Journal of Education in Developing Areas (JEDA) Vol. 19, No. 1.

STORMS AND STRESSES EXPRESSED IN SEXUAL MATURATION AND ADOLESCENTS PERCEPTIONS OF AN IDEAL PARENT IN ZIMBABWE Martin Musengi Email: martinmusengi@yahoo.com Cell: +263 776 440804 Emily T. Ganga emilyganga@gmail.com Cell: +263 774 143916 Rose M. Mugweni ro.mugweni@gmail.com Cell: +263 773 249806 Great Zimbabwe University, Faculty of Education Box 1235 Masvingo, Zimbabwe. Abstract The study sought to find out what children at the vulnerable stage of identity crises and role confusion thought were useful parental characteristics which could be used to assist them resolve their growing-up and sexual maturation conflicts. A descriptive cross-sectional survey was employed to collect mostly qualitative data from 50 forms three and four school children who comprised the sample. These were selected through stratified random sampling procedures. Data were analysed using theme identification methods to identify emerging themes from the data. Generally, adolescents expected the following from their parents: freedom from parents strict parenting techniques; access to education and physiological needs such as food, shelter and clothing, protection, love and care; appreciation of even the slightest effort; sharing ideas and advice on boy and girl relationships without being directive. Adolescents wanted parents to listen to their viewpoints and avoid making solo decisions on matters that concern them and shouting at or reprimanding them unnecessarily. The study also established that parenting styles do influence an adolescents behavior and expectations and that identity crises place adolescents in predicaments that they sometimes regret. The implications therefore were that parents should be able to engage adolescents, the extended family and teachers in collaborative efforts to enhance a positive identity and establish a sustainable learning environment for the adolescents. Creating an interactive learning environment at home, school and in the community should eventually minimize the effects of identity crises which are manifested as storms and stresses in adolescence.

March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). Introduction Development in adolescence holds special problems because during this stage of the life cycle, childrens intense need for independence comes into conflict with their need for social approval. Stanley, (1904) proposes that this period is characterized by storm and stress because of the vast number of psychological and physical changes that occur from the age of 13 to 19 years. Bitz (2003) explains that adolescence is an extraordinary time when individual developmental and cultural factors combine in ways that shape adulthood. Teenage changes in physical characteristics such as spermarche and menarche in pubescence cause certain discomforts within the child, resulting in mood swings and indecisiveness which may manifest as self-centeredness and an identity crisis. Stewart (2004) explain that adolescence is a turbulent time, as adolescents are often physically mature enough to perform adult functions such as work and childbearing but lack the psychological maturity, social status and financial resources to perform those functions responsibly. This results in a disjunction between biology and society which has the potential to create a difficult transitional period for adolescents. Adolescents uncertain views and resultant behavior come into conflict with adult controls that are meant to ensure that these teenagers do not foreclose their chances for self actualization. Adolescence has long been associated with increased rates of antisocial, norm-breaking and even criminal behavior which constitute the storms and stresses that Stanley (1904) alluded to. Ferron, (1987) calls adolescence a period of identity formation on the one hand and role confusion on the other. In traditional Zimbabwean cultures which embrace what Moyo & Muvezwa (2004) calls ubuntu or the African art of living, parents try to ensure that their teenage children are helped to find a stable identity by their uncles and aunts or in comingof-age rites conducted by village elders. However, because of globalization which has brought about so much westernization, such counseling interactions among extended family members are no longer as widespread as in pre-industrial times. Nuclear families spend most of their time isolated from relations as they try to earn a living in work-focused environments. UNICEF (1998) assert that traditional support systems that enabled children to gain valuable information about their bodies and growing up responsibly have virtually disappeared. UNICEF states that not much is being done to fill the gap. The process of sexual maturation or growing up and its management in adolescence would appear to be affected by a culture or conspiracy of silence. Chakuchichi, Shumba, Manokore and Dhlomo (2007:194) bemoaned what they called the culture of silence concerning growing up and sexual maturation education in Zimbabwe. Ferron (1987) explains this silence by pointing out that many adults are not in a position to provide sex education to the young either because they do not have the necessary vocabulary to do the job or are tongue-tied with cultural inhibitions or are overcome with embarrassment. Even though they may recognize the need for sex education, many adults including trained teachers,
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). might not have sufficient knowledge themselves as they never had formal training that would enable them to cope with this particular responsibility. Stewart (2004) found that in Zimbabwe, there was a culture of silence around sexual maturation and boys and girls experienced sexual maturation uninformed and therefore unprepared. Shumba, Chakuchichi, Manokore and Dhlomo (2006) explained that teachers and parents did not freely communicate to children information on sexual maturation. The school curriculum carried some information, but this sexual maturation information was not systematically organized and taught. Shumba et al (2006), while accepting the culture of silence for parents, propose a more damning postulate for teachers. They point out that teachers have knowledge on personality development gained from psychology and sociology of education, which they choose to ignore. Shumba et al proposed that the teachers are engaged in a conspiracy of silence since they knowingly neglect to teach an aspect of childrens development. Such neglect was explained by UNESCOs (2004) finding that education has traditionally failed to address itself to such social goals as non-cognitive skills, values and other behavioural traits. Dyanda (2004) explains that teachers lack awareness of culturally and educationally valid methodologies by which to teach and counsel learners about a highly sensitive matter such as sexual maturation. However Ferron (1987) argues that unless dual standards of morality and conflicting cultural values that abound in society are resolved urgently, socially unwanted behaviours will continue unabated, as will the storms and stresses faced by adolescence. Moyo and Muvezwa (2004) explain that the culture of silence on sexual maturation matters is created by the observance of taboos and stereotypes associated with sexuality. Nziramasanga (1999) and Dengu-Zvobgo (2004) also found that these taboos and stereotypes made parents afraid of sex education provided in the school system. Discussing issues of sexuality is wrongfully perceived to be a sign of eroded societal values and norms. In such an environment neither parents nor teachers systematically and deliberately inform children about how to cope with health and psychosocial dimensions of growing up and sexual maturation. However, despite the culture of silence, there is no doubt that it is the responsibility of parents to initiate their children into the customs, norms and values that would make them not only acceptable citizens but also fully contributing members of their societies. Most parents are expected to fulfill these obligations with no training in parenting and have to base their strategies on experiences with their own parents. This study sought to find out how adolescents viewed their parents efforts at providing for them and generally facilitating their smooth transition into adulthood. Purpose of the study The purpose of the study was to find out adolescents perceptions of what an ideal
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). parent should be. The following questions guided the study: How do adolescents view their parents or caregivers efforts at meeting their physiological and psychological needs? To what extent do adolescents value the views of their parents as far as sexual maturation and general development are concerned? How should problems that adolescents encounter with their parents be resolved?

Methodology Research Design This study employed a descriptive, cross-sectional survey design within the quantitative research paradigm. Information describing the views of the predetermined Manicaland province middle high school student population on their perceptions of what successful parenting entailed, was collected by asking questions to the sample at just one point in time, from 14 July 2010 to 16 July 2010. Sample and sampling procedures Cluster sampling was used to select five high schools from the twenty-three public high schools in Manicaland province. Two of these high schools were in urban settings while the other three were in rural settings. Stratified random sampling was used to select 10 pupils from each of the five high schools form three and four boys and girls. The 14 to 17-year-old pupils were stratified into those from homes with relatively high income levels (such as businesspeople and professionals), middle income levels (such as semi-skilled workers and farmers at medium sized farms) and low income levels (such as the unemployed, unskilled and peasant farmers in communal areas). An equal number of boys and girls participated in the study. Instrumentation A Questionnaire was administered to the 50 adolescents. The questionnaire comprised four fixed-choice questions that sought to establish the biographical background of the student, four fixed choice questions which were meant to determine the students opinion of how well he or she was being looked after. Four open-ended questions were meant to elicit information on the value the student placed on parental guidance on general development and sexual maturation issues. The last four open-ended questions sought information on how problems between the adolescent and the parent are being resolved and how they ought to be resolved. Procedures Permission to collect data from the schools was sought and obtained from the
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). Ministry of Education, Sports, Arts and Culture before appointments were made with the respective school heads. At each school, the school head and teachers were used to identify pupils from various socio-economic backgrounds. The questionnaire was then administered to twenty five boys and twenty five girls from forms three and four who had been identified as coming from either high income, middle income or low income family backgrounds at each school. Data analysis plan Data were analysed using frequency counts and percentages. An opinion expressed by majority of the respondents in a particular stratum was taken to be the general view. Open-ended questions were analysed qualitatively by using what Welman, Kruger and Mitchell (2005) call theme identification methods such as the intentional analysis of linguistic features used. Data Analysis and Presentation Provision of material needs Most of the adolescents from low and middle-income backgrounds indicated that their parents were providing for them reasonably well. They seemed to understand the harsh economic conditions in which they are living. One of the girls said, Things are tough for everyone and my parents try hard to ensure that we survive. Another said, There is no way I could expect them (parents) to give me everything I need. They are doing the best they can. One of the boys said, They provide the basics, but sometimes when they cant, we have to go without. Another said, We are no worse than most of the other families in the village. When things get bad we all suffer, when they improve we all benefit. A few adolescents from the low to middle-income backgrounds indicated that provisions from parents were unsatisfactory. One of the boys said, I need proper food especially in the morning before I go to school so that I can learn well during the day. A girl said, A change of uniform would ensure that I remain clean throughout the week. Another said, They try but they could do better. Most adolescents from high-income backgrounds showed dissatisfaction with provisions made available for them by parents. They indicated that more could be done to make them more comfortable especially in the area of pocket money. One said, More pocket money would ensure that I have more choice during my free time. Another said, More pocket money could be provided so that I am not always borrowing from my friends. A few of the adolescents from high-income backgrounds indicated that their parents provided for them well. One said, I might not always get what I want, when I want it but they try to provide for me what they can. Accessibility of parents when needed

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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). It emerged that 95% adolescents said that their parents were not readily accessible when needed most of the time. 90% adolescents from all socio-economic backgrounds said that their parents were workers who often concentrated on their jobs at the expense of availing themselves to their children. One adolescent from a low socio-economic background said, They are very busy people and so we have to understand that they cannot always pay attention to us. An adolescent whose parents are unemployed also indicated that the parents were not accessible. She said, They are busy trying to look for ways in which we can survive. Another adolescent from a high socio-economic background said, They are preoccupied with work and so do not have time for us. Most adolescents indicated that their parents did not listen to them. Trust and respect The majority of adolescents from all socio-economic backgrounds complained about the lack of trust shown to them by parents. They mentioned that parents are suspicious about their behavior. One boy from a high socio-economic background said, Even when I am not guilty, they suspect me of smoking and drinking alcohol. Another said, Whenever my mother misses money from the home, I am the first suspect. A girl from a low socio-economic background complained, My father and mother probably suspect me of engaging in sexual activities. On the matter of apologies nearly all adolescents indicated that there were problems. In response to the question whether parents apologise to them when they do them wrong, many adolescents indicated that they were not apologized to. One boy from a high socioeconomic background said, No. They do not even admit that they are wrong. Some indicated that they were apologized to but in oblique, round-about ways. A girl from a low socio-economic background said, These are adults and they rarely say sorry directly but will do things that show you that they are sorry. Another girl from a high socio-economic background said, They do not accept my apologies to them when I do wrong. Relations with peers Most of the teenagers said that their parents tended to interfere in their relations with peers. Some parents were said to be choosing for their children what they called good friends while others did not appear to be directly choosing friends but sanctioning interaction with what they considered undesirable elements. Some parents were said to be suspicious of any relations their children had with others of the opposite sex. Most boys said there was nothing wrong with premarital sex provided it was practiced safely, while most girls said premarital sex was unacceptable. Some teenagers said that they wanted parents to share ideas on boy and girl relationships without being directive. Counseling, discipline and conflict resolution Even though the teenagers wanted parents to share general ideas on boy-girl
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). relationships, they preferred that the parents refer them to other relatives of the same sex with whom they could share more detailed information in a safer environment. On the question of discipline, most parents from all socio-economic backgrounds were described as always looking for faults, scolding and shouting unnecessarily. Corporal punishment was reported to be particularly distasteful by the adolescents. One adolescent said, They usually use bible verses to correct my behavior but at times they beat me up if they are too angry. Others complained about curfews that are imposed on them. One girl said, It is favouritism to expect me to be home by six yet my younger brother can come in later without any questions being asked. Collectivism and individualism Many teenagers said that their parents did not involve them in decision-making. They complained that decisions that had something to do with their lives were made either by the father alone, mother alone or by both parents with little or no reference to the affected child. In answer to the question how are decisions that affect you made in your family, almost all the children indicated that they were made by the parents. Other members of the nuclear and extended family were not consulted. Many could not recall any collective decisions that had ever been made in their families. A few urban teenagers indicated that parents facilitated their interaction with members of their extended families. Most rural teenagers said that their parents had made them not only aware of their uncles, aunts, nieces and nephews but were constantly assisting or being assisted by them in various ways. In some instances some urban teenagers said they were aware of cooperation between their parents and neighbours. Ideal parents In answering the question on the kind of characteristics they thought an excellent parent should have, the adolescents were unanimous that such a parent should be able to provide for them. Nearly all children said that they expected a parent to be accessible, kind, loving and accepting the opinions of the child. Most of the adolescents also said that they wanted their parents to trust them and be respectful towards them especially where relations with their peers were concerned. 90% expected their parents to be people who could counsel in a calm, restrained manner and to consult them when making decisions that affected the teenagers. None of the teenagers expected their parents to involve the extended family in disciplining or counseling them, although in other aspects of their upbringing which involved financial assistance, parents could involve extended family members. Discussion An important characteristic listed by teenagers as contributing towards their appreciation of an ideal parent, was the ability to provide for them. Adolescents
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). from low to middle-income backgrounds focused on the need for a good parent to provide the basics. Adelescents from high income backgrounds also thought that a good parent should be able to provide for them, but their focus was on provision of materials to maintain their high status rather just for sustenance. The low to middle-income teenagers also generally tended to appreciate the efforts that parents make to provide for them, whereas those from higher income backgrounds were more critical of parental efforts to provide. This is vindicated by other research evidence which suggests that adolescents in traditional cultures often are able to maintain such traditional values and practices as low conflict with parents even as they become avid consumers of Western popular culture (Feldman, et al 1992; Feldman, Rosenthal, Mont-Reynaud, Ling and Lau, 1991). This would imply that teenagers from mainly rural and low to middle income backgrounds, who are raised within the traditional African cultural values of ubuntu, would better withstand the storms and stresses of adolescence as evidenced by their respect for their parents efforts to provide for them. Generally, the adolescents right to be dependent on parental provision seems to be in contradiction with their demands for independence as evidenced by calls to remove curfews and avoid being verbally reprimanded or punished. This was partially explained by Hall (1904) who cites the incompatibility between adolescents need for independence and the fact that parents still think of their offspring as mere children, and tighten the rein when they should be loosen it. Such incompatibility would not exist in traditional cultures where, according to Stewart (2006) as soon as the child reached the age of adolescence he was taken over by the extended family system to learn by precept and example his responsibility to provide and to share. Ferron (1987) found that parents and adolescents from individualistic societies such as those in the West tended to have earlier expectations of autonomy than parents and adolescents in collectivist societies. However, such autonomy appears to be related to behaviours that would fall into the category of misconduct (such as drinking alcohol) and those related to peer-relations (such as dating) rather to provision for physiological needs. Adolescents need to have a parent with whom they could share ideas on boygirl relationships affirms Moyo et al (2004) assertion that they have a natural desire for the company of the opposite sex. However the accusation that parents tended to interfere in teenage relationships appears contradictory to the need to have parents who are involved in peer relations. It might be indicative of the need for the sharing of ideas not to be directed by the parents. This would explain why the teenagers abhorred parents choosing of friends for them. Dyanda (2004) indicates that adolescents prefer the advice of their peers to that of their parents and so will fiercely resist peer separation by parents. It might also be instructive that the adolescents preferred that parents refer them to other adults who may be less emotionally involved and may also have what Dyanda (2004) calls culturally valid methodologies by which to counsel on such a highly sensitive matter such as
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). sexual maturation. Amidst such apparent teenage confusion about the degree of dependence on and independence from parents as well as the extent to which the teenagers expect their parents to be involved in their peer relationships, it is not surprising that parents would not know what they are expected to do. Chakuchichi, et als (2007) culture of silence would appear to be instigated by the teenage confusion and ambivalence about what they expect parents to do. However, the parents silence is likely to leave their children exposed to Western influence. Arnett (2000) points out that within traditional cultures, adolescents are often the most enthusiastic consumers of Western music, movies and television. It is disheartening that currently there are no clear mores in Western culture concerning the sexual behavior of unmarried teenagers leaving the adolescents without any guidance on this issue. Adolescents would therefore engage in behavior that carries the potential of harm to themselves and others without any adult guidance. Ninety five (95%) adolescents said that decisions that had something to do with their lives were made by their parents alone with no reference to the adolescents themselves or other members of the nuclear and extended family. Generally, all adolescents argued that ideally, parents should involve them in decision-making while rural adolescents appreciated their parents collaboration with the extended family in decision-making. By stating that decision-making by ideal parents should be collaborative, the adolescents may be advocating for a relationship with their parents that is grounded on either Westernised democratic parenting styles or on ubuntu. Afrocentric approaches might help to foster in the adolescents a collectivism that is central to ubuntu. From ubuntu would naturally follow such characteristics as chimiro/isimilo (public standing) and musoro/inqondo (constructive disposition) which are related to the self-restraint, public spiritedness and reflectivity that would eradicate adolescents storms and stresses. Most rural teenagers said that their parents had made them not only aware of their uncles, aunts, nieces and nephews but were constantly assisting or being assisted by them in various ways. This might explain why they tend to be more appreciative of their parents efforts at providing for them even in difficult circumstances while their urban counterparts tended to be more egocentric. On the question of discipline, parents from all socio-economic backgrounds were described as always looking for faults, scolding, shouting unnecessarily and setting unreasonable curfews. Arnett (2000) proposes that sexual issues, perhaps because of what Dengu-Zvobgo (2004) calls their sensitive and taboo nature, are likely to be argued about by parents and adolescents in indirect ways through issues that are mundane on the surface and which are therefore safe for discussion. Parents and their adolescents argue about seemingly trivial issues that may be proxies for arguments over complex and sensitive issues. Conflicts between parents and adolescents are actually beneficial to the child as they promote the

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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). development of independence and autonomy. Conclusion and recommendations This study reveals that adolescents perceptions were that ideally, parents should engage them and other family members in collective decision-making which trusted their abilities and respected them as individuals. The adolescents perceptions of an ideal parent tend to depend on whether they were being brought up under individualistic or collectivistic parenting styles. Those being brought up under collective styles tended to appreciate whatever material provisions parents made available for them, to learn by precept and example their responsibility to provide and share and to have earlier expectations of autonomy in fending for themselves. Those brought up under individualistic parenting styles seemed to set higher standards of the quality of provisions parents should avail to them and tended to have earlier expectations of autonomy related to behaviours that would fall into the category of misconduct, such as smoking and those related to peer-relations, such as dating. It also emerged in the study that adolescents placed a very high value on their parents accessibility to enable them to act like sounding boards on a variety of growing-up issues which include sexual maturation and boy-girl relations. Ideally, parents are not expected to take a leading or directive role in such discussions in which they are expected to listen and not intercede on behalf of the adolescent in the actual peer relations. Adolescents from both individualistic and collectivist parenting backgrounds preferred that collectivist approaches which involved extended family members be used to discuss sensitive matters related to sexuality which they may not be comfortable discussing with their biological parents. On the basis of the foregoing, it would appear that problems that adolescents encountered with their parents should be resolved through open dialogue in which the adolescent takes a leading role in airing his or her concerns and possible solutions before they are discussed. In the likely event that some issues are too sensitive to discuss directly with biological parents, intermediaries such as those from the extended family, close family friends and other elders could be used in the discussions. It was also found that parent-adolescent conflict is not necessarily a negative thing as it facilitates the overall transition into an autonomous adult. In light of these conclusions, it is recommended that educators facilitate parenting awareness campaigns so that: 1. Parents become aware of their particular parenting approach and that it is that approach which raises their adolescents expectations of what good parenting is; 2. Parents learn the necessary Western-style democratic parenting style and Afrocentric-style (collectivist approaches) based on ubuntu; 3. Adults in positions of trust would acquire basic, child counseling skills and
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). ethics to make them successful in counseling of adolescents in their communities. It is also recommended that research of a psychoanalytic nature be carried out to explain to correlate apparently trivial and mundane parent-adolescent conflicts with specific instances of sexual difficulties. Such correlations would enable the anticipation of potential sensitive difficulties and result in better management. References Bitz, S.M. (2003). An Adolescents Journey of Self-Discovery. Yellow Brick Road: Mount Bachelor Academy. Chakuchichi, D., Shumba, O., Manokore, V. and Dhlomo, T. (2007). Growing Up and Sexual Maturation: The Culture of Silence Surrounding Disability In Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research, Volume 2 Number 3 pp192 210. Dengu-Zvobgo, K. (2004). Institutional management of menstruation. In J. Stewart (Ed). Life skills, sexual maturation and sanitation: Whats (not) happening in our schools? an exploratory study from Zimbabwe. Harare: Womens Law Centre, University of Zimbabwe, Weaver Press. Dyanda, C. (2004). Development of life skills through teacher education and school practices. In J. Stewart (Ed). Life skills, sexual maturation and sanitation: Whats (not) happening in our schools? an exploratory study from Zimbabwe. Harare: Womens Law Centre, University of Zimbabwe, Weaver Press. Ferron, O.M. (1987). Guidance and Counselling for Tertiary Students. Cape Town: Butterworth. FEMED (2000). Female Education: Case Studies in Developing Countries. New York: UNICEF. Moyo, S. and Muvezwa, A. (2004). Development of life skills in primary education: Parents and pupils expectations in Zimbabwe. In J. Stewart (Ed). Life skills, sexual maturation and sanitation: Whats(not) happening in our schools? An exploratory study from Zimbabwe. Harare: Womens Law Centre, University
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March , 2011 JOURNAL OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING AREAS (JEDA) VOL.19 (1). of Zimbabwe, Weaver Press. Nziramasanga, C.T. (Chairperson). (1999). Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Education and Training. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe. Stewart, J. (2004). (Ed). Life skills, sexual maturation and sanitation: Whats (not) happening in our schools? An exploratory study from Zimbabwe. Harare: Womens Law Centre/ University of Zimbabwe and Weaver Press. UNESCO (2004). EFA Global Monitoring Report: Education for All The Quality Imperative. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (1995). Regional Seminar on HIV/AIDS, 20 to 24 February, Harare. UNICEF (1998). AIDS Resource book for teachers. Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture.

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