Steve Jobs

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Narrative, drama and charismatic leadership: The case of Apple's Steve Jobs
Abz Sharma and David Grant Leadership 2011 7: 3 DOI: 10.1177/1742715010386777 The online version of this article can be found at: http://lea.sagepub.com/content/7/1/3
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Article
Narrative, drama and charismatic leadership: The case of Apples Steve Jobs
Abz Sharma
The University of Sydney, Australia
Leadership 7(1) 326 ! The Author(s) 2011 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1742715010386777 lea.sagepub.com
David Grant
The University of Sydney, Australia
Abstract This article argues that a leaders narrative and storytelling skills play a critical role in constructing their charismatic identity. In line with Goffmans (1959) observations, we argue that these skills are effected through stage management: a segregation between back and front performing regions that serves to minimise potential incursions, leaks, disruptions and faux pas that may undermine the leaders performance. Further, we suggest that Burkes (1966) observations in relation to the importance of scene setting offer important insights into the impact of leader storytelling and narrative on followers. We revise and extend Gardner and Avolios (1998) dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship in order to reflect these observations, and go on to apply this model to an analysis of three public performances by a case-study leader Steve Jobs, co-founder and CEO of Apple Inc. We examine Jobs performances as discursive texts, exploring the ways in which he uses them, through stage management, to practice narrative and storytelling and explore how, through these discursive activities, he is able to define himself and his world for his followers. In doing so, we empirically demonstrate and extend the utility of the dramaturgical metaphor to the study of charismatic leadership. Keywords charismatic leadership, dramaturgy, impression management, narrative and storytelling
Introduction
Charismatic leadership continues to hold fascination for both media commentators and scholars. This fascination has been driven by factors such as the emergence of a new leadership paradigm (Bryman, 1992, 1993), and attempts to examine the role of leadership in
Corresponding author: David Grant, The University of Sydney, Australia Email: david.grant@sydney.edu.au
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relation to corporate scandals and declining company prots (Khurana, 2002). Further, and as Khurana (2002) notes, the image of charismatic leaders as white knights has been perpetuated by the medias focus on business leadership in terms of personalities and rudimentary narratives. In this article we argue that in order to better understand charismatic leadership we need to focus on two signicant and interrelated issues. The rst of these concerns the role of narrative and storytelling in constructing a leaders charismatic identity. Narrative and storytelling feature in organisational studies as sense-making devices, comprising meaningful sequencing of ideas, actions or events in organisational life that are bound by a plot (Czarniawska, 1998; Salzer-Morling, 1998). While researchers have approached rhetoric, persuasion and impression management as processual phenomena (Awamleh and Gardner, 1999; Gardner and Avolio, 1998; Garvin and Roberto, 2005), the important role of narrative and storytelling, as vehicles through which leaders negotiate charismatic identities with their followers, remains largely under-explored. Our article, we argue, addresses this deciency. The second issue on which we focus pertains to charismatic leadership as performance. Despite much research on charismatic leadership, a limited body of empirical work exists that appraises leadership in this respect (see Clark and Salaman, 1998; Mangham, 1990). Of particular note are Gomans (1959) and Burkes (1966) seminal writings on dramaturgy. These studies show social and organisational life to comprise a series of complex interplays between social actors who, through careful impression management performances, negotiate a desired social identity. Other scholars have, in various ways extended this work, examining the language, symbolism and motives underlying leader impression management (see Harvey, 2001; Mangham and Overington, 1987; Rosen, 1985; Walker and Monin, 2001). While making valuable contributions to our understanding of leadership as performance, this body of work does not acknowledge the importance of what can be termed stage management to such behaviour. In particular, and in line with Gomans (1959) observation, we argue that there is a segregation between back and front performing regions that serves to minimise potential incursions, leaks, disruptions and faux pas that may undermine the leaders narrative and storytelling performances. We believe this stage-managed segregation plays a critical role in constructing the leaders charismatic identity. We also suggest that the value of dramaturgical approaches to the study of charismatic leadership may be further enhanced by drawing on Burkes (1966) work and his observations about scene setting. The remainder of this article is structured as follows. We begin by drawing on a number of constructs associated with narrative and storytelling, as well as dramaturgy, in order to inform our understanding of charismatic leadership. As we do so, we build on and extend Gardner and Avolios (1998) dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship. In the next section of the article we outline our approach and methodology. We then go on to use our revised model of the charismatic relationship in order to analyse three public performances by a case-study leader Steve Jobs, co-founder and CEO of Apple Inc. We examine these performances as discursive texts, exploring the ways in which Jobs uses them to practice narrative and storytelling. This is followed by a section in which we explore how, through these discursive devices, Jobs is able to dene himself and his world for his followers. This section also demonstrates and extends the utility of the dramaturgical metaphor to the study of charismatic leadership in ways that have hitherto not been recognised. The nal section of the article provides some summary and concluding comments.
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Narrative, drama and charismatic leadership: A model

Charismatic leadership theory has evolved signicantly since the early writings of Burns (1978), House (1977), Weber (1947), and others. For example, psychodynamic approaches have revealed the Freudian, often narcissistic appeal of charisma (see Kets de Vries, 1988; Lindholm, 1988; Maccoby, 2000), while follower-centric approaches assert that charisma can be modelled as a social contagion process (Meindl, 1990). The nature of the relationship between charismatic leaders and followers has been further explored where studies have drawn on broader understandings of leadership as performance and have brought into focus the construct of impression management (Clark and Salaman, 1998; Harvey, 2001; Mangham, 1990; Mangham and Overington, 1987; Rosen, 1985; Walker and Monin, 2001). These studies have often drawn on the inuential writings of Goman (1959, 1974) and Burke (1966, 1989). A notable example of this approach is Gardner and Avolios (1998) dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship. The model conceives charismatic leaders as actors and followers as the audience, arguing that the meanings ascribed to their respective identities are socially constructed through identication processes (Schlenker, 1985). According to Gardner and Avolio (1998), charismatic leaders draw extensively on impression management (IM) in order to construct their identities, and their eorts to do so can be subdivided into four phases: framing, scripting, staging, and performing. Framing refers to how the leaders communication constructs meaning and reality for both themselves and followers (Fairhurst and Sarr, 1996). Scripting identies the actors (casting), the use of a rhetorical device (dialogue), as well as physical and emotional cues (direction) that supply meaning to a communication event. The term staging is deployed in reference to a melange of items, including symbols; settings; physical appearance; props and other physical artefacts; performing regions and stage management; and audiences. Finally, performing refers to the actual enactment of scripted behaviours and relationships (Gardner and Avolio, 1998: 44), principally through exemplication; self, vision and organisational promotion; and facework. It is important to note that under this model, audience members are not passive targets or receptacles for performances by the leader. Rather, they are active participants in the leaders performance, and in so doing, renegotiate the charismatic leaders image through a series of continuous, iterative and recursive processes (Bass, 1988; Conger and Kanungo, 1987, 1998; Gardner and Avolio, 1998). Gardner and Avolios (1998) framework has done much to advance the purchase of the dramaturgical perspective in charismatic leadership studies (see Harvey, 2001). Nonetheless, it exhibits, in our view, two key limitations. First, it overlooks the value of narrative and storytelling to leader IM behaviours, considering it only in passing as a rhetorical eect during the scripting phase. We argue that leader IM is intrinsically linked to narrative and storytelling that, through analogy, anecdote, metaphor and symbol, forge the charismatic relationship. Second, it fails to highlight the importance of Gomans (1959) notion of performing regions (that is, the front and backstage) and stage management as a strategy to cultivate and maintain the leaders charismatic image. Instead, these issues are concealed within the staging and performing phases of leader IM. At the same time these performing regions are considered to be the environment within which the charismatic relationship is formed. It would seem to us that the term environment undermines the purchase of the dramaturgical metaphor upon which Gardner and Avolios model rests. We therefore advocate replacing this term with Burkes (1966) more appropriate term of scene.
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In the remainder of this section, we build on and extend Gardner and Avolios (1998) dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship in order to address these limitations.
Narrative and storytelling

While narrative and storytelling research is often charged with privileging the meaning of experience over logic and argument (Eisenhardt, 1991; Rhodes and Brown, 2005a), it continues to make important contributions to our understanding of management and organisation (Czarniawska, 1998; Johnstone, 2004; van Maanen, 1988). These have included contributions that have enhanced the study and practice of leadership. For example, several studies have provided theoretical accounts of how leaders make use of stories with greater or lesser impact (Gabriel, 1997; Schwabenland, 2006), while others have sought to advise on how leaders might go about improving their storytelling performances (Allan et al., 2002; Armstrong, 1992; Denning, 2005; Simmons, 2002). In its simplest form, a narrative or story seeks to make sense of the social and natural world by identifying the signicance of people, places, objects, and events in time. Gabriel (2004) notes that a narrative is a unique communication, as it privileges meaning constructed through temporal chains of interrelated events or actions undertaken by characters. That is, a narrative is meaningfully sequenced through a plot, comprising an original state of aairs, a complicating action or catalyst (i.e. an idea or event), and a consequent state of aairs (Culler, 1981; Czarniawska, 1998; 1999; Johnstone, 2004; Ochs, 1997; Weick, 1995). Similarly, a story adheres to the narrative form and is bound by a plot, yet it is often a product of creative imagination. While stories may not depart from the facts, they often seek to reveal a deeper meaning within them (Bruner, 1990; Burke, 1966; Goman, 1974; Ochs, 1997; Ricoeur, 1984). Much like storytellers, charismatic leaders routinely sense-make facts and events to satisfy a plot, which several writers argue is a reection upon the audiences own wants and needs (Boje, 1994; Czarniawska, 1998; Rhodes and Brown, 2005b). To manufacture meaning, storytellers avail themselves to a number of creative devices, including the attribution of motives; establishment of causal links; attribution of responsibility for something to a subject or object; union of characters; attribution of xed qualities; expression of emotion; denotation of agency; and the proclamation of providence (Gabriel, 2000: 36). Paralleling leaderfollower relations, the issue of truth in narrative and storytelling enlivens the notion of a psychological contract between the storyteller and audience. Gabriel (2004) asserts that the truth of stories lies in their meaning, not in their accuracy, and as such, the emergent nature of the storytelleraudience narrative contract renders it fragile. In short, while there may be some stretching of the truth, narratives and stories must retain some quality of realism or believability for them to resonate with the audience. Several studies of leaders as storytellers have adopted a specically dramaturgical perspective. Manghams (1990) comparative analysis of former Chrysler CEO Lee Iacoccas keynote speeches and testimony at US Senate committee hearings and nineteenth-century Shakespearean actor Edmund Keans depiction of Richard III is a good illustration. Mangham likens their inspired delivery of a script, and equal enthusiasm to depart from it as: a triadic collusion between text, performer and audience (1990: 112). In like fashion, Salzer-Morling (1998) provides a narratological case study of Swedish furniture giant Ikea, in which she spotlights the storytelling of founder Ingvar Kamprads remarkable life and career. Kamprads rags-to-riches story speaks of humble beginnings
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and innite curiosity; a breakthrough idea to sell quick-assembly furniture at low cost; scepticism and hostility from rivals; success; and nally, the global expansion of Ikea. While embellished and mythologised over time, it is a heroic narrative that locates Kamprads own self-concept, his vision, and Ikeas organisational identity. So much so, in fact, that in 1984 Kamprad chronicled the story in an 80-page booklet for all employees, which continues to be retold at internal training seminars (Salzer-Morling, 1998). Narrative and storytelling can thus be seen as a complementary, mutually constructive mode of inquiry into the link between charismatic leadership and impression management. We therefore believe it important to reconsider and to amend Gardner and Avolios (1998) model of the charismatic relationship in order to better reect this. Accordingly, Figure 1 presents narrative and storytelling as the discursive centrepiece of charismatic leader impression management. This model imagines the charismatic leader as a storyteller (Boje, 1991a, 1991b; McClelland, 1961; Neuhauser, 1993), whose performances fashion the charismatic relationship between leader and followers. In keeping with this view, we argue that the charismatic leaders performances can be seen as stories that speak of the self, a vision, or a collective identity. Our model elevates Gardner and Avolios (1998) performing technique of promotion in order to outline what are proposed as the three leader IM narrative
Figure 1. Dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship (based on: Burke, 1966; 1989; Czarniawska, 1998; Gabriel, 2004; Gardner and Avolio, 1998; Goffman, 1959; Jones and Pittman, 1982; and Weick 1995)
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types: self, vision, and organisational narratives (see Conger, 1989; Conger and Kanungo, 1988; Fairhurst and Sarr, 1996; Jones and Pittman, 1982; Shamir et al., 1993). The four phases of leader IM framing, scripting, staging and performing therefore emerge as the process by which a narrative or story is constructed and shared. Accordingly, we claim that narrative and storytelling is the central activity associated with leader impression management, where storytelling performances enable leaders to forge relationships with followers that are independent of tradition and formal authority.
Stage management and scene setting

Gardner and Avolios (1998) framing, scripting, staging and performing phases of leader impression management provide a useful means by which to conceptualise and study charismatic leadership. However, as their model stands, the authors do not separate out what they term purely logistical matters (the preparation of a performance by the leader and their subordinates) from matters of physical appearance (the public delivery of the performance and its viewing to followers). The result is that they pay insucient attention to the ways in which moments beyond those shared on stage also inform the charismatic relationship between leaders and followers. As in theatre, leadership performances are punctuated by rehearsals, spontaneity and behind-the-scenes disruptions, which have the potential to unsettle the leaders charismatic identity. This brings into focus the idea of performing regions; an important yet often overlooked feature of Gomans (1959) work, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Here, Goman (1959) writes that the performance routine is prepared in a back region that the audience is not normally granted access to. His justication for this is that the back region houses information not addressed to the audience, as well as secrets that are shared and kept among supporting cast members. For example, while an actor may maintain a healthy working consensus with their audience (i.e. emphasising agreement, while underplaying opposition), they may well hold opinions about audience members that would only ever be expressed out-of-character, and in the audiences absence. Therefore, when a supporting cast member leaks information or an audience member gains information by encroaching into this back-stage region, or when the actor commits a faux pas or unintended gesture in the front region, this will complicate the problem of putting on a show because such disruptions betray the actors social character (Goman, 1959: 239). To minimise performance disruptions, Goman (1959) prescribes three impression-management strategies for performers that enable them to sustain their social characters. First, he suggests that teams cultivate friendships and solidarity dramaturgical loyalty to ensure that performers and supporting cast members do not divulge secrets before, during or even after a performance because of a deeply felt sense of obligation. Second, he argues that thespians must be divorced from emotion and spontaneity during a performance i.e. practice dramaturgical discipline so as to avoid faux pas and unintended gestures. In the event of disruption, the actor must engage in facework by underplaying importance, self-abasing, and sincerely apologising for any transgression (Gardner, 1992). Indeed, Goman goes one step further, advising actors to exercise self-control and sound judgement in their traverses from private places of informality to public places of varying degrees of formality (1959: 217). Finally, Goman refers to dramaturgical circumspection, a foresight exercised by performers and the supporting cast in which they plan and prepare for contingencies and opportunities. To this end, Goman advises performers to attract sympathetic
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supporting cast and audience members that oer little resistance to the performance troupe, as it may minimise the potential for back- and front-region disruptions (1959: 2278). Gomans literal dramaturgical conception of everyday life has inspired a number of studies about leadership as performance. These include Clark and Salamans (1998) study of executive recruitment rms. These authors found that management consultants are not only required to legitimise their vocation and value to clients, but also to stealthily stage manage interactions between job candidates and the client during the recruitment and selection process. The clandestine nature of this process an inherently backstage activity ensured that the image of failed candidates remained intact. Transposed to Gardner and Avolios (1998) model, the performing regions highlighted by Goman (1959) are considered to be the environment within which stage management takes place and the charismatic relationship is formed. We contend that the use of the term environment does not t with the dramaturgical metaphor underpinning Gardner and Avolios model and thus undermines its purchase; a more appropriate term is needed, and here Kenneth Burkes (1966) work, A Grammar of Motives, oers a solution. Burke (1966, 1989) presents a dramatistic pentad through which he seeks to make sense of social events and interactions, as well as their underlying human motivations through ve grammars the act, scene, agent, agency, and purpose which generate further analysis through the ratios created between them. Burke expresses particular interest in, and emphasises the importance of, contextual, temporal and spatial features that inform the scene. Citing the desolate surroundings that occasion thoughts of suicide for Horatio in Shakespeares Hamlet, Burke argues that the scene is generative of the act, hence generating the sceneact ratio. Walker and Monins (2001) utilisation of Burkes pentad to analyse Dick Hubbards (CEO of Hubbard Foods) decision to take the employees of his New Zealand-based company to Western Samoa for a weekend company picnic in celebration of its tenth birthday, underscores the importance of scenic factors to leadership performance. Knowing that the companys workforce comprised a largely Samoan and Polynesian mix, Hubbard appealed to their sensibilities by wearing traditional local attire (a ax skirt), playing cricket, and partaking in a local village ceremony where he was decreed a Matai (leader). Following the event, Hubbard and news of the company picnic also garnered attention from local media and the public (third-party audiences). The case of Hubbard Foods thus highlighted the importance of both staging and the scene, where the scene was in ratio and indeed generative of the act. In line with Burkes (1966) work, we suggest that Gardner and Avolios (1998) term the environment needs to be replaced with the term scene. An emphasis on scene, in conjunction with the representation of performing regions and the idea of leadership and stage management would allow for and invite more informative analysis of the nature of charismatic leadership. At the same time it still captures the inuence of organisational context, intrinsic/extrinsic pressures and crises, and third-party audiences upon the charismatic relationship as envisaged by Gardner and Avolio. Earlier we highlighted the salience of narrative and storytelling to Gardner and Avolios (1998) model of the charismatic relationship and presented these in Figure 1. The gure also reects the observations we have made concerning the potential contributions of Gomans (1959) and Burkes (1966) work. It draws attention to the stage management of leader and follower interactions in dierent performing regions and the value of the dramatistic pentad in highlighting those factors that inform the setting of the scene in which a performance
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takes place. Performing regions are represented in terms of: the backstage, the transitional region, and the front stage. The segregation between back and front stages is illustrated by two discrete, albeit semi-permeable boxes (denoted by the dashed lines), as well as a transitional region (denoted by the vertical grey band). This is intended to help distinguish between instances: (i) where a performance is privately prepared by the actor (leader) and supporting cast (colleagues and/or subordinates) in the backstage, and (ii) where a performance is publicly delivered and viewed by the audience (followers) on the front stage. In so doing, these performing regions communicate the hazards of potential disruptions upon a leaders performance, and thus emphasise the importance of stage management to the construction and maintenance of a leaders charismatic identity. In the backstage, these potential disruptions occur in the form of incursions or leaks, while on the front stage, faux pas or unintended gestures performed by the leader may betray the leaders social character and the charismatic relationship. In the four phases of the leader IM process that comprise the narrative performance, the model positions framing and scripting as activities that occur in the backstage, secluded from the audience and third parties. In contrast, staging and performing are activities that manifest on the front stage where, in addition to the leaders spoken performance, the aesthetic composition of the stage, physical appearance, costume, props and other physical artefacts, are freely observable to followers and other stakeholders in the public domain. It is important to note that while these performing regions exist in both metaphorical and ontologically real senses, they are visually represented using semi-permeable boxes because they are informed by the scene (environment). Finally, the models directional ows illustrate the ongoing nature of the relationship between leaders and followers suggesting that this relationship is never settled and is continually being (re)negotiated.
Approach and methodology

Drawing on our model, we seek to investigate how an understanding of narrative and storytelling, as well as stage management can inform dramaturgical studies of charismatic leadership. Being social constructionist in orientation, our approach is informed by several key meta-theoretical assumptions about the nature of the social world (Burrell and Morgan, 1979). Ontologically, it observes leadership as an expression of social dierence between leader and follower identities that is enacted through a process of social construction, and embedded in time and place (Chen, 2008; Fairhurst; 2008; Grint, 2005). Epistemologically, and consonant with social constructionism, knowledge and reality pertaining to leadership are taken to be negotiated through social interactions between leaders and followers. These social interactions are where key discourses are constituted (Mumby and Clair, 1997; van Dijk, 1997) that contribute to the attribution and maintenance of what constitutes a charismatic leader. The discourse analytic approach adopted in this study sought to empirically engage with the research subject (the leader), through a systematic study of texts (Grant and Hardy, 2003) associated with their narrative and storytelling. These texts are multi-modal, encompassing talk, writing, gesture and perhaps even dress and other visualised kinds of behaviour (Iedema, 2007: 932). We acknowledge that in adopting a discursive methodology we are party to the research process itself. Our frames of reference and elds of experience will have informed aspects of the research design, as well as its conduct and presentation, which will have consequently shaped meaning (Fournier and Grey, 2000; Rhodes and
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Brown, 2005a, 2005b). Accordingly, our study identies with Alvesson and Deetzs (1996) assertion that researchers principally construct and collect data to interpret it, thus rendering our empirical research interpretative in nature. Our study focuses on a single leader: Steven (Steve) Paul Jobs co-founder and CEO of Apple Inc. Jobs is widely regarded as a charismatic leader and acclaimed for his contributions to the personal computer, technology and entertainment industries. His career spans more than three decades, during which time he has worked at Apple Computer from 1976 to 1985, NeXT Computer from 1985 to 1996, Pixar Animation Studios from 1986 to 2006, and Apple once again, from 1997 to present (Kahney, 2008). Stories about Jobs charisma have been well documented by colleagues (see Hertzfeld and Capps, 2005; Sculley and Byrne, 1988; Wozniak and Smith, 2006), in unauthorised biographies (see Deutschman, 2000; Kahney, 2008; Young, 1988; Young and Simon, 2005), and in the business and technology news media. While Jobs rose to prominence for his exceptional presentation skills and work on the Apple II and Macintosh computers in the 1970s and 1980s, stories about his narcissism, temper, epic tantrums and bad behaviour are as legendary in Silicon Valley as are his feats (see Deutschman, 2000; Young and Simon, 2005). The most public of these faux pas occurred in September, 1985, when Jobs resigned from Apple after a months-long power struggle with then CEO, John Sculley. Jobs love for the Macintosh had spawned an unhealthy rivalry between employees in the Macintosh and Apple II divisions of the company. His resignation letter and details of his tearful departure were splashed across the pages of American magazines and newspapers (Young and Simon, 2005: 1289). These events prompted Jobs to be more guarded and distant with the media. Since his return to Apple in 1997, Jobs and his supporting cast members have unrelentingly sought to suppress backstage leaks and incursions associated with trade secrets and rumours about the companys unannounced products. For example, in late 2007, ThinkSecret a website dedicated to rumours about forthcoming Apple products was successfully litigated and subsequently shut down by Apple for publishing details in 2005 about its new Mac Mini desktop computer (Fried, 2005; Shaw, 2007). While Jobs loose lips sink ships mantra serves to protect commercial interests, it also satises a dramaturgical purpose. Since the 1980s, Apple has relied on trade shows, conferences and special events to introduce products to its customers and developers. At these events, Jobs traditionally introduces and demonstrates new products and services during his keynote address. As interest in Apples activities reaches fever pitch prior to these keynote addresses, Jobs and his supporting cast have often been forced to play cat-and-mouse games with bloggers, rumour websites and the news media. However, as Apple has grown, acquiring new business partners and opening new factories in Asia and Europe, Jobs has found it increasingly dicult to prevent leaks about forthcoming products. For this reason, dramaturgical discipline from backstage supporting cast members is increasingly important to achieving Jobs desired level of performance on the front stage. In scholarly research, Steve Jobs is frequently cited as an example of the qualities and behaviours positive and negative evinced by transformational and charismatic leaders (see Awamleh and Gardner, 1999; Conger, 1999; Gardner and Avolio, 1998; Harvey, 2001; Khurana, 2002; Maccoby, 2000). Of note is Harveys (2001) study, which empirically tested Gardner and Avolios (1998) model of the charismatic relationship. This study examined a television documentary performance by Steve Jobs (prior to his return to Apple in 1997), and in particular, his rhetorical impression-management skills such as exemplication,
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promotion and facework. Given Jobs extensive career, our study elected to focus on the era since his return to Apple, from 1997 to 2007. The study applies our narratologically and dramaturgically informed model of the charismatic relationship between leaders and followers in order to analyse three public performances by Jobs from 1997 to 2007. In focusing on three performances our approach is commensurate with that of, for example, Karreman and Alvesson (2001) and Potter and Wetherell (1987), who show that the ne-grained analysis of a small number of texts can provide a level of insight that the analysis of large numbers might not otherwise achieve. The particular performances that we focus on were also chosen because they were publicly available and represent a chronologically ordered sequence of key moments in both Apples history and Jobs career that enable us to construct a narrative about Jobs leadership. Furthermore, they are typical of the type of public performances that Jobs is principally renowned for keynote speeches at Apple special events, where he makes important announcements about developments at Apple and demonstrates new products and services before followers. With these performances also broadcast online, Jobs principal and thirdparty followership is vast, including Apple enthusiasts, employees, board members, shareholders, business partners, third-party developers and manufacturers, competitors, and the business and technology press. This heterogeneous audience of followers thus consume dierent and varying impressions of Jobs as a leader, which have the potential to inuence material decisions about Apple. Using Apples Keynotes video podcast, YouTube, and Macintosh-enthusiast web sites, video and audio recordings, as well as transcripts of the three performances were analysed. The study also drew upon a broad range of supplementary texts, including biographical material, magazine and newspaper articles, and online blog postings to contextualise important scene and backstage events associated with each performance. These supplementary texts also provided an impression of the motives, expectations and attitudes of supporting cast members and followers about Jobs performances. Data analysis took place over three stages. First, having assembled a catalogue of performances by Jobs between 1997 and 2007, each performance was analysed in order to construct some broad categories. This involved the identication of signicant issues and events that were apparent in the scene and backstage, as well as any audience (follower) reactions. At the same time, the aesthetic arrangement of the front stage was dened, noting items such as stage backdrops, lighting, media, sound, costumes and props. Second, the results of this initial analysis were explored further and either discarded or rened and collapsed into more precise categories (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Miles and Huberman, 1994; Yin, 1989). Third, a narrative analysis of each performance was conducted. This required systematic interrogation of these categories (Yin, 1989), with particular thought given to how they were associated with the narrative type, structure, and motive, as well as the stage management of each text.
Results Macworld Expo, 1997: The Microsoft deal

In December, 1996, Apples then CEO, Gil Amelio, agreed to buy Steve Jobs company NeXT Computer. The deal gave Apple access to NeXTs 300 employees, its advanced NeXTSTEP operating system and most importantly, Jobs himself (Young and Simon, 2005: 226). However, Apples poor sales and nancial troubles during the 1990s left Jobs
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somewhat unsure about his decision to return. In the months following, Jobs led a backstage revolt against Amelio the man who hired him as a special advisor by convincing the board that only he could rescue Apple (Young and Simon, 2005: 232). Amelio was asked to stand down by the board, and by July, 1997, Jobs had installed himself as Apples untitled but de facto leader. Jobs quickly shifted his attention to August Macworld Expo conference in Boston. As his rst order of business, he arranged to meet the producers of the event, and red the person responsible for Apples major conference, describing it as . . . the worst thing Ive seen in my life! (Deutschman, 2000: 246). Unbeknown to event organisers and the front-stage audience were the extent of Apples nancial problems. Backstage dealings to save Apple had exhausted Jobs, and unless he acted with haste, the company would be insolvent within 90 days. With event organisers and supporting cast members all in one room, Jobs revealed that he would be announcing a US$150 million investment by Microsoft in Apple, as well as their promise to continue writing Macintosh software for the next ve years (Cruikshank, 2006: 137). Jobs shared his big news in the strictest condence, promising to those present, If it does [leave this room], Ill re you. So look around and see if you can trust the other people. If not, leave now (Deutschman, 2000: 246). Jobs announcement of the Microsoft deal features several aesthetic arrangements on the front stage. First, the minimalist Boston stage only features a carefully camouaged black lectern at stage right. The backdrop includes a big screen that is anked by two illuminated vertical columns bearing the Apple logo. The axen glow of the stage lights at the forefront of the stage serve to focus the audiences attention upon Jobs and his every movement. Second, Jobs costume for the performance comprises a white mock-turtleneck shirt (with sleeves rolled up), a black cardigan (half-buttoned), and grey business trousers. Jobs distinctive ensemble with rolled up shirt sleeves and half-buttoned cardigan lend his performance a casual and intimate feel, much akin to a town hall-style meeting. In announcing the Microsoft deal, Jobs has to give a performance that is fraught with diculty. It is a performance that intertwines narrative types, and where faux pas and unintended gestures also prompt him to depart from the script, and thus risk his charismatic image. Jobs performance features three sub-narratives, including an explanation of the partnership; a guest appearance by Microsoft CEO, Bill Gates; and an impromptu counter-narrative. Jobs commences by acknowledging the unsteadiness of the AppleMicrosoft relationship (i.e. an original state of aairs), and proceeds to construct a vision narrative which depicts Apples relationship with Microsoft as vital to the companys survival (i.e. a consequent state of aairs). Jobs details several new agreements (i.e. catalyst actions), which include settlement over a number of patent disputes, Microsoft Oce software development for Macintosh, Internet Explorer as the Macintoshs new default web browser, and Java platform collaboration. Less than enthused about partnering with their sworn rival, the Macworld audience greets each agreement with a medley of loud boos and tepid applause. However, Jobs is yet to reveal one more thing:
And lastly, Microsoft is making an investment in Apple. Microsoft is buying $150 million dollars worth of Apple stock at market price [audience boos]. It is non-voting shares [audience applauds loudly] . . . and theyve agreed not to sell them for at least three years.
The audiences exuberant and unanticipated responses generate a palpable friction between actor and audience. Unaccustomed to audience interruptions, Jobs purses his lips
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during the audiences boos, and frowns upon their applause for Microsofts non-voting shares. Observing the audiences resistance to his vision narrative, Jobs departs from his script, restating his excitement about partnering with Microsoft. In the second sub-narrative, Jobs toys with the audiences expectations, telling them he has a special guest via satellite link. Tension builds, as a technical glitch delays broadcast of the satellite feed on the big screen for several seconds. Finally, Bill Gates Microsofts chairman and CEO emerges with a towering presence, eliciting a deafening chorus of boos, hoots and jeers from the audience. Forced to take pause, Gates grimaces, before launching into a prepared monologue expressing delight about the renewed AppleMicrosoft relationship. While the audience observes a respectful silence, the symbolism and imagery of the moment is certainly not lost on them. Gates, on the big screen from thousands of miles away, looms large, overshadowing the diminutive Jobs, who is standing on stage, directly below. The moment is a pastiche of Apples history-making 1984 Super Bowl commercial, in which a female heroine hurls a sledgehammer at Big Brother (represented by a brooding gure also on a big screen). Except, in this case, Jobs stands before his Big Brother unarmed and forlorn, seemingly emasculated. As the satellite link closes, Jobs oers Gates vote of thanks and begins an impromptu, third sub-narrative:
. . . if we want to move forward and see Apple healthy and prospering again, we have to let go of a few things. We have to let go of this notion that, for Apple to win, Microsoft has to lose. Okay? [audience applauds] We have to embrace the notion that, for Apple to win, Apple has to do a really good job. If others are going to help us, thats great because we need all the help we can get. If we screw up and we dont do a good job, its not somebody elses fault. Its our fault . . .
Perturbed by his followers reception of Gates, Jobs impromptu performance is delivered with several unintended gestures: pauses, pensively pacing back and forth on stage, and severing eye contact with the audience. Jobs invokes collective voice using we and us pronouns to appeal to followers, framing the AppleMicrosoft rivalry as a vestige of the 1980s (i.e. an original state of aairs). Instead, he is encouraging followers to relinquish their prejudices (i.e. a catalyst idea) and take responsibility for the companys future, which he describes in his vision as a healthy and prospering Apple (i.e. a changed state of aairs):
The era of setting this up as a competition between Apple and Microsoft is over as far as Im concerned.
Moralised and enlightened by Jobs unscripted sermon, the audience appreciates their haste to judge the Microsoft deal unfavourably. They applaud enthusiastically, in approval of Steve Jobs vision narrative.
Worldwide Developers Conference (WWDC), 2002: The Mac OS 9 eulogy

One of the problems Steve Jobs inherited upon his return to Apple was a 15-year-old operating system (OS) architecture (Cruickshank, 2006). During the 1990s, the Macintoshs third-party software developers grew annoyed and tired of having to migrate their applications from one needless Apple OS upgrade to the next, so they had simply stopped doing so.
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To make matters worse, backstage leaks from Apples own programmers about the Mac OSs problems and shortcomings were undermining both Jobs and the companys image (Kahney, 2008). Jobs feared that software developers would begin to abandon the Mac. In 2000, he announced and previewed a next generation, completely overhauled, and more stable OS entitled Mac OS X. Backstage, he became like Khruschev, banging his shoe on the table (Kahney, 2008: 56), forbidding all supporting cast members from criticising the new Mac OS. Jobs even seized control, using Apples public relations arm to declare: With Mac OS X taking centre stage, its a very exciting time to be a Mac developer (Apple, 2002). Having given developers nearly two years to migrate to OS X, Jobs decided that it was time for Apple to ocially cease developer support and put its predecessor, Mac OS 9, to rest. On May 6, 2002, to convey the gravity of his announcement, Steve Jobs performed a mock funeral for Mac OS 9 at Apples Worldwide Developers Conference in San Jose, California. Jobs mock funeral for Mac OS 9 is elaborately staged, featuring an assortment of aesthetic arrangements that lend credence to the performance. First, the stage is fully illuminated by bright white stage lights that are positioned directly above the stage, giving the set a heavenly feel. The stage backdrop features a big screen approximately three storeys high that is anked by royal blue velvet curtains. Projected onto the big screen is the image of a beautiful church interior, with stained-glass windows and sunlight shining through. Well-concealed smoke machines also blanket the stage oor with a layer of thick white smoke. Second, the performance contains two main props. As Jobs commences his performance, a black casket raises from a trap door in the stage oor, inside which rests an oversized version of Mac OS 9s product packaging. Additionally, a stirring rendition of Bachs Toccata and Fugue is played on the organ, which fades to silence as Jobs begins speaking. Jobs attire for the occasion is a black mock-turtleneck shirt, a pair of blue faded Levis jeans, and sneakers. Renowned for his renegade CEO image, Jobs costume is meaningfully out-of-place, denoting the tongue-in-cheek spirit of the performance. As Bachs Toccata and Fugue subsides, Jobs emerges from stage right onto the smoke-blanketed stage. Wearing a sombre expression, Jobs walks to the closed casket and lifts its lid to prop up the oversized version of Mac OS 9s product packaging for all the audience to see. Holding a printed copy of his eulogy, Jobs nears the audience at stage down-right-centre and stands to attention before commencing his tribute:
Mac OS 9 was a friend to us all. He worked tirelessly on our behalf, always hosting our applications; never refusing a command; always at our beck and call. Except occasionally, when hed forgotten who he was and needed to be restarted.
Jobs utilises personication with outstanding rhetorical eect, eliciting nostalgia about OS 9 in the developer-packed audience. For example, the phrase always at our beck and call invokes thoughts of a diligent and faithful servant. Jobs also light-heartedly acknowledges OS 9s aws: Except occasionally, when hed forgotten who he was . . . is, equally, an allegory for malaise and decrepitude. Firmly in character, Jobs lends credence to his stage persona by evincing several consonant, intended gestures: pursed lips, reading from a hard copy of the eulogy, and oering consoling gazes across the audience at regular intervals. Cognisant of the elaborate and unusual nature of his performance, Jobs also exercises pause
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at the close of each sentence to gauge audience feedback, which in this case is warm laughter. Ensuing, Jobs denes Mac OS 9s legacy:
He was a mentor to many younger technologies, including Sherlock, Keychain, and Auto Updating. He helped to make them what they are today. He was a humble guy too . . . Mac OS 9 is survived by his next generation, Mac OS X, and thousands of applications most of them legitimate.
Jobs sustains the motif, repeatedly invoking the he pronoun in reference to Mac OS 9. He also sense-makes by assembling a narrative about OS 9s fullling life to inform a vision about the future of software development on the Mac OS X. Jobs plot device establishes a chain of causality, casting OS 9 as an original state of aairs and OS X as progeny, or a consequent state of aairs. For Jobs, the many younger technologies, such as Sherlock (a search utility) and Keychain (a password utility), are catalysts in the story, driving OS Xs development. Seeking to positively frame Mac OS X, Jobs nal sentence refers to the thousands of applications migrated from OS 9 to OS X, lauding developer eorts with an acerbic reference to conception: most of them legitimate. As he concludes his eulogy, Jobs returns to centre stage to close Mac OS 9s casket, and places a single, longstemmed rose upon it. Remaining solemn, in character, Jobs oers some nal words:
Please join me in a moment of silence as we remember our old friend, Mac OS 9.
The audience humours Jobs, and joins him in silence. It is a sanguine moment. The humour and symbolism of Jobs performance had exorcised years of developer frustration and anger. The eulogy is a rhapsodic counter-narrative that, for a brief moment, sets aside Apples backstage and OS troubles to laud Mac OS 9s legacy, and oer a vision for the future. Jobs self and Apples organisational narratives are captured well in the sub-text of the performance. Jobs wit and originality is as much an expression of Apples identity as it is his own: a centred, good-humoured, and achievement-oriented organisation that celebrates learning and growth.
Macworld Expo, 2007: The iPhone introduction

From early 2006 through to Macworld Expo 2007, rumours about a new device called iPhone ostensibly an iPod digital music player with telephony and countless other capabilities grew more intense among Apple bloggers, social networking communities, and market analysts (see Dolan, 2006; Kim, 2006; Lam, 2006; MacDailyNews, 2006; Rose and Albrecht, 2006). Backstage leaks were fuelling speculations about technical specications; service carriers; sales estimates; and product launch dates (Dolan, 2006). The eects of these backstage leaks were mixed. On the one hand, they garnered unprecedented levels of attention for Apple, while on the other, they established lofty expectations for Steve Jobs forthcoming Macworld keynote address. On January 9, 2007, he addressed an expectant audience at the Macworld Expo conference, held at the Moscone Centre in San Francisco, California. The staging of Jobs iPhone keynote address comprises various aesthetic arrangements on the front stage. First, Jobs Moscone stage is characteristically minimalist, featuring only a black lectern at stage right. Shrouded in darkness, the lectern houses Jobs props and accessories: an iPhone demonstration unit, a booklet with stage directions for his iPhone demonstration, and a remote control to direct his slide presentation. The backdrop features
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a big screen, upon which Jobs media and slide presentation are broadcasted, that is bound either side by navy-blue stage curtains. Stage lights also illuminate the entire front stage, and lighting eects shift the audiences attention from Jobs to screen, and back, when desired. Jobs costume for the event is a familiar ensemble: a black mock-turtleneck shirt with sleeves rolled up, a pair of faded-blue Levis jeans, and a pair of New Balance sneakers. Tellingly, Jobs ve oclock shadow and grey hair with pronounced pattern baldness speak to his age. Attune with the sense of occasion, Jobs commences his monologue with a proclamation: Were going to make history together today. He starts by titillating the audience with quarterly performance data on iPod and iTunes media sales; additions to the iTunes Movie Store; and nally, a demonstration of a previously announced but unreleased media hub device called Apple TV. Preoccupied by Jobs cryptic proclamation, the audience oers warm albeit somewhat hollow applause. Finally, Jobs takes pause and the big screen darkens, from which a silhouette of the Apple logo emerges, foreshadowing:
Every once in a while, a revolutionary product comes along that changes everything. And Apple has been well, rst of all, ones very fortunate if you get to work on just one of these in your career. Apples been very fortunate. Its been able to introduce a few of these into the world. In 1984, Apple introduced the Macintosh. Its didnt just change Apple, it changed the whole computer industry. In 2001, we introduced the rst iPod, and it didnt just change the way we all listen to music, it changed the entire music industry. Well today, were introducing three revolutionary products of this class.
Jobs sense-makes by identifying two signicant moments and meaningfully sequencing them to tell a story about Apple. He makes innovation the core plot device of Apples organisational narrative: it is a company that has changed the world. Building on the narrative, he also invokes collective-identity appeals, through the use of we pronouns, to praise Apples creative traditions, whilst also utilising exemplication to express a sense of humility and self-awareness: Apples been very fortunate. Maintaining his ruse, Jobs nonchalantly states that his three revolutionary products are: a touch-screen iPod, a phone, and an Internet communications device:
An iPod, a phone, and an Internet communicator [a triangular prism, with avatars to represent each device on each prism face correspondingly spins on the big screen]. An iPod, a phone . . . are you getting it? These are not three separate devices, this is one device, and we are calling it iPhone. Today, Apple is going to reinvent the phone, and here it is [audience erupts with laughter as a picture of an iPod with a rotary dial superimposed on the click-wheel is projected onto the big screen]. No, actually here it is [removes phone from jeans pocket], but were going to leave it there for now [audience gasps, oers subdued applause].
Jobs humours the audiences months-long sense of anticipation with a well-timed gag. Without even seeing iPhone, the audience is already enchanted with its concept. First, Jobs shares a vision narrative to tell the story of iPhones product design. Using the big screen, he laments the clumsy and perfunctory design of existing smart phone products, showcasing their small plastic keyboards that are there whether or not you need them to be there. In so doing, Jobs frames the issue as a user interface problem:
Well, every application wants a slightly dierent user interface, a slightly optimised set of buttons just for it. And what happens when you think of a great idea six months from now? You cant run around and add a button to these things . . . What were going to do is get rid of all
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these buttons and just make a giant screen. Now, how are we going to communicate with this? Oh, a stylus! Who wants a stylus?! You have to get em and put em away, and you lose em . . . Were going to use the best pointing device in the world: were going to use our ngers.
Jobs use of collective pronoun and present tense engages the audience, live and interactively, as if they themselves were involved in the iPhones design. Jobs uses Aristotelian logos, logically explaining the sequence of design decisions for the iPhone. The vision narrative for iPhone is thus rudimentary: smart phone keyboards consume space and diminish functionality (i.e. an original state of aairs); phone applications require contextspecic inputs (i.e. a catalyst idea); a giant touch screen maximises input capability and user experience (i.e. a consequent state of aairs). Jobs use of the big screen is particularly puissant during this sequence, revealing the limitations of existing smart phones, and contrasting them with the iPhones minimalist and elegant design. Using a booklet containing stage directions to guide him, Jobs provides a demonstration of iPhone. A video cable connected to the device and a camera situated directly above the lectern broadcast Jobs demonstrations on the big screen. Jobs delights the audience for the next hour, showcasing all of iPhones features, which cushions the proceeding bad news about its price and delayed availability. Finally, Jobs revisits the organisational narrative constructed at the beginning of his performance. With the Mac, iPod, Apple TV and now iPhone, the company had outgrown its registered name, Apple Computer:
So were announcing today were dropping the Computer from our name, and from this day forward, were going to be known as Apple Inc., to reect the product mix that we have today.
Seemingly inconsequential, Jobs announcement garners a standing ovation from Apple employees in the front rows of the audience, who are joined by the wider audience. The change to Apple Inc., in a small but meaningful way, paid homage to the changing way in which Jobs and Apples employees saw themselves, and their shared designs for the future.
Discussion
Our analysis of Steve Jobs three performance-related texts reveals three important insights into the construction of Jobs as charismatic leader. First, Jobs utilises narrative and storytelling as powerful persuasive devices in each of the three performances. Fundamentally, Jobs performances are meaningfully sequenced, bound by a plot device, and comprise an original state of aairs; a catalyst; and a consequent state of aairs, which constitute a narrative (Boje, 1994; Czarniawska, 1998; Gabriel, 2000, 2004; Weick, 1995). In the Microsoft deal and iPhone introduction, Jobs commences by dening the original state of aairs, explaining the companys current situation and its marketplace competitors, respectively. Jobs utilises the opportunity for change eectively, presenting the catalyst idea or action as a departure from an old way of doing things: a paradigm shift. For example, Jobs sardonically illustrates the clumsy interface design and user experience of existing smart phones to frame the iPhones touch screen as revolutionary. Jobs scripts are meaningfully sequenced, bound by a plot device, inspiring followers toward a valued endpoint. Jobs moment of indulgence in the iPhone introduction, during which he announces a change to Apples legal name, is purposefully scripted at the conclusion of
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the performance, as it is a point at which the audience realises that Apple has evolved into much more than a computer company. In contrast, the Microsoft deal features an extraordinary performance of counter-narrative, in which Jobs departs from the script in response to the audiences hostility, to proclaim a modest vision narrative that Apple would survive its nancial troubles and be healthy and prospering once again. The persuasive eect of the three performances is further in evidence where they corroborate and demonstrate the performance of vision and organisational narrative types. Using casting, dialogue and direction, Jobs furnishes the vision narrative with excellent rhetorical eect. The Mac OS 9 eulogy, for example, is a confounding mix of storytelling, humour and choreography in which Jobs is juxtaposed against an elaborate backdrop, lighting, music and props that comprise the set. Jobs utilises personication and the motif of death with superb rhetorical eect to rhapsodise about Mac OS 9s legacy. Similarly, Jobs iPhone introduction is pre-ambled by a reection statement about Apples organisational narrative: its pioneering of the personal computer industry through the 1980s and 1990s, and continued innovation in the music and entertainment industries. It is also important to note that the self narrative type is conspicuously absent in the three performance vignettes featured in this article. While Harveys (2001) dramaturgical analysis of Jobs television documentary performance (see Cringely, 1996) reveals key discursive moments in which Jobs reecting on his upbringing and passion for computing performs such self narratives, the texts analysed in this study were scripted performances in which there are no such moments. Rather, the persuasiveness of these performances emanates from their being informed by the traditions and rituals of Apple-oriented events such as Macworld Expo and WWDC. Macworld Expo and WWDC are week-long consumer and developeroriented trade shows, at which every year Jobs delivers a keynote address to unocially declare both events open. Synonymous with the announcement of new or improved products and services, follower and third-party audience expectations for Jobs keynotes appreciate each year. Such is the eect of these performances, that Jobs absences from Macworld Expo in 2004 and 2009, due to ill health, invited concern from followers and wild speculation from market analysts about Apples future and share price (Buchanan, 2008; MacDailyNews, 2008). In many ways, Jobs ercely loyal audience of followers conform to Gomans (1959) notions of dramaturgical loyalty and circumspection. While the sympathetic audience exercises tactful inattention, and accommodates Jobs faux pas and unintended gestures, their expectations of him are such that they are not however immune to feelings of betrayal. The Microsoft deal is a striking vignette in which the audience momentarily senses a betrayal of the charismatic relationship by Jobs for partnering with Bill Gates and Microsoft, until Jobs somewhat redeems the situation with a counternarrative performance. A second key insight revealed by our analysis is that the eectiveness of the three performance vignettes in constructing Jobs charismatic relationship with followers is reliant on the stage management of performing regions. Jobs legendary penchant for dramaturgical loyalty and discipline is evident in the vignettes, ranging from his ultimatum to Macworld organisers in 1997 that they were not to discuss the new AppleMicrosoft partnership, to his unocial gag of supporting cast members during the nal days of Mac OS 9. As the sole ambassador for the Apple monolith, the vignettes interestingly reveal Jobs to be as much a bearer of bad news as he is good. The Microsoft deal and the Mac OS 9 eulogy are both situations diused by Jobs using performance narratives, while the monologic communication medium (i.e. keynote address) provides little opportunity for audience resistance.
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In many ways, the exercise of dramaturgical loyalty, discipline and circumspection aide Jobs in the delivery of bad news, as his exemplary and charismatic social character makes its acceptance more palatable for follower and third-party audiences. In recent years, backstage leaks and incursions have emerged as an ongoing concern for Jobs and Apple, as, ironically, followers appetites for the latest news about products have encouraged analysts, journalists and Macintosh enthusiasts to encroach the backstage and make unsolicited contact with supporting cast members, and vice versa. Jobs 2007 introduction of the iPhone evidences this phenomenon, where indeed months-long rumour mongering in 2006 prompted reporters to suggest that Jobs inuence at Apple was diminishing. Surprisingly, Jobs charismatic relationship with followers appears to be impervious to rumour and gossip, with the Macworld audience ebullient with anticipation. In fact, Jobs does well to enhance his charismatic image through storytelling, foreshadowing, and humour to play with the audiences sense of expectation. The aesthetic composition of the front stage is of great importance to Steve Jobs self-presentation. The typical set design for each of Jobs performances comprises carefully arranged backdrops, screens and slide presentations, strategic positioning of the lectern and considered use of lighting, props and other eects. Jobs delivery of the Mac OS 9 eulogy is a performance in which the symbolism of the church-interior backdrop, the open casket, the oversize product box, fog, lighting and music collude to communicate as much meaning as his spoken words. Moreover, Jobs costume is an expression of his renegade CEO and nonconformist persona that holds disdain for corporate uniform. Jobs attire since the Mac OS 9 eulogy in 2002 has largely remained the same: round rimless spectacles, black mockturtleneck shirt, blue jeans, and sports sneakers. Fusing the three performance vignettes together provides a third important insight into Steve Jobs. This concerns Jobs as narrative. Whereas Jobs partiality for the stage was renowned in the 1980s, culminating in his 1984 introduction of the Macintosh computer, his grand narrative in the post-1997 era is quite interesting. As a storyteller, Jobs has honed his keynote addresses down to a ne performing art. He appeals to the sensibilities of followers, yet shies away from the fanfare that his rituals generate. Now bespectacled, greyed, bearded and balding, Jobs graces the stage cognisant of his dramaturgical duties as an actor. Perhaps chastened by his acrimonious exit from Apple in the 1980s, Jobs impromptu departure from the script at Macworld 1997 revealed a more enlightened Jobs born from both desperation and experience who willingly risked his charismatic identity to moralise followers for their hostile reception to the Microsoft deal. Rather than lamenting a once great empire, Jobs mantra that Apple needed to innovate its way out of trouble inspired the companys renaissance. Accordingly, the Mac OS 9 eulogy in 2002 was a strong performance of allegory that renewed relations between long-suering third-party software developers and Apple. The performance incorporated highly eective choreography, storytelling and humour and recaptured some of Jobs bravado from the 1980s. After an encounter with pancreatic cancer (Stanford News Service, 2005), and questions about his leadership, Steve Jobs re-emerged at Macworld 2007 to introduce the iPhone. The reality distortion eld was in full eect, with Jobs humorously heightening followers sense of anticipation, before enthusiastically guiding followers through interface-design issues. Arguably the nest performance of his career, Jobs departed the Macworld stage, somewhat ttingly, with a story: Apple had evolved into much more than a computer company. Thus Steve Jobs charismatic leadership grand narrative, since his return to Apple in 1996, is itself an absorbing, perhaps heroic story of learning, growth and redemption.
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Conclusion
Overall, our study can be seen to have demonstrated and extended the utility of the dramaturgical metaphor to studies of charismatic leadership. Specically, this has been achieved through our analysis and revision of Gardner and Avolios (1998) dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship. The revised model, and its subsequent application to the case of Apples Steve Jobs, has enabled us to highlight the role and signicance of two key and interrelated factors regarding the constitution of leader charisma. First, we have shown that leader impression management and the generation of charisma is intrinsically linked to narrative and storytelling. Specically, we have highlighted the ways in which charismatic leaders, through narration and storytelling, make sense of, and are able to appeal to, the deeper meanings their audience (followers) attach to the people, places, objects, and events that make up their everyday lives. This in turn moves audiences to not only respond and relate to the images that such leaders create of themselves, but also to the images of the organisation that they create. Our utilisation of narrative analysis in order to reveal this, underscores the value of leadership scholars adopting this approach. Indeed, we believe narrative analysis oers rich potential to further extend the utility of the revised version of Gardner and Avolios (1998) model that we have presented. For instance, the model acknowledges the signicance of diering scenes and audiences on the charismatic relationship. Narrative analytic studies could, for example, be used to reveal the extent to which charismatic leaders draw on dierent narrative and storytelling rhythms and patterns (e.g. an original state of aairs; a set of catalyst actions or ideas; and a consequent state of aairs) according to the environment in which they nd themselves in, and the audience that they must appeal to. Such studies could then go on to explore the implications of this behaviour for leader charismatic identity. Second, our study has shown that the charismatic leaders practice of narrative and storytelling is eected through stage management: a segregation between back and front performing regions that serves to minimise potential incursions, leaks, disruptions and faux pas that may undermine the leaders narrative and storytelling performances. This stagemanaged segregation plays a critical role in constructing the leaders charismatic identity and, we believe, merits further investigation. Further studies could reveal additional ways in which charismatic leaders seek to stage manage segregation beyond those highlighted in our study, and show how and why such attempts sometimes fail. In doing so, they might, for example, examine the ways in which new media, technology and the news cycle inform the stage management practices that are used by these leaders. We acknowledge that the generalisability of our ndings might be questioned in two respects. First, our study is of only one leader Steve Jobs. Second, Jobs is in himself a uniquely talented and celebrated CEO. Despite these limitations, we note that Jobs is often cited as an example of transformational and, more specically, charismatic leadership (Awamleh and Gardner, 1999; Conger, 1999; Gardner and Avolio, 1998; Harvey, 2001; Khurana, 2002; Maccoby, 2000). Accordingly, in applying our model to Jobs we can observe him as an important illustration of what other leaders may do in order to eect a charismatic relationship and we can draw some important lessons from this. Further, his inuence as a leadership role model, as evidenced by the proliferation of prescriptive books on how to emulate his leadership style (including his presentation skills), suggests that he merits such attention (see for example, Cruickshank, 2006; Gallo, 2009; Kahney, 2008).
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Flowing from our ndings is a nal important point. Our study of Steve Jobs empirically demonstrates the directional ows of the dramaturgical model of the charismatic relationship. In doing so, it highlights how, through eective stage management, Jobs practices narrative and storytelling to dene himself and his world for his followers and that he does this on an ongoing basis. To that end, the charismatic relationship between leaders and followers should never be viewed as static, rather it is under perpetual (re)negotiation both behind the scenes and on the front stage. References
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Leadership 7(1)
Abz Sharma is a PhD student in Work and Organisational Studies at the Faculty of Economics and Business, the University of Sydney. He holds a Bachelor of Commence (Hons.) degree in Management from the same university. His research interests include leadership, technology and organisational discourse. His doctoral project explores the routinisation of charisma, which brings into focus the lasting consequences of charismatic leadership practice upon organisational culture. David Grant is Professor of Organisational Studies, at the Faculty of Economics and Business, the University of Sydney. He is also co-director of the International Centre for Research on Organisational Discourse, Strategy and Change. The centre links leading management and organisation scholars at 10 institutions in North America, Europe and Australia who share an interest in discourse theory and analysis. His research interests focus on organisational discourse theory and discourse analysis especially where these relate to leadership and organisational change. His work has been published in a range of management and organisation journals including Organization Studies, Academy of Management Review, International Journal of Human Resource Management, Human Relations, Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, Management Communication Quarterly, Journal of Management Studies and British Journal of Management. He is also co-editor (with Cynthia Hardy, Cli Oswick, and Linda Putnam) of the Sage Handbook of Organizational Discourse (Sage, 2004) which in 2005 received the US National Communication Association, Organizational Communications Book of the Year Award.

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Leadership http://lea.sagepub.

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Sharma and Grant

Narrative, drama and charismatic leadership: A model

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Narrative and storytelling

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Stage management and scene setting

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Approach and methodology

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Results Macworld Expo, 1997: The Microsoft deal

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Worldwide Developers Conference (WWDC), 2002: The Mac OS 9 eulogy

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Macworld Expo, 2007: The iPhone introduction

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Sharma and Grant

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Sharma and Grant

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Sharma and Grant

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Sharma and Grant

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Sharma and Grant

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