Exploring the theoretical scope of the effects and influences of violence in the news media

Raashied Galant Unpublished paper. University of Stellenbosch, Department of Journalism November 2008

This essay will explore the issue of violence and the media as it pertains to my research interest in South Africa. The essay will inform briefly on scholarly debates around media effects and violence in society. It will explore the tensions arising from media coverage of violent incidents in South Africa. My research interest My research interest involves journalism and news media in the context of the development issues of gender and HIV/AIDS. These interests together have also been the focus of my professional work over the past five years. Since 2003, I have been working as the Women & Media co-ordinator for the Gender Advocacy Programme (GAP), based in Cape Town. My work has involved, among others things, raising awareness about gender-sensitive reporting amongst media practitioners, and developing capacity for community activists to critically engage with their local media around gender and HIV/AIDS. The overall developmental objective of these activities has been to: facilitate the general empowerment of women through generating greater community responses specifically to gender-based violence and HIV/AIDS. In all respects, the issue of media effects and violence is closely related to this work. In short, this work involves questions [and assumptions too] of whether the way journalists and editors report on and depict women in their media, can have an effect on attitudes towards women generally. Morever, where gender-based violence is a critical overall concern for GAP, how can media coverage of this specific topic have the effect of generating progressive community responses to this issue. At its most basic level, the attitude that needs to change in society in general, is the tolerance for violence against women. In other words, those who are at the receiving end of this violence, should have no tolerance for the experience and should be empowered enough to challenge it, report it and seek help to end it. While those witnessing or knowing about this violence, should equally have less and less tolerance for its occurrence in their local community and be empowered to put an end to it. The community responses would involve public mobilisation and support for violence against women initiatives, as well as the development of support structures and help for survivors of violence against women. The overall assumption in my work is that the media does have a role to play in the fight against gender-based violence. While it is outside the scope of this essay to explore exactly what this role is, the cadence of media effects remains implicit in this assumption.

This essay will look broadly at the scholarly debates around media effects and violence in society. It will also explore the tensions arising from news media coverage of violent incidents in South Africa. Its emphasis will be on print news media, but at times will also touch on other media such as entertainment, television and computer game media, due to the large number of studies involving violence and the broader mass media. Violence is violence For the purposes of this essay, I will forego a polemic on what actually constitutes violence1 by putting it simply: the highest form of violence is murder; the lowest form is speech that hurts. I will also forego the tedious task of outlining the different forms and types of violence in between these two extremes by focusing on the most extreme: violence that results in death. Murder in the news The news media the world over constructs itself around one common feature: the claim of truth. More specifically, to report the truth, depict the truth, expose the truth or simply write the truth (Peterson, 2001: 201-202). That it doesnt always achieve this high ideal is not the subject of this essay. My only point is that the depiction of violence in the news is encased within this paradigm of truth. Hence, the extreme violence the violence leading to death depicted in the news media is true and ostensibly reflective of real and actual violence in society. The news media the world over is also replete with murder. It is the thing of headline, sensation and perhaps base human curiosity to know who has been murdered and how they have been killed. This violence is not only depicted through images, either on TV or in photos, but also through text in the newspaper coverage. Violence in the media: effects and influences If murder is the highest form of violence, and speech that hurts is the lowest form, then the media as institution, when it is violent, engages exclusively in the latter. Whether it is depicting violence, acting out violence, singing about violence, reporting violence, writing about violence or propagating violence - the media isnt actually murdering anybody. Nevertheless as I illustrate in the next section, it is implicated in public rhetoric, criminal evidence, criminal defence, sociological studies, medical studies, media studies, cultural studies and feminist studies as having a role [with substantially varying degrees of intensity] in the violent behaviours of people, including murder. How is the media implicated in violence? 1. Public Rhetoric.
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Which, in its minimalist form involves the direct physical or instrumental harm to persons or property (Omar 2005:14) and in its maximalist definition recognizes the existence of more indirect and insidious forms of psychological and institutional violence [which] can be built into the very structure of sociopolitical, economic, and cultural dimensions of any society (Omar 2005:14).

A broad unified movement against violence in the media has not developed in South Africa. Occasional advocacy against violence in the media in specific instances has largely emanated from gender-focused/womens rights groups, pacifist organisations such as Gun Free South Africa, child rights organisations, or faith-based organizations (see for example Just:2005; Sampson, 2007:32-40; Children's Rights Centre; SAMGI). In the United States however, citizens lobby groups have, particularly since the early 1990s, raised vocal protestations against violent content in films, video games and TV programming (Rhodes, 2000:95; Andersen K, 1993:66), resulting in government and industry regulations ranging from warnings and ratings about violence in programming (Strasburger & Donnerstein, 1996:135) to technological recommendations such as mandatory v-chips in TVs to allow for the filtering out of violent programming (Strasburger & Donnerstein, 1996:135). These lobby groups in America have mainly been concerned with violent TV programming and entertainment media, such as films, video games and pornography and not really about the news media. The arguments condemning violent media content [in programming and entertainment] is based mostly on the academic studies around the effects of violent media content on human behaviour. These studies are largely located in the medical fields of psychology and behavioural science. This is a controversial area in academic study, as much as it had fueled, as I explained above, powerful lobby groups in America and Europe who did in fact cost the media industry a pretty penny in terms of regulation. In academia, the debates have ranged [and these positions, individually, are still maintained by academics and activists variously] from the position of all-powerful media effects (McQuail, 1994:328) to the effective rejection of any academic standing of such a position (Gauntlett, 2006:63; Rhodes, 2000:55-58). Similarly in public rhetoric, the one extreme has ranged from the condemnation or even calls for the banning of certain media products or titles because of its violence, to total opposition to this and in effect support for carte blanche creative media content and distribution (Rhodes, 2000:55-58; Andersen K, 1993:66). The most recent debate in South Africa revolving around these two extremes involved a young boy from Krugersdorp who, in August 2008, went on a rampage with a sword in his school, killing one and injuring two others . In this case, the boy's action was linked to his consumption and liking for the music of a particular American rock group. In the middle way, which advances the position of negotiated media influence (McQuail, 1994:331) and stresses the need to understand the context in which meaning is constructed, an underlying route back to media effects persists. In other words, where this framework has involved methodologies calling for deeper, broader and more qualitative kinds of evidence (McQuail, 1994:332), the results and analysis emerging have at times continued to point to media effects on peoples behaviours or attitudes in specific

instances (McQuail, 1994:332). I discuss these further in the section under Academic Study below. Feminist media criticism in many instances has continued to hold this mantle of negative effects of violent media content, with amplification by gender activists that these effects include adding to the burden of violence against women in society, and the perpetuation of unequal power relations between men and women (Strelitz & Prinsloo, 2005:221; Finn, 1990:387-394). I discuss these positions further under the section of violence and news media. Many of these negative effects positions are what fuels the various public campaigns by gender activists directed at the media, including campaigns undertaken by GAP. Naturally though, where negative media effects on gender relations have been inferred, claimed or even proven, positive practices for media practitioners have been identified that could neutralise and/or have an opposite effect. This is in the realm of the role of the media in addressing and combating gender inequality and gender-based violence. 2. In law and in the courts The depiction of extreme violence in the media isnt really proscribed in terms of South Africas Constitution. The hate speech provisions of Section 16 relate to propaganda incitement or advocacy and which can cause harm (SA Constitution, 1996:Section 16). But it will most likely be fine for the news media to depict the harm, whenever it may occur, and however violent it may transpire to be, as long as it constitutes news. So in other words, to show a human being burnt alive would be permissible in South Africa if it is part of a news story reporting on a specific incident of such a nature. But to depict the same with the declared intention and open motivation of demonstrating to some people what they should do to other people, is illegal. Such was the case of Radio Television Libre de Mille Collines in Rwanda, which was instrumental in inciting and directing the genocide in that country in 1994 (M'Bayo, 2005:28). At the same time, extreme violence in entertainment media has a wide berth of legal protection in South Africa as long as there is no overt motivation of hatred to others attached to it. Nevertheless, the depiction of violent content in entertainment media books, films, DVDs, video games and pornography - is regulated, and in some instances criminalized, through the Films and Publications Act and the Childrens Act. However, news media are exempt from the Films Act, while none of them have yet been prosecuted for content in terms of the Childrens Act In Europe and America, evidence of criminals consuming violent media content are routinely raised in court for various reasons. These pertain almost exclusively to violent entertainment media including songs, video games, films and pornography (Grossberg, Wartella, Whitney & Wise, 1998: 300; Anderson, Berkowitz, Donnerstein, Huesmann, Johnson, Linz, Malamuth & Wartella, 2003: 89).

Given the general lack of legal content regulation of the news media in South Africa, the main source of limitation on the depiction of violence in news media lies in the ethics and codes of conduct recognized in the industry. These limitations encompass (Ukpabi 2001:287-305; Schwalbe, 2005; Code of Conduct for Broadcasting Services; Code of Conduct Broadcasting Complaints Commission; E-TV's Code of Conduct):

Content: pictures, images, visuals or footage, particularly of children. Objectives: respect for the sensitivity of viewers and privacy of people involved. News topics: war, brutality, violence, atrocities, drug abuse, obscenity; accidents, disasters, suicides and crime. Regulations: do not: shock, digitally alter, show close up details, linger on violent scenes, cause offence, or show violent images to children or without a warning.

3. Academic study The issue of violence and the media constitutes such a vast body of academic scrutiny and theoretical posturing, that it already includes a substantial body of meta-analyses, i.e. study of studies, and even a study of studies of studies (Felson, 1996; Hughes & Hasbrouk, 1996; Anderson et el, 2003; Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005;). The issue has been studied under numerous different lenses and vastly divergent methodological approaches, but in essence it is a meeting of the study of psychology and media theory. The assumption of the effect of media is what is emphasized in psychological studies on violent media content. The overwhelming proof is that violent media content does stimulate aggressive behaviour in individuals in both laboratory and field studies (Felson, 1996; Anderson et al, 2003; Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005), and thus has a harmful effect. The site of ongoing scholarly debate is whether this behaviour amounts to short-term conformity or long-term socialization (Felson 1996:116; McQuail, 1994:359-360). So while studies on individuals using a specific aggression model show that (Browne & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005:708): violent video and computer games heighten the possibility of violent thoughts, feelings and physiological arousal in the short-term, and aggressive beliefs, attitudes, violent-schema, and behavioural patterns in the long-term, scholars remain divided on whether violence in media generally actually leads to violent criminal behaviour, including murder. Hence the news media often occupies a grey area with respect to effects studies.

Notwithstanding, the generally held conclusions are [1] that violent media content may play a role in the socialization of violent criminal offenders (Felson, 1996: 117); [2] that the effect of media violence on aggressive and violent behaviour is real, causal and significant (Anderson et al, 2003: 82) and; [3] specifically with regard to violent television programming, that it is a cause of real world violence [but] it may not be the cause. (Grossberg et el 1998: 303). Violence and the news media The studies on media effects mentioned in the previous section concentrate mainly on the depiction of fictionalized or dramatized violence in television and entertainment media. But the effect of violent media content is not confined to the immediate aggression responses of individuals. In other words, the concern is not only with the very narrow and often maligned contention that violent media content stimulates or conditions violent social behaviour. Other effects have also been identified, and which suggests a far wider social impact than just stimulus and response. These effects are pertinent to the discussion around news media. They can be listed as follows: (a) Learning and imitation The media depicts novel ways of violence (Felson, 1996:117). Copy cat or inspirational behaviour can stem from particularly, highly publicized real violence. Terms such modeling and contagion effect are used to describe real acts of extreme violence which imitate and follow news media coverage of such violence (Anderson et al, 2003:89). Here the concept of the oxygen of publicity (Schwalbe, 2005:8; M'Bayo, 2005:23) surfaces. In the context of the widespread incidents of xenophobic violence experienced in South Africa in June 2008, a contentious question that can be asked is: to what extent did the extensive and prolonged media coverage of the initial outbreaks of this violence perhaps fuel/inspire other communities in other parts of the country to also engage in such violence? Another contentious question, in the context of sexual violence is: to what extent has sensational coverage of sexual violence against young girls inspired copy cat crimes particularly by juvenile offenders? News reports on sensational crimes [particularly in print media] are often not confined to merely reporting on the incident as and when it happened. Sustained media coverage of such crimes more often than not involves the reconstruction of murderous events [particularly from police reports or court proceedings] including how victims are lured to their death, the weapons used in the murder, the actual murder, the nature of a sexual act, and the wounds sustained. For the time being it remains in the realm of speculation as to how this type of coverage leads to learning or imitation and/or contributes to the statistics on violent sexual crimes. (b) Vicarious reinforcements Through observation and emotional engagement with the media, in real and fictionalized contexts, individuals are taught to distinguish between necessary/legitimate violence and bad/evil violence (Felson, 1996:117; Hoijer, 2004:517; Anastasio, 2005:263). The level of reinforcement and identification with

the violence committed rises exponentially according to the attractiveness of the perpetrator, or compassion for the motive (Anderson et al, 2005: 94; Anastasio, 2005:265; Hoijer, 2004:521,527). A case in point for gender activists in South Africa, was the rape trial of Jacob Zuma and the eventual non-guilty verdict in 2006. The strong message that came out there was the doubt of non-consensual sex on the part of the woman involved due to what she was wearing and other [sexual] events in her past. With respect to media effects though, the question centres around the extent to which the media would internalise this view and proceed to report on sexual violence incidents in a way that questions the attire of the woman or her sexual past with a view to engendering compassion towards the perpetrator. (c) Creating unrealistic fear The cultivation effect of Gerbner & Gross quoted in Felson implies quite strongly that the media can exaggerate the notion of danger and threats in the real world (Felson, 1996:119). Here once again the xenophobic violence in South Africa is a case in point. As early as 2005 the media, particularly the tabloid press, were shown to be reporting on immigrants in negative tones using metaphors such as "hordes", "floods", and "waves" (Wasserman, 2008). The question is clear: through consistent use of these metaphors to refer to immigrants in South Africa, did the media stoke xenophobic sentiments by exaggerating both their presence in the country and the perceived threat to ordinary South Africans? (d) Emotional desensitization The media can prime its consumers to be less anxious or distressed about violence, and thus more tolerant about acts of violence or more willing to engage in violence (Felson, 1996:120). In another way, the media can morally distance the media-user from both the violence and the victim, thus also causing more tolerance for violent acts (Hoijer 2004:524-525). An argument in this vein can be made about a recent controversial editorial cartoon by South African cartoonist, Zapiro. The cartoon depicted Lady Justice being pinned down by several members of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) party, and Jacob Zuma, pants untied, ostensibly preparing to rape her. The argument is that by using the metaphor of rape [visually] to make a political statement trivialised the crime of rape and in effect desensitises people to the occurrence of this crime. A bigger argument though around this aspect of emotional desensitisation, concerns a general diet of violence in public television programming. Where this may be the case, the effect may be of people loosing the inhibition or shame of committing violent acts [even though fully aware that it is wrong and unjustified] as well as being more tolerant and hence failing to stop acts of violence when it is being witnessed. (e) Violence against women Apart from its effect on children, the next most studied area of media effects is its impact on women and here pornography has a very distinct mention. In short, cumulatively but in varying ways and degrees, the media reinforces or cultivates messages that women are sex objects, promiscuous or desire forced sex (Felson, 1996:120; Meyers, 2004:97; Lowe-Morna & Ndlovu 2008:34-35;38-42). With

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