UNIVERSITATEA OVIDIUS CONSTANA FACULTATEA DE LITERE SPECIALIZAREA ENGLEZA-ITALIAN

PASSIVE VOICE IN ENGLISH AND ITALIAN

COORDONATOR CONF. UNIV. DR. CAMELIA BEJAN

ABSOLVENT ALINA VALENTINA VULTURU

IUNIE 2009 Table of Contents

Introduction..4 Chapter I Passive Voice in English.. 6 1.1. Definition 6 1.2. The Auxiliaries 7 1.2.1. BE 7 1.2.2. GET..8 1.3. Lexical verbs.. 9 1.3.1. Passivizable verbs... 9 1.3.2. Classes of verbs that resist passivization 15 1.4. Special passive constructions. 18 1.4.1. Semi-passives...18 1.4.2. Existential passives.. 19 1.4.3. Raising passives... 20 1.5. The agentive by-phrase. 21 Chapter 2 Passive Voice in Italian23 2.1. Definition 23 2.2. The Auxiliaries 24 2.2.1. ESSERE... 24 2.2.2. VENIRE...26 2.2.3. ANDARE.27 2.3. Lexical verbs.. 29 2.3.1. Passivizable verbs... 29 2.3.2. Classes of verbs that resist passivization 30 2.4. Special passive constructions. 32 2.4.1. Semi-passives...32 2.4.2. Si construction. 33 2.5. The agentive by-phrase. 34 Chapter 3 Contrastive Remarks on Passive Voice in English and Italian36 3.1. The Auxiliaries 36 3.2. Lexical verbs.. 37 3.3. Special passive constructions. 41 3.4. The agentive by-phrase. 42 Chapter 4 Passive Voice in Newspaper Headlines.. 44 2

4.1. General information about headlines.. 44 4.2. Auxiliaries in headlines.. 45 4.2.1. Deletion of the auxiliary.. 45 4.2.2. The GET passive..47 4.2.3. VENIRE to come and ANDARE to go.. 47 4.3. Special passive constructions in headlines... 48 4.3.1. Semi-passives...48 4.3.2. Raising passives... 49 4.3.3. Si construction. 50 4.4. The agentive by-phrase. 50 Conclusion 54 Bibliography. 56

Introduction
The theme of my graduation thesis is an examination of the syntax and semantics of passive voice constructions in English and Italian. More precisely, it focuses on the syntax of passive voice constructions and it attempts to identify the semantic values denoted by the auxiliaries that these constructions employ. The purpose of this paper is to compare passive voice constructions in English, a Germanic language, and Italian, as a Romance language from a syntactic point of view. Nevertheless, in order to attain this purpose a detailed study of passive voice constructions in both languages presents itself as mandatory, focusing on the auxiliaries and verbs that are used to form the passive voice, specific constructions in which passive voice can appear, and the agentive phrase. I have relied my arguments on the research work of Avram (2003) for the analysis of the auxiliaries and erban (1982) for the discussion on lexical verbs employed in passive constructions in English. I have also relied on Renzi (1988) for the analysis of auxiliaries in Italian passive voice constructions and on Cardo and Proudfoot (1997) who studied the particularities of the lexical verbs used in passive voice constructions. Among the sources employed for the theoretical background concerning newspaper headlines, I have relied on Clinton (1997) and Hodgson (1996) for the rules that should be considered when drafting a headline. The paper is divided into four chapters. The first chapter will deal with the particularities of the auxiliaries and verbs employed in passive voice constructions in English. Then we will consider special constructions in which the passive can appear and the agentive by-phrase. The second chapter investigates the Italian passive voice constructions. First of all we will consider the three auxiliaries that we can use to form passive voice. Secondly, we will discuss the classes of verbs that allow or resist to the process of passivization and thirdly we will take into consideration the constructions in which the passive can appear. My contribution to the theoretical discussion of the passive voice in this paper is included in the third chapter, in which I will compare and contrast passive voice constructions in English with passive voice constructions in Italian. We will consider the differences and the 4

similarities found in the syntax of the passive in both languages. First we investigate the similarities between the auxiliaries that can replace the auxiliary be. Secondly, we identify several points of convergence between English and Italian. Most of the verbal classes that we discussed upon behave similarly in both languages. In the last chapter of the paper we aim at identifying the effects that passive voice constructions used in headlines have upon the reader of newspaper. For this analysis I gathered about 120 examples from the English newspaper The New York Times and the Italian newspaper La Repubblica by accessing their online archives. Due to their concise nature, headlines employing passive voice transmit the reader the required information to stir his curiosity. This means that passive voice constructions help the headlines achieve their purpose.

Chapter I Passive Voice in English

In this chapter we will discuss aspects concerning passive voice in English. The aim of this paper is to make a synthesis of several studies which will help us give an overview of the latest research on passive voice. Our work is based on Avram (2003) for the discussion of the auxiliaries, Culicover & Jackendoff (2005) for the behaviour of prepositional intransitive verbs, Radford (1988) for the distinction between verbal and adjectival passives, and erban (1982) for the identification of the classes of verbs that resist passivization. The chapter is organized in five sections. The first section will provide a definition of the process. The second section is entirely dedicated to the auxiliaries that English employs to generate passive constructions. The third section concerns the types of verbs that allow passivization and those subclasses of verbs which resist passivization. In the fourth section we deal with some special constructions in which passivization can occur. And in the last section we will focus on the agentive by-phrase generated by the application of the process. 1.1. Definition According to erban (1982: 365), the passive is a linguistic phenomenon whose complexity can be observed at several levels: morphological, syntactic, and semantic level. 1) a) Laura read the magazine avidly. Su DO Agent Patient b) The magazine was read avidly by Laura. Su Patient DO Agent

At the morphological level the specialized passive voice markers are attached to the lexical verb: the auxiliary BE or GET and the affix en for the main verb to indicate the past participle form. At the syntactic level the active subject and object change their position and status. The active object is moved to sentence initial position where it becomes passive subject while the 6

active subject is converted into a prepositional object which is placed after the verb. Under certain circumstances these prepositional objects may be deleted. At the semantic level there is a change in the relation between the two theta roles. The Agent is no longer the central hero of the sentence. The Patient becomes the protagonist of the passive sentence. 1.2. The Auxiliaries

The auxiliaries that are used to obtain the verbal form that appears in passive constructions are the auxiliary BE and the auxiliary GET. 1.2.1. The BE Passive The auxiliary BE denotes tense, aspect, and agreement. According to Avram (2003: 296) the role of the auxiliary is to connect the event named by the past participle to the grammatical subject of the sentence by means of agreement and tense: 2) a) Someone is watching them. b) They are being watched. c) The bridge had been built before the war. d) They wish they were not told what to do. e) *They wish they was not told what to do. As we can see in (2b) the auxiliary has the value of progressive BE indicating the present continuous tense and the passive voice, while in (2c) the auxiliary BE indicates the past perfect tense. If there is no agreement between the auxiliary and the subject of the verb the result is an ungrammatical sentence as in (2e). BE passive is less dynamic that GET passive, thus it is considered a better candidate for generic sentences: 3) a) Butter is preferred. b) *Butter gets preferred. In contrast with the auxiliary BE which indicates the grammatical categories of tense, aspect, voice, and agreement with the subject, the auxiliary GET used in the passive voice has certain semantic values. 7

1.2.2. The GET Passive The auxiliary GET does not indicate aspect and most frequently it is used to indicate past tense. According to erban (1982: 407) the GET passive properties presuppose the following tinges of meaning: 1. a detrimental meaning, as in: 4) a) The thief stole my jewels. My jewels got stolen. b) He broke his leg. His leg got broken. 2. emphasis on the implied Agents responsibility for a specific detrimental action like in the following example: 5) a) John was killed with great care by a psychopath. b)*John got killed with great care by a psychopath. One important semantic difference between the two passives is related to the notion of Agent control; the referent of the grammatical subject of a GET passive construction is interpreted actively involved in the event. The fact that the manner expression with great care implies control of the Agent over the action is the cause for the ungrammaticality of (5b). 3. from a semantic point of view, the GET passive associates with a combined Agent/Patient role. If we compare: 6) a) Mary was discovered cleverly. b) Mary got discovered cleverly. we notice the fact that in (6b) Mary has the theta role of Agent and Patient, while in (6a) Mary has only the theta role of Patient. According to Biber (2002: 171) there are five verbs that are used frequently with the GET passive: to marry, to hit, to involve, to leave, to stick. With the auxiliary BE the verbs express a state, while with GET they describe the process of getting into that respective state. According to Avram (2003: 317) the GET passive is more dynamic and implies a greater

involvement of the speaker in the actions presented by his utterance than the BE passive. Thus the Get passive does not resist the imperative while BE passive does: 7) a) Dont get married! b) *Be married! The idea that the GET passive can be considered an emotive language device is developed in Knabe (2009: 7). The implied notion of dynamics conveys the attachment of the speaker uttering the sentence. Consider the following example: 8) a) The police caught me. b) I was caught by the police. c) I got caught by the police. d) I was caught by the police, which annoyed me. In (8b) we notice the impersonal features of the utterance that is a report of the events, while in (8c) the focus is on the consequences of the events upon the speaker. Knabe argues that if one paraphrases sentence (8b) as in (8d) a loss of emotional attachment can be noticed. The meaning remains the same, but the form changes and what was expressed indexically in (8b) is expressed symbolically in (8d). The obvious consequences are the mixing up of the descriptive and expressive language function and the diminution of the expressivity. 1.3. Lexical verbs Most classes of transitive verbs and a few intransitive verbs allow a passive version of their active voice sentences. 1.3.1. Passivizable verbs Both simple and complex transitive verbs allow the active direct object to be promoted to the passive subject position: 9) a) They changed the furniture. The furniture was changed. b) They mistook him for somebody else. 9 (complex transitive verb) (simple transitive verb)

He was mistaken for somebody else. c) He threw a handful of money onto the table. A handful of money was thrown onto the table. d) They elected John chairman. John was elected chairman. Ditransitive verbs are also included in the group of complex transitives. Culicover and Jackendoff (2005: 212) develop some ideas concerning the recipient passive that appears in double object constructions. Not all indirect objects undergo passivization. Only the indirect object in the dative case that has the thematic role of Recipient can move to subject position in the passive version of the sentence. Consider the following examples: 10) a) Susan gave Helen a present. Helen was given a present by Susan. b) Susan gave a present to Helen. A present was given to Helen by Susan. *Helen was given a present to by Susan. 11) a) Tom bought John a jacket. *John was bought a jacket by Tom. b) Tom bought a jacket for John. *John was bought a jacket for by Tom. From example (10a), in which the indirect object Helen has the thematic role of Recipient, we can see that a passive counterpart can be obtained, while from example (11), where the indirect object John has the thematic role of Beneficiary, we observe that a passive configuration is not possible. Most ditransitives may appear in two alternative constructions: the double object construction and the oblique object construction. According to Avram (2003: 301) only a NP adjacent to the passive verb can move to sentence-initial position. This is called the adjacency 10 (buy+DO+IO=oblique object construction) (buy+IO+DO=double object construction) (give+DO+IO=oblique object construction) (give+IO+DO=double object construction) (complex transitive with predicative) (complex transitive)

constraint. The double object construction as in (10a) allows a passive configuration with the former indirect object Helen functioning as passive subject, while the oblique object construction as in (10b) allows a passive configuration with the former direct object a present in subject position. Thus, the verb give can be part of the double object construction and of the oblique object construction, a property shared with two other verbs: send and tell. However there are certain ditransitive verbs like explain and spare that can be part of only one of these constructions. Goodall (1999: 7) observes that if one passivizes the sentence (12a) considered grammatically incorrect by the majority of the linguists, the sentence obtained (12b), although different is accepted as correct from a grammatical point of view. 12) a) *The owner explained us the problem. b) We were explained the problem by the owner. Goodall explains that the ungrammaticality of the sentence (12a) is given by the incapacity of the verb explain to provide special case-marking mechanism necessary for the second object. An improvement to this sentence is made through the process of passivization. The result of the process is that the adjacent object moves in the nominative case position allowing the second object to move in the accusative case position. If the verb explain can only appear in an oblique object construction, the verb spare can only appear in double object constructions as in the following example: 13) a) Mary spared John the ordeal. b) John was spared the ordeal by Mary. From example (13b) we notice that the indirect object John can move to subject position in the passive counterpart of the sentence (13a). There are certain VPs that contain an NP which generally co-occurs only with a specific verb that are called idiom chunks. These idiomatic fixed expressions also behave in a similar manner such as that of the verb give. That is they allow two passive voice versions: 14) I have taken careful notice of your remarks. Careful notice has been taken of your remarks. Your remarks have been taken careful notice of. 11 (active voice) (passive voice) (passive voice)

Some examples of idiom chunks are: to take advantage of something, to make an example of somebody, to make too much of something, to take strong exception to something, to keep tabs on, to pay homage to, and to take note of. 15) They paid homage to the Queen. Homage was paid to the Queen. The Queen was paid homage to. 16) Ben took advantage of the good weather to paint the shed. Advantage was taken of the good weather to paint the shed. The good weather was taken advantage of to paint the shed. According to erban (1982: 386) these phrases behave like simple verbs with a prepositional object. The respective objects (advantage, example, exception, tabs, homage, and note) behave differently depending on the linguistic context in which they are exploited: an idiomatic or a non-idiomatic context. Avram (2003: 300) argues that the NPs from the VP cannot occur without a determiner (as they do in idioms) in positions normally occupied by NPs as in (17) but can occupy the function of subject or various types of objects when the respective idiom undergoes passivization as in (18): 17) a) The headmistress keeps tabs on the pupils progress. b) Mary took note of my statements. c) We have always paid homage to the genius of Eminescu. d) *Tabs /*note /? Homage never move(s) him. e) Mary was surprised at *tabs /*note /*homage. f) I told him about *tabs /*note /*homage. 18) a) Tabs were kept by the headmistress on the pupils progress. b) Note was taken by Mary of my statements. c) Homage has always been paid to the genius of Eminescu.

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In addition to this it is interesting to observe the behaviour of phrases like break the ice, bury the hatchet, draw the line etc. that are similar idiomatic phrases as the ones analysed above but which in addition have a non-literal reading. These phrases may undergo the process of passivization without changing their idiomatic meaning (cf. erban 1982: 387): 19) a) One of the teenagers in the room has already broken the ice. The ice has already been broken by one of the teen-agers in the room. b) The Tories and Whigs in the Council buried the hatchet. The hatchet was buried by the Tories and Whigs in the Council. c) She must draw the line somewhere, as far as his behaviour is concerned. The line must be drawn somewhere, as far as his behaviour is concerned. From the class of intransitive verbs, prepositional intransitive verbs allow passivization. According to Culicover and Jackendoff (2005: 207) not all the objects of the prepositional phrases adjacent to the verb can undergo passive: 20) a) You were staring at Robin Robin was being stared at. You can rely on Sandy. Sandy can be relied on. You are talking about Max. Max is being talked about. b) The guests chatted in the kitchen. *The kitchen was chatted in by the guests. Bill departed on Tuesday. *Tuesday was departed on by Bill. Mom can walk with this cane. *This cane can be walked with by Mom. The prepositional phrases in (20b) are locative, temporal, and instrumental adjuncts. This contrasts with the prepositional phrases in (20a), whose prepositions are fixed by the

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verb. Thus, a noun phrase argument can undergo passive, but the noun phrase of a prepositional phrase argument or adjunct cannot. In sentences as in (20a) the verbs select a prepositional object. Radford (1988: 428) explains that there are differences between the verb followed by a prepositional object sequence in active and passive sentences. He argues that in an active sentence the verb can be separated by the preposition by intervening material, while in a passive sentence this is not possible: 21) a) You were staring unanimously at Robin. You can rely entirely on Sandy. You are talking often about Max. b) *Robin was being stared unanimously at. *Sandy can be relied entirely on. *Max is being talked often about. In active sentences the preposition can be modified specifiers like right or straight, while in passive sentences no modifier can intervene between the verb and the preposition: 22) a) Many people turned right against her. Everybody stared straight at her. b) *She was turned right against by many people. *She was stared straight at. Culicover and Jackendoff (2005: 208) underline however one exception that regards the constructions called by the literature false passives. Many objects have a proper function, i.e. a canonical way they are to be used: beds are to sleep in, sofas are to sit on, telescopes are to look through, tables are to eat and work at. When the verb and the preposition together denote the subjects proper function a passive counterpart can be obtained. 23) a) Someone has slept in/under this bed. This bed has been slept in/*under. b) Someone has sat on/beside the sofa. 14 (passive voice) (active voice) (passive voice) (active voice)

The sofa has been sat on/*beside. c) Someone is looking through/inside the telescope. The telescope is being looked through/*inside. d) Someone ate at/under the table for many years. The table was eaten at/*under for many years. According to Jacobs (1995: 162), from a syntactic and semantic point of view, sentences as in (23) should not have passive voice counterparts. Sleep, sit, look, eat are intransitive verbs followed by a preposition in, on, through, at, which in these contexts do not seem to have a suitable candidate for subject, since the subjects of passive voice clauses are prototypically entities affected by the action expressed by the verb. Analyzing example (23a) one could argue that the possibility of obtaining a passive counterpart is achievable only in a very restricted pragmatic situation: when the fact that someone has slept in the bed is pragmatically observable, that is when the bed can be interpreted as an affected participant. The passive counterpart is acceptable because the NP inside the PP is imposed by the pragmatic context to have an affected argument interpretation (cf. Avram 2003: 306). Simple or complex transitive verbs, ditransitives employed in double object or oblique object constructions, prepositional intransitive verbs and certain idiomatic phrases can undergo the process of passivization. 1.3.2. Classes of verbs that resist passivization Most transitive verbs can be passivized. However there are a few transitive verbs which cannot be passivized because of their semantic-syntactic properties. 1. One of the categories of the middle verbs group includes reciprocal verbs like: to resemble, to marry, to divorce, to meet express symmetric relations. This type of verbs cannot be passivized but they allow their subject and direct object to change position in the active voice: 24) a) Victoria resembles Amanda. b) Amanda resembles Victoria. 15 (active voice) (active voice)

c) *Amanda is resembled by Victoria. In example (24c) passivization is blocked because there is a relationship of reciprocity between the referents of the subject and the object in the active version. 2. According to erban (1982: 371) another category of the middle verbs group is constituted by some stative verbs like to cost, to weigh, to stretch, to last, and to owe which are intransitive verbs that require obligatory adverbial quantification. The adverbial quantification is realized by non-prepositional NPs, as it appears in the following examples: 25) a) The potatoes weighed five kilos. *Five kilos were weighed by the potatoes. b) The shopkeeper weighed the potatoes. The potatoes were weighed by the shopkeeper. c) These two tickets cost 10 lei. *10 lei was cast by the tickets. d) It cost him his life / much trouble. How much did it / the trip cost (her)? What did it / the trip cost (her)? According to Palmer (1994: 119) when the object of the verb to weigh refers to the items weighed, it can be passivized as in (25b), but not when it refers to measurement as in (25a). The verb to cost behaves differently because it is a dative verb that may take a DO in simple declarative sentences and in interrogative sentences as we can notice in (25d). 3. Relational verbs that express possession (to have, to possess, and to own) or lack of possession also resist passivization: 26) Jonathan has / owns / possesses a boat. *A boat is had by Jonathan.

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With these verbs the subject always has the theta role of Beneficiary. In a relationship of possession the human participant is more important, that is why it must always appear in subject position. As a result these verbs can only be used in active voice. Palmer (1994: 120) does not share the same opinion as erban (1982: 372) and argues that one way of seeing things would be to consider that the NPs in (25a, c) and (27) are not arguments with the thematic role of Patient, but adjuncts denoting locatives or terms of measurement. However, he returns to his idea and comments that one cannot establish if a NP is an object by means of applying the process of passivization. Therefore it would be more appropriate to consider that there are arguments that occupy the object position with an active verb without being affected by passivization nor having the thematic role of Patient. 27) The church owns a lot of property. A lot of property is owned by the church. 4. Stative verbs which denote a mental process or perception may undergo passivization when the direct object is a whole clause as in (29b), but not when they are in association with Manner Adverbials as in (29c). Examples of such verbs are: to know, to believe, to consider, to think, to see, to perceive, and to hear: 28) Ann knew the story. *The story was known by/to her. 29) a) Everyone knew [that Jim was handsome]. b) [That Jim was handsome] was known by everyone. c) *Everyone knew hardly [that Jim was handsome]. There are certain categories of transitive verbs like reciprocal verbs, relational verbs that denote possession, and stative verbs like to cost, to weight, and to owe, which together with other stative verbs that denote a mental process or perception do not undergo the process of passivization. (active voice) (passive voice)

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1.4. Special passive constructions In this section we will consider three constructions in which the process of passivization can appear: semi-passives, existential passives, and raising passives. 1.4.1 Semi-passives According to Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech and Svartvik (1985: 168) the constructions in which members have both verbal and adjectival properties are called semi-passives. Distinction should be made between constructions with identical form but different syntactic analysis. Lets consider the following examples: 30) a) His attempts impressed us. We were impressed by his attempts. b) *His attempts unimpressed us. We were unimpressed by his attempts. In example (30b) we observe that the use of the prefix un- gives rise to an ungrammatical sentence. This is because this prefix can only be attached to adjectives and not verbs. The verb unimpress does not exist. Radford (1988: 434) observes another distinction that can be made between verbal and adjectival passives starting from the following example: 31) a) His sister frightened him. b) He was (*very) frightened by his sister. c) He was very frightened at the noise. (verbal passive) (adjectival passive)

Example (31b) is a verbal passive because it has an Agent by-phrase, his sister. In contrast, in sentence (31c) the prepositional phrase at the noise indicates the cause of the fear not the Agent that stirs the emotion. In the verbal passive frightened is the past participle of the verb to frighten, while in the adjectival passive frightened is an adjective that allows modification with the modifier very.

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1.4.2. Existential passives According to erban (1982: 291), passive sentences may turn into there constructions owing to the presence of the auxiliary be. In addition to the presence of be, the NPs occupying the subject position must be indefinite. Consider the following example: 32) a) A hunter has killed a/the deer. b) A/The deer has/*have been killed by a hunter. c) There has been a/*the deer killed by a hunter. (active voice) (passive voice) (existential passive)

From example (32) we notice that the indefiniteness of the NP-subject a deer is an obligatory condition for the formation of a grammatical construction and that the auxiliary be is separated from the rest of the verb phrase, as the result of the placement of the NP-subject a deer in between. In contexts when there is inserted in a passive sentence whose auxiliary also includes the auxiliary be to mark the continuous aspect, i.e. there are two auxiliaries: one marking aspect and another one voice, the subject moves after the first be, as in: 33) a) A famous cellist was playing a concerto. b) A concerto was being played by a famous cellist. c) There was a concerto being played by a famous cellist. (active voice) (passive voice) (existential passive)

In conclusion, the NP, a deer respectively a concerto, moves after the main verb as in (32), or after the first be in the auxiliary as in (33). Furthermore, erban (1982: 301) argues that existential passives in the interrogative can be obtained if we apply several transformations to an active sentence: 34) a) A policeman killed a demonstrator. b) A demonstrator was killed by a policeman. c) There was a demonstrator killed by a policeman. (active voice) (passive voice) (existential passive)

d) Was there a demonstrator killed by a policeman?(existential passive in wh-question) The active sentence in (34a) undergoes passivization and the result is (34b). By inserting the expletive pronoun there in (34b) we obtain example (34c), an existential passive

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to which we apply question formation. Example (34d) illustrates a passive existential construction in the interrogative. Law (1999: 195) discusses the distribution of adverbials in passive existential constructions. He argues that past temporal adverbs may not co-occur with the perfective auxiliary have in the perfect tense or with a verb in the present tense. However these restrictions are not obeyed in passive existential constructions: 35) a) *Senator Smith initiates/has initiated a debate on foreign policy two weeks ago. *A debate on foreign policy is/has been initiated two weeks ago by Senator Smith. b) There is/has been a debate on foreign policy [initiated by Senator Smith two weeks ago]. Example (35a) is grammatically incorrect because the past temporal adverb two weeks ago cannot co-occur in the same clause with the perfective auxiliary have or a verb in the present tense. In (35b) the incompatible elements mentioned above appear in different clauses and this is why the sentence is correct. 1.4.3. Raising passives Raising is a syntactic process that moves the subject of a that-complement clause in the main clause in subject or object position. If we take the active sentence (36a) in which the direct object is expressed by means of a that-complement clause and apply to it subject to object raising and afterwards passivization to the verb in the main clause, believe, we will obtain a construction called raising passive. 36) a) John believed [TCC that Bill had won]. b) John believed Billi [ICC ti to have won]. c) Billi is believed [ICC ti to have won]. (active voice) (SOR) (SSR)

From example (36a) the subject of the that-complement clause, Bill, is moved to direct object position in (36b). By applying passivization to this sentence the direct object, Bill, becomes the passive subject of the sentence (36c). We could have also obtained a raising passive if we would have applied subject to subject raising to the initial sentence. 20

4. The agentive by-phrase In present-day English only the preposition by is used as a marker of agency in contrast with how things were in older English when other agentive prepositions were used with the same purpose. These prepositions were characteristic of the highly literary style and used to indicate different things (cf. erban 1982: 402) 1. of is employed rarely on in the highly literary style with some classes of stative experiencer verbs (e.g. to be admired/loved/hated/honoured; to be seen/observed by somebody). In current English is used after the verb born to indicate the source of origin: 37) Long ago, an aunt told me that my grandmother was born out of wedlock. 2. with gives an instrumental meaning in passive sentences such as: 38) a) The room was permeated with gas. b) The Minister was met with opposition from both sides of the House. c) He was struck with awe at the terrible sight. 3. in has a quasi-agentive meaning in: 39) a) We were caught in the rain. b) The chair was covered in black leather. c) The money was raised in voluntary subscriptions. 4. from could indicate just like the preposition of the source of origin: 40) We listened to a speech by/of/from the Prime Minister. 5. to occurs with the verb to know: 41) She is known to me. The Agent in a passive construction denotes the doer of the action and it is usually expressed by means of a by-phrase. Although in the past there were several prepositions that were used in passive constructions, in present-day grammar the only one used is by.

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Conclusion The aim of this chapter has been to discuss several issues regarding passive voice in English. First we commented upon the auxiliaries employed in this construction and the semantic values that the GET passive has in addition to the BE passive. Then we have shown that ditransitive verbs and idiomatic fixed expressions along with prepositional intransive verbs allow passivization, while semantic subclasses of transitive verbs like reciprocal verbs, relational verbs, and stative verbs denoting possession, mental processes or perception resist passivization. Afterwards we have focused our attention on the distinction between the verbal and the adjectival passive, and on some special constructions such as the existential passive and the raising passive. In the last section of the chapter we have mentioned the prepositions that were used in Old English passive voice sentences besides the preposition by employed in present day English passive constructions.

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Chapter II Passive Voice in Italian

In this chapter we will discuss certain semantic and syntactic aspects concerning passive voice in Italian. The aim of this paper is to make a synthesis of several studies. This synthesis will help us compare and contrast the process as it occurs in Italian and English. Our work is based on the research of Crstea (1971) for the discussion on auxiliaries, Renzi (1991) and Cardo & Proudfoot (1997) for the types of verbs that allow or resist to passivization, and on Patota (2003) to explain the characteristics of si constructions. The chapter is organized in five sections. First we will provide a definition of the process. Secondly, we will discuss the auxiliaries that Italian employs to create passive constructions. Thirdly, we will analyze the types of verbs that allow passivization and those which block this process. The last aspect that we will deal with is the difference between verbal and adjectival passive and the si constructions. 2.1. Definition Gherman and Srbu (2007: 204) argue that active voice sentences can be transformed into passive voice sentences only if they contain transitive verbs. The passive form of a lexical verb is obtained from the auxiliary essere to be plus the past participle form of the verb. The past participle form is characterized by the grammatical categories of number and gender i.e. every participle has four forms. For example the forms of the verb scrivere to write are: scritto, scritti for masculine singular and plural, and scritta, scritte for feminine singular and plural. In Italian, when transforming an active sentence into a passive one, several changes occur. Lets observe the following example: 42) a) Maria scrive la lettera / le lettere. Maria writes the letter / letters. b) La lettera scritta da Maria. The letter is written by Maria. Le lettere sono scritte da Maria. 23 (passive voice) (active voice)

The letters are written by Maria. The subject of the active sentence, Maria, turns into a prepositional object placed immediately after the verb. The lexical verb scrivere to write is used in its past participle form preceded by the auxiliary essere to be. The auxiliary shows agreement in number with the passive subject lettera letter which is feminine singular and the past participle form is marked for the same gender and number. The direct object, la lettera the letter, is moved to sentence initial position as the subject of the passive sentence. 2.2. The Auxiliaries

The compound form of the verb in the passive construction can be obtained with three auxiliaries: essere to be, venire to come, and andare to go which are not always interchangeable. 2.2.1. ESSERE The auxiliary that is most frequently used in Italian to form passive counterparts is essere to be. This auxiliary denotes tense and agreement. The past participle form that follows the auxiliary shows agreement in number and gender with the subject. Unlike the other two auxiliaries, essere to be does not add any semantic values. 43) a) Il pubblico ammira le attrici. The audience admires the actresses. Le attrici sono ammirate dal pubblico. The actresses are admired by the audience. b) Le ragazze aspettavano lapertura della mostra. The girls were expecting the opening of the exhibition. Lapertura della mostra era aspettata dalle ragazze. The opening of the exhibition was expected by the girls. In example (43) we can observe the relation of agreement between the passive subject in the plural le attrici the actresses and the one in the singular lapertura the opening, with the past participle form of the lexical verbs ammirare to admire and aspettare to expect. 24

According to Renzi (1991: 87) the passive construction with essere to be may be mistaken for the construction essere + when in this construction the verb essere to be is followed by a past participle. Consider the following example that describes an action: 44) a) Chiudono la porta. (They) close the door. b) La porta chiusa. The door is closed. Example (44b) may have two interpretations: a stative and a passive one. The stative interpretation is possible when the sentence describes the state in which the object is and when the participle of the verb is accompanied by an adverbial modifier of time: 45) La porta chiusa da due ore. The door is closed for two hours. In addition to the adverbial modifiers of time, the usage of verbs with resultative meaning in the sentence leads to a stative interpretation: 46) Qualcuno stampa il libro. Somebody prints the book. Il libro stampato. The book is printed. In example (46) we observe how the effected object il libro the book is moved to sentence initial position in the passive version of the sentence. The passive interpretation is possible when the Agent is expressed and when the sentence contains linguistic elements that are usually linked to the sense of action such as the following adverbial modifiers gentilmente kindly, soavemente gently, violentemente violently: 47) La porta chiusa violentemente da Piero. The door is closed violently by Piero. 25 (active voice)

The passive interpretation is also possible when the sentence contains a verb with resultative meaning, an expressed Agent, and an adverbial modifier that does not denote state as in: 48) La premiata tipografia Appelli stampa il libro improvvisamente. The awarded publishing house Appelli prints the book suddenly. Il libro stampato improvvisamente dalla premiata tipografia Appelli. The book is printed suddenly by the awarded publishing house Appelli. The auxiliary essere to be denotes tense and agreement but not semantic values. In contrast with this auxiliary, venire to come and andare to go do, that is why they can be used only in certain contexts. 2.2.2. VENIRE According to Proudfoot and Cardo (1997: 195), the verb venire to come can replace the auxiliary essere to be in a formal register and only in the simple tenses: present, imperfect, future, and conditional. One of the reasons for using venire to come is to avoid ambiguity. The passive used with certain verbs, such as chiudere to close, aprire to open can sound static as in (49a) rather than expressing an action as in (49b). This is particularly true when the Agent is not expressed: 49) a) La finestra gi chiusa. The window is already closed. b) La finestra viene chiusa. The window is being / gets closed. In contexts as the one in example (49a) it is indicated to use venire to come, which denotes action, in order to avoid ambiguity. The auxiliary venire to come can be used when the active sentence contains an expressed Agent or an adverbial modifier that does not denote state as in the following example: 26

50) Piero chiuse la finestra violentemente. Piero closed the window in a violent manner. La finestra venne chiusa violentemente da Piero. The window got closed in a violent manner by Piero. The auxiliary venire to come also tends to express the idea that a regular action is involved: 51) a) La cena viene servita da camerieri vestiti di giacca bianca. Dinner is served by waiters dressed in white jackets. b) Gli ordini ci venivano trasmessi dai nostri rivenditori italiani. The orders were sent on to us by our Italian dealers. c) Gli studenti verranno ammessi solo se muniti di tessera. Students will be admitted only if in possession of a membership card. In the sentences from example (51), it is easily noticeable that the action denoted by the verb occurs in a repetitive manner. 2.2.3. ANDARE The verb andare to go like venire to come can have passive value if the lexical verb from the active sentences is conjugated in a simple tense third person singular or plural. When andare to go replaces venire to come it has an aspectual value denoting the course of the events. This auxiliary has a prescriptive sense, indicating how things should be done as in (52c) and in this context it can be replaced with dover essere must be as in (52d). 52) a) Solo i nostri tecnici effettueranno eventuali riparazioni. Only our technicians will make any repairs. (passive voice) (active voice)

b) Eventuali riparazioni saranno effettuate solo dai nostri tecnici. Any repairs will be made only by our technicians.

c) Eventuali riparazioni vanno effettuate solo dai nostri tecnici. 27

(passive voice)

Any

repairs

go

made

only by our technicians.

d) Eventuali riparazioni devono essere effettuate solo dai nostri tecnici. Any repairs must be made only by our technicians.

If with the auxiliaries essere to be and venire to come, the passive counterpart needs an Agent (expressed or implied), the passive construction with andare to go with the aspectual value does not involve an Agent. 53) a) Qualcuno ha smarito il libro. Somebody lost the book.

b) Il libro fu / venne smarito. The book was / got lost. c) Il libro and smarito. The book went lost. Analyzing example (53) we observe that the focus is not on the Agent of the action, but on the result of the action. When the passive construction with andare to go shows the necessity of the action we never have an expressed Agent but an implied one, and the construction behaves just as those with the auxiliaries essere to be or venire to come: 54) *Questo libro va letto da tutti. This book goes read by everybody. This book must be read by everyone. Questo libro va letto attentamente. This book goes read attentively. This book gets read attentively. The three auxiliaries used in Italian to form passive sentences denote tense and agreement, and two of them, venire to come and andare to go also denote certain semantic values such as necessity, prescriptive sense or a repetitive action. 28

2.3. Lexical verbs Only transitive verbs allow a passive version of the active utterance in which they are employed. 2.3.1. Passivizable verbs In Italian only a transitive verb can be turned into a passive construction. Both simple and complex transitive verbs allow their direct object to move to sentence initial position in the passive counterpart: 55) a) Hanno rifiutato il mio consiglio. (They) have rejected my advice. Il mio consiglio stato rifiutato. My advice was rejected. (complex transitive with predicative) (simple transitive)

b) Hanno nominato Clara presidente. They appointed Clara president Clara stata nominata presidente. Clara has been appointed president.

From the class of complex transitives the behaviour of ditransitive verbs such as dare to give, dire to say, inviare to send, mandare to send, passare to pass, presentare to present, prestare to lend, raccontare to tell, and spedire to send. The direct object, often a noun with the theta-role of Theme can become the subject of a passive verb as in example (56b) but also the indirect object with the thematic role of Recipient can become passive subject as in (56a): 56) a) Andrea ha dato a Michele una fetta di torta. Andrea gave Michele Michele a piece of cake. A Michele stata data una fetta di torta da Andrea. was given a piece of cake by Andrea. (oblique object construction) (double object construction)

b) Andrea ha dato una fetta di torta a Michele. Andrea gave a piece of cake to Michele. 29 Una fetta di torta stata data a Michele da Andrea.

A piece of cake was given

to Michele by Andrea.

From example (56) we notice that the ditransitive verb dare to give can be passivized both in a double object construction and in an oblique object construction. There are few idiomatic fixed expressions that can undergo the process of passivization. In contrast with the ditransitive verbs that have two passive versions of the same active sentence, from a sentence whose verb is an idiomatic phrase only one passive counterpart can be obtained: 57) La nonna non perde docchio la bambina. The grandmother keeps tabs on the girl. La bambina non viene persa docchio dalla nonna. The girl comes kept tabs on by the grandmother.

A similar idiomatic phrase is rompere il ghiaccio to break the ice. In addition to the idiomatic phrase non perdere docchio to keep tabs on, this phrase has a non-literal meaning. The transformations implied by the process of passivization do not change its idiomatic meaning: 58) Luisa ha rotto il ghiaccio alla festa. Luisa broke The ice the ice at the party. Il ghiaccio stato rotto da Luisa alla festa. was broken by Luisa at the party.

In order for a sentence to be able to undergo the process of passivization it must contain a transitive verb whose direct object suffers the consequences of the action denoted by the verb. 2.3.2. Classes of verbs that resist passivization The passive construction is acceptable with all transitive verbs that is with all the verbs that take a direct object, with few exceptions. One exception is represented by the class of reciprocal verbs such as assomigliare to resemble, sposare to marry, divorzare to divorce, and incontrare to meet that expresses 30

symmetric relations. Thus passivization cannot occur, but a change of position between the subject and the direct object is possible: 59) Carla assomiglia a Marina. Carla resembles Marina. Marina assomiglia a Carla. Marina resembles Carla. *Marina assomigliata da Carla. *Marina is resembled by Carla. The relation of reciprocity between the referents of the subject and direct object in example (59) blocks passivization. The class of stative verbs such as costare to cost and pesare to weigh obligatorily require adverbial quantification. When the object of such verbs refers to measurement passivization is blocked. However, as we can see in (60b), when the object of the verb refers to the items weighed passivization is allowed: 60) a) Le patate pesavano cinque chili. The potatoes weighed five kilos. *Cinque chili erano pesati dalle patate. Five kilos were weighed by the potatoes. b) Il ragazzo peso le patate. The boy weighed the potatoes. Le patate furono pesate dal ragazzo. The potatoes were weighed by the boy. Another exception is illustrated by another class of stative verbs that indicate relation, called relational verbs, like avere to have, contenere to contain, concernere to concern, riguardare to regard (verbs whose subject has the thematic role of Patient): 61) La bottiglia contiene questo liquido. The bottle contains this liquid. *Questo liquido contenuto dalla bottiglia. 31

This liquid

is contained

by the bottle.

This class of verbs denotes a relation of possession, inclusion or acquisition in which the human participant is the more important, thus it always has to appear in subject position. As a result these verbs cannot be passivized. There are certain categories of transitive verbs like reciprocal verbs, relational verbs, and stative verbs like costare to cost and pesare to weight that do not undergo the process of passivization. 2.4. Special passive constructions Passive voice can appear in the constructions know in grammar as semi-passives and the si constructions. 2.4.1. Semi-passives Semi-passives are constructions in which members have both verbal and adjectival features. This property gives rise to two types of passives: 62) a) Marco ha spaventato Giovanna. Marco frightened Giovanna. b) Giovanna stata (*molto) spaventata da Marco. Giovanna was (*very) frightened by Marco. c) Giovanna stata molto spaventa dal rumore. Giovanna was very frightened at the noise. As we can notice example (62b) is a verbal passive because it has an Agent, Marco, while (62c) is an adjectival passive, the prepositional phrase dal rumore by the noise does not indicate the Agent but the cause that stirs the emotion. In the verbal passive spaventata frightened is the past participle of the verb spaventare to frighten, while in the adjectival passive spaventata frighten is an adjective that allows modification with the modifier molto very. (adjectival passive) (verbal passive) (active voice)

32

2.4.2. Si Construction According to Crstea (1971: 221) another construction used in Italian to form a passive sentence can be used in the 3rd person singular and plural using the reflexive pronoun si and the lexical verb: 63) Noi vedevamo da lontano la torre / le torri. Noi vedeam de departe turnul / turnurile. La torre si vedeva da lontano. Turnul se vedea de departe Le torri si vedevano da londano. Turnurile se vedeau de departe In example (63) the direct object la torre the tower has the semantic feature of [animate]. Therefore si is used only when the subject of the passive sentence is not the Agent of the action denoted by the verb. According to Patota (2003: 169), in certain contexts si may have a prescriptive meaning: 64) Certe parole non si dicono. Certain words shouldnt be told. Certe parole non devono esser dette. Certain words mustnt be told. The construction with si can be used only when the Agent or the author of the action are not mentioned. When si precedes the verbs called in Italian servili (potere can, dovere must, volere want) that are always followed by an infinitive, passivization is applied to the infinitive and not to the servile verb: 65) Discutono questa proposta. They are debating over the proposal. Questa proposta si pu discutere. This proposal is debatable. Questa proposta pu essere discussa. This proposal can be debated over. 33

The construction is mostly used in the colloquial register. For example in the small ads a reversion of the verb si is often used, in the plural form, the final vowel is dropped: 66) a) Vendesi appartamento di quarto vani. Four room apartment for sale. b) Affitassi camere. Rooms for rent. According to Belletti (2004: 150), in Italian when a transitive verb (which takes the auxiliary avere to have in the perfect) is in the impersonal (-passive) si form, the perfect auxiliary shifts to essere to be: 67) a) Gianni ha/* lavorato molto. Gianni has/is worked a lot. Gianni has worked a lot. b) Si /*ha lavorato molto. One is/has worked a lot. One has worked a lot. This change of auxiliary occurs because the process of passivization has changed the transivity of the verb. Transivitve verbs are conjugated with the auxiliary avere to have, while intransitives with the auxiliary essere to be. The si construction is usually used in Italian when the Agent is not mentioned, it can be applied in sentences where the pronoun precedes servile verbs, and the direct consequence of its used is the transformation of a transitive verb into a intransitive verb. 2.5. The agentive by-phrase According to Proudfoot and Cardo (1997: 194) in a passive sentence there may or may not be an Agent mentioned, when there is, the Agent is at the end of the sentence, in a secondary position compared to the action of the person affected expressed by means of a prepositional phrase introduced by the preposition da by: 34

68) La merce era stat scaricata a Genova. The goods had been unloaded at Genova. Domani la Principessa sar ricevuta dal Papa. Tomorrow the Princess will be received by the Pope. When scientific observations are described, the agent is often omitted, to stress the objective nature of the findings: 69) Il nuovo vaccino contro lAids stato sperimentato presso lUniversit di Pisa. The new Aids vaccine has been tested at Pisa University. Leclissi prevista alle 15.23 del 10 agosto. The eclipse is expected at 15.23 on the 10th of August. (Agent mentioned) (Agent not mentioned)

Conclusion The aim of this chapter has been to discuss several issues regarding passive voice in Italian. First we dealt with the auxiliaries employed in this construction and the semantic values that the auxiliaries venire to come and andare to go that can replace essere to be have. Then we have shown that ditransitive verbs and idiomatic fixed expressions allow passivization, while reciprocal verbs, relational verbs, and stative verbs denoting possession resist passivization. Afterwards we have focused our attention on some of the constructions in which the passive voice can appear: verbal or adjectival passive and the si construction. In the last section of the chapter we have discussed the position of the Agent that appears in prepositional phrases introduced by the preposition da by.

35

Chapter III Contrastive Remarks on Passive Voice in English and Italian

Starting from the analysis of the passive voice structure in the previous two chapters, we provide some personal contrastive remarks concerning passive voice in English and Italian. This chapter is our contribution to this topic of research and it follows the sequence of linguistic facts presented in the first two chapters underlining the similarities and differences between passive constructions in these two languages. The current chapter comprises four sections. The first one includes the discussion of auxiliaries. The second section concerns the types of verbs that allow or resist passivization. Finally we will deal with special constructions in which passive voice can appear and the properties of the Agentive phrase.

3.1. The Auxiliaries The most frequently used auxiliary in passive constructions is BE. This auxiliary shows tense and agreement and does not have any semantic values. The Italian counterpart of this auxiliary, essere to be, shares the same properties: 70) The audience admires the actress. Il pubblico ammira lattrice. Lattrice ammirata dal pubblico. The audience admired the actresses. Il pubblico ammirava le attrici. Le attrici erano ammirate dal pubblico. The actress was admired by the audience. The actresses were admired by the audience.

From example (70) we notice that both in English and Italian the relation of agreement between the auxiliary and the passive subject is rendered. In contrast with the auxiliary be/essere, the other auxiliaries used in passive voice constructions have semantic values, which in certain contexts generates the replacement of this auxiliary with a more appropriate one. We have noticed that in contexts where stative verbs like to open aprire or to close chiudere appear, the auxiliaries get and venire to come are used to replace be/essere: 71) [E] The window is closed. The window got closed. 36

[I] La finestra chiusa.

La finestra viene chiusa.

One can notice in example (71) that the sentences in which get and venire to come are used are more dynamic than the ones with be/essere. This means that both English and Italian have an auxiliary that implies more dynamic than be/essere do. However, the meaning of get and venire to come is different. Another tinge of meaning shared by both the auxiliary get and venire to come may refer to the detrimental meaning denoted by the verb in certain contexts such as: 72) [E] [I] The thief stole my jewels. Il ladro ha rubato i miei gioielli. My jewels got stolen. I miei gioielli vennero rubati.

As we can see from example (72) the detrimental meaning given in English by the use of GET passive corresponds to the use of the auxiliary venire to come in Italian. In addition to the auxiliary venire to come that replaces the auxiliary essere to be in Italian, the auxiliary andare to go is used because of the additional semantic values that it denotes. This means that in English there is only one auxiliary than can replace BE in passive constructions, while in Italian there are two such auxiliaries. The other semantic values that the auxiliary andare to go can denote are necessity like in (73) or a prescriptive sense as in (74): 73) [I] Questo libro va letto attentamente. 74) [I] Eventuali riparazioni vanno effettuate solo dai nostril tecnici. Auxiliary verbs play an important part not only in the structure of the passive sentences, but they also add certain shades of meaning to the verbal predicate. 3.2. Lexical verbs In order for a sentence to have a passive counterpart it must contain a transitive verb. In English, unlike in Italian, there are few intransitive verbs that can undergo the process of passivization.

37

When analyzing the behaviour of transitive verbs we have noticed that both simple and complex transitive verbs allow the direct object of the active sentence to move to subject position in the passive counterpart. The same happens in Italian: 75) [E] They changed the furniture. [I] Hanno cambiato i mobili. 76) [E] They elected John chairman. [I] Hanno eletto John presidente. John was elected chairman. John stato eletto presidente. The furniture was changed. I mobili sono stati cambiati.

From the class of complex transitives we have also taken into consideration the behaviour of ditransitive verbs in the two constructions that yield: double object constructions as in (77) and oblique object constructions as in (78): 77) [E] Susan gave Helen a present. [I] Susan ha dato a Helen un regalo. 78) [E] Susan gave a present to Helen. [I] Susan ha dato un regalo a Helen. A present was given to Helen by Susan. *Helen was given a present to by Susan. Un regalo stato dato a Helen da Susan. A Helen stato dato un regalo da Susan. The examples above illustrate the fact that ditransitive verbs in double object constructions behave in the same manner both in English and Italian. However, in the oblique object constructions the indirect object can be promoted to subject position in the passive counterpart only in Italian, while in English the result of such movement is an ungrammatical sentence. In what concerns the idiomatic fixed expressions, we have noticed that in English the NP from the VP can become a passive subject, while in Italian only the direct object can acquire the status of a passive subject: 79) [E] The grandmother keeps tabs on the girl. [I] La nonna non perde docchio la bambina. 38 Helen was given a present by Susan. A Helen stato dato un regalo da Susan.

[E] Tabs were kept by the grandmother on the girl. [I] *Docchio non viene persa la bambima. La bambina non viene persa docchio dalla nonna. Additionally, we have also focused on idiomatic phrases with a non-literal meaning such as to break the ice rompere il ghiaccio: 80) [E] Luisa broke the ice at the party. [I] Luisa ha rotto il ghiaccio alla festa. The ice was broken at the party by Luisa. Il ghiaccio stato rotto da Luisa alla festa.

We have noticed that both in English and Italian the process of passivization does not change the idiomatic meaning of the phrases. As we have mentioned at the beginning of this section, intransitive verbs in Italian do not undergo passivization. However, certain prepositional intransitive verbs in English allow the object of the preposition to move to subject position in the passive counterpart: 81) [E] You can rely on Sandy. Sandy can be relied on.

The analysis of prepositional intransitive verbs has led us into considering false passives, constructions that appear only in English. Such constructions are obtained only if the NP inside the PP has an affected argument interpretation imposed by the pragmatic context as in the following example: 82) [E] Someone has slept in this bed. This bed has been slept in.

However, structures as in example (82) are rare. After discussing the behaviour of verbs that may undergo the process of passivization we also focused on the classes of verbs that resist passivization. When examining the class of reciprocal verbs that includes to resemble/assomigliare, to marry/sposare, to divorce/divorzare, to meet/incontrare we have observed that this class of verbs resists passivization both in English and Italian: 83) [E] Carla resembles Marina. Marina resembles Carla. *Marina is resembled by Carla. 39 [I] Carla assomiglia a Marina. Marina assomiglia a Carla. *Marina assomigliata da Carla.

The following class of verbs on which we focused our attention is that of some stative verbs that require adverbial quantification. Verbs like to weigh/pesare allow passivization only if the object of the verb refers to the items weighed: 84) [E] The potatoes weighed five kilos. [I] Le patate pesavano cinque chili. 85) [E] The boy weighed the potatoes. [I] Il ragazzo peso le patate. The potatoes were weighed by the boy. Le patate furono pesate dal ragazzo. *Five kilos were weighed by the potatoes. *Cinque chili erano pesati dalle patate.

From examples (84) and (85) we draw the conclusion that this type of verbs behave similarly in both languages under discussion. Another class of verbs that resists passivization that we considered is the one of relational verbs such as to have/avere, to contain/contenere, to possess/possedere. 86) [E] Jonathan possesses a boat. [I] Jonathan possiede una barca. *A boat is possessed by Jonathan. *Una barca posseduta da Jonathan.

As we can see from example (86) this class of verbs behaves in the same manner both in English and Italian. However, the last class of verbs that we took into consideration behaves differently in Italian than it does in English. In English verbs that denote a mental process or perception, like to know/sapere, to believe/credere, to think/pensare, may undergo passivization only when the direct object is a whole clause, while in Italian passivization is allowed when the direct object is expressed by means of a NP: 87) [E] Ann knew the lie. [I] Ann sapeva la bugia. 88) [E] a) Everyone knew [that Jim was handsome]. b) [That Jim was handsome] was known by everyone. *The lie was known by Ann. La bugia era saputa da Ann.

40

3.3. Special passive constructions In this section we will discuss passivization in constructions characteristic of each of the two languages under discussion such as semi-passives, raising passives, existential passives, and si construction. Semi-passives, also known as adjectival passives, are available in both languages. A distinction between verbal and adjectival passives can be drawn. 89) [E] Marco frightened Giovanna. Giovanna was (*very) frightened by Marco. Giovanna was very frightened at the noise. [I] Marco ha spaventato Giovanna. Giovanna stata (molto) spaventata da Marco. Giovanna stata molto spaventata dal rumore. The verbal passive requires the presence of an Agent and does not allow modification while the adjectival passive allows modification. The prepositional phrase does not indicate the Agent of the action but the cause that stirred the emotion. The two constructions which are characteristic only of English are known as: raising passives and existential passives. Raising passives are active sentences on which subject to subject raising has been applied: 90) [E] a) John believed [TCC that Bill had won]. b) John believed Billi [ICC ti to have won]. c) Billi is believed [ICC ti to have won]. (active voice) (SOR) (SSR)

In Italian the example from (90c) is rendered by means of an impersonal si construction: 91) [I] Si credeva che Bill avvesse vinto. The second construction that appears only in English is called existential passive. The most relevant observation that we could infer from our analysis is that the transitive verb of the active 92) 41 sentence becomes intransitive in the passive existential construction:

[E] A hunter has killed a dear. A dear has been killed by a hunter. There has been a dear killed by a hunter.

(active voice) (passive voice) (existential passive)

As far as the existence of special passive constructions that appear only in Italian is concerned, we have discussed si construction. This construction can be used only when the Agent or author of the action is not mentioned and it has a prescriptive meaning just as in certain contexts in which the auxiliary andare to go is used: 93) [I] Certe parole non si dicono. Certe parole non devono esser dette. Another particularity of this construction that we discussed is the way in which the process of passivization occurs when si precedes modal verbs (potere/can, dovere/must, volere/want): 94) [I] Discutono questa proposta. Questa proposta si pu discutere. Questa proposta pu essere discussa. Example (94) clearly shows that passivization is applied to the infinitive verb that follows the modal verb. 3.4. The agentive by-phrase As far as the agentive phrase that appears in passive constructions is concerned, we have noticed that both in English and in Italian the position of this phrase is at the end of the sentence and the phrase is introduced only by the preposition by/da. 94) [E] She is known by me. [I] conosciuta da me. Both in English and Italian the deletion of the agentive phrase occurs in scientific texts.

42

Conclusion The aim of this chapter has been to show the similarities and differences between English and Italian passive constructions. We have noticed that the auxiliary be/essere can be replaced in English by one auxiliary and in Italian by two other auxiliaries. Both English and Italian provide a more dynamic alternative for be passives and each of them have an auxiliary that is used to denote the detrimental meaning of an utterance. When a simple, complex transitive verb, ditransitive verb in double object constructions or an idiomatic phrase with non-literal meaning is passivized English and Italian offer the same possibility that is they have either one or two passive counterparts. However, when the ditransitive verb is part of an oblique object construction the situation is different. While in English we have one passive version with the direct object as passive subject, in Italian there are two passive versions: both the direct and indirect object can become passive subject. As far as the passivization of intransitive verbs is concerned we have seen that only prepositional intransitive verbs in English allow the process. Another difference between the two languages arises when analyzing the classes of verbs that resist passivization. The classes of relational, reciprocal and stative verbs requiring adverbial quantification behave in a similar manner both in English and Italian, but the class of stative verbs denoting mental processes allows passivization only in Italian. Both languages under investigation have in common the existence of semi-passives, but there are special constructions that appear only in English, raising and existential passives, and one construction proper to Italian syntax, si construction. We have also noticed that both languages have the agentive phrase introduced by the same preposition.

43

Chapter IV Passive Voice in Headlines

In this chapter I will focus on the use of passive voice constructions in newspaper headlines. In my analysis I rely on a collection of examples selected from the following newspapers: The New York Times and La Repubblica. I gathered approximately 120 examples using the online archive of these newspapers, skimming through newspapers published from 1999 to 2009 in The New York Times and from 1997 to 2009 in La Repubblica. I will try to show that in order to obtain short and concise headlines the writers tend to delete the auxiliary and the agentive phrase from the passive constructions. The occurrence of constructions such as the GET passive or semi-passives is important in establishing the effect that they produce on the reader. I am also interested in establishing what type of constructions arouse the interest of the reader and provoke him to read the respective article. 4.1. General information about headlines According to Clinton (1997: 167), the headlines job is to lure the reader into the story. It must, however, do so honestly; the headline cant promise something that isnt in the story. The headline should be lively and interesting, with sparkling verbs. It must cram as much information into those words as possible, because readers tend to scan headlines looking for something of interest. When they do, they should be able to pick up some information they would not have otherwise. The major functions of headlines are: to attract readers attention to the story. to summarize or analyze the story to depict the mood of the story to help readers index the contents of the page to help set the tone of the newspaper to provide a major ingredient for page makeup.

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Hodgson (1996:118) argues that there are various commonsense dos and donts about the headline but what it must do, above all, is make the reader want to read the story. It can do this in one of two ways: It can give the important factual point in the story, based upon what the intro says. Such a headline would be: TEN DIE IN MIDNIGHT RAIL CRASH. It can take an oblique approach such as: TOO MUCH FOR THAT DOGGY IN THE WINDOW which would immediately suggest a fun story about pets. Such oblique headlines often exploit the readers familiarity with song titles and popular catch phrases. Here are a few points that should be kept in mind, whatever sort of heading you are trying to write. Keep punctuation out of headlines as far as possible. Commas, dashes, exclamation marks and quotes look messy. Avoid stale jargon words where you can. Try to use an active verb, especially in factual headlines. Do not cram in too much information you have only a few words to play with. Avoid abbreviations. They look messy, too, apart from being incomprehensible to some people. Try to avoid, he, she, or they. Personalize where you can. Do not ask questions of the reader. Avoid using the past tense in hard news headlines. It dates the story. Avoid place names unless they are a vital news elements in themselves as they sometimes are in local papers. 4.2. Auxiliaries in headlines In this section we will focus on the use of auxiliary in headlines. 4.2.1 Deletion of the auxiliary The basic problem in writing a good headline is deciding on how to formulate the headline in order to get the prospective reader to read the newspaper article. Passive voice constructions stimulate the reader because they provide the basic information that is who 45

performs the action, in what consists the action and who is affected by the action. Both in English and in Italian, the use of passive voice constructions leads to the delivery of information in a concise manner. Several examples of headlines in which passive voice appears are: 95) a) Manchester United Is Impressed by Adu
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C02E7D61E3EF931A35751C1A9609C8B63

b) Sweeping Health Plan Is Drafted by Kennedy

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/06/health/policy/06health.html

c) Judge Who Chastised Weeping Asylum Seeker Is Taken Off Case

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/20/nyregion/20immigrant.html

d) L'edificio stato progettato e costruito adottando moderne soluzioni per il risparmio energetico e per un maggiore comfort abitativo
http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/04/19/edificio-stato-progettato-costruito-adottando-moderne.html

e) La madre stata riesumata lui lo scopre portando i fiori

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/11/01/la-madre-stata-riesumata-lui-lo-scopre.html

f) Accordo Amotek sono stati ritirati i licenziamenti

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/09/23/accordo-amotek-sono-stati-ritirati-licenziamenti.html

g) Le fiamme sono state appiccate usando stracci imbevuti di liquido infiammabile

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2001/11/04/le-fiamme-sono-state-appiccate-usando-stracci.html

h) Cos via Petroni stata conquistata da birre e kebab

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2007/07/10/cosi-via-petroni-stata-conquistata-da-birre.html

i) Operaie licenziate per maternit sono state riassunte dal pretore

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/1994/01/23/operaie-licenziate-per-maternita-sono-state-riassunte.html

As illustrated in the previous examples, there are headlines in which the compound verbal form appears. The auxiliary of a passive construction is preserved when the meaning of the headline becomes ambiguous. If, for instance in example (95b), we delete the auxiliary be we will obtain a difficult to read headline due to the occurrence of a large NP preceding the past participle form. Due to stylistic considerations, parts of the verb be are to be avoided in general. The reason for which the auxiliary is deleted is because active verbs draw more attention: 96) a) Knicks Players Impressed By Thomas
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/12/24/sports/pro-basketball-knicks-players-impressed-by-thomas.html

b) 9 Hostage Officers Killed at Peruvian Oil Facility

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/07/world/americas/07peru.html?_r=1

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c) Il prefetto nominato commissario per l' emergenza immondizia

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/01/23/il-prefetto-nominato-commissario-per-emergenza.html

d) Ristorante abusivo scoperto dopo 30 anni

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/03/06/ristorante-abusivo-scoperto-dopo-30-anni.html

The structure auxiliary + past participle in the examples above represents the reduced verbal form of a passive construction. The deletion of the auxiliary verb occurs in order to use as few words as possible. When the auxiliary is deleted the writer underlines the fact that the event described occurred recently and its effects are to be found in the present.

4.2.2. The Get passive This type of passive implies in certain contexts a detrimental meaning and it tends to emphasize the implied Agents responsibility. Writers should avoid the passive voice because it often camouflages responsibility. 97) a) How Not to Get Killed on Deadline
http://www.nytimes.com/1999/01/31/magazine/how-not-to-get-killed-on-deadline.html?scp=7&sq=&st=nyt

b) Where Police Rookies Get Their Feet Wet

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/24/nyregion/24cops.html

c) Jets Don't Get Breaks, But They Do Get Broken In Romp by the Jaguars
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9902E7DC1330F93AA35753C1A9609C8B63

In example (97a) the use of the GET passive underlines the fact the passive subject suffers the consequences of the actions of the implied Agent while in example (97c) we notice the detrimental meaning denoted by the verbal form of the passive construction. In all the examples provided, the emphasis is on the consequences of the event rather than on the implied Agent. We have also established that the GET passive is more dynamic than be passive. Considering this aspect we may say that GET passives are preferred because they create the impression that the reader is participating at the event described by the headline and that he has direct access to all the information concerning the event described in the headline. 4.2.3. VENIRE to come and ANDARE to go

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Passive constructions in which the auxiliaries venire to come and andare to go are used are characterized by the deletion of the agentive phrase and by the fact that the verbal form is in the third person singular or plural: 98) a) Accusato dalla ditta ma viene assolto
http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/05/07/accusato-dalla-ditta-ma-viene-assolto.html

b) Pensionato preleva diecimila euro dalla banca viene subito scippato

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/04/05/pensionato-preleva-diecimila-euro-dalla-banca-viene.html

c) Ricercato per rapina viene arrestato per spaccio di droga

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/12/16/ricercato-per-rapina-viene-arrestato-per-spaccio.html

d) Finisce nel compattatore Pugni, urla e viene salvato

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2002/06/01/finisce-nel-compattatore-pugni-urla-viene-salvato.html

e) Ottantenne picchia rivale in amore e viene ricattato da un pregiudicato

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/03/16/ottantenne-picchia-rivale-in-amore-viene-ricattato.html

f) Celesti, Pdl: L' incontro va fatto ma occorre bilanciare le opinioni

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/10/29/celesti-pdl-incontro-va-fatto-ma.html

g) Ma l' uso non va incoraggiato

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2001/01/14/ma-uso-non-va-incoraggiato.html

Both the auxiliary venire to come and andare to go have in addition to essere be semantic values. Just as GET passives express the idea of dynamic so does the auxiliary venire to come. Therefore when the purpose of a headline is to create the impression that the reader is involved in the events related by the article one should use the auxiliary venire to come as in examples (98a-e). In example (98f) the auxiliary andare to go shows necessity and in (98g) it has a prescriptive value. 4.3. Special passive constructions in headlines In this section we will consider headlines in which the following constructions appear: semi-passives, raising passives and si construction. 4.3.1. Semi-passives The distinction between verbal and adjectival passive can be easily drawn if we look at the semantic role that the noun phrase from the agentive phrase has. 99) a) Not Exactly Impressed By the Latest Paris Fashions
http://theater2.nytimes.com/2005/11/28/theater/reviews/28mast.html?pagewanted=print

48

b) Knicks Players Impressed By Thomas

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/12/24/sports/pro-basketball-knicks-players-impressed-by-thomas.html

c) Manchester United Is Impressed by Adu

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C02E7D61E3EF931A35751C1A9609C8B63

d) Checketts Is Impressed by Rangers' Energy

http://www.nytimes.com/2000/12/14/sports/hockey-checketts-is-impressed-by-rangers-energy.html

The examples considered show that both verbal and adjectival passives are used in headlines and that within the headline the auxiliary can be either preserved or deleted. The number of headlines in which the auxiliary is deleted is larger than the number of headlines in which the auxiliary is preserved and we have also noticed that the use of adjectival passives prevails. In the analysis of Italian headlines we have noticed the prevalence of semi-passives constructions and the fact that the auxiliary is frequently deleted: 100) a) Barberini aggredito da uno spettatore
http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/1997/11/06/barberini-aggredito-da-uno-spettatore.html

b)Accoltellato da un cliente Notte di paura su un taxi

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2003/02/02/accoltellato-da-un-cliente-notte-di-paura.html

c) Mangiato dai compagni di cella

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/1994/04/22/mangiato-dai-compagni-di-cella.html

d) Un' ora al giorno persa nel traffico

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/04/17/un-ora-al-giorno-persa-nel-traffico.html

e) Aereo in volo colpito da fulmine

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/03/07/aereo-in-volo-colpito-da-fulmine.html

f) L' aumento della pensione mangiato dalle tasse

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/03/25/aumento-della-pensione-mangiato-dalle-tasse.html

In all the examples from (100), the auxiliary is deleted in order to use as few words as possible. The aim of this type of construction is to shock the reader, to make him aware of the possibility of bad things happening, seeing that almost all the examples analyzed provide negative information.

4.3.2. Raising passives

49

Raising constructions move the subject or object of a subordinate phrase in the main clause. This type of construction is characteristic only of English. Raising passives are used in headlines to emphasize the affected person. 101) a) Sotomayor Is Recalled as a Driven Rookie Prosecutor
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/08/us/politics/08prosecutor.html? _r=1&scp=1&sq=Sotomayor+Is+Recalled+as+a+Driven+Rookie+Prosecutor+&st=nyt

b) North Korea: American Journalist Is Said To Be Taken Into Custody

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html? res=9F02EED8133DF93AA25750C0A96F9C8B63&scp=1&sq=WORLDBRIEFINGASIANorthKorea:AmericanJournalistIsSaidToBeTaken IntoCustody&st=cse

We can notice that the agent of the action is not mentioned, nor is it important for the information that the writer wants to offer to the reader. The passive subjects in example (101) are the elements on which the headlines want to focus the attention of the reader and the best way for doing that is to place them in initial position. 4.3.3. Si construction Si constructions are characteristic only of Italian and are used in headlines with a prescriptive meaning and to focus on the passive subject not on the Agent of the action. 102) a) Sulle bancarelle di Andre si vendono pane e poesia
http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/03/12/sulle-bancarelle-di-andree-si-vendono-pane.html

b) I muri della Fiera non si vendono

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2007/11/21/muri-della-fiera-non-si-vendono.html

c) Treni, sull' Eurostar non si fuma pi

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2004/02/04/treni-sull-eurostar-non-si-fuma-piu.html

d) A Napoli non si parla milanese

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2003/12/22/napoli-non-si-parla-milanese.html

e) La missione a Kabul non si discute

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2007/01/29/la-missione-kabul-non-si-discute.html

The headlines from example (102c-e) in which the si construction have a prescriptive meaning tend to criticize the action denoted by the verb, idea underlined by the use of the negation. Another way of seeing this type of constructions is from an informative perspective: the purpose of the headlines is to inform the reader of the things that are allowed and those that are banned.

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4.4. The agentive by-phrase The by-phrase from the end of any passive construction contains information about the Agent of the action. The actor or subject can disappear from a passive voice sentence. Here are some examples of headlines in which the Agent is preserved: 103) a) Write-Down of $5.1 Billion Is Taken by Alcatel-Lucent
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/05/technology/companies/05alcatel.html

b) Sweeping Health Plan Is Drafted by Kennedy

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/06/health/policy/06health.html

c) Health Attacker at Queens Police Station Is Shot by Officers

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/05/nyregion/05precinct.html

d) North Korea Is Warned By Gates On Testing

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/30/world/asia/30military.html

e) 22 Are Killed By Insurgents In 8 Attacks In Iraqi Cities

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9907E5D7143EF936A15756C0A96F9C8B63

f) Alemanno nominato commissario dal governo assegno di 500 milioni

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/06/19/alemanno-nominato-commissario-dal-governo-assegno-di.html

g) Estremo e il suo libro su Omero letto da Fois, Bagnoli e Martines

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/06/03/estremo-il-suo-libro-su-omero-letto.html

The by-phrases from examples (103a-g) contain explicit reference to the Agent of the action. Their presence in the headlines is vital because of the information that they provide to the reader. If we take for instance example (103d), we notice that the agentive phrase contains a reference to a public person. This reference is most likely going to arouse the interest of the reader. There are certain contexts in which the Agent can be deleted: 1) in case the AGENT is not relevant to the topic since the speaker is concerned on the event taking place: 104) An In-Flight Magazine Is Given an Upgrade
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/02/business/02road.html?_r=1

The writer wants to draw the attention to the event that has taken place, not to the Agent of the action. 2) if the AGENT is well-known: 105) a) Georgia: Late Wrestler's Doctor Is Given Prison Term
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/13/us/13brfs-LATEWRESTLER_BRF.html

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b) Cellino eletto per acclamazione La crisi si affronta tutti uniti

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/06/09/cellino-eletto-per-acclamazione-la-crisi-si.html

c) Sanit, Marrazzo nominato commissario

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2008/07/05/sanita-marrazzo-nominato-commissario.html

In examples as the ones in (105) there is no need of mentioning the Agent because it is implied. For instance in (105a) the Agent was a judge, in (105b) the electorate, and in (105c) the authorities entitled to make such appointments. The agentive phrase is omitted in the headline so that it can be short and concise. 3) in case the speaker does not wish to name the AGENT. 106) a) The Ohio Theater Is Given 6 More Months at Its Home
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/22/theater/22Ohio.html

b) Scripture Sent With News Is Read in Different Ways

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/24/national/24bible.html

c) A First Step Toward Drug Testing Next Year Is Taken

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0DE4D9143AF932A1575AC0A9619C8B63

d) Verizon Is Given Approval To Sell TV Programming

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/17/nyregion/17verizon.html

e) Germany: U.S. Metals Company Is Bought

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/03/business/worldbusiness/03fobriefs-USMETALSCOMP_BRF.html

The Agent is not named in certain headlines because the topic is quite interesting as it is, and this omission is what will probably determine the reader to read the newspaper article. 4) the identity of the Agent is unknown: 107) a) L' autopsia sul ladro ucciso stato colpito alle spalle
http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/01/11/autopsia-sul-ladro-ucciso-stato-colpito.html

b) Chiara stata uccisa con crudelt

http://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2007/08/31/chiara-stata-uccisa-con-crudelta.html

In examples from (107) the identity of the Agent is not known and the emphasis is on the event that took place. In all the headlines in which the Agent is omitted the main purpose of this action was probably to make the headline as short as possible and if the headlines contained enough information to draw the attention of the reader, there was no point in specifying the performer of the action.

52

Conclusion In this chapter I analyzed passive voice constructions that appear in newspaper headlines. The aim of the analysis has been to underline the effects that headlines in which passive voice appears have upon the reader. My analysis has been based on a collection of examples gathered from The New York Times and La Repubblica. The results of my analysis have shown that passive voice constructions are employed in headlines because they contain the most relevant information that is most likely to attract the attention of a person in search of interesting article to read. Passive voice constructions in which the auxiliary or the agentive phrase is omitted prevail because they convey the information required in a restricted number of words. Another frequently used construction in headlines is semi-passives. Constructions such as the GET passive and semi-passives are employed in headlines due to the semantic values. This helps establishing the context for the reader and creating the impression that the reader is participating in the events described by the headline.

53

Conclusion
The theme of my paper has been an analysis of the passive voice construction in English and Italian. The paper has been an attempt to elaborate a contrastive analysis of passive voice constructions in two languages that belong to two different language families: Germanic and Romance. The focus has fallen on the syntactic aspects of the passive voice and also on the benefits of using passive voice in newspaper headlines. In the first chapter we have commented upon the syntax of passive voice in English. First we examined the auxiliaries that it uses: be and get. Then we have considered the transitive and intransitive verbs that allow passivization and those classes of verbs that resist to the process of passivization: relational, reciprocal, and stative verbs requiring obligatory adverbial quantification and denoting mental processes. Thirdly we focused on special constructions such as semi-passives, existential passives, and raising passives in which passive voice can be employed. To conclude we analyzed particularities of the agentive phrase. The second chapter has been an analysis of the passive in Italian. First of all we have examined the three auxiliaries that can form the passive constructions: essere to be, venire to come, and andare to go. Secondly, we have focused on the classes of verbs and the reason for which they allow or resist passivization and thirdly we have taken into consideration two constructions related to passivization: semi-passives and si constructions. The third chapter includes my contribution to the investigation of the differences and the similarities between the two passive constructions. We have tried to underline the similarities and then the differences. My conclusion is that the two Italian auxiliaries that replace essere to be at the semantic level are rather similar with get that replaces be in English. The difference between English and Italian regarding auxiliaries is that Italian uses three auxiliaries while English uses only two to form passive constructions. However, at the 54

syntactic level one can encounter slight differences concerning the behaviour of certain classes of verbs in what regards their ability to passivize. From the four classes of verbs that cannot be passivized in English the class of stative verbs denoting mental processes may appear in passive constructions. One major difference that became salient while analyzing special passive constructions is that Italian does not have constructions such as the existential and the raising passive but in change it has si constructions. In the last chapter I have examined the function of passive voice in newspaper headlines. For my analysis I gathered a corpus of examples from the English newspaper The New York Times and from the Italian newspaper La Repubblica. The use of this construction allows the headline to be structured in a concise manner and it also helps the headline to communicate to its reader the information required to stir its interest. We have noticed that in many headlines the auxiliary and the agentive phrase are omitted. Another construction that prevails in newspaper headlines is the semi-passives because it conveys to the reader the impression that he is taking part in the facts related by the headline.

55

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