The Mullah in Nation Building By Masood Ashraf Raja By and large, after the Zia-ul-Haq years, we have totally

conceded the public sp here to the mullahs: you cannot think the nation without running into one or the other bizarre articulations of the nation by one or the other mullah There is no doubt in my mind that when Mr. Jinnah mobilized the Muslim identity as a marker of difference from Majority Hindus, it was only a strategic assertio n. The creation of a new and separate homeland for the Muslims of India, in Musl im majority areas, depended on this assertion but nowhere in Jinnah s arguments can we find convincing proof that he had envisioned this future state to be an Islam ic state. In fact, Ayesha Jalal (The Sole Spokesman) quite convincingly suggests that Jinnah would have been rather happy in a confederacy in which the Muslims were given a parity in the future national assembly. However, it is no surprise that the very slogan that was essential to mobilize a nationalist movement has now come to haunt us: the slogan has become the truth. This articulation of the nation, in which the slogan becomes the truth, manifes ted itself immediately after the creation of Pakistan, Remember, we were told th at Pakistan was not able to create and ratify a constitution until 1956: we were taught this in high school. But no one bothered to teach us that, besides other things, what delayed the writing and adoption of the constitution was the fight between the Islamists who wanted a strict Islamic state and those opposed to a purely slamic articulation of the nation. This fight, or aporia, thus is within the ver y fiber of our national genealogy. In essence what kind of nation we would be if all that the diverse groups of mul lahs continue to insist on from their pulpits, through media channels, and throu gh their published works. Here is a possible sample: A nation in which women have less rights than men. A nation in which non-Muslims have less rights than Muslims.

A nation in which feudal system can still thrive, as there are no stricture s against it. A nation in which justice is harsh and immediate: sometimes without due pro cess and sometimes meted out by private individuals. So, in its true essence, the mullahs want to abolish modernity, retrieve an eigh th century politics, and then posit it as a recipe for our national future. The constitutive power of this vision, therefore, is always an idealized past upon w hich the present can have no bearing as the discourse of the present is not auth entic enough to form a new constitutive force for the future. In posting their views about a purely Islamist nation, the mullahs mobilize vari ed historical narratives without ever acknowledging that history is always inher ently textual: we know of it because it has been written down. The mere acceptan ce of this fact allows us to imagine that if the history is a record then it mus t contain, unless written by a computer, the temporal, spatial and personal bias es and ideologies of those who recorded it. History, therefore, is never unmotiv ated and if mobilized uncritically can undermine the present and seriously damag e the future in the name of tradition. By and large, after the Zia-ul-Haq years, we have totally conceded the public sp here to the mullahs: you cannot think the nation without running into one or the other bizarre articulations of the nation by one or the other mullah. Somehow,

it seems, that their answer to all our problems is more religion. But more relig ion has not really solved any of our problems. In fact, since the foregrounding of a religious national identity we have become a more intolerant, sexist, racis t, and chauvinistic society. Of course, it is not the religion that is to be blamed for it. But the politiciz ed and militaristic interpretations of certain aspects of religion play an impor tant role in this. In pretty much all debates about the role of religion in the public sphere, the mullahs mobilize religion only as a system of justice. Yes, I slam has certain laws about justice, but is there no love in our religion? And i f there is love, mhuhabbah, then how come it does not shine through in our publi c undertakings. The recent murders of Salman Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti are two important cases i n point: both these persons were murdered by Muslims because they had, by opposing a estructive law, somehow, blasphemed. What kind of a civil society allows public citizens to be murdered by private citizens as an act of popular justice? And if that kind of murder is permissible, then why have the blasphemy laws? Why not j ust accept that people themselves have the right to judge and punish their own f ellow human beings. Sadly, the rise of private media has not, in any way, diminished the role of hal f-baked theories of the mullahs; the private media, in fact, have provided the m ullahs with a much larger frame and enabled them to spread their vitriol to larg er audiences. There can be no short-term solution to this problem of perpetuation of hate in t he name of tradition and religion. A good start would be to, at least, pass some hate-speech legislation: a law that forbids any acts of rhetorical violence aga inst any group, individual or entity. This could at least regulate speech in the public sphere; it may not affect what the mullahs are saying in their mosques, but at least there they can be told to keep it to their own captive audiences. On the whole, having read and followed the public debates by most of Pakistani r eligious leaders and scholars, I, in all due humility can say very positively th at I have found nothing in their articulations of the Pakistani nation that can create a viable, pluralistic, and compassionate nation-state for all those who c all themselves Pakistanis