.
2007a for more extensive treatments) since the critical elements of this model
will be revealed in trying to understand the stratification of human emotions.
The Institutional Basis of Societal Stratification
Institutional domains are congeries of corporate units (groups, organiza-
tions, and communities) devoted to resolving basic problems confronting
members of a population. Functional theory was not wrong in viewing institu-
tions as meeting ‘‘survival requisites’’ but this approach was not the best way
to conceptualize these domains. Institutions arise from selection pressures
(problems of adjustment and adaptation) confronting populations, but once
they exist, they reveal dynamics that often have little to do with adaptation
(indeed, often just the opposite). For our purposes, the most essential feature
of institutions is that they evidence a structure and culture oriented to meeting
selection pressures. Thus, an economy is composed of meso-level units, linked
together in dynamic ways, to deal with problems of gathering, producing, and
distributing resources; a kinship system is structured around reproduction of
persons; a polity emerges to deal with problems of coordination and control;
and so on for all institutional systems. The culture of an institutional domain
always reveals an ideology about what ought and should occur in a domain,
with this ideology representing an application of more general societal and
inter societal values. Institutional domains also evidence general norms that
most people in a society come to understand. And, the corporate and categoric
units from which a domain is constructed also evidence ideologies and norms
that reflect the ideologies and norms of more inclusive institutional domains
and stratification systems. An under theorized feature of all institutional
domains is that they utilize a generalized symbolic medium of exchange for
transaction within a domain and for exchanges with corporate units in other
domains. Table 1 lists, in rough form, some of the key generalized media for
a number of institutional domains. I am re-introducing this old idea from
Simmel ([1907] 1990); later Talcott Parsons (1963a, 1963b), and most
recently, Niklas Luhmann (1982, 1988), because it is important in understand-
ing the dynamics of any institutional domain. Moreover, generalized media
are employed as the terms of discourse by actors within a domain and efforts
to ‘‘thematize’’ actions in a domain (Luhmann 1982); and from these uses of
generalized media come the moral themes contained in the ideology specify-
ing what is right and proper in an institutional domain. For example, money is
the generalized medium of an economy, and it is also the symbolic medium
structuring discourse and thematicizing that, in turn, leads to the formation of
an ideology in the economic domain. Love is the symbolic medium of the
family, while being the symbolic basis for constructing themes and ideologies
about family life. And so it goes for each domain.
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 173
Table 1
Generalized Symbolic Media of Institutional Domains
1. Economy Money and other metrics of value that can be converted into
money
2. Polity Power or the capacity to control the actions of other actors
3. Law Influence or the capacity to define what is just and right for
actors as well as the ability to adjudicate social relations
among actors
4. Religion Sacred ⁄ Supernatural or the ability to explain events in terms
of the power and influence of non-observable forces
5. Education Transmission of knowledge or the capacity to impart
knowledge to actors
6. Kinship Love ⁄ Loyalty or the use of strong affective states to engender
strong attachments and commitments among kin
7. Science Verifiable Knowledge ⁄ Truth or the search for knowledge in
the empirical world revealing truths about the operation of
this world
8. Medicine Health or the ability to sustain the normal functioning of the
human body
Generalized symbolic media are more than symbols, however. They can
also be resources, often highly valued resources that form the basis of the
stratification system. Thus, money, power, influence, love, knowledge, truth,
and other media are valuable resources in their own right; and they are often
directly involved in stratification. For example, money and power are the med-
ium, respectively, for economy and polity, but these symbolic media are
highly valued resources that form the basis of any stratification system. At
times, symbolic media work indirectly, as is the case where education, knowl-
edge, and truth can allow persons to claim honor and prestige at a minimum
and perhaps money and power at a maximum. Hence, either as resources
themselves or as resources that allow access to other kinds of resources strati-
fying a population, generalized symbolic media are the basis for the unequal
distribution of what is valued in a society. Moreover, the pattern of resource
distribution (from each institutional domain) forming stratification of a society
is legitimated by a composite of the ideologies from each resource-distributing
institutional domain. Symbolic media are, therefore, both the resource that
is distributed unequally and the basis for the ideologies that legitimate
inequality.
174 JONATHAN H. TURNER
Institutional domains use generalized symbolic media not only for trans-
actions, but, as noted above, these media are the foundation for ideologies that
proclaim social worth (another valued resource). Inherent in this dynamic is
the potential for stratification because resources can possess value in what they
allow people to do—for example, to use wealth to purchase desirable goods
and services or to use power to tell others what to do. Symbolic media can
also be inherently rewarding and valued—as is the case with having power or
money, with feeling loved, with possessing knowledge or influence. Often this
reward value is enhanced because possessing one kind of resource allows peo-
ple to gain access to others, as is the case when money is used to buy power,
when educational credentials marking knowledge are used to garner money in
high-paying jobs or to claim prestige, or when love generates confidence that
enables individuals to secure money, power, or prestige. There is, then, a kind
of compounding of resources, with those having one set of resources being
able to secure other valued resources. This aspect of stratification has often
been emphasized by sociologists from Marx to present-day scholars, but there
is a more complex and nuanced dynamic here. Typically, theories recognize
that money, power, and prestige have interaction effects, with possession of
one of these basic resources allowing access to the others; almost all resources
have this same effect, although perhaps to a somewhat lesser degree. For
instance, knowledge can be used to garner wealth, power, and prestige; love
and the more general experience of positive emotions can be used to do the
same thing, as can influence and possession of truth.
This compounding occurs because each symbolic medium is valuable in
its own right and because each symbolic medium is the basis for an ideology
that establishes what is good, bad, worthy, or unworthy within an institutional
domain. As a result, possession of a generalized symbolic medium allows
access to feelings of worth as defined by the ideology of a domain, and this
feeling leads to the arousal of emotions which are yet another resource that
can be added to the mix of resources made possible by generalized symbolic
media. As people learn the culture of each domain, they also internalize the
standards and criteria of worth contained in institutional ideologies and use
these to evaluate self, others, members of categoric units, and those playing
roles of corporate units, with the result that stratification is more than material
resources but the distribution of worth and value as well as the emotions that
these generate.
Emotions are, then, another valued resource distributed by institutional
domains. Some domains like the family are organized around a symbolic
medium that is also an emotion: love. This emotion is inherently valuable and,
at the same time, often generates a more complex set of positive emotions that
give people confidence to secure other resources in diverse institutional
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 175
resources across institutional domains; and if they do not, they may suffer a
loss in positive emotional energy that perpetuates their diminished position in
the stratification system.
Perhaps the most difficult analytical and empirical problem in understand-
ing the distribution of emotions and their effects on individual and collective
action stems from the fact that negative emotions are painful and, hence, will
often be repressed. And, once defense mechanisms are activated, the repressed
emotion will often transmute into a new emotion or set of emotions that
change people’s perceptions and propensities for action. Thus, a theory seek-
ing to explain the stratification of emotions must take account of the effects of
defense mechanisms. Moreover, it is also critical that we develop a more
robust conception of emotions beyond crude polarities like positive and nega-
tive emotional energy; for, while emotions can be valenced along a positive–
negative continuum, the specific emotions aroused have varying effects on the
potential for repression and for the actions of individuals.
I must, therefore, backtrack a bit and lay out the general theory of
emotions that I have been developing over the last decade. Then, I hope to
pull together the general conceptual scheme, the view that emotions are strati-
fied like any other valued resource, the dynamics of specific emotional states
that become stratified, and the potential of various patterns of emotional strati-
fication for changing institutional domains and ⁄ or stratification systems in a
society.
A General Theory of Emotions
The Palate of Human Emotions
Table 2 presents my overview of the human emotional repertoire (Turner
1994, 1999b, 2000a, 2000b, 2002, 2007a). There are, of course, other such
summaries within sociology (e.g., Kemper 1987; Thamm 1992, 2004, 2006)
and in psychology (e.g., Plutchik 1980). In my view there are, at a minimum,
four primary emotions: satisfaction-happiness, aversion-fear, assertion-anger,
disappointment-sadness. Primary emotions are hard wired in the human neuro-
anatomy and, hence, are invariant across all humans, although like language,
they often reveal wide variations in just how they are expressed. There are
other candidates for primary emotions such as disgust, expectancy, surprise,
and a handful of others, but all researchers would agree that the four listed in
Table 2 are primary. (See Turner [2000a:68–69] as well as Turner and Stets
[2005:14–15] for lists of hypothesized primary emotions.) Columns 2, 3, and 4
of Table 1 delineate variations in these primary emotions from their
low- through moderate- to high-intensity manifestations. Column 5 summa-
rizes what I term first-order elaborations of primary emotions, which represent
Table 2
Variant and Elaborations of Primary Emotions
Variations
(Continued)
177
178
Table 2
(Continued)
Variations
(Continued)
Table 2
(Continued)
Variations
Table 3
The Structure of Second-order Elaborations of Primary Emotions:
Shame, Guilt, and Alienation
Emotion 1 2 3
lesser degree, sadness or fear. Repression thus protects self but it breaks the
connection between the real emotions that were originally aroused and the
sources of this arousal; and as the painful emotion is kept out of conscious-
ness, it often transmutes into a new emotion (or component of first-order or
second-order emotion) that is more acceptable to the cognitive sensors of
persons.
When emotions are repressed, they are not only transmuted but they also
become more intense; and the longer the emotion is repressed, the more likely
will it surface either in transmuted form (e.g., chronically repressed shame
emerges as anger and violence) or in very intense spikes of the emotion
repressed (e.g., sudden spikes of repressed shame, guilt, anxiety, or other emo-
tions that have been pushed below cognitive awareness, at least for a time).
The transmutation and intensification of emotions generate an entirely new
and complicated set of emotional dynamics that must be part of a general
sociological theory of emotions because repressed, transmuted and intense
emotions break social bonds and, at times, can have significant effects on
meso and macrostructures. Scheff (1994) alone and in collaboration with Scheff
and Retzinger (1991) have long made this point about shame, viewing the
anger that can sometime emerge from repressed shame as a force behind
forms of collective violence ranging from feuds through genocide to war.
Visualizing emotions as stratified can add, I hope, a new way to examine these
macrostructural consequences of emotional arousal.
Table 4 summarizes my views on the activation of defense mechanisms. I
see repression as a kind of master defense mechanism that pushes negative
emotions below the level of consciousness, but once repressed the nature of
the repression can vary, as is summarized in Table 4. Column 1 in Table 4
lists the emotions that are most likely to be repressed, generally (1) intense
variants of anger, sadness and fear, (2) first-order elaborations where anger,
sadness, and fear are the dominant emotion, and most importantly, (3) shame
and, to a lesser extent, chronic guilt. Column 2 lists the relevant defense
mechanisms: displacement, projection, sublimation, reaction formation, and
attribution. I could add denial as a mechanism, but I am grouping it with
repression as a master mechanism that sets into motion those defense mecha-
nisms listed in Column 2. The transmutation of the repressed emotion is very
much affected by the nature of the specific defense mechanism activated, as is
delineated in Column 3. Finally, once repressed and transmuted, the emerging
emotion will target a limited range of potential objects: others, micro-encoun-
ter, corporate units, or categoric units (self is excluded because of the nature
of repression). As we will see, sometimes the more macro-level institutional
domain within which a corporate unit is embedded will be targeted and, at
other times, the target will be the macro-level stratification system within
184 JONATHAN H. TURNER
Table 4
Repression, Defense, Transmutation, and Targeting Emotions
which categoric units are embedded. And, once more macrostructures are
targeted, societies and systems of societies can become potential targets of the
negative emotions, particularly anger but, at times, other types of negative
emotions as well as positive emotions (from sublimation and reaction forma-
tion).
At the bottom of Table 4, I list attribution as a defense mechanism;
and in my view, this is the most important mechanism from a sociological
perspective. There is, of course, a large literature on attribution dynamics
emanating mostly from the cognitive revolution in psychology. Justice
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 185
can sustain what positive emotions can be gleaned from the local encounter and
still vent aggression safely. This aggression generally involves anger at the cul-
ture and structure of corporate units and anger codified into prejudicial beliefs
about members of categoric units who are somehow seen as responsible for
negative emotional arousal.
At some point in these dynamics, attribution as a cognitive process shifts
to attribution as a defense mechanism whereby the actual source of the nega-
tive emotions—self and others in micro-level encounters—is not recognized
and indeed repressed from consciousness and transferred to safer objects like
corporate and categoric units. The reason that negative emotions often jump
over local encounters is, as noted above, because people rely upon these
encounters for routine activities where they still receive some positive sanc-
tions and meet at least some expectations; and rather than lose these sources
of positive emotional energy, it is easier to repress the negative emotions and
vent anger at more remote objects. For, to become angry in face-to-face inter-
action invites counter-anger and negative sanctioning, which assures that at
least some expectations will not be met and that negative sanctions will be
experienced. Thus, in order to protect self and to sustain the viability of face-
to-face relations, it is far easier to repress negative emotions, but once this
step is taken, the emotions become more intense and, in the case of first-order
and second-order emotions, transmute into their anger component that targets
ever-more remote objects such as meso- and macro-level structures.
Indeed, individuals may also target the institutional domain in which a
corporate unit is embedded or the stratification system where a categoric unit
is lodged. In fact, there is a constant pressure for negative emotions to migrate
outward toward meso and macrostructures; and it is for this reason that legiti-
macy of macrostructures is often difficult to sustain in highly stratified socie-
ties. Moreover, since positive emotions reveal a proximal bias and circulate in
local encounters, they often do not radiate out to meso and macrostructures,
thus making legitimization of institutional domains, stratification systems, and
whole societies difficult.
At times, of course, reaction formation and sublimation can work to
transmute negative into positive emotions that can radiate out to meso- and
macrostructures, but the more frequently used defense mechanisms is, I
believe, attribution which pushes negative emotions outward, while keeping
positive emotions local so that they can circulate in solidarity-generating inter-
action rituals (Collins 2004). The end result is that solidarity at the level of
local group and community is much easier to achieve than solidarity of larger-
scale structures. Randall Collins (1975, 2004) adaptation of Durkheim’s and
Goffman’s ideas into a theory of interaction rituals captures these dynamics;
individuals become rhythmically synchronized causing positive emotional
188 JONATHAN H. TURNER
arousal that becomes symbolized. Since these kinds of interaction rituals are
the primary source of positive emotional arousal for persons, it is not surpris-
ing that people will work to sustain them by repressing negative emotions and
pushing these emotions out to safer objects that cannot directly fight back and
directly sanction a person negatively. It is for this reason that legitimacy of
macrostructures is always difficult to create and sustain. Let me now turn to
some of the implications of this brief review of my general theory (see Turner
2007a, for a full review of the theory).
The Dynamics of Emotional Stratification
Each institutional domain uses a distinctive generalized symbolic medium
that is also a valued resource for those interacting within encounters embedded
in the corporate units that make up any given domain. Because corporate units
are generally hierarchical, evidencing systems of authority, resources are
distributed unequally within a corporate unit. Moreover, corporate units them-
selves reveal inequality with the result that individuals in some corporate units
gain more resources than individuals in other corporate units. Corporate
units not only distribute the resources of the domain in which they are embed-
ded, but in complex societies, they also distribute the resources of other
domains. Thus, money is distributed in an economy, but so is power and pres-
tige; power is distributed in polity but, similarly, prestige and money are also
distributed; love and loyalty are distributed in families but families reveal
higher and lower levels of income which affects access to money, prestige,
knowledge, health, and other valued resources. Even though a corporate unit
is typically embedded in a distinctive institutional domain and, therefore, dis-
tributes the resources of this domain, it also has interchanges with other insti-
tutional domains and thus garners resources from these other domains and
distributes them as well.
For each encounter within a corporate unit within an institutional domain,
individuals have expectations for which, and for how much, of any given
resource they are likely to receive; and they will experience a diffuse and gen-
eralized sense of positive and negative sanctions depending upon the degree to
which they have met or failed to meet expectations. Similarly, individuals are
sanctioned directly by specific others in a situation, with positive sanctions
arousing positive emotions and negative sanctions generating negative emo-
tional arousal. Even though the distribution of resources frequently operates as
a sanction, face-to-face interpersonal sanctioning has powerful, immediate,
and direct effects on individuals’ emotions, above and beyond the effects of
realizing or failing to realize expectations.
The biography of any person is a movement through chains of face-
to-face encounters in corporate units lodged in institutional domains where
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 189
each individual has met or not met expectations for resources and has received
varying profiles of positive and negative sanctioning. At each and every
encounter, individuals will experience emotional arousal in line with the prin-
ciples on expectations, sanctions, and defense mechanisms enumerated above.
If persons meet expectations and receive positive sanctions, they will experi-
ence positive emotions, whereas if they do not they will experience variants
and elaborations of negative emotions and be more likely to activate defense
mechanisms to protect self.
It is evident, then, just as each institutional domain distributes resources
and the generalized media of a domain, so it also distributes positive and neg-
ative emotions. And just like any other resource, positive emotional arousal is
valued and inherently rewarding, whereas negative emotions carry less value
and, indeed, can be highly punishing. A biography filled with negative emo-
tional arousal will typically limit access to the valued resources of other insti-
tutional domains because negative emotions erode confidence, while reducing
the chances that a person will be successful in encounters. Angry and alien-
ated people will not, for example, generally be able to gain other valued
resources; shamed and humiliated people will not have the confidence to
secure other resources, whether resources like love and affection in family or
money in the economy. Of course, at times anger can lead to securing
resources, as would be the case if diffuse anger was used to garner power and
at times money or even prestige. Yet, on average across a population, those
who have experienced negative emotional arousal will be disadvantaged com-
pared to those who have a reservoir of positive emotional energy because (1)
they will have a reduced share of positive emotions, which are valuable in
their own right, and (2) they will have a legacy of negative emotional arousal
that will limit options for gaining access to the resources and media of other
institutional domains.
When subpopulations of individuals have similar shares of emotional
resources, these resources become yet another basis for stratification. Typi-
cally, a pattern of emotional stratification reinforces class, ethnic, gender,
age, or other categoric units receiving different levels of power, material
wealth, prestige, health, knowledge, and other valued resources of institu-
tional domains. Thus, we should expect that people located at different
points in the class system will reveal different profiles of negative and posi-
tive emotional energy, and we should be able to specify more precisely the
particular emotions that are differentially distributed. Similarly, we can
expect varying shares of emotional resources among members of differen-
tially evaluated categoric units, such as gender and ethnicity, that are also
part of the stratification system organizing a population. How, then, do we
get a conceptual handle on emotion as a valued resource that is distributed
190 JONATHAN H. TURNER
and perhaps the institutional domains in which these units are embedded; or,
alternatively, the diffuse anger is directed at members of devalued categoric
units (Jews, gays, ethnic minorities) and codified into prejudicial beliefs. Thus,
the lower is the class position of individuals, the more likely will a large pro-
portion of these individuals experience shame (and perhaps guilt), with the
result that some will have repressed this shame, and as a consequence, will
reveal diffuse anger at meso and macrostructures. In this way, the shame can
find expression as anger toward safer targets that cannot sanction a person,
while not disrupting the flow of positive emotions in the micro-level inter-
action ritual chains conceptualized by Collins (1975, 2004).
Lower-class individuals are far more likely than those in the middle and
upper classes to play roles in hierarchical corporate units revealing an author-
ity system exercising control over their actions. From monitoring and control
at work to patriarchal relations in the family, corporate units in institutional
domains where the working and lower classes play roles are more likely to be
‘‘authoritarian’’ and hence be shame-generating machines, compared to those
for middle- and upper-class members. While subgroups within these hierarchi-
cal structures can emerge and generate positive emotions through (anti-author-
ity) interaction rituals, it is nonetheless more likely that individuals at lower
levels of these hierarchies will have been negatively sanctioned and made to
experience shame. Moreover, the exercise of authority can also work to
remind individuals that whatever expectations they may have had for success
in these structures have not been fully realized, thus adding an additional level
of insult and emotional injury to self. It should not be surprising, therefore,
that these individuals will repress their shame (and perhaps guilt as well, if
they see doing well in moral terms), leaving them with a reservoir of anger
that will target more remote social structures and their respective cultures. At
times, this anger can be mobilized for collective and violent action against
members of categoric units or institutional domains. External attributions of
this sort thus protect self and sustain those encounters where positive emotions
can be derived, while giving the anger arising from shame safe targets on
which to vent aggression.
In contrast to those in devalued categories below the midpoint in the
stratification system, those above the midpoint will have experienced positive
emotions not only in most local encounters but also within key resource-
distributing institutional domains, thus allowing them to make self-attributions
about their success. They will have avoided experiencing shame and therefore
not engage in anger-generating repression of shame. Of course, individuals in
particular contexts will have experienced shame, but collectively, there will be
far less anger among individuals above the midpoint in the class system. In
each domain, they are more likely to have experienced reliable sources of love
192 JONATHAN H. TURNER
in more stable and less stressed families, to have received prestige-giving edu-
cational credentials, to have prospered in higher-paying occupations, to have
exerted some influence in the legal system, to have exercised their rights to
act politically (if only by their votes or lobbying efforts of their professional
associations), and to have been able to gain access to health through access to
the medical domain.
While positive emotions tend to cycle through interaction rituals in
micro-level encounters and groups, those who consistently experience positive
emotions across a range of resource-distributing institutional domains will tend
to make some external attributions for their success, viewing corporate units
and the institutional domains in which these units are embedded as partially
responsible for their success. They will, therefore, be more likely to bestow
legitimacy on macro-level institutions—economy, polity, law, religion, medi-
cine, and other domains where they have been able to meet expectations and
receive positive sanctions. Thus, as many studies document, those at the mid-
point and above of the stratification system almost always are more conserva-
tive than those below the midpoint and, hence, likely to bestow legitimacy on
existing macrostructures. When inequalities are great, with vast differences in
the resource shares of those high and low in the stratification system or of
those in highly and lowly evaluated categoric units, the positive emotions of
those who have been successful legitimate institutional domains while the neg-
ative emotions of those who have experienced shame, if not humiliation, in
these domains can work to undermine the legitimacy of key institutional
domains. If there are large numbers of individuals in the lower classes, vis-à-
vis, those in the middle and upper classes, then the unequal distribution of
negative emotions to members of the lower classes will be that much more
volatile. And, because repressed shame intensifies all of the emotions involved
and transmutes shame into the most volatile component—high-intensity vari-
ants and first-order elaborations of anger—the existence of a large segment of
the population aroused in this way poses a threat to the institutional order and,
of course, to the classes above the midpoint in the class system. Often, the
anger from below is displaced onto categoric units that cannot fight back,
blinding members of the lower social classes or members of devalued cate-
goric units, to the real source of the anger (shame produced in encounters
lodged in institutional domains rigged against the lower classes). If there is
‘‘false consciousness’’ across the working class and poor, it is more the result
of repression than ideological manipulation, although the latter can facilitate
repression of people’s shame.
When repressed shame generates diffuse anger, this shame and anger can
be passed down across generations as parents shame their children who must
repress their shame and displace their anger on those outside the family and,
STRATIFICATION OF EMOTIONS 193
later, on their own children. Exacerbating the shame that comes from failure
in non-familial institutional domains is the legacy of family life where the dif-
fuse anger of parents generates shaming behaviors that assure that their chil-
dren will also reveal this anger and, as a result, reduce their chances of
meeting expectations or receiving positive sanctions in non-familial institu-
tional systems. Thus, parents who have few resources or material, intellectual,
cultural, and social capital to pass on to their children as they enter resource-
distributing institutional domains also handicap their offspring by failing to
give them the positive emotional energy that can translate into confidence and
better chances at meeting the expectations of institutional domains and at
receiving positive sanctions from others in these domains. Instead, what often
occurs is that the shame transmutes into episodes of anger and violence, while
also transmuting into a persistent alienation from those domains that distribute
the most valued resources in a society.
At times, middle-class individuals cannot meet expectations or receive
positive sanctions in the corporate units of key institutional domains; the
results are the same for these middle-class persons as they are for those in the
lower social classes or those in devalued categoric units. The shame and
humiliation experienced by those in the middle and upper classes, however,
increase the potential for anger and violence because they had much higher
expectations for success in resource-giving institutional spheres. Moreover,
since the middle classes tend to view success in institutional domains as a
moral imperative, their shame may also be accompanied by persistent guilt
that is also repressed. The likelihood of violence is perhaps even greater
among these middle-class subpopulations when they can organize. For exam-
ple, anecdotal data (Gottschalk and Gottschalk 2004; Gottschalk and Lefebvre
1995) suggest that terrorists are often from middle-class families in repressive
societies where corruption makes it difficult for many individuals to realize
their expectations for success in resource-distributing institutional domains. As
a result, the shame and humiliation, plus guilt, are often repressed, with exter-
nal attributions for their plight often leap-frogging the institutional domains in
their own societies (aided by media, clerics, and the propaganda machine of
polity). This diffuse anger may target rival ethnic subpopulations, but as has
been evident, the anger can be directed toward other societies such as the Uni-
ted States or Israel or to systems of societies (Bergesen and Lizardo 2004),
such as Western capitalist societies. The anger here is so great that people are
willing to kill themselves in order to inflict harm on those in another society.
In this case, the repressed emotions are not only heat-seeking missiles, they
become intercontinental missiles targeting another population often living far
from the society where the negative emotions were originally aroused. Thus, a
society that thwarts its middle classes will evidence even more intense
194 JONATHAN H. TURNER
ENDNOTE
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