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Tourism Geographies Vol. 10, No.

3, 375402, August 2008

Challenges of Tourism in a Dynamic Island Destination: The Case of Cuba


SHERYL MARIE ELLIOTT & LISA DELPY NEIROTTI
Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management, The George Washington University, Washington D.C., USA

ABSTRACT Shifting political and economic structures have put Cuban tourism on a uctuating course of economic development. With the fall of the Soviet Union, Cuba has turned again to tourism an economic partner reminiscent of the pre-revolutionary era to generate foreign exchange and stimulate investment The study analyses tourism in a non-market economy by examining Cubas historic relationship with tourism. A literature review clusters Cuban tourism development issues and a destination audit and visitors satisfaction survey evaluates Cubas tourism product and key service issues. The rise of Cuban tourism is associated with a thriving black market, supply shortages, absent employee incentives, poor quality service delivery, resident apartheid, prostitution and telecommunication shortfalls. Regardless of these problems, Cuba maintains an exotic appeal due to its natural and cultural resources, its politics and its people. The case study raises questions regarding Cubas long-term viability as a non-market economy in a competitive global and service-minded marketplace. KEY WORDS: Cuba, Castro, non-market economy, embargo, apartheid, package tourism, cuentapropias, paladares

Introduction Cuba . . . the mere mention of the name evokes an exoticism tempered by egalitarian revolution and frozen in time by more than four and a half decades of a US trade embargo. Cubas economic and political history has been linked sequentially to Spain, the USA and, nally, the former Soviet Union. Recognizing that these relationships have been unwise long-term choices, Cuba claims it will never again make the mistake of relying on one partner. Today, Cuba is openly hedging its economic future on engagement with multiple partners, such as Spain, Mexico, Canada, Japan, France and Jamaica, through a strategy of public and private joint-venture hotel company relationships. This action has rekindled for Cuba a dance with a paradoxical partner reminiscent of its
Correspondence Address: Sheryl Marie Elliott, Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management, The George Washington University, 2201 G. Street, NW, Suite 301, Washington, DC 20052 USA. Fax: 011 (202) 994-1630; Tel.: 011 (202) 994-7047; Email: sherylgwu@aol.com ISSN 1461-6688 Print/1470-1340 Online /08/03/0037528 DOI: 10.1080/14616680802236386
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2008 Taylor & Francis

376 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti pre-revolutionary prime: Cubas partner once again is tourism. But this time, the dance exists within a centrally-planned, non-market economy where the state controls the rhythm. Cuba is considered by the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO 2001: 25) as one of the worlds top emerging destinations. Cuba is currently second in the Caribbean region (after the Dominican Republic) in terms of yearly international arrivals, and is third in the region for visitor expenditures (Caribbean Tourism Organization [CTO] 2004: 16, 98). At the same time, Cuba has one of the lowest visitor return rates in the Caribbean (Economist 2007) and is market-dependent on low-cost package tours. Additionally, international arrivals to Cuba in the rst ve months of 2007 have slowed over 2006 year-to-date gures (Ocna Nacional de Estadsticas [one] 2006: 6) due, in part, to prohibitive landing fees, growing competition from neighbouring countries, lack of product diversication and a general lack of investment in infrastructure. While many academic studies on Cuban tourism have emerged in the past decade, they tend to focus on the potential and the problems of specialized forms of tourism: health tourism, medical tourism, ecotourism, sex tourism, Havana tourism, arts tourism, post-Castro tourism and regional tourism. In the few studies that have addressed the longer-term socio-economic problems that might impact Cubas future tourism development, Jensen (2003: 435) concluded that the recognized lack of incentive on the part of Cuban tourism and hospitality workers would be difcult to overcome without major market reforms. Falcoff (2003: 49) observed that Cuba, bereft of resources and markets, with a tourism industry of rather limited potential is basing its future on the false hope that the end of the US embargo will make its economic system workable. Considering the general failure of the non-market economy throughout the world, Falcoff is highly sceptical of such hopes. Cuba, nevertheless, has had an unusual history with tourism and hospitality, far pre-dating any other destination in the Caribbean region. It is the largest island in the Caribbean and has signicant natural and cultural resources that would complement a successful tourism development strategy. At the same time, Cuba must leverage this comparative advantage in a competitive region that spent three key decades in the latter quarter of the twentieth century developing sophisticated markets while tourism in Cuba lay largely dormant. This case study analyses whether there are economic and social issues resulting from a planned economy that are individual to Cuba, and whether these issues will pose problems for long-term sustainable tourism growth. This study aims to assess the historic and uctuating relationship Cuba has with tourism; identify key issues and shortfalls in the delivery of Cubas tourism products and services; and assess the future implications of tourism as a long-term development strategy for the country. Few studies to date have examined the totality of Cubas new tourism development strategy within the context of its current economic system.

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This study involved both primary and secondary research. A literature review provided a history of the past eleven decades of tourism in Cuba, including an evaluation of the Cuban governments vacillating policies towards international tourism development. Additionally, the literature review identied a cluster of problematic issues for the Cuban tourism sector. Primary research included observational and exploratory research based on in-depth personal interviews; a supply-side destination audit of attractions, tourist facilities and services; and a visitor satisfaction survey conducted in Cuba in 2000. The eld work was accomplished through a US State Department-licensed visit to Cuba, involving 32 graduate students from a business school at a national university. The qualitative supply-side destination audit and eld survey produced a consensus on issues and problems for Cubas tourism industry. Interviews followed an unstructured format and were designed to provide additional insight into the Cuban economy and idiosyncratic tourism issues from the varied perspectives of multiple stakeholder groups. Interviews included ones with representatives from the following organizations and agencies: Cuba Ministry of Tourism, Cuba Ministry of Health, Cira Garcia Clinic, Cuba Ministry of Foreign Affairs, University of Havana., Cuba Ministry of Education, Cubatur, Cubana Airlines, Cubanacan (Cuba-operated hotel chain), Sol Melia Spanish management team, local tourism representatives in each eld study destination, Varadero Golf Club (Director), US Interest Section (Cuba), US multinational hotel corporation (Corporate Director of Public Relations). Interviews with Cuban scholars included: Philip Peters (Lexington Institute), Wayne S. Smith (Johns Hopkins University), Alejandro Lopez (Interplanner), Ana Julia Jatar-Hausmann (Inter-American Dialogue in Washington). To better evaluate the challenges tourism faces as a current economic development tool, a visitor satisfaction survey was employed in order to identify and examine product quality and service issues. The survey was administered in English, Spanish, French and German during the third and fourth weeks of May 2000; used a convenient sample approach; produced 273 completed surveys; and was conducted in ve principal tourist areas of Cuba: Havana, Pinar del Rio Province, Varadero, Camag ey u and Santiago de Cuba. The surveys were conducted each day during the eld study period and, as indicated in Figure 2, occurred in a month that tends to yield less visitor arrivals than most other months. The number of visitor arrivals in Cuba in 2000 averaged 147,832 per month and in May of that year the number of visitors was 116,558 (CTO 2004: 151). Though the study relied on a time period slightly under the average monthly gure for tourist arrivals, this was deemed as having minor impact on the qualitative design aspect of this research study. The eld study areas and tour route are provided in Figure 1. In Table 1 the survey respondents country of residence is compared against total tourist arrivals to Cuba by major markets (CTO 2004: 10). The higher percentage of

378 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti

Figure 1. Cuba eld study areas (broken black line indicates tour route). Visitors survey and destination audit occurred in the eld study areas circled as well as along the tour route.

English-speaking respondents compared to the actual percentage of arrivals reported by the CTO suggests a possible bias in the survey results and is considered a limitation of the study. A comparison of survey respondents by age groups was similar to actual arrivals by age groups reported by the CTO (2004: 55). Of the actual visitors to Cuba, 51 percent are between 20 and 39 years of age, whereas, 45 percent of the respondents were between 25 and 34 years of age. Of the respondents, 48 percent were male and 51 percent female compared to actual 2004 arrivals to Cuba in which 55 percent were male, and 45 percent female.
Table 1. Country of residence of survey respondents compared with tourist arrivals to Cuba Country of residence Canada USA South America Italy Spain Germany Other Europe Rest of world Survey respondents (%) 36 11 8 7 11 11 16 0 CTO Country Report 2004 tourist arrivals (%) 24 4 4 9 7 8 26 8

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A destination audit was also performed, which included an analysis of the eld journals maintained by the 32 eld investigators. These investigators were instructed to note the strengths and weaknesses of tourism products and services and to indicate areas for potential development and improvement. Specic attractions and tourism establishments visited in the study areas included: Revolution Museum, a tobacco factory, Vinales in Pinar del Rio Indian Cave and Prehistoric Mural and Eco-Center, Jose Marti International Airport, Hotel Nacional, Hemingway Museum, Cira Garcia Clinic, Varadero Beach in Matanzas, City tour of Santa Clara and visit to Che Guevara Memorial, Trinidad Romantic Museum, Escambray Museum and La Canchancharra Tavern, Gran Hotel Camaguey, Santiago de Cuba, El Cobre Shrine, Moncada Garrrison and Morro Castle, Prehistoric Valley, Havana Club Rum factory, Don Giovanni Restaurant, El Pedregal Restaurant, La Dominica Restaurant, La Terraza Restaurant, Hotel Comodoro, La Ermita, Florida Restaurant, Los Caneyes Restaurant, El Jigue Restaurant, El Zun Zun Restaurant, and the Tropicana. The data from the journals were then summarized individually by the eld investigators according to the following categories: infrastructure, communication, transportation (ground and air), safety and security, sanitation, accommodations/food service, attractions and receptive tour operations. A category of other was also provided. The data were submitted by the investigators in an online form and then downloaded into a database for further analysis. Greater than 600 observation statements were then clustered according to discrete domains and sorted for frequency of occurrence. Admittedly, the categories were somewhat nebulous and, in some instances, overlap occurred. For example, comments on food service often related to sanitation, comments on transportation also related to safety and security. Nevertheless, the electronic online form provided a useful method for aggregating disparate data for analysis. The data from the visitors survey and destination audit were analysed against Bartol and Martins (1991) Eight Dimensions of Quality: performance, uniqueness, reliability, conformance, durability, serviceability, aesthetics, and perceived quality. An acknowledged weakness is that some of these dimensions are mutually reinforcing. while others are not. The interviews, destination audit and eld survey were designed to produce qualitative rather than inferential data. Characteristically, qualitative studies rely on gathering information with depth and detail in a search for meaning, ideas and relevant issues, whereas, quantitative studies seek information but limited from a sizeable number of individuals in order to draw inferences about the population at large. Qualitative research is often the rst step in a research program ... uncovering issues and topics for later quantitative evaluation (Peterson 1987: 433). As such, qualitative research may be necessary for the generation of hypotheses in later quantitative studies. Thus, the broad research premise of this study is approached appropriately as a qualitative assessment, exploring a full range of viewpoints in the development of a range of issues critical for future investigations and research.

380 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti Background and Literature Review Historic Precedent of Tourism and Cuba Tourism in Cuba has experienced signicant uctuations due to both internal and external factors, as indicated in Figures 2 and 3. Cuba and North America began to realize the potential of tourism in Cuba at the turn of the nineteenth century, when Cubas political economy shifted from Spanish domination to US semi-colonialism. Cuba grew heavily dependent on the US as U.S. capital came to dominate the islands sugar economy while modernizing production and greatly expanding the extent of the sugar complex (Winson 2006: 9). Cuba also began relying on the USA for tourism revenues during this period. A bill introduced in Cubas Congress in 1910 secured a thirty-year concession for the newly formed Cuban Tourism Development Corporation to operate numerous activities for foreign visitors, including horse racing, gambling and sports. By the 1920s, tourism was Cubas second cash crop after sugar, and the USA became the primary source of hard currency and employment for Cubans (Schwartz 1997: 26). For Americans, Cuba was a desired escape from prohibition and an attractive warm weather destination geographically closer than similar haunts on the French Rivera (Schwartz 1997: 8). From 1927 to1932, added air transportation infrastructure made Cuba a regional if not world-class destination which, during this period, accommodated over 600,000 visitors at its peak (Schwartz 1997: 68). As indicated in Figure 4, a series of events greatly uctuated early tourism arrivals in Cuba. The US Stock Market Crash of 1929, however, severely assaulted the Cuban economy and its tourism sector. Signicant political and civil unrest followed until

Figure 2. Monthly tourist arrivals to Cuba. Source: CTO (2004: 146).

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Figure 3. Tourist arrivals to Cuba over seven and a half decades. Source: Cubas National Ofce of Statistics, WTO, CTO, Garrido (1993), Mesa-Lago (1981).

Batista seized power in 1933. Under this new regime, and inuenced by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Cubas tourism shifted from being solely pleasure or leisurebased (sun, sex and gambling) to a more civic-minded form that emphasized Cubas culture and heritage (Schwartz 1997: 128). The result of diversifying Cubas tourism product was an increase in visitor arrivals and domestic tourism. By 1937, casino tourism reappeared as a leading contender for the tourism dollar. Batista responded by seizing control of the gaming establishments and bringing in American mob boss Meyer Lanksy to oversee operations (Schwartz 1997: 148; Jayawardena 2003: 52). This action drew a new type of American to Cuba: a largely wealthy and older business set of travellers who indulged heavily in gambling, prostitution and drug use. This new sordid form of tourism, coupled with its more diversied parts, was a successful endeavour and Cuba captured between 40 and 60 percent of total tourist arrivals to the Caribbean. (Jayawardena 2003: 52). At the onset of World War II, tourism in Cuba came to a standstill. By the wars end in 1945, the tourist landscape had changed in the Caribbean. Many more destinations, including Mexico, were now competing for the North American tourism dollar (Schwartz 1997: 109111). Despite the more destination-competitive environment, Cuba continued to dominate regional tourism during the 1950s, increasing the countrys tourist arrivals by over 94 percent from 1948 to 1957 (Jayawardena 2003: 53) and receiving over

382 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti one-third of all tourist arrivals to the Caribbean, totalling $US50 million in revenues per year (Hinch 1990: 215). Arrivals from the USA accounted for 86 percent of the total arrivals to Cuba (Jayawardena 2003: 53). With 10,134 hotel rooms in 1956, Cuba claimed one-third of all room stock in the Caribbean, which then included Puerto Rico, Jamaica, the Bahamas and the Dutch Antilles (Jayawardena 2003: 53). However, according to Miller and Henthorne (1997, as cited in Jayawaradena 2003), at the end of the 1950s there were more than 100,000 prostitutes and 279 brothels in operation, creating a questionable form of tourism development for Cuba during this period (Jayawaradena 2003: 56). According to Hinch (1990: 216), The decadence associated with the Havana tourist industry of the 1950s soon became accepted as a classic example of the high social costs associated with this exploitative form of international tourism. Unsurprisingly, the revolution of 1959 ended the growth of tourism in Cuba. The Communist ideology and the state-planned economy made tourism synonymous with crime, vice and prostitution. With the revolution, Castro bulldozed golf courses and ordered the slot machine, roulette wheels and blackjack tables of Havanas casinos destroyed as symbols of evil foreign rule. Under new socialist ideals, Cuba shifted from an international focus to a domestic focus on tourism (Schwartz 1997: 203) that resulted in a decentralization of tourist facilities away from former urban tourism centres to residential centres encouraging an increase in domestic travel. In October 1959, the Cuban government nationalized all leading hotels, as well as 150 other US investments (Jayawardena 2003: 53). Social or domestic tourism, subsidized by the Cuban government, reached an all-time high ratio of 50 domestic visitor-nights for every 1 foreign visitor-night. This gure moderated only slightly throughout the late 1970s and 1980s (Hinch 1990: 217). The most signicant setback to Cubas tourism industry came with the 1962 USdeclared trade embargo that restricted travel to Cuba by Americans (Barclay and Ferguson 1992: 378385). Jayawardena (2003: 54) observed that the embargo turned Castros opinions even further against international tourism. The next ten years saw continued deterioration of the tourism sector, an absence of foreign investment and, subsequently, a lack of infrastructure development (Espino 1992: 327342). Between 1960 and 1970, Cubas share of the total Caribbean tourism market dropped to less than ve percent (Webster 1992: 226). According to Winson (2006: 11), The Cuban government had resisted developing international tourism in any major way in the 1960s and the 1970s because of the corrosive effects it had in the pre-revolutionary era. However, the continued lack of capital ow forced Cuba to reconsider its tourism policy in the latter part of the 1970s and the early part of the 1980s, creating the Instituto Nacional del Turismo (INTUR) in 1976 and the Cuban Joint Venture Law in 1982 (Espino 1991: 5055). Hinch (1990) suggested that with these lead reforms Cuba entered another distinctive phase in which it diversied its economic dependence on sugarcane through renewed openness to international tourism. In the early 1970s Cuba instituted

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package tours from Canada and, by the 1980s, Cuba had permanent tourism ofces in Toronto, Montreal, Frankfurt and Paris. By 1987, Cuba recorded 310,000 tourist arrivals (Hinch 1990: 217218) and, between 1985 and 1994, foreign visitors to Cuba increased nearly ve-fold (Crespo and Daz 1997: 153). Despite Cubas efforts to diversify its economy, an aggressive tourism campaign did not begin until the economic assistance of the Soviet Union ended in 1991. According to Miller and Henthorne (1997, as cited in Jayawardena 2003: 54), Prior to 1989, the Soviet/Eastern European Bloc accounted for approximately 85 percent of Cubas total foreign trade about 70 percent with the Soviet Union alone. The Cuban tourism industry was, in fact, plagued by hard currency deciencies, consumer item shortages and inherent inefciencies of centralized planning and management under Communist rule. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Castro began the ve-year Special Period in Time of Peace which aimed to enact strict economic measures as a means to transition out of Soviet economic dependence and revive Cubas crippled economy. The reforms implemented between 1993 and 1994 included the creation of the Ministry of Tourism (MINTUR), the legalization of dollar holdings, the opening of the island to joint ventures, and the sanctioning of cuentapropias, or private micro-enterprises (Jatar-Hausman 1999: 69). By the mid-1990s, Cuba was responding further to the islands economic crisis by decentralizing many state enterprises and creating para-statal enterprises within the tourism sector that would compete with each other for the tourist dollar (Winson 2006: 12). Winson (2006: 12) stated: The strategy to dramatically expand tourism met with early success, as the rate of annual growth of tourist arrivals in Cuba in the 19921996 period was 21.7 percent, by far the highest of all the Caribbean countries. Cubas Present-day Tourism Development Economic and labour reforms enacted in the 1990s were extremely important for the development of the tourism sector in Cuba. Despite these efforts, expectations of a full transition to a market economy have not been met. Private ownership of land and productive capital by Cuban citizens is still limited to farming and self-employment, and at present the government is unwilling to contemplate a mass privatization program (Economist Intelligence Unit Limited [EIU] 2006: 26). Agarwal (2004: 312313) observed that while there was a marked trend in Cuba of opening to a market economy, Cuba remains the slowest [compared to Viet Nam and China] at implementing a long-term plan for transition and development. Nevertheless, international tourism is making huge inroads in Cubas economic landscape. It is well ahead of traditional sugar and nickel exports, surpassing both in 1997 as the single largest earner of hard currency (Jensen 2003: 440). In 2005, the service sector, which consists primarily of government services and tourism, accounted

384 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti for 67.8 percent of Cubas GDP (EIU 2006: 24). However, while hard currency income from foreign international visitors to Cuba in 2004 totalled $US2,282,751.92 (Ocna Nacional de Estadsticas [ONE] 2006), there are no ofcial gures for net revenue generated by tourism in Cuba, and estimates vary widely. Castro (2003) contended that domestic producers meet 68 percent of supplies needed by the tourism industry, whereas only 12 percent did so in the early 1990s. Jensen (2003: 440) observed that the direct import coefcient associated with the tourism sector dropped from 90 percent to 35 percent since 1989. The potential of Cubas tourism industry has been supported by record growth in the number of hotels to accommodate the growing tide of incoming travellers as indicated in Figure 5. The number of hotel rooms in Cuba has more than tripled from 12,866 rooms in 1995 to over 55,000 rooms in 2005 (ONE 2006). According to Winson (2006: 12), between 1995 and 2001 the number of hotels increased by about 20 percent and room capacity almost doubled, with the most dramatic expansion in the four and ve star hotel categories. At the same time, lodging growth in Cuba requires additional investment in infrastructure and transportation development, ushering in additional challenges for Cuba as it expands its tourism sector. The EIU (2006: 20) reported that a decade of neglect in the 1990s left the [transportation road] network in poor condition. A road repair programme for tourist areas has been prioritized but not yet realized. While the energy demands of the tourism sector increased in the 1990s with the growing number of hotels, power plants continued to deteriorate. In 2004 and 2005 problems with the largest generating plant caused serious disruptions of power and resulted in several hotels having to close their doors (EIU 2006: 23). According to one report, general neglect of the energy grid and the damage caused by recent hurricanes have caused the islands seven power plants to operate at only 50 percent of their capacity, whereas 65 percent is needed to meet current demand (Robles 2005). Issues Unresolved Salient issues emerged from the literature review that pose perplexing long-term challenges Cuba must face in order to make its tourism sector functionally compatible in a state-controlled economic system. In essence, these issues could produce a set of obstacles if they are not weighed adequately against visitor expectations in a competitive global marketplace. ` Capitalism a la Cubana. Cubas national restructuring in the 1990s resulted in a GDP growth that reached 11.8 percent in 2005 (Spadoni 2006: 3). However, behind the revamping of Old Havana and the proliferation of new cars, there remains a large population of Cubans trapped in a dysfunctional system of capitalism a la Cubana (Jatar-Hausman 1999: 69). Castro has remained a dogmatic communist and has never fully recognized the importance of private ownership. The result is a lineage

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of economic policies moving in the direction of entrepreneurship, yet vacillating between encouraging and punitive actions (Benzing 2005: 78). This dysfunction arises from limitations imposed on the cuentapropias, or self-employment establishments, and creates a contradictory economic system. For example, one form of private entrepreneurship opportunity sanctioned by the government are paladares, small restaurants limited to 12 seats, and operated in private homes. Cuban law established a peculiar regulation prohibiting salaried employees on the one hand, while mandating that at least two family helpers be employed (Henken 2002: 346). The paladares must also pay set monthly fees to the government regardless of income earned (Travel Document Systems 2003), of which, a supplemental 20 percent must be paid for the right to advertise (Henken 2002: 346). The seat limit, the labour restrictions and the requirement to buy all agricultural goods from state-owned markets hinder the paladare owners chance at growth and nancial viability. Nearly all paladares nd it necessary to operate outside the law in order to survive (Henken 2002: 350). A typical response to the twelve-seat limit is to have secret backrooms of additional seating. The difculties in obtaining self-employment licences and the inability to own private property aggravate the current situation further and oppose the entire concept of entrepreneurship. With the accessibility to the US dollar and other hard currency limited to less than 50 percent of the Cuban population, the notion of Cuba evolving into a quasi-capitalist society remains unlikely. Black market. The collapse of the Soviet trading bloc coupled with the inefciencies of the state-controlled economy has created widespread poverty in Cuba. This has perpetuated a vast black market and a silent economy more important than the ofcial one. Cubans must turn to the black market for food, household goods and medical supplies. Remittances from abroad plus currency generated from tourism fuel the black market economy, and there appears little chance of the government being able to shut it down. As of January 1998 the number of registered micro-enterprises was 159,506, which is lower than the 208,786 such enterprises registered in 1995. However, these numbers may be deceiving since many functioning micro-enterprises have gone underground to escape the uncertain, punitive tax structure inicted by the Cuban government (Benzing 2005: 79). It is commonplace for individuals to steal goods from the workplace to sell later on the black market. According to one report, the anti-corruption campaign claimed that the market-oriented reforms of the 1990s had created widespread tolerance for petty theft, indiscipline and corruption (Economist 2004: 45). Cervi o and Bonache (2005: n 464) called it a socialistic form of stealing, with all employees in a hotel department, including managers, engaged in the activity and splitting the proceeds from the thefts. Sex tourism and prostitution. In a book that explored public health interests related to tourism sociology, human rights and elemental morality, Clift and Carter (2000:

386 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti 271) listed Cuba among the top seven destinations where sex tourism is a ourishing trade. Prostitution in Cuba may be tourist-driven, but unlike other countries in the West, Thailand or the Philippines, it does not exist through organized networks of third party individuals or brothels. Nevertheless, prostitution and sex tourism do thrive in Cuba, motivated by the relatively cheap price of prostitutes and the growing inux of hard dollar-paying customers via the tourism sector. Castro eradicated prostitution after the revolution but, in the 1990s, there was a large resurgence after the economy turned to the ofcial international tourism and the unofcial tourism sector (namely prostitution) for badly needed foreign exchange (Eaton 2003). Though the government does attempt to crack down on prostitution from time to time, Clancy (2002: 84) claimed these efforts are infrequent, and that sex tourism remains a robust industry today, and will be a robust industry for the foreseeable future. Structural shift and the incentive problem. There is a large demand for jobs in the tourism sector because it is the only means to acquire hard dollars. Professionals educated in medicine, engineering and education are quick to ock to tourism service jobs, whether it is being a taxicab driver, a waiter or even a prostitute. The Cubans who choose to be self-employed earn on average twenty times more than their previous state job. According to Benzing (2005: 79), Those working in food services reported the highest average earnings at approximately 8,000 pesos (US$400)/month. This structural shift in the work force toward the tourism sector continues to cause severe labour shortages in other important sectors. The medical profession has been the hardest hit. The lure of a lucrative career in tourism is a compelling enticement in comparison to the meager 400 pesos, or $US20 per month paid to medical professionals. At the same time, the large demand for tourism jobs makes employers disinterested in the importance of employee satisfaction. General disdain of the tourism sector and feelings of resentment against tourists result in poor service quality, further aggravated by a poor incentive system for upward mobility among those with tourism jobs. Cubans are limited to staff and service positions, while management positions are occupied largely by foreigners and Cubans who have political party connections (Cabezas 2006: 512). Tourism apartheid. Current tourism in Cuba is establishing a system of apartheid: tourists have access to lush facilities, numerous products and ne food, while residents struggle in their daily existence. According to Facio et al. (2004: 14): Foreign tourists frequent dollar restaurants and dollar stores, use dollar taxis, eat food and use transportation that Cubans cannot, and spend no time standing in lines for goods and services. Attractions such as Varadaro Beach, once accessible to Cubans, are now available only to foreign tourists and those working the regions travel companies and tourist

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establishments. Cave (2002: 1) suggested that Cubas attractions are systematically being taken away from the Cuban people: Unless something changes, more and more of the countrys most beautiful places will soon be off limits to the people who built or founded them. Cuba has been able to exploit its high-quality and low-cost medical environment by developing a medical tourism industry for foreigners seeking a specic treatment that is either unavailable or cost-prohibitive in their country of residence. The growth of medical tourism has contributed to another type of tourism-related apartheid medical apartheid where there is disproportionate emphasis in terms of resources, knowledge, technical expertise and attention, on caring and treating international medical tourists instead of the Cuban people (Goodin et al. 2006: 32) . Technology, telecommunications and tourism. The establishment of a new Ministry of Information Technology and Communications in 2000 has resulted in improvements to the Cuban telecommunications industry. However, much of the Cuban telecommunications system is operating with obsolete technologies, such as breoptics incapable of handling internet connections (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] 2007). In 2006, Cuba still occupie[d] last place in Latin America for both mobile phone and Internet penetration, and [was] fth from the last in xed-line teledensity (Paul Budde Communication Ltd 2007). Telecommunications infrastructure is critical to the information-intensive tourism sector and Cuba has not invested in telecommunications to the degree that other tourist destinations have in the Caribbean. Cuba blames their poor telecommunications development on the embargo, not being able to implement underwater cable and having to rely largely on satellite technology (Paul Budde Communications Ltd, 2007). Findings To investigate further the potential challenges Cuban tourism development may face, personal interviews were conducted with government ofcials and tourism managers from the USA and Cuba. In addition, a eld destination audit of tourist attractions, facilities and services was conducted in Cuba, together with a visitors survey, which assessed Cuban tourism product quality and service issues. Personal Interviews The personal interviews provided insight into stakeholders impressions on how tourism could be employed as an effective strategy for economic development in Cuba. Several central ideas surfaced throughout the process and are described below. Cuba depends on tourism for its economic future. Cubas current tourism product includes the traditional sun, sea and enclave tourism, but also incorporates some niche

388 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti markets such as health tourism and, more recently, ecotourism and adventure tourism. The overdependence on leisure-based tourism, some 94 percent of all travellers (CTO 2004: 52), has some Cuban ofcials and managers interested in strategies to develop more conference and meeting tourism. While these commercial forms of tourism are more costly to develop, those interviewed believe development in this area would ease the strong seasonal uctuations that characterize much of the Caribbean. The seasonal uctuations are somewhat more exaggerated in Cuba due to the countrys reliance on the price-sensitive wholesale market segment, which is more volatile than the free independent tour (FIT) and package tour markets. The economic impact of seasonality in Cuba is compacted by the countrys low tourism price points currently the lowest in the region. Aircraft landing fees in Cuba, conversely, are some of the highest in the world. As a result, airlines have begun curtailing service to the Island, causing concern among stakeholders as to the tourism sectors sustained growth performance. There are additional concerns that joint venture management companies have lost some enthusiasm for direct investment in Cuba due to associated risks resulting from the 1996 Helms Burton Bill, a controversial US law designed to discourage foreign investment in Cuba. Cuban ofcials acknowledge the lack of adequately developed facilitates and infrastructure and consider this a serious obstacle to the development of Cubas tourism sector. They are responding to this issue as a priority area and are making considerable advances towards addressing the problem, such as the development of a long-term strategic plan for Havana and other urban tourist areas, which would include the restoration of historic buildings. Their efforts, though, are made difcult by scarce resources and the enormity of the task at hand. Ofcials recognize the many ideological contradictions of tourism development within the context of a Marxist state. This political ideology has affected much of the economic and social bre of the island such that there was uniform belief among those interviewed that if Castro were to die there would not be a rush to a fullyedged market economy. One Cuban tourism manager did comment that it was not so much Castros death but the US embargo that was keeping Cuba from moving more aggressively in free market reforms. In his opinion, the embargo actually is an aid to Castro, keeping the leader in power. It is not uncommon for native Cubans to approach visitors and ask for donations of toiletry items and other such necessities. Although such obvious issues of poverty are readily observable to tourists, Cubans feel great pride in being a member of an egalitarian society where education is free and food and jobs are guaranteed, despite in insufcient quantities and meagre pay. Cuban scholar, Ana Julia Jatar-Hausman, noted in an interview that these insufciencies in the non-market economy force Cubans to live in illegality every day in order to survive: buying and selling goods and services on the black market, bribing ofcials for the most coveted tourist licences, or selling goods such as cigars under the table to tourists who are visiting factories. Other

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problem areas, such as prostitution, were acknowledged, but most ofcials believed that the government was, in fact, trying to address this issue through stricter law enforcement and a system of re-education camps. While some interviewees believe a centrally planned economy allows the Cuban government to dictate more effectual environmental policies related to tourism development, others believe that the non-market economy provides fewer technologies and nancial resources necessary to mitigate serious environmental problems created by low-revenue and enclave-based tourism. There are suggestions that the environmental impact of mass enclave tourism development is worse in Cuba than in other marketorientated Caribbean countries. Portela and Aguirre (2006: 20) reported that tourism growth is threatening many coastal areas, specically the construction of a causeway in the northern keys intended to provide direct tourist access to pristine areas, but resulting in the obstruction of water circulation and a subsequent ecosystem collapse. Similar events were recorded in conjunction with the development of the Caya Coco causeway. Despite the enthusiasm expressed for tourism as a development strategy by the interviewees, the US Cuban Interest Desk in Havana is less sanguine about Cubas economic development potential and tourism, noting the increasing number of Cubans trying each day to emigrate to the USA.

Destination Audit An analysis of the destination audit data conrmed many of the issues identied in the literature and the personal interviews. Cubas observed strengths were the potential for developing a diverse tourism product, beautiful beaches, many colonial sites, music, culture, good security, friendliness of the host society, and the growth of joint venture hotels which have set better service and quality standards. Signature parts of Cubas history, such as Hemingway and Ch Guevara, were identied as e positive attributes, albeit, somewhat over-marketed. Robust potential for developing niche tourism products, such as ecotourism, adventure tourism, dive tourism, health tourism and medical tourism, were also observed. Cubas highly educated workforce was considered among Cubas strongest assets. However, observations uncovered more weaknesses than strengths. Lack of telecommunication and internet access, an unreliable power supply and non-potable water were signicant issues. Large areas in key cities remain in ruins and are hazardous for tourists and residents alike. Numerous transportation weaknesses were identied, such as poor road signage, maps lacking street names and highway exits, insufcient petrol stations and rest stops, intra-Cuban air travel complicated by frequent unexplained delays and aging aircraft, an enigmatic bus system, poorly lit roads hampering night-time travel, perilous roads lacking guard rails and, in general, a public transportation system that is not safe or regulated.

390 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti Hotels were found to suffer from a lack of standards. State-operated accommodations frequently lacked clean towels and regularly changed sheets. Sanitation issues undercut many aspects of the tourist experience; hotels swimming pools were nonchlorinated, restaurant kitchens have observably poor sanitation standards, and public bathrooms lacked cleanliness and working equipment, such as ushable toilets. Lack of toilet paper and soap were also mentioned frequently. The destination audit also revealed the need for more restaurants with greater menu choices and variety. There were frequent observations that individual and small party dining, rather than large group dining, was always a preferred experience in terms of both food choices and better service. Attractions were deemed plentiful, but appeared to be lacking in maintenance as well as the ability to handle emergency situations, such as power outages. Poor communications were observed between tour operators and tour groups, with frequent misunderstandings occurring in the tour routing and scheduling process. In the other category, investigators found Cuban art, cigars and rum were readily available for sale, but there was a conspicuous shortage of other novelty and necessity items sought by tourists. Visitors Survey The visitor survey supported the destination audit ndings and personal interviews, while providing further insight into specic service areas using the Bartol and Martin quality service measurement model. The tourism product is dened as a combination of services and product tangibles. While hotels, restaurants and attractions have associated tangibles, many of which were addressed in the destination audit, how these are delivered to the consumer (the service) is critical to the success of the overall product. Tourism, as a product, is categorized as having inseparability: travellers are physically present and must participate actively with the service providers to create the experience. As a result, the quality and consistency of the service is critical to the travellers experience. Cubas tourism sector, however, as Cervi o and Bonache (2005: 460) explained, is n based on a production-orientation model consistent with a planned economy rather than a service or marketing orientation model common to market economies. To determine the extent that this approach is affecting tourism service delivery in Cuba, a visitors survey was conducted in ve tourist regions. The results were analysed using Bartol and Martins (1991) eight dimensions of quality; dimensions that Gardner (1996: 443) contended should be monitored constantly within the tourism/hospitality sector. The countries of residence of respondents included: the USA, Argentina, UK, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Mexico, Portugal, Spain and Switzerland (Table 1). The Bartol and Martin (1991) performance dimension involves the primary characteristics of the tourism product. Survey data, as illustrated in Table 2, suggest that from a performance perspective Cuba is generating somewhat positive results in terms of

Cuba and Tourism


Table 2. Performance dimension (%) Performance Satised with the overall tourism product It is relatively easy to travel to and within Cuba

391

Highly Highly No satised Satised Neutral Dissatised dissatised opinion 16 11 46 40 19 13 9 22 1 9 6 5

n = 273. Note: Source of quality dimension framework for tourism and hospitality sectors used in Tables 18 drawn from Bartol and Martin (1991).

overall satisfaction of the tourism product, with 62 percent of respondents reporting to be satised or highly satised. However, it should be noted that the largest proportion of leisure tourists to Cuba are on low to mid-price package tours. It was reported that at the 270-room Sol Club Cayo Coco, 95 percent of the occupancy is generated through package tours (Marsan 1999: 3). Further investigation is required to uncover the extent to which Cuban quality performance appeals to other types of travellers (higher-end markets, incentive market, convention market, independent travellers, etc.). Bartol and Martin (1991) advised that performance can be measured by how the service is executed and how it is received by the guest. In terms of ease of travel to and within Cuba, 51 percent of the survey respondents thought travel was efcient; but a signicant percentage, 44 percent, were either neutral or disagreed with this performance dimension. The destination audit also revealed considerable concern with the performance dimension, suggesting that there was: lack of efcient passenger management systems at air terminals, lack of variety in restaurant menus, lack of guest management systems and room amenities in hotels (from check-in to check-out), lack of adequate information services provided by the receptive tour operator, and a general lack of any system for addressing service failures. The uniqueness dimension refers to supplemental characteristics of the product or service. The data from the survey imply that in this dimension Cuba is exceptional: 70 percent of visitors agreed that Cubas tourism product stands out from other Caribbean destinations, and 86 percent indicated that there is much to do and see in Cuba (Table 3). Despite the failures and inadequacies raised in the destination audit, it is possible that rst-time travellers to the island will tolerate poor service and lack of infrastructure in compensation for a unique experience. The reliability dimension depends on whether a destination consistently delivers what is promised. To this end, reliability predicts the probability of success for the destination. To address this question, visitors were asked whether they felt Cuba offered good value for price. As depicted in the data shown in Table 4, this is more of

392 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti


Table 3. Uniqueness dimension (%) Uniqueness Cuba has many unique features that set it out from other Caribbean destinations There is much to do and see in Cuba
n = 273.

Highly agree 26

Agree 44

Neutral 15

Disagree 4

Highly disagree 1

No opinion 11

38

48

a critical issue, with less than half of those interviewed feeling that Cuba represented good value for price. Many respondents commented that they felt being squeezed out of every dollar and that their perception of Cuba as a low-cost destination had been altered seriously. This nding was also conrmed in the destination audit, where Cuba was noted as being far from inexpensive in terms of the price of food and beverage, sundry goods and entertainment services. The conformance dimension refers to product consistency. As shown in Table 5, product conformance is by far the most concerning quality service issue for Cuba. A slightly larger percent disagreed (35%) than agreed (30%) that there was equal consistency in quality among the various Cuban tourism products and services. The durability dimension measures the expected stability of the product or service. According to the survey, 61 percent of the respondents agreed that Cuba met their expectations. This is consistent with 62 percent of the respondents agreeing or highly agreeing that they were satised with Cubas tourism product (Table 6). The durability of Cuba as a travel product can also be measured by whether a visitor would recommend Cuba to someone else as a vacation choice and, as the data indicate, 53 percent of the respondents would recommend Cuba to a friend and 25 percent of the respondents might recommend Cuba to a friend. The serviceability dimension refers to ease, speed, and service adjustments. As shown in Table 7, 66 percent of the visitors surveyed agreed or highly agreed that hotel staff provided good service to guests. However, when the data were analysed
Table 4. Reliability dimension (%) Reliability Cuba offers good value for price
n = 273.

Highly agree 15

Agree 33

Neutral 21

Disagree 19

Highly disagree 10

No opinion 3

Cuba and Tourism


Table 5. Conformance dimension (%) Consistency There is equal consistency in quality among the various tourism-related products and services in Cuba
n = 273.

393

Highly agree 5

Agree 25

Neutral 28

Disagree 29

Highly disagree 6

No opinion 7

according to tour type (independent travel, hosted travel, group tour and independent group tour), 78 percent of hosted group travellers agreed with the statement, whereby only 55 percent of group tour travellers or independent tour travellers agreed with the statement. The highest disagreement with this statement (20%) came from tour groups, i.e. non-independent travellers. The aesthetics dimension is an aspect of tourism that helps destinations differentiate themselves from the competition. According to Bartol and Martin (1991), aesthetics is an important determinant for a travellers desire to return to a destination. Cuba has a challenging road ahead as it embarks on massive renovation and restoration of its

Table 6. Durability dimension (%) Durability Cuba met all of my expectations as a tourism destination Highly agree 21 Agree 41 Neutral 20 Disagree 12 Highly disagree 3 No opinion 2

How satised are you with the overall tourism product in Cuba? Would you recommend Cuba to a friend as a travel destination?
n = 273.

Highly satised 16

Satised 46

Neutral 19

Dissatised 10

Highly dissatised 2

No opinion 6

Denitely 53

Maybe 25

Not Sure 13

Never 5

No Opinion 3

394 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti


Table 7. Serviceability dimension (%) Serviceability Staff in hotels provide good service to guests
n = 273.

Highly agree 21

Agree 45

Neutral 18

Disagree 11

Highly disagree 2

No opinion 5

decaying historic buildings and sites. In regards to the current attractions promoted by Cuba, respondents were indecisive in determining whether these attractions appeared well maintained, with 23 percent agreeing with the statement, 30 percent neutral and 29 percent disagreeing (Table 8). In terms of the perceived quality dimension, the data in Table 9 suggest that the respondents were less enthusiastic in determining whether Cuba offered a high-quality tourism product: 45 percent agreed with the statement and 24 percent disagreed with the statement. Since many studies have pointed to the tourists perceived safety and security as one of the most critical factors in the vacation choice decision process, it should be noted that Cuba was considered a safe destination by 81 percent of the respondents, with only slightly more than ve percent disagreeing. The fairly large percentage of neutral responses should be taken into consideration during the analysis of the visitor survey results. Ghopade and Lackritz (1986: 123129) challenged previous research that suggested neutral responses should be considered only as respondent uncertainty and ambivalence. In their study, Ghopade and Lackritz analysed neutral responses based on various demographic factors (age, nationality, gender and race) of the survey respondents. While the ndings were not consistent for all demographic factors analysed, their research did conrm that the traditional view of neutral responses is overly simplistic (Ghopade and Lackritz 1986: 128). They suggested administers of structured questionnaires consider the response patterns of different respondent groups before deriving statistical results when the neutral response is signicant. The design of this study was a qualitative assessment for uncovering issues and topics for later quantitative evaluation. Any follow-up visitor surveys, and particularly surveys designed for quantitative assessment using a random rather than
Table 8. Aesthetic dimension (%) Aesthetics Cubas attractions look well and are maintained
n = 273.

Highly agree 5

Agree 23

Neutral 30

Disagree 29

Highly disagree 9

No opinion 4

Cuba and Tourism


Table 9. Perceived quality dimension (%) Perceived quality Cuba offers a high quality tourism product Cuba is a safe destination
n = 273.

395

Highly agree 10 33

Agree 35 47

Neutral 26 11

Disagree 20 5

Highly disagree 4

No opinion 5 4

the convenient sample employed in this study, should minimize the neutral response issue by eliminating the no opinion option. Additionally, variation of response rates of different groups based on demographic factors should be analysed if the neutral response continues to be large.

Discussion International tourist arrivals to Cuba have grown an impressive 19 percent from 1995 to 2004 (UNWTO 2007: 69). Cuba has also been identied by the UNWTO as one of the worlds top emerging destinations, with international tourist arrivals surpassing that of many other Caribbean islands. However, the results of the visitors survey and destination audit indicate that Cuba must make corrections on the mixture of product and price in order to optimize the growing demand of tourism in the highly competitive Caribbean region. This will require improvements in attractions and interpretation, transportation and tour circuits, receptive tour operations, food

Figure 4. Fluctuations in tourism arrivals in early Cuban history. Source: Cubas National Ofce of Statistics, WTO, CTO, Garrido (1993), Mesa-Lago (1981).

396 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti

Figure 5. Growth of hotels in Cuba 19522005. Source: Cubas National Ofce of Statistics.

service, hotel standards, shopping outlets, general infrastructure, and quality customer service dimensions identied in the visitors survey. The structural issues, if not addressed, will continue to limit the viability and sustainability of tourism in Cuba. Jensen (2003: 438) noted that while tourist arrivals increased in the latter part of the 1990s, income per tourist declined; she claimed that this phenomenon could be an indicator of dwindling competitiveness in terms of quality of the Cuban tourist offer. The visitors survey and destination audit noted higher dissatisfaction among group tour travellers. This likely relates to the difculties imposed on hotel and restaurant staff in providing timely and efcient service to large groups at the time of check-in and check-out, the delivery of bags to rooms, as well as the fulllment of food and drink orders in restaurants and dining areas. Prearranged dining is also often part of the tour package and, rather than ordering a la carte, tour members may be offered ` only two or three food choices and, in some cases, no choice at all. The transportation of group tours to attractions and sites also requires a high level of group management skills on the part of guides, bus drivers and tour escorts who are facilitating the tour experience. This adds another potential area for a service failure. In general, when choices are limited, which is often the case in packaged tours, this in itself will inherently inuence customer satisfaction. Since pre-package tours constitute the major portion of travel in Cuba, further research is needed in order to understand more about the satisfaction levels among different types of tour groups and whether demographics factors within these groups inuence satisfaction levels. Shortages in service areas, as the visitor survey data suggest, are not perceived entirely in a negative context by Cubas international visitors. This leads to the assumption that shortfalls, at least for the immediate term, are somewhat offset by Cubas exotic allure after 40 years of relative isolation and its ability to stimulate

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397

demand through the perceived value of package tours. However, such blessings may be short lived; when the numbers of these package tour visitors increase and the priceover-cost trip margins slip lower for travel operators, Cuba may stretch its limited capacities for consistent delivery of quality service acceptable to the international mass traveller. This study puts forth the need to design a strategy that reconciles capitalism and entrepreneurship with Marxist ideologies. There are many contradictions identied and questions raised when viewing Cubas current partnership with tourism as it operates in a state-controlled economic system: (1) Will the current black market return Cuba to the pre-revolutionary dance and its distasteful partnership with tourism? (2) Will growing forms of sordid tourism, such as sex tourism, taint the overall tourism product for Cuba? (3) Will the structural shift in the professional labour force to the tourism sector weaken Cubas diversied economy and the countrys ability to optimize tourism as a development strategy? (4) Will the current levels of demand and growth exacerbate supply shortages and render tourism an ineffective strategy? (5) Will the continued expansion of tourism create an intolerable gap between those who have access to foreign dollars and those who do not? (6) Will Cuba be able to meet the infrastructure demands associated with the growing tourism sector while simultaneously preserving the countrys cultural and natural environment? It is evident from this study that Cuba has vast resources for developing tourism and a clear regional competitive advantage in tourism: a history of hospitality, close proximity to one of the worlds largest tourism-generating markets (assuming the US embargo were to end), a plentiful supply of natural resources and a cultural dimension that adds distinction and richness to its product. Nevertheless, as the ndings from this study suggest, Cuba needs to upgrade its tourism products and services and adopt new strategies that attract more environmentally- and socially-responsive markets in addition to packaged tourism. This is important for the sustained growth of Cubas tourism industry and is a necessary precondition for using tourism to improve the overall standard of living for all Cubans. In the industrialized world tourist dollars have a multiplier effect of 1.53.5 in local economies, which is not the case in Cuba where packaged wholesale tours prevails. In Cuba, pre-packaged tours generate volume numbers of visitors but do not generate signicant cash ows (economic linkages to local communities) outside the organized tour. Because of this effect, Cuba can remain stagnant economically even though it may attract more visitors. Cuba is at a crossroads in terms of its future economic development and the government has to balance its strategic direction carefully, deciding how to exploit future opportunities to reconcile two dissimilar tourism segments in the context of a tangled economy of market and non-market values. Varadero is the model of mass tourism development and has followed an intensive development strategy. According to Guitierrez and Ganedo (2002, as cited in Becker 2003), tourism in Cuba is highly concentrated and polarized, with nearly 70 percent of tourism revenue

398 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti generated in and between Varadero and Havana. Varadero is overdeveloped, but can continue for mass-tourism, employing a low-cost pricing strategy to attract patrons, and hopefully making the environmental adaptations and improvements necessary to ensure sustainability. The rest of the country has the potential to be marketed for either regionally based eco-tourism, adventure tourism and nature tourism, or a highend market tourism constrained for growth. These forms of tourism generally have a greater economic impact on the local community and, at the same time, minimal negative impacts on the local environment. This option, though, is available only if the associated delivery of quality services and products measures up to the competitive regional if not global market place standards. This more diversied tourism strategy will also require dedicated improvements and investment in hard and soft infrastructures to make Cubas tourism sustainable for the long term. Conclusions In sum, there are unique conditions and situations that pose an unusual set of challenges for Cuba to address in the future development of its tourism sector. Cuba has been able to adapt to market forces in their tourism development strategy and, at the same time, without much movement to political pluralism. However, Cubas notions of nationalism, sovereignty, morality and culture are deeply affected by the consequences of tourism, such as the rise in corruption, prostitution, tourism-related apartheid and the disparity in quality of life. Such troublesome activities are increasingly apparent as the government oversees competition for licences, the high demand for contracts to construct and operate tourism establishments, and the overall race to build and manage a world-class destination that can salvage a long-grieved economy. Without doubt, Cubas marketing advantage includes its unique history and culture. But, the degree to which future tourism activities will create economic prosperity over social hardship for the Cuban people will require a further assessment of the service and product issues identied in this study, as well as a reconciliation of the economic and social contradictions that currently limit the countrys true tourism potential. Additional research is required to assess more carefully the service quality and product issues singular to a country that has been limited by years of Communist production, where management and marketing have had to be purchased internationally through arrangements with foreign hotel and tour operator companies (Martin de Holan and Phillips 1997: 788). While this study focused on the macro-socio-economic and service quality issues, the requirements and attitudes of the resident population also need to be considered, measured, analysed and monitored. More denitive studies on visitors are also warranted; using probability samples to assess more accurately the visitor perceptions and expectations, as well as differing visitor demographics and lifestyle attributes. A better analysis of both residents and visitors alike will help in the development of a sustainable tourism strategy that will meet economic, social and environmental goals.

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The concept of sustainable tourism is dependent on critical long-term considerations of tourisms impacts, notions of equity, an appreciation of the importance of linkages (economic, social and environmental) and the facilitation of co-operation and collaboration between different stakeholders. Any future development strategy for Cuba should be determined only after a careful evaluation of issues and options, and an uncovering of what actions will place all stakeholders government, businesses, tourists and the local residents centre stage. For the moment, however, it appears that businesses, tourists and the Cuban people can only follow in the development process. It is the government who continues to lead.
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Notes on Contributors Sheryl Marie Elliott is associate professor at the George Washington University, School of Business, Department of Tourism & Hospitality Management. She serves as the director for the undergraduate programme in Sport, Event and Hospitality Management. Dr Elliott has written extensively on development, culture and ecological aspects of tourism. Lisa Delpy Neirotti is associate professor at the George Washington University, School of Business and Public Management, Department of Tourism & Hospitality Management. Dr Neirottis expertise is in the eld of sport tourism and economic development. R sum : D s du tourisme dans une destination insulaire dynamique: le cas de e e e Cuba
Les structures politiques et economiques en mutation ont inuenc limportance uctuante du e tourisme comme outil de d veloppement economique. Depuis que lUnion Sovi tique est d chue, e e e Cuba sest de nouveau tourn vers le tourisme partenaire economique aux relents de l` re pr e e e r volutionnaire pour fournir des devises et stimuler les investissements. Cette etude analyse le e tourisme dans une economie hors-march et examine la relation historique de Cuba avec le tourisme. e Une lecture des publications sur le tourisme cubain indique un regroupement autour de questions de croissance economique et un contr le de la destination ainsi quun compte-rendu de la satisfaction des o visiteurs evaluent Cuba en tant que produit touristique ainsi que les principaux probl` mes concer e nant les services aux touristes. La croissance du tourisme a Cuba est associ e a un march noir oris` e ` e sant, des manques de fournitures, une absence de stimulant pour les travailleurs, une qualit m diocre e e des services, la s gr gation des r sidents, la prostitution et des d faillances des t l communications. e e e e ee Malgr tous ces probl` mes, Cuba garde son attrait exotique de par ses ressources naturelles et e e culturelles, ses politiques et son peuple. Cette etude de cas soul` ve des questions au sujet de la e

402 S. M. Elliott & L. D. Neirotti


viabilit a long terme dune economie hors-march dans un contexte global comp titif de services e` e e marchands.

Mots-cl s: Cuba, Castro, economie hors-march , embargo, s gr gation, tourisme tout-compris, cuene e e e tapropias, paladares

Zusammenfassung: Touristische Herausforderungen einer dynamischen Inseldestination: der Fall Kuba


Wandelnde politische und wirtschaftliche Strukturen haben dem Kurs der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung des kubanischen Tourismus einen Zickzackkurs auferlegt. Mit dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion hat sich Kuba wieder des Tourismus entsonnen, eine wirtschaftliche Reminiszenz der vorrevolution ren a Ara, um ausl ndische Deviseneinnahmen und Investitionen anzuregen. Diese Studie beleuchtet den a Tourismus in einer nicht-marktorientierten Wirtschaft durch die Untersuchung von Kubas historischem Verh ltnis zum Tourismus. Eine Literaturubersicht verdichtet Aspekte der kubanischen a Tourismusentwicklung mit einem Zielgebietsaudit und einer Besucherzufriedenheitsbefragung, um eine Einsch tzung des Produktes und der Schlusseldienstleistungsaspekte des kubanischen Tourisa mus zu gewinnen. Der Aufstieg des kubanischen Tourismus ist verbunden mit einem boomenden Schwarzmarkt, Angebotsknappheiten, Mitarbeitervergr mungspr mien, schlechter Dienstleisa a tungsqualit t, verbreiteter Apartheid, Prostitution und Telekommunikationslucken. Ungeachtet a dieser Probleme bewahrt sich Kuba dank seiner naturlichen und kulturellen Ressourcen sowie seiner Politik und seiner Menschen ein exotisches Image. Diese Fallstudie stellt Fragen bezuglich der Uberlebensf higkeit von Kuba as einer nicht-marktorientierten Wirtschaft in einem servicea und wettbewerbsorientierten globalen Marktplatz.

Stichw rter: Erbe Kuba, Castro, nicht-marktorientierte Wirtschaft, Embargo, Apartheid, Pauschaltouriso mus, Cuentaproprias, Paladares

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