lnlroduction

Yellowface

Morking rhe Orienrol

I n March l9g7. the cover of l{ational Reaiew featured presi_ I aent William Iefferson Clinron, nrr, fujy Hillary Rodham I chnton. und iic. president AI 'c;;;; uiii,. y.ttoonruce. The I president. portrayed as a chinese;;;;"y_buck_toothed, | 1"i"V-.rya and pigtailed, wearing a straw .,coolie,, hat_ -first 'n"ck_toorhed lady. rir"ir".lf f ::::r-."u:e. The and squmty-eyed, outfitted as a Maoist Rei a "Little Red Book,'. while the ui.. Cuard, brandishes
Buddhisr priest, beatifically stuffed with money.

p."ff.^

pr..iaent, robed

"

Uigglng bowl already

as

ille_ gal campaign con tribution. exclusively on Asian and Asian""?_era".li, o ro.,rr"d alm os t "r A_";i; lorrt iU.rtors.l Like most of the mainstream media, National Reuiew wassilent on questions : the impac t _"f ,i"rdon al corpora,tle_ lroad.er trons on American politics ani th""it ut.frrinn.,ence of big money on big politics. Ntttional Reu;u* inrt uaplayed rhe ra<:<:
.

l{ational Reuiew and revived a -.,1i,T11"".":sly tradition of racial srotesques that had illustrated broadsides, editorials, and diairibes against Asians in America since the mid-nineteenth century. The cover rrory- r.r-_urized allega_ tions that the Clinton administrati"" ,rJa,"rr.ited campaign donations from Asian contributors ir, .*lfrurg. fbr policy fa_ vors. These alleearions virtually ig""*; ;; much larger emphasiz.a

In using the yellowface cartoon to illustrate a story about alleged politicai corruption, tn. .aito.,

trr.i.

,-t"ip"r",

lnlroduclion

Yellowfoce

thc concept of the alien as a polluting body. l-he cultural anthropologist Mary Douglas argues that fears of polluti'rr arise when things are out of place. soit, streiuserves, is fertile earth wlrrrr ,' the ground with-tomatois growing in it; it is poluting dirt when 'rrrl tlr<' kit<:hen table. pollutants are objecti, or persons, perceived to be ,r .l 1llirc.. Ttrey create a sense of disorder and anomaly in ttre q.mbolic st"( r.r'(''l s'<'icly. Douglas observes that pollution is not a conscio's

Court denied Takao Ozawa, an immigrant fromJapan, the right to become a naturalized citizen. In its ruling, the court recognized the fact that some Asians, including Ozawa, were of a paler hue ihan many _ttu_ ropean immigrants already accepted into the nation as ,.white." Race, the court concluded, was not a matter of actual coror but of .,blood,, or ancestry andozawa, being ofJapanese "blood," courd not claim to be white, no matter how white his skin_2 \Alhat does Yellonface signify? Race is a mode of placing culturar meaning on the body. yeilowface marks the oriental as'indeli-bly alien. (lonstructed as a race of aliens, orientals represent a present danger of pollution. An analysis of the oriental as a racial category must n.gir,

is relevant to race onry insofar as certain phyri.ul .hu.uii.,ristics, s'ch as skin color or hue, eye color or shape, shape of the nose, col.r,r,l ,.,*,,-,r" of the hair, over- or underbite, etc., are toiiotty d.efinedas markcrs'l racial difference. The designation of yellow as the racial coror of the oriental is a prime example of this social constructedness of race. rnrg22,the U.S.

eyes, overbite, mustard-yellow"skin r:.r'r.. ()rrry .he ra1nd cialized oriental is yellow; Asians are not. Asia is not u rrirrrgi<:ar fact but a geographic designation. Asians come in the broacr.st ,.,,,,ir, ,rt'skin color and hue. Because the organizing principle behind the idea .r'r.ix.. is ,,common ancestry," it is concerned with the physical, the bi.krg.ical, and the reproductive. But rac-e is not a category of nature; ir is iacology ^ri lht?"gl which unequal distributions oiwealth and powerr :rr. ''turalized-justified in the langurage of biology and gerreaiogy. l,hysiognomy

as

defines the oriental in a racial opposition to white'css. vril.w{.ace exaggerates "racial" features that have been designatccl ,,()r.ir:ntirl,,, such

and Asian American cirrrrpaign contri clear that it was no. .,r,.1r.r,,,it money, ()l rvo' fbreign money-generally, but specifically Asia' r'rl'cy that pollrrtccl the American political process. In the eyes ol' tltt. Nariryt..r ll.eaiezu t:ditors, the nation's first family (with Al Gore as p.tcntiar rrcir) rracl been so polluted by Asian that they had literaliy rurrrt:<l y<,ll<,w. lloney Yellowface marks the Asian body as unmistakably ()r i.rrtirl; ir sharply
lrrrli<rrrs' National Reuiew made

:'tl. l'ir.rrsi'g only on the Asian

it

"slanted"

S'preme

*itn

act. Mere presence in the wrong place, the inadvertent crossing of a boundary may constitute pollution.3 Aliens, outsiders who are inside, disrupt the internal structure of a cultural formation as it defines itself vis-i-vis the Other; their presence constitutes a boundary crisis. Aliens are always a source of pollution. Not all foreign objects, however, are aliens-only objects or persons whose presence disrupts the narrative structure of the communitv. It is useful h... to distinguish between the alien and the merely foreign. Although the two terms are sometimes used interchangeably' they carry diffeient connotations. "Foreign" refers to that which is outside or dis,,alien' describes things that are immediate and present yet tant, while have a foreign nature or allegiance. The difference is political. According to the Oxford, Engtish Dictionary, as early as the sixteenth century "alien' referred to things whose allegiance lay outside the realm in which they resided, as in "alien priories"-monasteries in England whose loyalty was to Rome. This early definition of "alien' emphasized the unalterable nature ofthe foreign object and its threatening presence. only when the foreign is present does it trecome alien. The alien is always out of place, therefore disturbing and dangerous. The difference between the alien and the merely foreign is exemplified by the difference between the immigrant and the tourist. Outsiders who declare their intention of leaving may be accorded the status of guest, visitor, tourist, traveler, or foreign student. Such foreigners, whose presence is defined as temporary are seen as innocuous and even desirable. On the other hand, if the arriving outsiders declare no intention to leave (or if such a declared intention is suspect), they are accorded the status of alien, with considerably different and sometimes dire consequences. only when aliens exit or are "naturalized" (cleansed of their foreignness and remade) can they shed their status as pollutants. Alienness is both a formal political or legal status and an informal, but by no means less powerful, cultural status. The two states are hardly synonymous or congruent. Alien legal status and the procedures by which it can be shed often depend on the cultural definitions of difference. In 1923, ayear after it denied Takao ozawa the right to naturalize, the Supreme Court stripped Bhagat Singh Thind, an Indian immigrant who was already an American through naturalization, of his U.S. citizenship.a In Ozawa u. (Jnited States, tlrre court had ruled that no matter what the actual color of his skin, nor how much he could prove himself culturzrlly assimilated, Ozawa'sJapanese "blood" made him "unamalgamablc" lry marriage into the American national family. In United Sto'tes u.'l'lr'itrtl,, d<" spite the ethnological evidence presented by Thind that hc, it lriglr-r':tstt' Ilindrr, was a {escendent of Aryans and hence w}rilc lry "lrloorl," llrr'

lntroduction

Yellowfoce

court ruled that he was not, holding that racc' was not a scientific category but a social one, and upheld the rcvo<:ation o1'Thind's citizenship. In both Ozawa and Thind, the Suprenrr: (klrrt t:r<:itly recognized race to be a product of popular ideology. In both r:ast:s, Olricl'.fustice Sutherland, writing for the court, cited the existt:n<:c ol'ir "<:<lnrmon understanding" of racial difference which color, <:rrltrrr-<', and scicnce could not surmount. The important thing about race, thc SrrJrrt:rnc Oourt held, was not what social or physical scientists at the tinrc rrray lrave had to say about it, but rather how it was "popularly" definccl. Not until 79b2, after more than a century of settlerncnt in the United States, were Asian immigrants finally granted the right to lx:<:ome naturalized citizens. Even so, long after the legal status ol'"alicn" has been shed, the "common understanding" that Asians are an :rlir:rr pre sence in America, no matter how long they may have resided in thc United States nor how assimilated they are, is still prevalent in Amcrir:an <:rrlture. In 1996, the immediate response of the Democratic National (lornrnittee to allegations that it had accepted illegal campaign donations fiorn li>reigners was to call Asian American contributors to the party's collers and demand that they veri4r their status as citizens or permanent rc'siclents. One such donor, Suzanne Ahn, a prominent Houston physician and. civic leader, reported to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights that DNC auditors threatened to turn her name over to the news media as "uncooperative" if she did not release personal financial information to them. Ahn concluded that she had been investigared by the DNC, the FBI, and the news media simply because she had contributed to the DNC and was Asian American. Even public figures do not escape the assurrrption that Asian Americans are really foreigners in disguise. When Matthew Fong, a fourth-generation Californian, ran as a Republican candidate for Secretary of State in California-a position his mother March Fong Yu had held for the better part of two decades-he was asked by news reporters whether his loyalties were divided between the U.S. and
China.5

Oliphant

All rights reserved' Universal Press Syndicate' Reprinted with permission'

many you want?" The cartoon plays on the ;oh'n Huangs"are there? How

'Just how many Oliphant's signature nebbishes asks from the6 margin'

..commonunderstanding''thatorientalsareindistinguishableasindi. How could Olividuals and thus ultimally fail as "teal" Americans' of the American political phant's poll watcher, the yeoman guardian understanding"' possibly hope i.o."r, and embodiment of "common flooding into the nations body io distinguish among all the Orientals
politic?

Populor Culture ond Rqce

over The Oriental as a racial category is never isolated from struggles and national identity' The Supreme race, ethnicity, sexuality, g.ttdtt, popular conCourt's "common understinding" is a legal fiction' It gives ireal" Americans' the power to define vention, the common sense of as racialized alien race. The "common understanding" of the oriental of popular culture' where struggles therefore originates in the realm take place and wh<'rt' over who is or who can become u,'r.uiAmerican' thecategories'representations,distinctions'andmarkersofrztctlltt.<'<lt'<lilt'r'lly finecl. Some studies attribute hostility toward Asian immigrir'rrts the creation ol'an t:tl.ttti< lrlly <lt'lirrr'<l scg to cconornic competition ancl lilttttt'wrll h lrlt rn(,nl(.(l ltrlrrlr rnitr.kct.'I'ltcy Provi<lc trs witlt ittt t:<'otttttltit'

In the run-up to the 1996 presidential elections, a cartoon by syndicated cartoonist Pat Oliphant played on the persistent "common understanding" of Asian Americans as permanent aliens in America. It showed a befuddled poll watcher confronted with a long line of identically short ( )ricntal men with identical black hair, slit eyes behind glasses, and buck tt'cth, all wearing identical suits and waving ballots. Referring to the Asiun Arnerican DNC official who was made the poster boy of the fundlirisirrg sr:andal, the caption reads, "The 3,367thJohn Huang is now votirrg." l')< lrring the public comment of presidential candidate Ross perot tlr;rl rrrrrt: ,l'thc Asian names brought out in the campaign finance scrrrrrl:rl tlrrrs llr sorrrrlcrl likc th<:y b<:longed to "real" Amcricirrrs, orrt'ol'

(i

lnhoduciion

Yellowfoce

rrnderstanding the dynamics of class and race and a map of the economic terrain on which anti-Asian hostility has been built. By themselves, however, those studies do not account for the development or functioning of specific racial images of Asians in American culture.T This book takes up popular culture as a process, a set of cultural practices that define American nationaliry-who "real Ame ricans" are in any given historical moment. American citizenship and Arnerican nationality are not $monyrnous; citizenship carries with it an implicit assumption or promise of equality, at least in political and legal terms, while nationality contains and manages the contradictions of the hicrarchies and inequalities of a social formation. Nationality is a constantly shifting and contested terrain that organizes the ideological struggle over hierarchies
and inequalities. The nature of popular culture is the subject of much debate.s Popular culture is most often identified as having its roots in the organic culture of the common folk or peasant life, in opposition to court or bourgeois culture. Popular culture, then, is often characterized by politically resistant, if often nostalgic, qualities. Ever since the rise of industrial capitalism in the early nineteenth century popular culture has been in reality complex, increasingly shaped by the capitalist processes of its production and circulation. Nevertheless, popular culture, albeit sometimes reconstituted as co-opted or deracinated mass culture, continues to be identified with subordinated groups, as opposed to the dominant ruling class. The mobilization of national identity under the sign "American" has never been a simple matter of imposing elite interests and values on the social formation, but is always a matter of negotiation between the dominant and the dominated. Subordinated groups offer resistance to the hegemony of elite culture; they create subaltern popular cultures and contest for a voice in the dominant public sphere.e The saloon vies with the salon, the boardwalk with the cafe, and the minstrel theater with the opera house as an arena for public debate and political ideas.r0 Although it mobilizes legitimacy, the cultural hegemony of dominant groups is never complete; it can render fundamental social contradictions invisible, explain them away, or ameliorate them, but it cannot resolve them.11 However deracinated, whether co-opted, utopian, nostalgic, or nihilist, popular culture is always contested terrain. The practices that make up popular culture are negotiations, in the public sphere, belwr:cn and among dominant and subaltern groups around the questions of nati<;nal identity: \Arhat constitutes America? \A4eo gets to participate :rn<l orr what grounds? \A4ro are "real Americans?" Sirrt <: Jroprrlar culture is a significant arena in which the struggle over rk'lirrirrg Arrr<:rir:irrr nirtionality occurs, it also plays acritical role in definirrg r':rcr'. l{lr'<'is ir prirr<'ipitl signi[ir:r of sociirl differences in Amcric;r. It

is rleployed in assigning differential political citizens presumed to have equal , i,.t f.iuit.g., in air-tir-tgi,ishing between unequal' subordinated subjects''2 Alr ights and privileges tia it'ntittttly invisible' once produced tlrough race is ott.r. .u-ottflaged or tettde'ed is present everywhere in the social ,,* u Zu,.go.y of social differeice it

rights and capital and

so-

having to do wittt class' gender and sexuality' the Oriental bei:,*ify, and nation. Once producld.in those discourses' and reproduction of those social comes a participant in th; production identities.l3

j,n wbtttutrl in disiourses

culture' The Oriental as lirrmation and deeply imbedded in the popular in popular discourse about race ir racial category is produced' not only

The StereotYPe ond the FomilY Clinton and Al Gore in The racist humor of portraying Bill and Hillary flmily is always presumptively ;;i;;t;" *ort.* oniy t"tutt"" the first s1.'mbol of America as a white nawhite-an enduring, if anachronislic' tioninthepopularimagination.Yellor,t{acetransformsthefirstfamily, family: Bill' Hillary hirtori.ully and rynnbolic"ally white, into th.e Oriental of Asian money' become alien' yeland A1 have, througlr the pollution
low, and

for an imagined nationhood' The fictive kinship' iu-ify a, u ,ymtol of nationhood structures nationality ascommon terms only recall that the most a common ancestry. One need "mother tongue"' "fain which the nation is invoked ("brotherhood," are terms also shared by therland") all ref'erence terms of kinship' These (both biological and cultural) has race. The fiction of common ancestry both race and nation' Indeed' been made central to the construction of historically,thetwocategorieshavebeeninterchangeable'Forexample' to speak of national it was commott ir-t ,t. titfy decades of this century as " races' " or Japanese gro.rpr- tne American, French, the central sysThe family is also the primary iJeological apparatus' and manages contratem of symbols, through which the state contains social unit through dictions in the social itr-ucture' It is the principal whichtheindividualcanbecomeanationalsubject,amemberofthe is a primary .o**.rnity through birth, adoption' marriage' The family sexual relagender and site in which tuUo, po*tr. and class relationi' are produced and reproduced' It is tions, ethnic and racial identities to and organizes the closest also the symbolic system that gives -tuttittg relatlonships among people and ..orlo*i., u'-ti
cans as a family is the discursive basis

-t The idea of AmeriThe family is the primary metaphor of the nation'

Oriental.

psychological,

within

a commtrnitY'ra

'"*t'ul

Altlr<lrrglrthtlflrrrri.lylras<rli't:nbcclnc<rnsirlt.rt:<lapr.ivattlslrltt't.tl,<'vt.tt

li

lirltnrlrrr ltnrr

Yellowfoce

lrw.

educition and public Jccommodations. I rr the "crisis of the family" and the struggle to ,.restore ru-ity uut.r.r,, t.lra(. has been trumpeted for the past twoiecades, the Asian American lirrnily, portrayed as ,.intact," ,.diiciplined ,,, and. patriarchal, has been prcsented as the model for economic success in a period of economic <lecline.t6 This representation is quite recent; Asians have been cast as zrrr economic, social, and sexuar threat to the American national family throughout their history in the United States. The pollution of the nation's first family did not only come about through a suspected exchange of money for policy. The cjlinton administration's hands-offpolicies toward human rights violations by the lndo_ nesran government in East Timor, or the superexploitation of workers by Nike in vietnam in the interesr of free trade, io name onry two instances, has barely scandalized the American press or public. \A/hat the press seems to have been most interested in is ihe .rrr-b., of times Asian contributors and fundraisers came for coffee at the \Arrite House. Al_ though the white House logs of overnight guests show no Asian orAsian American guests save the governor or fruwiii, press reports that big contributors to the clinton re-election campaign might be invited for over_ night stays at the \Ahite House ,r.r. .rr.ruliy prinied nexr to, and often illusfrated with, pictures of Asian American fundraisers. The idea that the Lincoln bedroom might now be slept in by (wealthy) O.i.rrtui, ,"._, to mosr offend rhe ,,common understincling.,; rhe iien toJy fr.r.rrt in the national bedroom can now be imagined as the deepe. ,J.r... or pollution.
'irrgt:

tw('('' r).rents and children via custodial, child welfare, and adoption lt rcgulates race relations through laws prohibiting interracial
and. addressing housing,

l r,r r r r l r. r r:l'k(.r l)r.c(i and from public life, in fact the family unit Ir;rr lrt'r'rr ;r kt'y <'rr'y 1l.int fbr state intervention in every areaof daily lilr',r" lrr rlr. r't:irrr' 'r'cco'omics, the state enters the family via taxes ;rrrrl t'sr;rrr' r^ws. 'r'he state regulates gender relations in the family via rrr;r'r'irrg. irrrrl div.rce laws. It regulates sexual relations tnro.rgh family l:rws *'gir'rlirg age of consent, sanctioned and prohibited ,.".11 behavir's, pr.r'.graphy ancl.marriage. It regurates the familiar relationship be_

,r l l;r\'('r r

:r shift in class relations accompanied by cultural crisis. At such times American nationality-who the "real Ameri62ns" a1s-is redefined in

lerms of class, gender, race, and sexuality.

The representation of the Asian as pollutant originated in midnineteenth-century California. For white settlers from the East, Chinese settlers from the West disrupted the mythic narrative of westward expansion. The Chinese constituted an alien presence and a threat of pollution which earlier fantasies of exotic but distant Asia could not contain. In the popular imagination, California was a free-soil Eden, a place where small producers, artisans, farmers, and craftsmen might have a second chance to build a white republic, unstained by chattel slavery or proletarian labor.rT In this prelapsarian imagery the Chinese were both identified with the moral chaos of the Gold Rush and portrayed as the harbingers of industrial wage slavery. As the national debate over slavery abolition, and statehood came to a boiling point in the late 1860s, the ideal of establishing California as both free and racially pure demanded the removal, or at least the exclusion, of both Chinese and African Americans. The representation of the Chinese immigrantworker as a coolie came

mar_

about as the U.S. working class was formed in the 1870s and 1880s. Although they had come to America as free (albeit highly proletarianized) workers, Chinese immigrants found themselves segregated into a racially defined state of subordination as "coolie labor." The Chinese "coolie" was portrayed as unfree and servile, a threat to the white working mans family, which in turn was the principal symbol of an emergent workingclass identity that fused class consciousness with gendered national and racial identity. The coolie representation not only allowed the nascent labor movement, dominated by its skilled trades, to exclude Chinese from the working class; it also enabled the skilled trades to ignore the needs of common labor, which it racialized as "coolie labor" or "nigger work." 18 Irish immigrants who were in the process of consolidating their own claim to Americanness and a white racial identity led the popular
anti-Chinese movement. The Oriental as deviant, in the person of the Chinese household servant, is a figure of forbidden desire. The deviant represents the possibility of alternative desire in a period during which middle-class gender roles and sexual behavior were being codified and naturalized into a rigid heterosexual cult of domesticity. In the West, the Chinese immigrant played a central role in the transition from a male-dominated, frontier culture shaped by the rituals of male bonding to a rigidly codi{ied heterosexual Victorian culture. In the 1860s and early 1870s, hundrcds of Chinese women were brought to San Francisco and forced into

The Six Fqces of the Orientol Six images-the pollutant, the coolie, the deviant, the yellow peril, the rrodel minoriry and the.gook_portray the Oriental as an alien body :rrrd a threat to the American nati,onal family. From each of these racial Prr'irdigrns emerges a wide- array of specific images. Each of these repres.rrrlr(i<lr.rs was constructed in u rp.iifi. historical moment, marked by

Irrllocluction

Yellowfoce

11

or de-skilling of industrial labor, urbanization, and immigrat.ion had all contributed to massive changes in both middle- and working-class families. These changes contributed to the construction of a culiurc of consumption, reflected in new gender roles as well as new sexual attitudes and behavior among men and women of both classes. In the altermath of the First world war and the Bolshevik Revolution, these domestic social and cultural transformations were accompanied by deep anxieties about racial suicide and class struggle.2o rhrough its supposld subversion of the family, the yellow peril threatened to undermine what Lothrop Stoddard, a popular advocate of eugenics and racial geopolitics, calred the "inner dikes" of the white race. The representation of Asian Americans as a model minoriry, although popularly idenrified with the late 1960s and r9z0s, originated in the racial logic of cold war liberalism of the 19b0s. The imag! of Asian Arnericans as a successful case of "ethnic" assimilation helpeJto contain three spectres that haunted cold war America: the recl rn"rru.. of communism, the black menace of racial integration, and the white menace 'f homosexuality. In place of a radical critique calling for structural r:h.'ges in American political economy, the model minlrity mythology srrl>stit.trted a narrative of national modernization and ethnic assimilati.rr through heterosexuality, familialism, and consumption. By the late llxiOs, zrn image of "successful" Asian American assimilation could be lrt'l<l rrll t<l Aliican Americans and Latinos as a model for nonmilitant,
rrorr

the moment when the United States prepared to pick trp "the white man's burden' in the caribbean and the pacific, "Asiatic inrrnigration' was said to pose "the greatest threat to western civilization ancl ttic white Race."te Domestically, the triumph of corporatism, the homogenization

racial and class stabiliry could be preserved. By the turn of the century Asian immigrants were reprcsc.nted as the yellow peril, a threat to nation, race, and family. The acquisition of territories and colonies brought with it a renewed threat <il' .,Asiatic', immigration, an invasion of "yellow men" and "little brow' brothers." At

Pr,srilrr(irn. lly the end of the decade, thousands of chinese immigrant ilr('il w('r'c rlriven out of the mines and off farms and ranches and were lrircrl irrlo middle-class households as domestic servants. Both of these silrurti.ns opened up possibilities of interracial sex and intimacy. Middle.l:rss whites regarded the chinese with ambivalence. on the one hand, tlrt'(lhinese were indispensable as domestic labor; on the other, they r'('l)rcsented a threat of racial pollution within the household. A repres.ntation of the oriental as both seductively childlike ancl threateningly scxual allowed for both syrnpathy and repulsion. The representation of the oriental as deviant justified a taboo against intimacy rhr.ugh which

Since the 1970s, the model minority image has coexisted with and reinlbrced a representation of the Asian American as the gook. The shift in rlre U.S. economy from large-scale industrial production to flexible accurrrrrlation and the global realignment of capital and labor have brought rrbout new crises of class, race, and national identity. In the context of tlrcse contemporary crises, the "intact" and "traditional" Asian Amerir

rrotjust for African America or Latino families but now for all American lrtmilies, including those of the white middle class. Simultaneously. howt'ver, in post-Vietnam and post-liberal American popular culture, the Asian American is represented as the invisible enemy and the embodirnent of inauthentic racial and national identities-the gook. The Vietrram \Mar is replayed in popular culture as the narrative of American der.line in the post-industrial era. The received wisdom of the Vietnam War rrarrative is that America's defeat in Southeast Asia was brought about by Ir laceless and invisible Asian enemy, aided and abetted by an American <.ounterculture. The rapid growth of the Asian American population and its apparent success render the model minority, like the now-mythic Viet oong, everywhere invisible and powerful. In the narrative of American rlccline, Asian Americans are represented as the agents of foreign or rnultinational capital. In this narrative of national decline, Asian Ameri(:an success is seen as camouflage for subversion. The model minoriqt is r.evealed to be a simulacrum, a copyforwhich no original exists, and thus ir false model of the American family. In the dystopic narrative of Ameri('an national decline, the model minority resembles the replicants in the science fiction book and fikn Btad,e [11177y127-a cyborg, perfectly efficient but inauthentically human, the perfect gook. The cultural crises in American society that give rise to these representations of the Oriental come in the wake of economic change, particularly in what economic historians Gordon and Reich call transformations 0f ihe structure of accumulation.2l The transformation of the social relations of production and the organization of work and segmentation of the labor market have profound effects on the stfuctures, relations, irnd meaning of families, gender, and race. At each stage of capitalist <levelopment, new "emergent" public spheres are constituted and new rlemands arise for participation in the dominant public sphere.z2 The the Oriental llopular discourse of race in which these constructions of were produced and deployed is not a transparent or unmediated reflection of the economy, but rather an expression of social contradictions <lrawing on images of the present, visions of the future, and memgrics ol
(hc past.
A,s

:rn family is promoted as a model of productivity, savings, and mobility,

polil i<'lrl rrpward rnobility.

a historical analysis of the constrtrct.ion of rtrprt:strttlltliotts ol (lrt'()rit'rrtal ancl a strrcly ol rix'ial idcology, tlris book itsks ltow lltcst'

lntroduction

Yellowfoce

13

popular songs of the nineteenth century ,'uguri.r. fiction and illustra_ tions, silent movies and pulp fiction, unJ uotty,.ood musicals and dramas. The principle criterion for selecting these .,texts,' has been the ex_ tent to which each helps to illuminate the social contradictions of its production, the internal comprexities of the oriental representation, and the way in which the oriental is imbedded in the discourses of race, gender, class, and sexuality in America.

.h r''ghout American popular c ulture, in pictures, songs, paraphernalia, books, and movies' and no single image represents the totality of the representation. Therefore, rather than iocus on any single genre or medium' or the technorogy of a genre, or its reception, this book looks at

they perlir.rrr:.'. Racial images and stereotlpes are ideorogiilly active, ana thus ('().tradictory and unstabre. The oriental upp."u., in various guises

rr'P*:s.'r-ations were constructed and what ideological tasks

lr<:ial representation as a social practice. The Oriental is a complex racial lt'presentation, made up of contradictory images and stereotypes. This r'ornplexity and ambiguity gives the Oriental its ideolosical power, its connection with the broadest web of social concerns. In turn, this conncctedness reinforces the representation and gives the racial stereotype ils power to survive, mutate, and reproduce.

Resisting the Orientol

Asian Americans have not been passive in the face of the production and

and ,r.r.oryp.r-f,"*, *1.. ten than not, focused on the distance between image "f and reality. However' stereog'pes of Asian Americans are not simply distorted ve.sions of Asian lives in America. The yelrorface coolie -and model minoriry clespite their apparent contradiction, not only coexist but, in fact, can bccome mutually reinforcing at critical junctures because neither is creatcd by the actual lives of Asians in Am'erica. \A/hat produces these ster_ o()typcs is not just individual acts of representation, but a historical dis_ ( ().r'sc of race that is embedded in the history of American social crises. ( )' thc other hand, a concern with these images as the product of and :rgt'rr( i'a complex racial ideology can lead us to an understanding of

sterlotJpes. This preoccupation with "positive" and"'negative" stereotypes reifi es and_inadvertently legitimates the racial discourse of the oriental that produces both the coolie and the minority. It shifts attention from a criti_ cal analysis of race toward a narrow utilitarian calculus in which specific images are measured in terms of their usefulness to strategies of tipwara ,,bad,, mobility.z3 Discussions of ,,good,,

with. " good " stereotJpes vs.

of national magazine was deeply .rrrr.tilirrg, particularly to those Asian Americans who had bo.ush! into the myth"of the -od.i -irro.rj. sr,r.. the mid-1960s, the national media had popularized an image Jr.trir' Americans as the perfectly assimilatea ana presumptively accepted ethnic minority in the Ulied States. Among many Asian Americans, the emersence of the model minority image tea to a'popurar preoccupation ..bad i'
pages

lowfoce: Sfereotype o nd Discou rse The reappearance of the,yellou,{ace grotesque on the front a
Yel

lt:production of the Oriental stereot'?e which has barred them from irnmigration, citizenship, and participation in American sociery and culIrrre. A century beforeJohn Huang became a celebrity in the annals of American political scandal, Asian Americans challenged their exclusion li'om America both through the legal system and in the realm of culture. The historical struggle of Asian Americans to achieve full citizenship in the United States has challenged and revivified every aspect of citizenship in a liberal democracy, including the right of entry and naturalization, equal protection and economic rights, and the right to participate firlly in the public culture.2a Asian names dot the landscape of constitutional jurisprudence: Yck Wo (equal protection), Fong Yue-Ting (imrnigration), Wong Ark Kim (citizenship through birth), Toyota (land ownership), and Fred Korematsu (internment) are only a few of the rnost widely cited. Historian Sucheng Chan has identified almost 200 cases thatAsian Americans have brought before the U.S. Supreme Court zrnd more than a thousand cases that have come before lower federal courts and whose written decisions have warranted inclusion in the Federal Reporters.2s Chan estimates that this number represents only about l0 percent of the cases actually brought before Federal courts. One need only recall such books as Younghill Kang's East Goes West, ( larlos Bulosan's Arn erica Is in the Heart, orJohn Okada's No-ly'o Bo1 to be rerninded that culture has also been an arena where Asian Americans have contested their exclusion as Orientals, critiqued the unfulfilled promises crf democracy, and mapped alternative visions of American identity. Cultural critic Lisa Lowe observes,
Asian American culture is the site of more than critical negation of the U.S. I nation: It is a site that shifts and marks alternatives to the national I by occupying other spaces, imagining clifferent narratives and critical \ toriographies, and enacting practices that give rise to new forms of subjec- I tivity and new ways of questioning the government of human life by the I

< terrain his-

na'/

lional slale.?"

lrrlroduction

Arrrcrica shaped by class, gender and immigration. Mississippi Masala sirnrrltaneously calls our attention to the transnational chaiaiter of contcrnporary Asian American immigration and to the multiple statuses of Asian Americans, as both bourgeoisie and working class and as a ,,middleman minority" within local racial and class hierarchies. The film re.jects both the evasion of liberal multiculturalism and the essentialism

lrnt'. l)irected by Mira Nair, the film is ostensibly about an interracial l,v. irll'air between an Indian Arnerican woman and an African Ameri( iln rnan, but maps a critique of the contemporary racial landscape in

' 'l | r. I i I rn Mississippi Masala is a contemporary example of Asian Amerir';rrrs' r'csistance to their racial subordination as orientals in popular cul-

of ethnonationalism in favor of a political consciousness shaped by an understanding of contradictory histories and the complexity of power. only the full consciousness of these global histories and local poiitior* make possible class alliances and trans-racial coalitions. In its utopian vision of aracial democracy, Mississippi Masala stands with carlos Bulosan's America Is in th.e Heart in the Asian American tradition of resisting the Oriental.

The "Heeithen Ghinee" on God's Ftee Soil

Whof WosYour Name in the Stotes? Nostolgic Cqliforniq
Oh, what was your name in the States?
Was

it Thompson orJohnson or Bates? Did you murder your wife And fly for your life? Say, what was your name in the States?'

f he popular song "\A4rat Was Your Name in The States?" inI voked the often shadowy, sometimes tragic, background of I many an American who fled to the California gold country. I It also established California as a place sufficiently distant to I destabilize personal histories, u ,pi.. for rehabilitation if not I redemption. In the 1850s, California was constructed in the t popular mind as a community of independent
Jacksonian small producers, miners, and pioneers. These men imagined California as a place where a lost American organic community could be reconstructed and their own identities remade.

Mid-century California, on the fringe of the American core economy, was the site of a nostalgia wrought by a sense of collapsed space and time. Its distance from "the States" and its position at the farthest reach of the continent represented both the expanse and the limits of continental expansion. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, Jarnes Cook, the British explorer of the South Pacific, first used the word "nostalgia" in its pathological sense as "a form of melancholia caused by a prolonged absence from one's home or country scvcre homesickness." In 1770, Cook noted in his journals of

Noles
Prefeice
1. On these settlements, see Marina Espina in Fred Cordova, ed',Filipinos: Forgotten Asian Americans (Seattle: Demonstration Project for Asian Americans,
1983),1-7. 2. "Grisly Account of Ly Killing Believed Penned by Suspect," Los Angeles Times, orange county edition, March 7, 1996. Even the racially motivated murder of Asian Americans is slow to provoke other Americans to think of Asians Americans as fellow citizens. The murder of Vincent Chin, a Chinese American engineer, became newsworthy only when Asian Americans organized to Protest the fact that Chins murderers, two white autoworkers, were fined and given no

jail

fact that the killer of Iive Cambodian children in a Stockton schoolyard in 1989 confessed to the crime, citing as his inspiration the Vietnam revenge movie Rambo, the national media chose to treat the Stockton schoolyard killings not as hate crimes but rather as a problem of the availability of automatic weapons. 3. See the National Asian Pacific Legal consortium, "Audit of violence Against Asian Pacific Americans: The Consequences of Intolerance in America," Third Annual Report (Washington, D'C., 1996), I . 4. See Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon," in Robert C. Tucker , ed,., The Marx Engels Reader (New York: W. W Norton, 1978), 595'
I

sentences because they were otherwise considered good citizens. Despite the

ntroducti on : Yel lowtace

1. Non-Asians fined by the Federal Election commission for illegal contributions to the Clinton-Gore re-election campaign included Simon Fireman, who was fined $6 million (rhe largest such fine ever levied), and Thomas Kramer, a German narional who was fined $323,000. See "Petition of the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium et al. to the United States Commission ou Civil Rights," September 10, 1997, reprinted at http:,//www2.ati.net/oca/canp/ complain.html.

2.

'l'a,ka,o Ozaua.

u. Llnited States,260 U.S. 178 (1922).

234

Notes to Poges

3-6
Oxford UniversitY Press, 1984)
'

I l,,lr::',1\rtle==n I

I -

3. Mary Douelas, Puritl and Danger: An Analysis of the conrcpts of Pollution and 'llaboo (London and New York: Ark Paperbacks, 1966), 54'

cratic:NeuYorhCitlUtheRiseoftheAmn.ittt'ttWltlittts,.l|lttll.l'.|iiil.'i-lltiirir'.rl

4. Ozawa,ar]id.LlnitcdSliltr:.stt. Bhrtga,tsinghThinrl'261 U'S' 204 (1923)'Foran analysis of these cases, secr l,hilip Tajitsu Nash in H)-rg Chan Kim, ed., Asirtn
,,Always ()rrt.sitlt:rs: Asians, Naturalization and the Supreme Jelf H. Lesser, \7 40 -IS 44," Ama.r tsia.I n t, rrt.a/ I 2 ( I 985) : 83 -1 00.

Amnicans antl

Lhe sultr?nt,tt

(i;drl (Flamden, conn.: Greenwood

Press, 1993), ancl

ll.Thenotionofhegemonycomes,ol.t.tlttt'st'.ltrrtlt(jt,l|llrlill'l.ililll'Il'' lr|p,t'|lr,rr1. :'r r l,1rri that emphasizes the incJmplete and conteste(l.rr:rlrrrr.ol iltls (N.tv I l,rr r tr \'ilr the Aits of Rzsistance: Hitkletr,'l'rtr,rt..srt
scott, Domination and University Press, 1990). 12. The thesis that sovereignty rests

court:

See "Petiti0n ()l llrt: National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium et al. to the Unitt:<l Slitlt's ( ktrtrrtrission on Civil Rights." 6. For a d<ttailr'<l urrllysis of t.he media coverage of theJohn Huang affair, see Frank Wrr irrrrl M:ry Nir lr0lsott, "l{acial Aspects of Media Coverage of the John Hrrarrg Mal l('r'," A.si rut Antn'i.ur,rt I'oli,t1 Retti cw T (1997) : 1-37'

5.

1952)' 16-30'()rr llrr""rl)\rr'r' ThomasP.Reardon (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill' (irrlltrntl l\tlrlrrt Acts: On Asian Amnit:tr'tt citizen," see also l'isa Lowe, lmmigrant
l

,,on rrop.rfr" in See the chapter

in the privatizt:<l lxrtly is loltir l"' l'r '' ol ootn"nt.rrt|rr./, r'rlrtr rl irt The
\conrl..f.reattse

7. An :rl1<,r.rr:rtivc vir.w, wlrir.lt Lrc'ates the image of the chinese immigrant in Anrcri<'l in llrt. <otts(t'lllliott o[ rltcial irnages in nineteenth-century American
crrltrtt't',isll<rrrll<l 'l'irk:rki, Irtttt,(irl!r''s:llu,t:eu,ndCuhureinNi'neteenth-CenturyAmrtica (St':rtrlc: LJrrivclsityo[ Witslrirrgtort l'rcss, 1979).Takaki'sview, likeAlexanderSaxt.<rrr'sirr'l'lu, lli,.vand, ltLl,L0l tlvWltiteRepu,blir(lnn<lonandNewYork: Verso, 1990),

(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press' 1996) '.2' argue that rat:<r <iltttrol ltt' 13. Sociologists Michael Omi and HowardWinant of anothct sitrglt' srt explainecl as simply a subcategory or an epiphenomenon or ethniciry but instead exists as a sol)iu:tl(' such as class formation

.lJt ayr1u_i.

catesoryofsocialdifference.TheyarguethattheProdrrctionandrepr()dtl('li()lI ofraceishistorically.o"ti"g"'-tt,aec"entered'andcontested'MichaelOnrian<l (Inited, states: From the 1950s to the 1990s, Howard winant, RadaL Fori,ati,on in the
53-76 passim' i"a "a. (New York and London: Routledge' I9S4) Stephanie Co9nl' ' as ideological structure' see 14. On the family

is:r ( ilatttsciln t lass attalysis. ()uide U. For a succinct review of these debatcs, sec.John Storey, An Introtluctory ()ulrural T-heory and, I'opular Culture (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, tu

TleWal

We

9. Jurgen Habermas argues that the idea of the citizen came into being in the publii sphere that emerged in the seventeenth and eiehteenth centuries in bourgeois drawing rooms, salons, and cafes. This public sphere was a social space betrcen the realm of the state and the realm of civil society (composed of the private family sphere and the sphere of commodity exchange and social labor). The public spheie is the realm in which the individual is constituted as public citizen and where he (the bourgeois male, in Habermas's historical account) makes his
interests heard by the state. SeeJurgen Habermas, The Structurttl liansformalion oJ the Pubtit Sphere: An Inquirl into a, Ca,tegory of Bourgeois Sociefy, translated by Thomas Burger (cambridge: Massachusetts Instit-ute of Technologv Press, 1989). Haber*urb fb..rr on a sinele public sphere de{ined by the political emancipation of the bourgeois male has been challensed by Nancy Fraser and others, who arg;ue for the existence of multiple public spheres whose particiPants include the disenfranchisecl and the rnarginalized: women, racial minorities, and the working class. see Nancy Fraser , Power, Di^scourse, and Gender in contemporary Social T'heorl

1e93).

Trop (New York: Basic Books' 1992) ' NeverWtre: American'Fami'hes anl' the Nostalgia of ihe bo.rrgeois public sphere, the patri15. In Habermas,s reconstruction

in which the bourgeois male could esarchal family operated as a private realm into the public sphere (and presumtablish his individualized selihood and enter ably represe nt the interests of the family) '

16.DavidBell,"ThesecretofAsianAmericanSuccess"'TheNettRepublic' July 15-22, 1985: 24-31'

1991) tan WorhingClass (London and New York: Verso'

lT.SeeDavidRoerliger'.fheWagesof\V4t'iteness:RaceandtheMakingoftheAmeri'

lB.AlexanderSaxton,ThelntlispensableEnetn,y:Labora,ndthe.Anti-ChineseMoaePress' 1971) ' ment in Californitt (Berkeley, Univeisity of-California World-Supremaq Stoddard, Th e Rising Title of Color Against Wite

19. Lothrop

(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons' 1920)

1o,""u,rrplt,i';'lutk'o"Lears'No Placeof Grace: Antimodern'ismand (New York: Pantheon Books' the'llransformation of Aritricoi CuUu'u' 1880-1920
20.
See,
1981 ) .

'

(Minneapolis:UrriversiqrofMinnesotaPress,lg8g),and"What'sCriticalabout Critical Theory? The Case of Gender," tn llnruly Practices (Minneapolis: Univer-

sity of Minnesota Press, 1990); and Craig Calhoun, "Populist Politics, Communi-

.uiio'', Media, and f,arge

Scale Societal

Integration," SociologicalTheory 6 (no.2,

is the analysis of changes t" t|: one I have found most useful for this study ll::] i of accumulation bv David M' Gordon' ryTaro I market ancl the social slructure .rwai:n;i a,a w"i*i,,'t' h e H i s t o r i r a.t r ra n : J,' ;; J Universilt^fllii, \ the Llnitei Slales (New York: Cambridge \ formation of Labor in

2l.ofthemanyandvariedperiodizationsofAmericaneconomichistorY.thel

;ffi

'

ffii*.".'.n:sar*;

1988):219-241. 10. on the significance of saloon, boardwalks, and popular theater see, respectively, Roy Rosenzwe ig, Eight Hours for \4hat wc will: worhers and Leisu rc in an Inrlustrial, city, 1870-1920 (New York: cambridgle University Press, 1983); I{athy Perss, Che6p Amusements: WorkingWomen and Leisure in Tuln-oJ:1,72-6;rnhtly Nezu Yrrk (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, l986); and Sean Wilentz, Cha,nts I)ttmt

and the social structure to labor: velopment of American capitalism with re^gard 1890s' Initial proletarianization, from the 1820s to the ' lr l8T0s to the onset of World War l' dtrring wlrit ' Homogeniz.ti"", ft"- the the cl<lntittlttl<t'olskillt'rl the labor markets becarne morc competitive ancl

1982).Theyexaminetherelationshipbetweenlongcyclesofeconomicactivrty\ in the deof accum'raiion. They outline three periods

236

NotestoPogesll-18
Noies to
P<tc1<::,

lt) ')')

1",r'

crafts positions was diminished by the large-scale introduction of semiskilred labor. . Segmenrarion, liom rhe I920s ro J-h-.+req:nr. clurins which polirical and -Fidtro m i i T6i-cbi h aue prod Jced l{r rar i, i}-JiGr" r;i; ;; l, ; l*; ; ;i, 6i of work and three distinct labor marke ", a secondary rabcrr ts: marf,et, plus a primary labor market divided into independent and subordinate secrors. Gordon et al' link these broad periods to long swings (on the orcrer of trvenq,-fivg years) in global economic actiriry. ea.h as,,ociar.d i,irh a clisrinct social srrui ture of accumulation, the institutional environment in which capitar accumulation takes place. For a periodization shaped by both economy a'd cult.re, see Herbert Gutman, worh, curture, anrl socierl in IndustriarizingAme,rica: EssayinAmerican J- "'
;

dredYears,volumell, 1790-1909 (NewYorkandoxfbrrl:()xrirrrl rrrrir,r.r:rr\ I'rr.,,,..

19BB),145.

Working-Class and, Social

trsc "em('rgent' here in rhe same qr",inrl.n"g.-oni...nr. that ::;:1" Ray_ mond williams uses the term in currure anri sJ,r;;lr, (r,"iif,on:' peng;uin, I'oit ; 23. see Ella Shohar and R-berr sram, LrnthinkingEurnr"ntr:ir,*iur't,i)1,,r*ti* in the Media (London: Routleclee, 1gg4), l7g. 24. British theorist T. H. Marshail idenrifies three elements of citizenship in a social democracy: civil rights, p.liticar rights, and social rights. T. H. Marshall, citizenship .nrJ sociar c/asr (cambridee, Eirgrancr: cambrid"ge ur-,iverJry _eress, 1950)' l2-27 ( )n rrre srrrrsgrc r, rrr,:rderr crt.riririons,,r ciriJ.nst.,if in R-..i.un history, sce.[:rrnes A. M,rrr,rrt-, 'r'rtr'r)r,tnrrrrtrit wi.sh,: Irop,urar particitrtation ant],

22.

Hisrorl (New york: Knopf, 197:6),

1_.-Zg.

B. "Hcrl For Califbrnial" Text: Booh of Word.s of the Hu,tchi,nson. l,tr.tttill, ( Ncrv \i,r l. Baker, Godwin & co., 1851); Music to "Dc Boatman Dancc," trttrt'titrrt,\rtttt,t. reprinted in Richard A. Dwyer and Richard E. Lingenfelter, ecls., 'l'lrr, .\rttyt ttf tlt,. Gokl Rush (Berkeley: University of California press, I 964), I b I 6. 9. Emmett wrote for and performed on the minstrel stage and was u<l:rrr lrn t lv opposed to both secession and abolition. In addition to a number of wcll-l<.rrowrr minstrel songs, such as "Blue Tail Fly" and "old Dan Tucker," Dan Emrrrr.rr is popularly credited with having written "Dixie." I0. Robert Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, s'egrnentetrwrnh, t)i uidetl Worhets: 7-he Historica,l 1-rarLsformation oJ Labor in the llnited Slates (Cambricluc and New York: Cambridge University Press, lgBZ). 11. Henry George, Progrxs and Poua.$: An Inqui,rl Into the Cause of Inclustria,l Depressions and of Inuease ofwantwith In,crea.se ofwealth (Newyork: walter.f. Black, t912),51.
12. ln The conr.Iition. oJ'Postmodnnity: An EnEriry l,nto the origins of cultural change (cambridee, Mass.: Blackwell, 1g90), cultural geographer Davicr Harvey gives an important critique of postmodernism as a response to the transitiol from Fordist capitalist production to a stage of capitalism he calls "flexible accu-

Li'mit,.s

.l

Arnt:r.i*trt. Ooue,rltu,rel

I,,t,etlreLiue lJi.stor.l (Bost.n: Twayee, Asi.n American, ora il* Supreme court; suclrcns cha', ed., Entry Deried,: Exclusion a,ncJ the chinese c.mt uni$ In Amehca, 1^!82-1%3 (Philadelphia: Temple U'iversity press, l99l); and CharlesJ. Mc_ claj't, In search of Equaritl: Ttte chinesp ,\truggti Against Discrimination in Nineteenth_
1

2u' Srrclr.rre (il-ra., ,4.vizr,

(N.w Vrr.k: llirsir: S.oks, iggct).

the

mulation."

Har"vey writes

that flexible accumulation is experienced culturally

as

Atncrir:an.s:

991 ) , 90. sec- also

l{y'ne ohu' Kirn,

tr,

ecr.,

a collapse of spatial and temporal boundaries. I believe that the transition into industrial capitalism occasioned a similar boundary crisis. see also stepherr Kern, The culture of rime and space, 1880-1918 (cambridge, Mass.: Han'ard university Press, l9B3,1.

13. Herbert Gutmann, work,

York: Vinrage. 1977 ). 29.

Society a,nd culLure

in IntlustrializingAmnica (New

Century America (Berkeley, Calif.: Universiry o{ 29. Lowe, Immigrant Acts, 2g.

ialifornia

press, 1g94).

One: fhe ,,Heqlhen Chinee" on Godrs Free Soil

14. John Walton Caughey, Hubert Howe Bnncrot't: Hi,storian of the West (Berkeley: university of california Press, 1946) ; Hubert Howe Bancro ft, california Inter Potala (San Francisco: The History Company, lBBB), 274.

l' "\A/hat was Your N_1ye^in the states?" reprinred in Richard A. Dwyer and Richard E. Lingenferte r, T'he songs ctf the Americai wasl (Berkeley ancr Los Angeres: University o{ California press, l96g), 313. 2. Dwyer and Lingenfelter:, The Songs of the American We.st. 3' Nicholas E. Tawa, A Music Jbr the Miltions: Antebellurt Democratic Attitudes and the Bath of American popular Music (New york: pendragon press, l9B4), 18. 4. Regarding m*sic as linguistic codes and group s.lidarity, see MaryDouglas, Natural slmbols: IixNtroration in cosmorog (London: Barrie
vorume I: Tie lbrmatiue Years, 1620-iBG5 (Malabar, Florida: Roberr Kriegei publishine company,

5' Ronald L.

Davis, A History of Music in American

&Jenk rns, tgiz),22.

Lifi,

ts92),242.

6.

Tawa, A Music

7'

Russell Sanjek, American popurar Music anrJ lts Business: |-hr:

for

the

Millions, 6.
Fi,r.st l,bu.r. t !u.n.-

15. rbid.,275. 16. rbid.,270. r7. rbid.,275. 18. rbid.,263-264. 19. see Robert G. Lee, "The origins of chinese Immigration to the Uniterl states 1848-1882," in The Life, InJluence, a,nd Historl of the ohinese in the unitetl 'States, 1775-1975 (san Francisco: chinese Historical Association of America, n.d.), 183-193; also Kil Youns Zo, chinese Emigatitn to the LInited, sLates, jB501BB0 (NewYork: Arno Press, 1978). 20' Thomas chinn, Mark I-ai, and Philip choy, eds., A Historl of the ctri,r.se itt (itlifornjn: A syllnbus (San Francisco: chinese Historical society 9f Arlcricir, r 969), 9*10. 21. rbid., 15. 22. Mary Robcrt.s (l<)olidsc, ch,i'nese ltn,rni1rat.iort, (Ncw vrlk: IIt.rrr.y llolr lrrrrl ( io., I1)5fJ), ;l!)u.