Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 2000, Vol. 79, No.

1,118-130

Copyright 2000 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. O022-3514/O0/S5.0O DOI: 10.1037//0022-3514.79.1.118

The Body as a Source of Self-Esteem: The Effect of Mortality Salience on Identification With One's Body, Interest in Sex, and Appearance Monitoring
Jamie L. Goldenberg, Shannon K. McCoy, and Tom Pyszczynski
University of Colorado at Colorado Springs

Jeff Greenberg
University of Arizona

Sheldon Solomon
Brooklyn College

The present research investigated the role of the physical body as a source of self-esteem and tested the hypothesis derived from terror management theory that reminding people of their mortality increases self-esteem striving in the form of identification with one's body, interest in sex, and appearance monitoring. The results revealed that individuals high in body esteem responded to mortality salience manipulations with increased identification with their physical bodies in Study 1 and with increased interest in sex in Study 2. Study 3 showed that reminders of death led to decreased appearance monitoring among appearance-oriented participants who were low in body esteem. These findings provide insight into why people often go to extreme lengths to meet cultural standards for the body and its appearance.

The notion that people have a strong need for self-esteem plays a central role in theories of human social behavior (e.g., Adler, 1928; Allport, 1937; Carver & Scheier, 1981; Homey, 1937; James, 1890; Maslow, 1970; Rank, 1959; Rogers, 1959; Steele, 1988; Tesser, 1988). The need for self-esteem is often seen as a "master motive" that underlies the pursuit of more specific goals. Terror management theory (TMT; Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986; Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 1991) posits that this need functions to provide protection against mortality concerns and that self-esteem is derived from standards of value provided by an internalized cultural worldview. In the present studies we explore the implications of this TMT analysis of selfesteem for how people in contemporary Western culture relate to their bodies. Standards of value regarding the physical body seem to be a particularly important source of self-esteem. Those who believe they are meeting these standards may derive a variety of psychological benefits from their bodies (e.g., Berscheid, Walster, & Bohrnstedt, 1973; Cash, 1990), and those who believe they are

not may suffer from a broad range of psychological, physical, social, and sexual problems (e.g., Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Jagstaidt, Golay, & Pasini, 1997; Noles, Cash, & Winstead, 1985; Polivy & Herman, 1987). TMT suggests that thoughts of one's death should increase the desire to meet standards of self-worth. Therefore, we hypothesized that reminders of mortality should increase the focus on standards and behaviors pertinent to the body among those who believe their bodies meet their internalized standards of value and decrease such focus among those who believe their bodies fall short of such standards.

TMT
Although theorists of varying orientations agree that people have a strong need to achieve and maintain a positive self-image, this need is usually taken as an unexplained postulate that is then used to explain other behavior. TMT was initially formulated to address the neglected question of why people need self-esteem. Based largely on the work of Ernest Becker (1973), TMT proposes that the primary function of self-esteem is to protect individuals from existential anxiety associated with awareness of the inevitability of death. From this perspective, the juxtaposition of instinctive desire for self-preservation with awareness of the inevitability of death creates the potential for paralyzing terror. TMT posits that the human species used the same sophisticated cognitive capacities that gave rise to the awareness of death to manage the terror associated with this awareness. Specifically, culture provides a shared symbolic conception of reality that gives meaning and value to the lives of its constituents (Berger & Luckmann, 1967). TMT posits that by living up to the standards of value prescribed by one's culture one
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Jamie L. Goldenberg, Shannon K. McCoy, and Tom Pyszczynski, Department of Psychology, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs; Jeff Greenberg, Department of Psychology, University of Arizona; Sheldon Solomon, Department of Psychology, Brooklyn College. Shannon K. McCoy is now at the Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Barbara. This research was supported by National Science Foundation Grants SBR-9312546, SBR-9601366, SBR-9601474, SBR-9731G26, and SBR9729946. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jamie L. Goldenberg, who is now at the Department of Psychology, Boise State University, Boise, Idaho 83725-1715. Electronic mail may be sent to jgoldenb@boisestate.edu.

BODY AS SELF-ESTEEM can achieve self-esteem, which provides protection from this basic human fear of death. Because of this vital anxiety-buffering function, people are strongly motivated to maintain self-esteem and faith in the cultural worldview from which this self-esteem is derived and to defend these psychological structures against threats. Implications of the Terror Management Conceptualization of Self-Esteem This conceptualization of self-esteem, resulting from satisfactorily meeting the standards of value set by one's culture, is a model of contingent self-esteem (cf. Crocker & Wolfe, 1999). The standards of value that the individual internalizes from the broader cultural worldview provide the contingencies one must meet to attain self-esteem and effectively buffer anxiety. Thus from this perspective, self-esteem requires investment in particular standards of value and positive evaluation of one's standing on these standards, TMT, along with most other contemporary theories of selfesteem (e.g., Steele, 1988; Tesser, 1988), suggests that monitoring of one's standing on culturally valued standards is far from an unbiased, dispassionate process. People want to believe they are meeting the standards to which they are committed. Of course, there is a large literature documenting the many ways in which people adjust their beliefs, identifications, and comparisons to sustain the belief that they are meeting such standards (e.g., Aspinwall & Taylor, 1993; Crocker & Gallo, 1985; Gollwitzer & Wicklund, 1985; Greenberg & Pyszczynski, 1985; Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & LaPrelle, 1985; Steele, 1988; Tesser, 1988). In addition, both the choice of standards to which one commits and one's motivation to engage in behavior through which one's standing on those dimensions can be evaluated are likely to be biased toward standards which one feels most capable of meeting. For example, people generally view traits that reflect well on themselves as important and those that do not reflect well on themselves as unimportant (Lewicki, 1984; Pelham, 1995). To the extent that self-esteem functions to buffer anxiety concerning one's mortality, it follows that such biases would be especially strong when one is reminded of the source of anxiety from which self-esteem provides protection.

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Empirical Support for TMT

Empirical assessment of TMT has centered around two central hypotheses. Most studies have tested variations on the mortality salience hypothesis, which posits that, to the extent that a psychological structure (i.e., worldview or self-esteem) provides protection against death-related concerns, reminding individuals of death should increase their need for that structure. To date, over 75 separate experiments conducted in 5 different countries have shown that mortality salience increases defense of the cultural worldview (for a thorough review, see Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1997). For example, mortality salience has been shown to lead to more positive evaluations of in-group members and those who praise one's culture and more negative evaluations of out-group members and those who criticize one's culture (e.g., Greenberg et al., 1990; Harmon-Jones, Greenberg, Solomon, & Simon, 1996). Further, mortality salience has been operationalized

in a variety of ways and has been contrasted with the salience of other aversive topics, including giving a speech, feeling intense physical pain, becoming paralyzed, experiencing social exclusion, worrying about life after college, taking or failing a test in an important class, or actually failing a supposed intelligence test (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, Solomon, Simon, & Breus, 1994; Greenberg, Simon, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1996; Greenberg, Simon, et al., 1995). None of these control conditions produce defensive reactions parallel to those observed in response to mortality salience, suggesting that these defensive effects result specifically from thoughts of one's own mortality as opposed to general negative affect or threats to self. Research testing the second central hypothesis, that self-esteem provides a buffer against anxiety, has shown that both dispositionally high and experimentally enhanced self-esteem makes one less prone to anxiety and anxiety-related defensive behavior. High self-esteem has been found to reduce self-reported anxiety (Greenberg et al., 1992, Study 1), physiological arousal (Greenberg et al., 1992, Studies 2 and 3), and defensive distortions to deny one's likelihood of early death (Greenberg et al., 1993). More recently, Harmon-Jones, Simon, Greenberg, Pyszczynski, and Solomon (1997) found that high self-esteem, both dispositional and situationally induced, reduces the effects of mortality salience on defense of the cultural worldview. The above studies provide compelling evidence that self-esteem provides a buffer against anxiety and that mortality salience leads to increased defense of one's cultural worldview; however, the evidence concerning the effects of mortality salience on selfesteem striving is less direct. Greenberg et al. (1996) demonstrated that mortality salience leads to increased acceptance of attitudinally dissimilar others when the value of tolerance has been experimentally primed or is chronically accessible, suggesting that mortality salience motivates people to behave in accord with their internalized values. Greenberg, Porteus, Simon, Pyszczynski, and Solomon (1995) have shown that mortality salience leads to increased distress when one behaves in ways that violate cultural standards. Simon et al. (1997) found that reminders of death increase the need to perceive oneself as similar to or different from others (cf. Brewer, 1991), depending on whether the view of self as similar or unique has recently been threatened. Recently, Taubman Ben-Ari, Florian, and Mikulincer (1999) have shown that mortality salience leads individuals for whom driving ability is self-esteem relevant to report a greater likelihood of taking risks while driving and to engage in riskier behavior on a driving simulator. Although these findings are generally consistent with the hypothesis that mortality salience leads to increased striving to meet internalized cultural standards of value, more direct evidence is needed. The present research has the potential to provide such evidence by investigating the effects of mortality salience on the pursuit of self-esteem acquired through one's physical body.

The Body as a Source of Self-Estcem Clearly, our culture values the physical body. The media bombards us with cookie cutter images of ideal appearances for men and women. Evidence reveals that individuals who are perceived as meeting these standards of attractiveness are rewarded. Attractive people are believed to be more interesting, kind, outgoing, strong, and intelligent (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972; Eagly,

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GOLDENBERG ET AL. having participants rate the relative importance of the physical body in comparison with other aspects of the self.

Ashmore, Makhijana, & Longo, 1991; Ritts, Patterson, & Tubbs, 1992). Not only are they believed to be more successful, they actually are. Attractive people are more likely both to be hired (Marlowe, Schneider, & Nelson, 1996) and to be pursued for romantic relationships (Singh & Young, 1995) and are generally more popular, socially skilled, and sexually experienced than unattractive people (Feingold, 1992). Besides physical attractiveness, other aspects of the body, such as fitness, athleticism, body control, and satisfying sexual experiences are also valued aspects of adequately functioning individuals in our culture. One consequence of living in a body-oriented culture is that the standards of attractiveness and fitness may become internalized (cf. Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Theory, research, and common observation suggest that one's physical body is a potential source of self-esteem and that not living up to standards regarding the body can have negative consequences for the self. Research has shown that the bodily self is an important part of the self-concept and that feelings about the body are correlated with general feelings about the self (Lerner, Karabenick, & Stuart, 1973; Padin, Lerner, & Spiro, 1981; Rohrbacker, 1973; Rosen & Ross, 1968; Secord & Jourard, 1953). Among both genders, dissatisfaction with the body is associated with low self-esteem (e.g., Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986; McCaulay, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988), insecurity (e.g., Hurlock, 1967), distress (e.g., Cash & Szymanski, 1995), and depression (e.g., Marsella, Shizuru, Brennan, & Kameoka, 1981; Noles et al., 1985), whereas satisfaction with one's body is associated with happiness (Berscheid et al., 1973). It seems clear, then, that in contemporary Western culture, the body is an important source of self-esteem. From the TMT perspective, attitudes toward the body should therefore be an important component of how people sustain equanimity in the face of knowledge of their mortality. Thus, following mortality salience, we should find self-serving shifts in focus on the body as a function of how well a person believes that she or he is meeting the cultural standards of value concerning the body.

Method Participants
A total of 99 undergraduate students (61 women and 38 men) from two Western universities participated in the study for extra credit in psychology courses. Participants ranged in age from 17 to 40 (M = 19.59, SD = 3.13).

Materials and Procedure

The study was conducted during a regular class meeting of an undergraduate psychology course. Participants were told that a study DH personality and attitudes would be conducted and were offered extra credit to participate. Those who chose to stay received a packet of questionnaires. The experimenter instructed the participants to work through the packet at their own pace and not to spend too much time on any one question because their "first natural" responses to the questions were preferred. There were two types of packets randomly distributed to the participants: one contained a death questionnaire for the mortality salience condition and the other contained a TV questionnaire for the control condition. In all other aspects the packets were identical. The packets took approximately 30 min to fill out and were collected when completed. The content and order of the questionnaires is described below. Filler items. The questionnaire packet contained three filler questionnaires to distract participants from the true purpose of the study. Two of these questionnaires were chosen to lend credibility to the cover story, and as such, were innocuous personality measures including a short 10-item filler measure of self-esteem (Rosenberg, 1965) and a measure of neuroticism (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1967). Also included for exploratory purposes was a measure of self-objectification operationalized as rhe relative importance of the body's appearance relative to its competence (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998).1 Body-Esteem Scale (BES). The BES, designed by Franzoi and Shields (1984), measures positive and negative feelings toward different aspects of the body. It was embedded among the filler questionnaires and was included to classify participants as high or low in body esteem. The BES consists of 35 items that range in content from body parts (e.g., biceps) to body competence (e.g., muscular strength) to body sensation (e.g., sex drive) to body appearance (e.g., appearance of eyes). Respondents were asked to rate each item on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 {have strong negative feelings about) to 5 {have strong positive feelings about). Although the scale has been found to reflect multiple dimensions of body esteem, and although these dimensions vary somewhat between men and women, for the purpose of this study we were more interested in getting a measure of general body esteem and therefore calculated scores by taking the mean of all items. We found the composite scale to have high internal reliability (a =- .93). Mortality salience manipulation. Mortality salience was manipulated, as in previous studies (e.g., Greenberg et al., 1990), with two open-ended questions that reminded participants of either their death or a neutral topic.

Study 1 In Study 1 we investigated the link between thoughts of one's mortality and the defensive need to cling to the body as a source of self-esteem. We hypothesized that reminders of death increase the need for the buffering effect of self-esteem and therefore result in increased identification with effective sources of self-esteem, aspects of self for which people perceive that they are meeting cultural standards of value. If reminders of death produce increased striving for self-esteem, then individuals who feel that they are successfully meeting internalized standards regarding their bodies should respond by making their bodies a more important part of their selves. Specifically, we predicted that mortality salience would lead individuals with high body esteem to view their bodies as a more important aspect of their selves. Individuals with low body esteem, on the other hand, were expected to defensively distance by identifying less with their bodies. To test this hypothesis, individuals high and low in body esteem were randomly assigned to complete a questionnaire that primed thoughts of death or of a neutral topic. Identification with one's body was then assessed by

1 Although we did not have a priori hypotheses concerning selfobjeetification in Study 1, Study 3 was designed specifically to investigate this variable. The critical difference between Studies 1 and 3 is that in Study 3 our dependent variable was a measure of striving to meet the standards of appearance, whereas Study 1 was concerned with clinging to the body in general. Because the self-objectification questionnaire measures how much one values the body's appearance (compared with the body's competence) and not how much one values the body, this individual difference is not meaningfully related to the dependent variable in Study 1.

BODY AS SELF-ESTEEM The death or TV questionnaire followed the last of the filler items. Both questionnaires were described as "innovative personality assessments" and consisted of two items with space provided below each for approximately one paragraph of freely written response. The death questionnaire contained the following items: "Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your own death arouses in you" and "What do you think happens to you as you physically die and once you are physically dead?" The TV questionnaire asked parallel questions, replacing the words "death," "die," and "dead" with "watching television." Word search delay. A word search puzzle was included immediately after the mortality salience or TV questionnaire. Participants searched for 18 neutral words. This word search was included as a delay, because previous research has shown that mortality salience effects occur after participants have been distracted from dealh-related thoughts (e.g., Greenberg et al., 1994). Approximately 5 min were needed to complete the word search. Body-identification questionnaire. This questionnaire was designed to assess the importance of the body to one's "sense of self." Modeling our own scale of body identification after preexisting research (Belk & Austin, 1986; Prelinger, 1959; Secord & Jourard, 1953), we generated 40 items, 14 of which were body items and 26 of which represented other aspects of the self and the extended self (see Appendix A). Items on related scales typically have included body parts, along with an assortment of objects representing different relationships to the self, such as psychological processes, personal identifying characteristics, material possessions, abstract ideas, other people, and objects in the physical environment (cf. Belk & Austin, 1986). These nonbody items were used to anchor the body items in a set of items with varying degrees of social desirability, but were not themselves of interest. Although prior research explicitly asked participants to rate the relative "selfness" of the objects, pilot testing revealed that many participants were confused by the concept of "selfness." Accordingly, instructions read, The following items can all be conceived of as part of one's self. Please respond to each item by indicating how important it is to your sense of self and who you are. Please respond according to how you feel at this particular moment; there are no right or wrong answers. Response options ranged from 1 (not at all important) to 9 (extremely important). Principle components analysis with a varimax rotation was performed on the 40 items to assure that the body items loaded on a separate factor from the remainder of the items. The results confirmed that the body items loaded on the strongest factor and accounted for nearly 33 % of the variance (eigenvalue = 13.04). Two body items, "face" and "eyes," did not load on the body factor. Because these items loaded on a separate factor, and because they can be conceptualized as being indicative of a deeper, more psychological than physical aspect of the self (e.g., "the eyes are the window to the soul"), they were dropped from the body subscale.2-3 Internal consistency for the remaining 12 body items was high (a = .96).

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with 4.63 (SD = 1.91) for those with low body esteem. This main effect was qualified by a significant interaction between mortality salience and BES, F(l, 95) = 4.43, p = .038. Tests for simple main effects indicated that the high BES group had significantly higher body identification scores in the mortality salience condition than in the TV condition, F(l, 95) = 5.88, p = .017, and that in the mortality salience condition high BES participants had higher body identification scores than low BES participants, F(l, 95) = 10.01, p = .002.6 Table 1 reports relevant means and standard deviations for the interaction. No other significant effects were found in this study.7

2 Because our sample size was smaller than the size typically recommended for principle component analysis (Comrey & Lee, 1992), we also conducted the analysis on a separate, larger data set (N = 146, 74 women and 72 men). This analysis also revealed that the 12 body items (with face and eyes excluded) loaded together on the strongest factor (eigenvalue 10.5, variance accounted for = 26%). The consistent findings for these two independent data sets provide substantial evidence for the reliability of our Body subscale.

The analyses revealed identical results with face and eyes included in the Body subscale. 4 Because we did not have a priori hypotheses regarding gender, we did not take measures to collect data from an equivalent number of men and women. Additionally, because gender had correlations ranging from .137 to .219 with body esteem and self-objectification in these studies, gender is not evenly distributed among these individual difference variables and is therefore a potential confound. To assess whether gender was responsible for the reported results for each study, we conducted hierarchical multiple regression (Cohen & Cohen, 1983). Findings from these analyses revealed that there were no main effects or interactions involving gender. We used regression analyses to test for gender effects because, when independent variables are moderately correlated, multiple regression has been shown to minimize the rate of spurious interaction effects when compared with ANOVA (Bissonette, Ickes, Bernstein, & Knowles, 1990). ANOVAs with gender in the model also found no gender effects or interactions. For ease of interpretation we reported the ANOVA results in the body of the article. Findings for all three studies reported with ANOVA were also obtained with the multiple regression procedure.
5 In all three studies, grouping of participants at the median was done to keep the cell sizes as equal as possible. 6 For Study 1, we also ran the analyses with body versus nonbody identification as a repeated measures variable. The repeated measures ANOVA produced the same pattern of results with the additional 3-way interaction between mortality salience, body esteem, and body versus nonbody identification. The results showed that the effects are specific to identification with the body. In all conditions except when high BES participants are reminded of death, people identified with their bodies to a lesser extent than they did with other aspects of the self. When death was made salient, high BES participants increased their body identification to the same level as nonbody identification. We confine this analysis to a footnote because our nonbody items were not constructed to represent a unidimensional subscale. 7 For all three studies, we reconducted our analyses replacing body esteem with general self-esteem and also neuroticism. The results suggest that the effects are specific to body esteem, as similar effects were not observed with either of these filler measures. In Study 1, we also conduced analyses with self-objectification as a factor. There were no effects of this variable (see Footnote 1).

Results
Preliminary analyses revealed that there were no main or interaction effects of gender.4 Therefore, a 2 (mortality salience) X 2 (BES) analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted on body identification scores. Participants scoring above the median of 3.43 were classified as high BES, and those scoring at or below the median formed the low BES group.5 The analysis revealed a significant main effect of body esteem, F(\, 95) = 5.31, p .023. Participants with high body esteem tended to more highly identify with their bodies than those with low body esteem. Means were 5.51 (SD = 2.00) for those with high body esteem compared

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Table 1

GOLDENBERG ET AL.

Study 2
In addition to increasing the tendency of high body esteem individuals to identify with their physical bodies, mortality salience may also increase the appeal of activities that involve their bodies. One important bodily activity that is especially salient in contemporary Western culture, especially among college-aged individuals, is sex. The literature on human sexuality suggests that, at least for humans, sexual activity is a complex behavior that is more than a biologically based procreative act and more than a way for people to express love to one another. Sex is an activity that is inextricably tied to how people feel about their bodies. People high in body esteem express more favorable attitudes towards sex and more frequent sexual encounters, and people low in body esteem report avoidance of sexual activities (e.g., Faith & Schare, 1993; Holmes, Chamberlin, & Young, 1994; Wiederman & Hurst, 1997). Given our culture's emphasis on physical attractiveness, it seems likely that those with high body esteem would be more capable of deriving self-worth from their sexual activities than those low in body esteem. We therefore hypothesized that people with high body esteem would respond to mortality salience with especially positive attitudes toward physical sex, whereas people low in body esteem would not. As in Study 1, the design entailed reminding participants low and high in body esteem of their death or a neutral topic. The appeal of physical sex was then measured by having participants rate how appealing they found the physical (body-centered) aspects of the sexual experience.

Mean and Standard Deviation Body-Identification Scores as a Function of Mortality Salience and Body Esteem
Body esteem Low Mortality salience Death TV Note. M 4.49 4.79 SD 1.88 1.96 n 27 23 M 6.19 4.86 High SD 1.56 2.19 n 24 25

Body-identification scores range from 1 to 9.

Discussion
The results of Study 1 clearly indicate that whereas people with high body esteem increase their identification with their bodies following reminders of their mortality, people with low body esteem do not. Participants in Study 1 responded to mortality salience by selectively increasing their identification with aspects of the self for which they thought they were successfully meeting cultural standards of value. This, of course, is consistent with the TMT proposition that self-esteem functions to provide protection against death-related anxiety. To the extent that reminders of mortality increase the individual's need for protection against these concerns, and to the extent that self-esteem provides this protection, increasing identification with one's body can be an adaptive response for people high in body esteem in that increased identification with a positively valued aspect of the self would be expected to increase one's self-esteem (cf. Bowerman, 1978; Heider, 1958; Tesser, 1988). For those who are unable to derive self-esteem from their bodies, such increased identification would serve no useful function and might even reduce self-esteem and thus increase the individual's proneness to anxiety. Interestingly, participants low in body esteem did not respond to mortality salience by actually reducing the perceived importance of the body to the self. One possible explanation for this is that our low body esteem group did not view their bodies all that negatively; although not helpful for self-esteem, their bodies may not have hampered it either. The median split on body esteem resulted in a low body esteem group that included some people who scored above the midpoint on the body esteem measure; the mean body esteem score for the low BES group was 3.02 on a scale on which 3.00 represents neutral feelings towards one's body. We did, however, reanalyze our data using quartiles and found the same pattern of results (high BES participants more highly identified with their bodies, and low BES participants identified to the same extent after reminders of death). A second possibility is that mortality salience motivates self-esteem striving but not necessarily self-esteem defense. A final possibility is that a minimal level of body identification is unavoidable, so that because of reality constraints and/or the cultural emphasis on the body, low body esteem people couldn't plausibly rate their bodies much lower in importance than in the control condition. Although not designed primarily to assess these alternatives, the remaining two studies provide some evidence pertinent to them.

Method Participants
A total of 86 undergraduate students (56 women and 30 men) participated for extra credit. Participants ranged in age from 17 to 51 (M = 24.04, SD = 7.94).

Materials and Procedure

The study was conducted during three undergraduate classes. Students were randomly assigned a packet of materials described as a "personality inventory." The experimenter instructed the participants to work through the packets at their own pace and assured them that all responses would be held in strict confidence and that special measures would be taken to assure privacy and anonymity in answering the rather personal questions. The packets were identical in content except for one questionnaire that asked participants to think about their own eventual death or watching television. The packets took approximately 30 min to fill out and, upon completion, participants inserted the packets into envelopes for collection. The content of the questionnaires is described below. BES. As in Study 1, the BES (Franzoi & Shields, 1984) was included to measure participants' level of body esteem. For this sample, Cronbach's alpha coefficient for internal reliability was .94. Filler items. The packet included measures of self-esteem (Rosenberg, 1965) and neuroticism (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1967) to maintain the cover story of a "personality assessment." Mortality salience manipulation. The mortality salience manipulation consisted of the same 15 truefalse questions about either death or watching TV used in several other terror management studies (Greenberg, Simon, et al., 1995; Rosenblatt, Greenberg, Solomon, Pyszczynski, & Lyons, 1989). These scales were used to make thoughts of death or a neutral topic salient.

BODY AS SELF-ESTEEM Delay and distraction. As in Study 1 and previous mortality salience research, students were provided with a word-search puzzle to provide a delay and distraction before completing the dependent measure. Appeal of physical sex. The dependent measure, developed by Goldenberg, Pyszczynski, McCoy, Greenberg, and Solomon (1999), measures die appeal of body-centered as opposed to person-centered aspects of the sexual experience. According to the definitions provided by Reiss (1960), body-centered sex emphasizes the physical aspects of sex, whereas personcentered sex places greater emphasis on the connection widi the person with whom the act is performed. The measure was developed through extensive pilot testing. First, a poof of items reflecting aspects of the sexual experience was compiled from a pilot session run with 23 female and S male undergraduate students ranging in age from 19 to 43 (M = 23.13, SD - 4.97). Students were provided with 20 statements beginning with "I like," which they were instructed to complete with a word or phrase that described what they like about sex. This format was adapted from Bugental and Zelen (1950) and Kuhn and McPartland (1954) to obtain nondirective, open-ended responses from participants. The responses were men consolidated, and the wording on the items was adapted to make items gender neutral. The resulting pool of items was then judged by two independent raters to be either body centered or person centered according to the definitions provided by Reiss (1960). Interrater reliability was 100%. A second pilot test confirmed that the physical sex subscale differed from the personal connection items. On a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all physical) to 7 (extremely physical), the physical sex items had a mean of 6.33 and the personal connection items averaged 3.15, and there was no overlap in the distributions. In the present study, the interitem reliability was satisfactorily high (Cronbach's a = .91 for the body-centered subscale and .93 for the person-centered subscale). The measure consisted of 20 items, 10 of which reflected physical aspects of sex (e.g., 'feeling my genitals respond sexually") and 10 of which reflected the personal-connection aspect of sex (e.g., "expressing love for my partner"; see Appendix B for entire scale). A 7-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all appealing) to 7 (extremely appealing) was provided below each item. The instructions were as follows: Please take a few moments and think about what it is about the sexual experience that appeals to you. You need not have experienced the actual behaviors listed below, nor do you need to currently have a partner. Please rate how appealing each experience would be at this moment and respond with the first answer that comes to mind. An appeal of the physical aspects of sex score was calculated as the mean response on the physical sex items.8 Finally, participants completed a demographics form and a questionnaire dealing with their reactions to the study, were thoroughly debriefed, and thanked for their participation.

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Table 2 Mean and Standard Deviation Appeal of Physical Sex Scores as a Function of Body Esteem
Body esteem Low Mortality salience Death TV Note. M 4.06 4.50 SD 1.18 1.62 n 20 25 M 5.28 4.37 High SD 1.09 1.39 n 22 19

Appeal of physical sex scores range from 1 to 7.

within the mortality salience condition was also found, indicating greater appeal of physical sex for high than low BES participants in the mortality salience condition, F(l, 82) = 8.60, p = .004. As in Study 1, the significant interaction qualified a trend for a main effect of BES, F(\, 82) = 3.48, p = .066. Specifically, high BES participants reported a mean appeal of physical sex score of 4.86 (SD = 1.31) compared with 4.30 (SD = 1.44) for low BES participants.

Discussion
The results of Study 2 provided clear support for the primary hypothesis. Following mortality salience, high body esteem participants viewed the physical aspects of sex as more appealing. Thus, whereas Study 1 showed that high body esteem people responded to mortality salience with increased identification with their physical bodies, Study 2 adds the complementary finding that for such people, mortality salience also increases the appeal of a central bodily activity. Thus, for those satisfied with their bodies, mortality salience seems to spur them to embrace all things bodily"to sing the body electric" (apologies to Walt Whitman) as a way of increasing their identification with an effective source of self-esteem. This, of course, is consistent with the TMT proposition that people are motivated to maintain high levels of selfesteem because of the protection from death-related anxiety that self-esteem provides. At the most general level, the results of Studies 1 and 2 indicate that identification with an aspect of self and positive evaluation of one's standing on that dimension are both necessary for one to derive self-esteem and thus for protection against mortality concerns. This is consistent with a variety of cognitively oriented theories of self-esteem that view the extent of relevance or unit relation (Heider, 1958) between self and self-relevant evaluative dimensions as critical components of that dimension's impact on self-evaluations (e.g., Bowerman, 1978; Lewicki, 1984; Pelham, 1995; Tesser, 1988). Either a low level of connection between self and the dimension or a low evaluation of one's standing on that dimension would undermine one's ability to derive self-esteem from that dimension. This suggests that increases in the need for the protection that self-esteem provides will lead to increased

Results
A median split was performed on the BES scores, yielding a high BES group, those scoring above the median of 3.40, and a low BES group, those scoring at or below the median. A 2 (mortality salience) X 2 (BES) ANOVA was then conducted on the appeal of physical sex subscale. The analysis revealed a significant interaction between mortality saljence and BES, F(l, 82) = 5.36, p = .023. Table 2 reports the relevant means and standard deviations. Simple effects tests indicated that high BES participants rated the appeal of physical sex to be greater in the mortality salience condition than in the TV condition, F( 1,82) = 4.68,/> = .033. The low BES participants showed slightly reduced appeal of physical sex in the mortality salience condition, but this difference was not reliable, F(l, 82) = 1.18, p = .28. A simple main effect of BES

Although not directly related to the hypotheses of the study, we did look at responses to personal connection items. A strong ceiling effect, however, made it impossible to detect any effects of the independent variables.

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GOLDENBERG ET AL. appearance are particularly well defined. Our prediction is that following mortality salience, those who value physical appearance and who feel incapable of meeting these standards should decrease the tendency to monitor their appearance. Conversely, those who value appearance but feel capable of meeting the standards should increase their appearance monitoring. Therefore, Study 3 involved testing people who varied in levels of self-objectification or how much emphasis they place on their physical appearance, as well as assessing levels of body esteem as in Studies 1 and 2. Subsequent to reminders of death, the tendency to monitor one's appearance was assessed.

striving only on dimensions of the self with which one is highly identified and on which one is confident of a positive evaluation. Of course, the same logic suggests a complementary hypothesis: In response to mortality salience, individuals would react to dimensions of the self with which one is highly identified, but not confident of a positive evaluation, with defensive distancing. Although high BES participants in Studies t and 2 responded to reminders of death by clinging attitudinally or behaviorally to their bodies, neither study found that people with less favorable evaluations of their bodies responded by distancing to a significant extent from this aspect of their selves. This may have been because in the population we studied, people generally felt fairly positive about their bodies, and the low BES group was not low but neutral on this dimension. Although it is certainly possible that participants in Studies 1 and 2 were not sufficiently dissatisfied with their bodies for us to find defensive distancing from their bodies in response to mortality salience, the literature on the attitudes that college students typically hold toward their bodies (e.g., Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997) makes this alternative rather unlikely. Rather, we suggest that people with less than positive attitudes toward their bodies may not have defensively distanced from their bodies in response to mortality salience, because they have already dealt with this problem, perhaps by disengaging from high levels of concern with thenphysical appearance (e.g., Crocker & Major, 1989; Major, Spencer, Schmader, Wolfe, & Crocker, 1998). To explore this alternative, we need to investigate the effects of mortality salience on people who don't think very highly of their bodies and yet have not disengagedpeople who still view physical appearance as important to their self-esteem. Therefore, in a third study we focused our investigation on individuals who had low body esteem but who also highly valued their physical appearance. The aspect of self-esteem striving we focused on in this last study is that of monitoring one's standing on a particular dimension of self-evaluation. Theories of self-awareness and selfregulatory processes (e.g., Carver & Scheier, 1981; Duval & Wicklund, 1972) view such comparisons with standards as central to the process through which humans control their behavior and as a common result of self-focused attention. Several studies have shown that people are prone to avoid self-focused attention, which produces comparisons with standards, after failure (e.g., Duval, Wicklund, & Fine, 1972; Gibbons & Wicklund, 1976). Study 3 was designed to further our analysis of the terror management function of self-esteem by investigating the effects of mortality salience on monitoring one's standing on a dimension of self as a function of both how positively an individual views their standing on that dimension and how much the person values that dimension.

Method Participants
A total of 153 undergraduate students (109 women and 44 men; 7 students who did not report their gender were excluded from the analyses) from three Western universities and community colleges participated in the study for extra credit in psychology courses. Participants ranged in age from 16 to 55 (M = 23.03, SD = 7.38).

Materials and Procedures

This study was conducted during class meetings of undergraduate psychology courses. The procedures and instructions given to the participants were identical to those described in Study 1. Packets were randomly distributed to participants and contained a death or TV questionnaire, some filler items, the BES (Franzoi & Shields, 1984), the Self-Objectification Questionnaire (SOQ; Fredrickson et al., 1998), and the Objectified BodyConsciousness Scale (OBC; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). The content (if not previously discussed) and order of the questionnaires in Study 3 is described below. Filler items. As in Studies 1 and 2, two filler questionnaires were included to conceal the purpose of the study (i.e., Eysenck & Eysenck, 1967; Rosenberg, 1965). SOQ. Developed originally by Noll and Fredrickson (1998), the SOQ is designed to measure how important appearance and attractiveness are to one's self-concept. Although Noll and Fredrickson did not report reliability information for their measure, they did demonstrate satisfactory construct validity. Following Fredrickson et al. (1998), we used a 10-item version of this questionnaire (5 appearance-related and 5 competence-related items); participants were asked to rank each item on a 10-point scale ranging from 0 (least impact) to 9 (greatest impact) on their physical self-concept. A score was calculated by summing the rankings of the competence items and subtracting the total from the sum ranking of the appearance items. The SOQ was included to separate high and low appearance-focused individuals for analysis and was embedded in the packet between the filler items. BES. As in Studies 1 and 2, this measure was used to categorize participants as either high or low in body esteem. Cronbach's alpha was .92. Mortality salience manipulation. The packets contained either the death or the TV open-ended questions described in Study 1, followed by the puzzle used in Studies 1 and 2. OBC, The OBC, as designed by McKinley and Hyde (1996), assesses the respondent's experience of striving to meet internalized cultural standards for the body. The scale consists of 24 items divided evenly into three subscales: Surveillance, Body Shame, and Appearance Control. Scores are calculated by averaging the items within the subscales on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Respondents were also provided with a "not applicable" response that was not calculated into the total score; this option was important because the Body Shame and

Study 3
The foregoing analysis suggests that mortality salience will increase not only striving toward an effective source of selfesteem, but also evaluation of one's progress toward meeting standards for these sources. In Study 3, the link between mortality salience and self-esteem striving was examined by assessing monitoring of one's standing on dimensions that one feels he or she is either able or unable to meet. We continued with the body as the source of self-esteem under investigation but narrowed the focus to bodily appearance, because our culture's standards for physical

BODY AS SELF-ESTEEM Appearance Control subscales had items that pertained specifically to weight-related concerns. The OBC was included for the Surveillance subscale, which served as our dependent measure of appearance monitoring (e.g., "During the day, I think about how I look many times")- Whereas the SOQ measures individual differences in one's tendency to value appearance over competence, the Surveillance subscale of the OBC measures an active behavioral tendency to monitor one's standing on cultural standards for appearance. These two measures are related (r = .366, p < .01); however, they are clearly not measures of the same construct. Although McKinley and Hyde (1996) reported high internal consistency for the surveillance measure (a = .89), our sample reliability was moderate (a = .77).

125 Discussion

Results
Median splits were performed on both the SOQ and BES. Those scoring above the median of -3.00 on the SOQ were classified as high-appearance focused, whereas those scoring at or below the median were classified as low-appearance focused. The median of 3.37 on the BES was used to separate high body esteem participants, those at or above the median, from low body esteem participants, those scoring below the median. A 2 (mortality salience) X 2 (SOQ) X 2 (BES) ANOVA was performed on the Surveillance subscale scores of the OBC.9 Results indicated the predicted 3-way interaction of mortality salience, SOQ, and BES, F(l, 145) = 4.46, p .036.10 Means and standard deviations for the cells relevant to the 3-way interaction are reported in Table 3. There was also a main effect for self-obj edification in the direction of high appearance-focused individuals reporting higher surveillance scores (M = 3.98, SD = 0.92) than individuals in the direction of low appearance focus (M - 3.41, SD = 0.74), F(l, 145) = 16.37, p = .0005. Tests for simple 2-way interaction effects revealed an interaction between BES and mortality salience within the high SOQ group, F(l, 145) = 3.99, p = .048, but not within the low SOQ group, F(l, 145) = .96, p = .33. Pairwise comparisons within the high SOQ group revealed that low body esteem participants showed lower surveillance scores in the death condition than in the TV condition, F(l, 145) = 6.32, p = .013. The effect of mortality salience among high BES participants was in the opposite direction but did not approach statistical significance, F({, 145) = .44, p = .506.

Study 3 revealed that participants who had internalized the standard for appearance (high appearance focused) and who did not feel capable of meeting this standard (low body esteem) decreased then: tendency to monitor their appearance in response to reminders of their mortality. It appears that individuals for whom the standard was internalized, but unattainable, defended against the threat of not meeting the standard by reducing their reported tendencies to monitor their appearance. This study thus provides evidence that mortality salience leads people to distance from that which is a threat to self-esteem. If one is not meeting the internalized cultural standards of body appearance, avoidance of monitoring one's standing on the unattainable standard may be a useful strategy for protecting one's self-esteem. It is somewhat surprising that appearance-oriented individuals who feel that they are meeting the cultural standards for the body did not increase their tendency to monitor their appearance after reminders of death. There are a number of potential explanations for this. Perhaps it is socially undesirable to admit to too much concern over one's appearance. Participants in this condition did score highest on this measure, and the means were in the expected direction, but there may have been strong social desirability norms that prevented them from expressing unusually high levels of concern about their appearance. Further, the failure to find a significant difference may be partially accounted for by limited statistical power, as there were fewer people in that condition than any other condition in this study (see Table 3).

General Discussion These studies provide general support for the TMT hypothesis that reminders of mortality increase the individual's striving for self-esteem. Specifically, Study 1 demonstrated that mortality salience led to increased identification with one's physical body among participants with high, but not low, body esteem. Study 2 showed that mortality salience increased the appeal of physical sex for high body esteem individuals but not low body esteem individuals. Study 3 demonstrated that mortality salience led to decreased appearance monitoring among appearance-oriented participants who were low in body esteem. Although previous research has shown that high levels of selfesteem make one less prone to anxiety and anxiety-related defensive behavior (Greenberg et al., 1993; Greenberg et al., 1992), the
9 Although we did not have any specific hypotheses regarding the Body Control and Shame subscale of the OBC, we did analyze responses to these measures. There were no effects on the Shame measure. However, on the Body Control subscale, although there were no effects of mortality salience, there was an interaction between self-objectification and gender. The only significant difference was that men low in appearance focus reported feeling less in control of their bodies dian did men high in appearance focus and women low in appearance focus. 10 Because body esteem and self-objectification were negatively correlated (r = -.354, p = .01), there is a disproportionate number of participants per condition. Cohen and Cohen (1983) recommended conducting regression when cell sizes are uneven. As we reported in Footnote 3, we conducted hierarchical multiple regression for each study and obtained results that were consistent with the findings reported with ANOVA.

Table 3 Mean and Standard Deviation Body-Surveillance Scores as a Function of Mortality Salience, Body Esteem, and Appearance Focus
Body esteem Low Mortality salience High appearance focused Death TV Low appearance focused Death TV Note. M 3.59 4.18 3.69 3.48 SD 1.03 0.S8 0.65 0.42 n 23 25 18 10 M 4.28 4.06 3.22 3.40 High SD 0.93 0.67 0.78 0.85 9 18 29 21

Body-surveillance scores range from 1 to 6.

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GOLDENBERG ET AL. sate for not meeting standards by maintaining self-esteem through standards that they are better able to meet. This is consistent with previous findings of compensatory responses to failures in the pursuit of identity-relevant goals (Baumeister & Jones, 1978; Gollwitzer & Wicklund, 1985; Greenberg & Pyszczynski, 1985). The present findings add to previous research by showing that such compensatory identification with values is increased under conditions of mortality salience. They also suggest that, as Wicklund and Gollwitzer (1981) proposed in their symbolic self-completion theory, shortcomings in the pursuit of important aspects of identity are responded to with increased striving to demonstrate one's competence on that dimension if this seems likely to be successful but increased commitment to standards on other self-relevant dimensions if this seems unlikely.

present studies are among the first to directly demonstrate an effect of mortality salience on identification and comparison with cultural standards. Whereas previous studies have shown that mortality salience leads to increased tendencies to conform to salient internal standards (Taubman Ben-Ari, Florian, & Mikulincer, 1999; Greenberg et al., 1996) and increased discomfort when violating such standards (Greenberg, Porteus, et al., 1995), the present studies demonstrate that mortality salience leads to increased identification with important sources of self-worth, increased appeal of activities relevant to such sources, and decreased monitoring of one's standing on relative standards one is committed to but feels one cannot meet. Taken together, these findings provide converging support for the TMT proposition that selfesteem functions to provide protection against death-related fears. How did low body esteem participants cope with their mortality concerns? Although it seems clear that high body esteem participants were using investment in their appearance as a means of defending against death-related thoughts, it is less clear how low body esteem participants were coping, hi Studies 1 and 2, they showed no obvious responses to mortality salience on the primary dependent measures, and in Study 3 they showed no response if they were low in identification with their bodies, although they did decrease their body surveillance if they were high in identification with their bodies. To address the question, a post hoc analysis of participants' responses to the nonbody items of the body-identification measure used in Study 1 was conducted (see Appendix A). Although the nonbody items were selected with no explicit attempt to tap any particular aspect of self-identification, several of the items reflected common sources of self-esteem. We constructed a composite measure of identification with the following nonbody items: intelligence, values, goals, dreams, feelings, conscience, and manners (Cronbach's a = .72). u A 2 (mortality salience) X 2 (BES) ANOVA on the mean of the nonbody-self composite revealed a significant interaction between mortality salience and BES, F(\, 95) = 4.70, p = .033 (see Table 4). Pairwise comparisons between mortality salience and TV conditions were conducted for both high and low body esteem conditions. The results indicated that individuals with low body esteem responded to reminders of death with increased identification with these nonbody-related aspects of the self, F(l, 95) = 6.66, p - .011. Although the results for identification with nonbody aspects of self are post hoc and therefore need to be interpreted with caution, they suggest that when faced with reminders of one's mortality and cultural standards that are unattainable, individuals may compen-

The Symbolic Value of the Human Body

The findings of the present research demonstrate that identification with one's physical body, utilization of one's body for sex, and monitoring of one's appearance can all serve an important terror management function. One can use one's body as a vehicle to defend against existential mortality concernbut only if one feels that he or she is successfully meeting the culture's standards for the body. Thus, although the body itself poses an existential problem, in that it is the vehicle through which life passes unto death, by attaching symbolic meaning to it as an object of beauty, it can be a powerful source of self-esteem used to defend against these death-related concerns (for extended discussion of this idea, see Goldenberg, Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, in press). One does not need to look far to find examples of the extreme lengths to which people willingly go to meet cultural standards for the body. For example, the number of women in the United States getting breast augmentation surgery (amid heightened awareness of serious health risks) has increased by 275% in the past 5 years (Udovitch, 1999). Men and women of northeastern Uganda cut a hole the size of a nickel through their lower lip (Allgeier & Allgeier, 1995), and women among the Karen of upper Burma jewel their necks with metal rings that can stretch the neck so long that if they were to remove the rings they would die because they haven't the muscle strength to support their heads (Morris, 1985). These examples illustrate the importance of meeting cultural standards for appearance across a wide variety of cultures. Although there are undoubtedly many factors that contribute to making bodily appearance so important, the present work suggests that one factor is the desire to meet cultural standards to minimize concerns about mortality. Feminist writers (Bartky, 1990; Beauvoir, 1952; Young, 1990) and empirical investigators (Fredrickson et al., 1998; McKinley & Hyde, 1996) have discussed the consequences of internalizing unrealistic cultural contingencies concerning bodily appearance. Orbach, Kedem, Herman, and Apter (1995) have gone as far as to suggest that particularly negative attitudes toward one's body and the dissociation of one's body from one's self may play a role in
11 These items were derived from the principle component analysis of the larger of the two data sets (see Footnote 3). The 7-item scale loaded on the second factor in the analysis and accounted for nearly 10% of the total variance on the body-identification measure (eigenvalue = 3.90).

Table 4 Mean Identification With Nonbody Aspects of Self as a Function of Mortality Salience and Body Esteem in Study 1
Body esteem Low Mortality salience Death TV Note. High n 27 23 M 7.94 8.04 SD 0.62 0.75 n 24 25

M
7.97 7.41

SD 0.72 0.93

Nonbody-identification scores range from 1 to 9.

BODY AS SELF-ESTEEM the suicidal tendencies of individuals suffering from depression. If the human body does indeed function as an important source of self-esteem and protection against basic human fears, it is little wonder that one's body can be the source of great distress and lead to difficulties such as eating disorders, sexual dysfunction, depression, anxiety, and shame among those who believe that they are not living up to the culture's standards. Although the present research did not focus on issues of gender and did not reveal any gender effects, it is clear that in this culture and in most other cultures as well women are held to more stringent appearance standards. Explanations for this gender difference have been offered from both evolutionary (e.g., Buss, 1996; Symons, 1979) and sociocultural perspectives (e.g., Bar-Tal & Saxe, 1976; Fallon, 1990; Wolf, 1991). We (Goldenberg et al., in press) have recently suggested that perceptions of biological differences between genders may also play a role in the greater emphasis placed on beautifying the female body. We suggest that the more evident association of the female body with nature (i.e., menstruation, pregnancy, and lactation) may motivate civilizations to more highly distinguish the female body from its animal status, because being an animal reminds us of our vulnerability and ultimate mortality.

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Conclusion
Clinging to one's body when one has just been reminded of one's vulnerability to death may seem to be an ironic way to deny one's mortality. TMT suggests, however, that we defend against mortality concerns by seeking to enhance our value vis-a-vis the abstract world of cultural symbols. The body acquires symbolic meaning, value, and perhaps even beauty, by means of culture worldviews that imbue it with meaning. In support of a terror management function for the body, we have found that in response to reminders of death those who are successfully living up to the bodily standards of the culture cling to the bodily aspects of self and those who are not living up to such internalized standards reduce monitoring of their appearance, leading them to seek alternative sources of self-worth in which to invest. Given the terror management function served by meeting standards for the physical body, it is not surprising that people strain to meet these standards and often suffer anxiety-related problems when they believe they are failing to do so. Seen in this light, an intriguing question arises: If people had sufficient terror management defenses in other domains, or if they could simply accept their mortal fate, would they be freed from the oppression of these cultural standards for the body?

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{Appendixes follow)

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Appendix A Body-Identification Questionnaire

GOLDENBERG ET AL.

Appendix B Appeal of Physical Sex Questionnaire

mother values personality intelligence favorite book first name gender face eyes childhood memories contents of purse/wallet (nonmonetary) money in purse/wallet hands* goals manners throat* democracy mouth* kidneys* liver* Note.

favorite dessert dreams genitals* legs* father best friend feelings conscience dirt on hands the moon skin* educational background the law hair* handwriting intestines* fingers* sensations feet* an itch on foot

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

Feeling close with my partner Expressing love for my partner Skin rubbing against my own skin* Expressing love to one another Opening up emotionally with my partner Tasting sweat* A tongue in my ear* Performing oral sex* The emotional connection Exchanging bodily fluids* The romantic feelings surrounding sex The smell of sex* Being loved by my partner Connecting spiritually Feeling my genitals respond sexually* Feeling my partner's sweat on my body* Feeling tenderness towards my partner Tasting bodily fluids* Blending of selves Having an orgasm*

Items representing the body are followed by an asterisk.

Note. The physical sex items are followed by an asterisk.

Received November 27, 1998 Revision received February 18, 2000 Accepted February 21, 2000