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ANTHROPOLOGY CULT['NALSTUDIES

he imageof the Amazon Indian an iconthat straddles world ís the between professionar the anthroporogist the popurar and media. Presented alternately the nobleprimitive savior the environment as and of or as a savage, dissof cannibalistic ute, half-human,is a representation it wellworthexamining. just that,critiquing claims stephen Nugent does the of authoritativeness inherent visual in images presented anthropologists by of Amazon in the earlytwentieth life century andcomparing themwiththe images foundin popular books, movies, posters. and Thisheavily illustrated bookdepicts fieldof anthropology its ownformof culture the as industry andcontrasts to othersimilar it past industries, andpresent. visual For anthropologists, ethnographers, Amazon specialists, popular and culture researchers, Nugent's bookwill be enlightening, entertaining reading. STEPHEN N U G E N T t e a c h ea n t h r o p o t o s yG o t d s m i t h s . s at

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University London, is director the centrefor Visual of and of Anthropology. His long-tÈrm interestín Brazilian Amazonia represente in Big Mouth is d (199O), (1993), SorneOtherAmazonians Amhzonian Cabocto Society and (2OO4). is an editorof the journalCritique Anthropology. He of

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krj. .s One reason to contrast these two takes on head hunters . ' "' q/ rnrusive #. Text and photographs convey. . The other photographs are landscapes and portraits.Ì:Ti:: Tod".:". the Mctorian nahrratistsBates (1892). -'spensing own culhrrar logic: justice and living the good life of a competent and dedicated ù. It exemplifies -*y wayssincefirst invaded by Europeans.::Y. however. odds with the cover image. and the scenesetting in AmazonHead Huntersbrings forward other familiar and 'the half-breed'. the other three showing shrunken heads (one in preparation and two as finished artefacts. Holywood). only one of which includes tsantsas (and these are not artefacts of Harner's fieldwork..\. The cover of Michael Harner's (1973) Thelíuaro: Peopleof the Saned I.. streamingsweat. 'damp recurring tropical suspects: rotting vegetation'. In fact.i.::Ì.. swarming insects. 'wildernes-s jffid region.r".1ì !t954i Anaaon Head Huntersis described by its pubtisher as " book' and while it looks like a typicat puJp product hiil#:::^::ture.one showing the use of a head as a teaching device: hands-on.... in conventional ethnographic manner.and so on.tsantsaretains the sameexpressivepower. and a list of ".among numerous others _ reinforced by reportage and .".ii. Previously.The book has 22 photographs and various figures.u9n.htlg lo"t inaccessibleto scrutiny." subsequenttext doesn't provide an answer as startling ".is to point toward anthropological self-consciousness about the way in which the meanings of certain concepts are in danger of escapingcontrol./feuding. blurb from the SundayTimes.g'_ u.':f:]loustry.. the idea of"going .....Tally of invasive view.1r]'^nllndianljusoul of_early exploration and natural'history such as the il.the conclusionsreached are not contentious.b. is somewhatat of human being' (1954:255).|.dì: l.8yet the focal image . tend not to reveal this complexlirv "r.thoseaddressed. by defrngcultural eî or n*orms in.g.g 'l'L I TheHeadHunterCliché l.r./war as well asJivaro cosmologT.::. il""::1q:*"nts line of the book is . flft"Sr.the full-haired . ffi::i]l*r""J . they invoke a unified." (1839).'l1lj. A characteristicimage is exemphned in .TThe acceptability of 'head hunter' (orJivaro. that conjure up unreconstructedversions of their subjectmatter 'savage'and 'primitive' and so on6and are careful to qualify usages that are subject to highjacking.I I I I vnailer Two is widely perceived as a region dominated by nafure.coping' the lines of an endoscopy that involves uiewing . The selectionof head hunting as the outstanding characteristic of the Jivaro is not unusuala. . coffee table book.There are paradoxical aspectsto this challenge: . yet the focal image is still the dramatic. tsnórmatly obs_ of anendoscopy x-tay.tl. in the untí"1^'-'^tm1 ethnographic dimensions. social relations. which reducesJivaroness to a single major activi$: head hunting.though based on a photograph rather than illustration. by Cotlow and Harner.2 The main images to Amazonia."'.i. decorative tsantsa.e That relative stability characterizesthe separategenealogiesof both popular and scholarly traditions. material culture.ase t::i now usually connotes a particular technical pro_ . This book.. scoping implied u aimj""^i. the first showing the author standing with a pair of head hunters. as the author refers to the Shuar puo. exfor ample.i".The object of analysisis gìì"|i:llitt a . for example. perhaps lurid).. The pictoriat --'q ur runazonia is a cliché with deep and interesting historicar roots. something akin to rubbe.. Cotlow (1954) is further illustrated with a handful of similarly reductionist.::::!:d gaz Thesetwo-notionsof scopingshare e.the populist and the specialist.faturfalkis superficially similar to that of AmazonHead Hunters.:t:a -:"!r reproducedabove. the dominant imagery of the region as a whole (Amazonian green hell) has been remarkably stableacrossboth public and specialistcultural domains . and forest canopy and orchid.Why doèsa man cut offanothir man. cannibalism and savagery comprising one of the dominant themes employed by Europeansto typify New World peoples since contact. and is without much w. priests..i.m*oniat culture.::':.t^lil: alsohasan investigativepurpose.Jivaro. is a respectableanthropological monograph with chapters on historical background.ì"_iTr€present ^-'' "''ontradiction'Instead..-ithas been part of the modern world systerrrfor five 5u"'9.for example.1the Iacks useful specialist focus. however. yet has úeen massively fears. for that matter) is questionable.J-lt"u tsantsas --" Lrrelr 'utitiaja fì'^ . it also has claims à respect_ inr'#_tÌ"Ìitonalist.#"lWcally (shrunken heads) for reasons that seem sensible witt.::-\iruòJ . and then dance around it?' (1954:T).1".::r. erotic.T].i"'"':'^1u".s hu"^'lllulitg ú: size of his fist.politicians. available fo. Anthropologists typically try to avoid usages.Volt". il::::"g.. 1A. then. but specimensheld by the American Museum of Natural History in New York). was stirl ranging the forest. or showJivaro engaged in various daily tasks. and fellow explorers. without o"l"l. the contextualization of thisJivaro culture feature.ì.* ethnographic invesrigation conslhdàtua and Èy or predatory staring.h.:T:_ges thatappearsto provide focal referentsfórprimary íotions and its peoples.(e. authenticating plates. These i:.. dehistoricized aoma:n Jr and piranha. "nJl...*efacts.:-:"ver to generals._4J The message the text.ii. and law..ui"l" Uyphysically overcoming i"llilÎ:. ofthis book draws ón borh connotarions:it is intrusive.P. Jacket . but is recurrently challenged by interpretationsof the imagesusedto illustrate the points soforcefully established in the written accounts.head-off pedagory).il.

the power of disputesabout interpretation is undeniable. .and this was not its goal . that the motorcycle is tokenistic (which is also to say. exhibition on Amazonian Indians mounted at the British Museum in 1985. There are two issueshere. however.g who used photography as part of his field researchin Guiana. The first is the power of an image itself to bear such interpretive weight. Levine (1989:31) also notes. in this context. Everard E. motorcycle image that offends (misrepresents). complaining that posesof native people taken by outsidersweré 'merely pictures of lifeless bodies. The second is specialist anthropological intervention in order to correct a public misrepresentation.but that the image is incapable of expressingthe historical depth of contact between Amazonians and Buropeans .One of the recurring features in comparing specialistand popular portrayals of Amazonia. but to little avail.in other words.not the overall exhibition. international Fígure O Michael 2. is convergencerather than divergence.but also reflected technical limitations such as long exposure times and. An example of disputed interpretations of Amazonian anthropology is provided by Gow and Harris's (1985) commentary on Hidden Peoples of an theAmazon. im Thurn.not that that was inconsequential by any rneans . Amazonia I ATransformed The misrepresentative powers of ethnographic photography are not new.it i. Success in tÈe emergent.TheHeadHunterCliché in a field in which detailed written documentation and argument have long prevailed over the use of images to represent anthropological know'mere'images to provoke ledge. While it is true that the exhibition did not provide much material of historical depthrr .' and stating that the . however. the practical burden of heavy cameras.The reviewers take issuewith the inclusion of a photograph of a native man astride a motorbike. that the preference for unimaginatively posed photographs did not merely reflect a crude ideological bias . th. Levine (1989:92-3) writes with respect to Im Thurn's (1893) early essay on anthropological photography that: [s]ome anthropologists spoke out against such degrading portrayals.ordinary photographs of uncharacteristically miserable natives seem comparable to the photographs which one occasionally seesof badly stuffed and distorted birds and animals. addressedthe Anthropological Institute after returning to London.2 Harner. misrepresentative). Their objection is not that the juxiaposition of the modern and the traditional is transgressivero that in it trivializes or in some other way diminishes an unfettered anthropological subject.

000 with the researchof Guidon (Bahn lggl). Sidney Posuello(seeBeilos 2000 for a recent example) with the collaboration of National Geographic.First Nations Amazonians . the history of their contact with .r3 In contemporary Brazil.ChapterTwo industry did not seem to be impaired by stylistic crudity in carte-de-aisite representationsofstrange peoples from strangelands. by peoples from Asia who crossedaiand Figure2.3 Miranha Indians.prior to ca. Despite the strength of the Bering Straitsmigration theory and the substantial body of supporting empirical material (linguistic. 10. Schmidtj926.Assertionsof transPacific migration or more outlandish origin myths (Nazca) have little serioussupport.4 Kayapó. In order measurethe accuracy of representations.e. ecological) and absence of any plausible alternative accoun! there is still a persistentsenseof mystery surrounding the origins of Amazonians. like the rest of the New world. AlbertFrjschca.it is worth looking at standard and revised accounts of Amazonia as a more or lessuniform culture area. 1860. Earlier datesfor humans in Brazil (i.. TheHead HunterCliche bridge (atthe Bering straits) during the previous ice age. mitochondrial. to appreciatethe reasonsunderlying the apparent stabiliry of the clichéd Amazonian image set.M. however (albeit hardly uniquely). remain in confirmation/refutation limbo. The ElementsCliché:Who Amazonians? of Are Migration There is no serious alternative to the view that Amazonia was occupied. Other Amazoníans While Indian Amazonians . ^mlgtrt it is sometimes difficult to ascertain a baseline against -fricÉ one whether images or not.have an unrivalled iconic status as 'real' Amazonians. In the particular case of Amazonia. archaeological.one reinforced by the recurrent of the notion of 'lost hibe'. the mystery of the 'lost tribe' is now mainly represented in the journalistic coverage of the activities of the former direitor of the National Indian Foundation. and which comBP) associated plicate the standard account.u Figure2.

marginals with chainsaws.frontier folk. . crucially.etc. and in recent years there has been convergencearound the figure 5-10 million.r6from the time of Cabral's laying of PorLuguese claims on Brazil in 1500 and t}re lS42 descent by Orellana of the Amazon River. 'i. and Caribbeans (among many others). multinationals.desperate goldminers.Thesepathologiesare unquestionablyreal. thereby maintaining the conventional separationof biological systems and social systemsas well as denying the long history of human modification of the terrain. 1970)prompted an unprecedented wave of immigration.rs sumed to stand outside the mainstream of neo-tropical syncretism. Bororo The actual diversity of Amazonians. The significant modifications take the form of novel. peoples of the forest. the region has supported a cosmopolitan population .).000 versus 15 million cf. These revisions have had provocative and in many respectsstill not fully realized implications for long-established views of pre. t'" TheHead HunterCliché / Lorimer's (1989) detailed account of various English and Irish colonial enterprisesin the l6th century gives a flavour of the early internationa-lbut izatton of the region. estimates of pre-colonial Amerindian poplrrlationspresented in authoritative work well into the last quarter of the 20th century are significantly lower than contempora"ryestimates (500.Dutch. Figure2. the simultaneousover. 1998) aforementioned'hyperrealIndian'.Lebanese.Africans.ChapterTwo European interlopers dramatically illustrates the general disdain in which they have been held and the systematicpersecution..or. Early accountsof the denselypopulated banks of the Solimoes/Amazonle did not inspire much investigation until very recently and the notion of 'lost cities of the Amazon' lay in the world of fiction rather than fact.Moroccan (Sephardic).Centrally. in a modern recapitulation of the Rousseauean equation. Hecht and Cockburn 1989). does not often disrupt the characterization of the region as a social as well as natural frontiér. or haphazard interlopers.is mirrored in the representation of nonIndian Amazonianswho.. Wiih the rejection of the implications of early travellers' accounts.and postcolonial Amerindianszo. are typically described as settlers.rT while Brazil's nation-building project based on Amazonia is preeclecticsourcescontinuesto command much attention. despitefive hundred years of occupation/residence. soya farrr. and The violence to which they have been and continue to be subjected.ztThe tropical forest so representedis not dissimilar from girl. In the face of growing scepticism about the established ideal typification of 'Amazonian' and Arnazonia'. no one elsewould tolerate it . 'retain biodiversity').small scale.and under-valuation of Indians . This contradictory representation. allocthonous pathologies . there has been little transformation of the basic image set.t5 disparity between Indians' high symbolic capital and their impoverished circumstances is part of the construction of Ramos's (1992.Japanese.Denevan's(1976) influential collection(revised 1992) in established a new. French. much higher baseline estimate. English. bulldozers. of pre-Conquest societies upland forest. Demography Environment and An underlying reason for the widely held belief in Amazonia's being 'Indian territory' is the belief that in the profoundly non-/antiendurably social spaceof the hideous tropics (seefurther discussionbelow).e. the belief in a primordial and savage-in-harmony-with-nature exclusiveIndian integration with nafure.5 Postcard. however. they challenge the almost sacred association between rigid environmental constraint and the possibilily for the emergence of social complexity that has been a keystone of much Amazonianist researchand. yet they are generaJlynot presented as integralto Amazonia but as disruptive factors that may individually be mollified ('stop the loggers'.that is.rers a familiar set of journalistic tokens. they give pause to the notion that the predominant form of contemporary Amerindian societiesis typical (i. While it is true that the commencement of development projects associatedwith the tansamazon Highway (ca. neglect.

g.Chapter Two Ramos's'hyperreal Indian'.First is the long gap between early European penetration ofthe region and the onset of serious scientific inquiry (from the early l6th century to the late 18th century).25 To put this into context with respect to the representativeness the of images of Indians (and Amazonia) that form the focal set.. deterministic claims are not as well Whilethesecausal.an bearing on Amazonia.6 Salesian and lndians. they are key elementsof folk as by of wisdom from the perspective the focal set of images of Amazonia and ' Regionalism The way in which Amazonian history articulateswith Brazilian colonial and national history conhibutes to the mystifying aspects the setof focal of images.26 largea scale extractive industry emerged and was to prevail as a virfual global monopoly until the second decade of tlie 20th century. say .and ethnography. which grew and remained profitable for almost 100 years. geographically supported evidence proponentsclaim. the representativeness exof tant Amazonian Indians was highly questionable. what is crucial is that clichéd Indians and peasants/ 'before' (stateof nature.zrSecondis the belated recognition of the extent of demographic collapse of Amerindian societies. rather than proximate. is butthatrepresentation incomplete and bears few of the tracesof history even ùe face of substantialdocumentation and recognition of those in shortcomings. Gross1975and Beckerman 1979for critiques). Amazonia was .22 The claim that argument has considerable that thiskind of nahrralistic tropicalismrepresentsan intrinsic and rigid obstacleto socioculturalcomplexity is a long establishednotion although and historical records. This industry. 50. cause of deforestation.the contrast with the estimatedindigenous population provided by the Aborigine Protection Society in 1973(Brooks et at.Blaut In his analysis what he calls of (1993) illustrates how certain conceits regarding geographical determinismpersistin the face of compelling empirical refutation .and in many respects still is .By the time professionalanthropology arrived in strengthin Amazonia (and anthropology is one of the major sourcesof knowledge about Amazonians for the general public)./societygrace) and 'after' (state farmers represent respectively. nun Figure Postcard.five million. archaeology. and cf. draws attention to the discontinuities in Amazonian history that have given rise to a selective portrayal of Amerindian responseto colonialism (2005:xiii-xi) such that 'durability of the false notion that the present is a there is unwarranted version of the past in Amazonia'. Of particular importance in terms of the establishmentof receivedviews about and images of Amazonian Indian societiesare two facts. TheHead HunterCliché and Amazonians. the majority of them had certainly disappearedbefore the 'Mctorian age' of nahrral history in the region (which was responsiblefor establishingsome of the key images). 1973)of ca. tends to be . With the rising demand for rubber. Phases Amazonian of Development Michael Heckenberger(2005). of rupture).Until the rrúd-19thcentury. to protein shortage.'the interior' and offered little in the way of remuneration within a colonial export economy. current phaseof agribusiness The burden of pathologicaltropicalism falls mainly on two groups in Amazonia Indians whoseallegedly stunted socioculhrral development isclaimed be causallylinked to featuresof the natural landscape(e.who employs the notion'deep temporality' to describethe synthetic project earlier outlined by Roosevelt(199+1 to combine history. pre-modern original condition.pristine forestriversystem hark back to some authentic.000 is dramatic. Both Indians and the idealized.Even if one takes a conservative estimate of the indigenous population at the time of conquest. 2. as well as the conhadicted the archaeological by (soyaproductionm). Tropical Nastiness 'the doctrine of tropical nastiness'. whose predatory swidden agriculture is so small-scale colonists/peasants often incorrectly highlightedasthe ultimate.

its artefacfual.jaguar. C.colony and early Republic.a tendency dating from at least the mid-l9th century.. See Balée (1994) and Heckenbergef (2005) for overviews..ì" i: ty TheHead HunterCliche It is no novelty to argue that Amazonia (and its history) occupiesa marginal position within Brazil and Brazilian studies.7 Parakutafamily. develoDment. 1997) and Taylor (2003). Whitehead and Wright's recent (2004) In Darhness SeoeE:TheAnthropotog and of AssaultSorcery and Witchnafi in Amazonia provides an inieresting example: Figure 2. but some of them are the wrong words. may be worth thousandsof words.Jivaro also shrunk the headsof the sloth. The images. is the high visibility and plausibility of certain longstanding and convenient images.*1t]-*"Tingfully integrated.Despite the intensity and duration of rribber exploitation. some reason. In recent years. but they are indicative rather than representative..o.signally do not exploit the headhunting issue. yet that knowledge tends to be sequestered. and national (and i"t.by Descola (1994. exotics from the interior) prevaired. and condor (1938:73-a). The fact that its transformative powers within the region (in terms of the widespreadpromo{g: gf i t*s.attesting to nonJivaro fascination with the artefacts... urbanization. Stirling (193g:76) notes that most heads in private collections are counterfeits .ó conceitsabout the region (miserable source of mere drrg _ . Amazonia refers to a social landscape that frcludes indigenous and nonindigenous peoples and a natural landscape of river/forest (and savannah) typically referred to as humid neo-tropics. in other words. onry to be partia'y iisrodguJ -. the disappearanceof the subtitle TheFiercepeople from Chagnon's celebrated Yanomamo. however. the expression The )ther For escapeswide condemnation and indeed appears for many to be a preferred usagedespite its dehumanizing connotations..r.area consideredhere.roÀy remained overwhelmingly regional. and of what differenceit makesto us" (1989:5).the Mundurucú.what have been referred to thus far as belonging to a focal set/clichés. Conklin's (2001) Consuming Griefpresentsa sirong example of a measuredanthropological approach to the issue of anthropophagy. transformed character (Jivaro shrunken heads tend to be polished and the facial features intentionaliy distorted)..but not exclusive . Complementing that seclusion.green harvest' and othÉr scrlpts oisust.. and links with Nórth America and Europe) were considerableis subsumed under a national boom-and-bust idiom of economic growth that is not really accurate. It is probably the shrunlcen aspectofJivaro head hunting that makesit an outstanding example (lots of peoples hunt heads.. for instance . there has also been increasing attention to the extent of prehistoric human modification to the landscape. Amazonia was not u.à.zó Ittotes The Brazilian Amazon is the focal . Noteworthy recent contributions toJivaro/Shuar studies. Humphrev . of how we transmit or acquire it.r.These images are inaccurate in an absolute sense.The predominance of theseindicative images impedes an adequateappreciation of the state of Brazilian Indians past and present. for instance)that is. Redfern observesthat "[t]he study of clichés is inescapably a study of knowledge (arrd of ignorance).i.ChapterTwo viewed as one of a seriesof boom-and-busteconomiesthat characterized the economic history of the. Note.h later in the 20th century when exotic exúactivisiproducts were"redefined elements in the . but that marginality is qualified: quite a lot is known about Amazonia and its peoples. for example." of petty commodity production.R.The rubber'e.

':.in riglrt lrthu *iJ"_ lFread misappropriation of the term by New Age therapists.if insufficiently . l0 That is to say not ethno-appropriate. Under pre-capitalism..r. among other things .' (Nance 1975). .orgl) provide_ ongoing coverage. Inparticular. .. . the .rr irirr.especidly Chapter g 'The Brazilian Dilemma'. in part. Indians represent less than 0. "r " others it may only"rep.rv.]o"*.the surname is Thurn. has l"T"r. oth". probably. 1l Quite different from a successorexhibition at the same museum (when the Museum of Mankind had been incolporated into the main site of the British Museum)..sÉe croJy (1972. countered by European. ""rty 19 Above Manaus the river has historically been referred to as the sorimoes.. taken by experts and non-experts as an important indicator of system health. Chapter Two 'sorcery' and 'witchcraft' while the usages are relatively unproblematic in a south American context.without known origin. I being the core figr:re in The Foundation for Shamaric Studies.. and that the 'diseasesof the tropics' are inhinsic to the tropics and not more usefully perceived as correlates of poverty and poor public health orovision.orrrr"otuUo". many Africanists would think twìce before em_ plolng them.:. 20 se'eRoosevelt (1994) and Heckenberger (2005) for overviews and Roosevelt (1989)on the specificquestionofrepr'esentatirÉr"rr.^ 16 Although it shouldbe noted that suchwas theÉemographic colrapse fo'owing conquestthat it was onry in the post{iansamaro' de-. ""_ 14 This is hardly a uniquery Amazonian phenomenon.lazy native'thesis). representsa powerful inteìest group committed to completely unsubstantiated'lost tribesi craims. io. There is the connotation of .000-400. Barreto.."iirrg ùi .ttp. For a pointed discussion. Amazonia (post-l6th century) has significantly regressed since its incorporation into the modern world system.ad"sth"t th: A_-. deforestationsince 1970approaches20 per cent of the area of Legal Amazonia.* population (Indian and non-Indian) achieved its pre_conquest levels.rr" Philippines: the 'Thsady' represent the crassic iio. excepted) to significant subversion of the overall viability of the forest-river biome was negligible..seeTì. The know_ ledgeable Rosalind poignant. 8 As is the display of such artefacts. insists on Im Thurn .of the potuting/transgressive effects of cuÌture contact' whire for some curture contactees-the .proyanomami.SeeMcEwan. 22 23 crl 25 26 27 28 .rmer(1995).o**.org. and megafauna. current estimates (300.)r.. For a discussionof the hrst accountsofthe peoplesofthe Amazon. fi"ì"g.."p"irr'.whire Japanese soldiers ignorant of the end of WorìdWar ll"prur"rrt Jrrípàuì"a version. for . 17 see Bethetl (2003) for a discussionor sriti. as well as tfru . for example. .biental. the editors g". TheHead HunterCliche To bear down on an obvious .see Schwarcz (t999).25 per cent of the Brazilian population of ca. that 'poor soils' are an absolute rather than relative limitation on agricultural output. oiu. ì. 1gg7a.explored poin! Amazoniathe-natural-systemclearly tolerated large societies of some complexity for some millennia.. It remains to be seenwhether soya production will escapethe fate of its predecessor monocultures in Amazonia.lir ongoing debate. Blaut(1993)challenges thenotionsthathumans arephysiologically ill adapted to tropical existence (hence. The Mormon church. it appears. 2003) provides an autrroritative overview of the decline of Amerindian societies.""ìrrir. forsaken the latter for the former. wauchope (1962) is a classic discussionof speculation . 18 For an interesting anthropological analysis "nd oi À" raciarized politics of . 13 The answer to 'Lost in reratìon to what?' remains ambiguous..... r". 180million. lm Thurn.s..*..hr. of clothing.br) and Instituto Socio_Ambientd (. lengths to specify/qualifi what they mean by .and Neves (2001).roirrarrg Amerindian origins.shamanism. See Dean (1987) and Weinstein (1983)for standard accountsof the period.some publications.overly pessimistic prediction of the complete demise of the Brazilian Indian... may well indicate cultural pathology. Ribeiro (1967)provides a widely cited and now../whitemanl. deforestation leading (as far as we know.. A label for extractiveproduce. ."rri" pi. archivist at the the Royal Anthropololcar Institute. 1996).the convention followed here. 19g6) for an analvsis of macro-ecological dimensions.1gs7b. 12 In. seePorro (lgg4. but it is not clear how much of the increase is due to nahrral growth and how much is due to the (qualified) advantages of Indian identity under revised demarcation statutes(and there is by no means a consensus that demarcationis a panacaea). In the introductory pagesl however..There is widespread overvaruation _ not least by many anthropologists . SeealsoNugent (2004).r-r"p"toa. 15 Hemming (1979.".000) represent something of a turnaround. SeeBrown (2005). The comissao pro-yanomami (httí:tt www. The major commercial species was heaeabrasilienslr.A trvo-tield -od"l h. One familiar index is deforestation.

and Wallace (and others less celebrated)first provided detailed . quoted Redfern in 1989:102] [Lerner It is itself a cliché to say that'images of Amazonia are stereotypicaland in some respectsthe origins of key relationships between cliché and stereotype are far from obscure. Spruce.The essence their depicbions.and what is also shared in these 67 . natural exuberance.and culhrral parsimony such that the cenhality of the image of the forest-dwelling hunter-gatherer is coherent in terms of an authoritative. and fauna (and.descriptionsof significant portions of the basin.TheTropic Amazon: of Missing Peoples and Lingering Metaphors ' metaphor.the same could be said of most ethnographic areas . there has been a significant immutability of representationsof both the natural and social spheres.the persistentimagery of green hell.'r the implementation of the TiansamazonHighway. They are revealed in a literature.severaldecadesafter the science-and modernization-led 'conquest of the tropics. to a much lesser reinforced degree. is onethat refuses die. This coexistenceof more and less accurate notions of 'Amazonian In{ian' or Amazonian sociefy' is hardly controversial .' it to î clichéis not a half-dead 1956:250. of by Conan Doyle's (1912)widely disseminatedLost Worly'have held sway until the present. when long-term field researchby the Mctorian naturalists Bates. flora.Throughout that period.its human occupants). 1970. and associateddevelopment projects in ca. detailed ethnographic literature. but is also compatible with a crudely stereotypical'noble savage'/'stone-age people' characterization that prevails in public culture.if hardly complete . beginning in the mid-l9th century.

but the core ethnographic literature is unquestionably centred on a highly recognizable 'Amazonian Indian subject'.Amazonia may yet appear as one of ihe last frontiers. Alongside this fairly unambiguous anthropological object is a tradition of Amazonian sfudiesthat converges.of a division of labour among symbolists. Schmidt1926. frgure 4. In a crucial respect. with Figure Andoke 4. and two views of Amazonia is a curiously ahistorical place.however awkwardly at times. Even as a narrowly defined anthropological object Amazonia is fragmented. and cultural ecologists. Whiffen 1904: T. ca. Roosevelt 1994). . strucfuralists.as they still do for many hunting and gathering societies. I I I^ ^ t but since the earliest phasesof New World colonization.M.especially among Indianists whd tend to provide the focus for sociocultural anthropological research.ChapterFour The TrooÌcof Amazon L-:Y.2Such a classification is not exhaustive of the sociocultural anthropology of the region as it little acknowledgesthe anthropology of (see non-Indian Amazonians or the appealsto multidisciplinary syntheses Balée 1994. Heckenberger2005.2 Chamacocco womanand child.1 couple. however. the ahistoricism and persistent naturalism are surprising. a prace in which the idioms of naturalism still serve to provide the basic refèrencesfor the social. Amazonia has been part of the modern world. Copyright theRoyal of Anthropological Institute Great of Britain lreland. but there is a general notion .

the 20th century. 1949.kept alive as much through its repeatedly being cited as inaccurate as through its being ascribedany credibility..The net effect is of an Amazonia repeatedly re-invented under the terms of the current prevailing researchprogramme (anthropology. the H.ior.3 There are key erementsof this trad- ópera house) flar. etc. an ofifrcialanthropological idiom only emergesin stereotypes. reihforced by updates such as Crichton's novel andfilmJurassicPark (1990 and Spielberg 1993)and feature films such as (Llosa 1997) and Relic (Hyams 1996) (see Chapter 7). 1952). (1817) and.d.ChapterFour The Tropicof Amazon such as Colonel Fawcett. caboclos. but still significantly influential.).challengedby new research. see. An early example of this is the myth of Amazon warriors. Woodroffe and Smith 1915).represent the explorer/scientist Bates(1892). Phasethreeis closelyassociated phase.the melange of tropical associations(seeStepan2001) . an image of dubious reliability. lÉtl ::&Í..Agassiz . hi.1942. There is a sixth phase." and i. out. invoked itionregularly rilhrghlil. but with continued deference to the fundamental immutability of the 4.are actors generally desigrratedwith no great subtletyas Indians.r.:rl background both natural (tnfernouerde) and curturat .s pur. whites (from an inÀgenist.li*rul or or Indians. Bates1gg2.."l fig". Henry Hoyt's (2001[ 1925])Lost World(basedon Conan Doyle's 1912novel) is undoubtedly one of the most influential in terms of popular perceptions of Amazonia. but that idiom inevitably draws heavily if selectively on earliersources.p". Henry Ford. non-timber forest products.proyide... but the guiding images . respectively. a relativeand significani absenceof autochthono. or Black EIk. one whose mythic elements .i..3 Figure Bates versus toucans.rTi.' iclers who accompanied. Againstthis background.tend to repeat themselves.a (Manuas ry". of analogues Sitting Bull.e As this sketch of phasesindicates.i Instead.to.. Phase four is the official ethnographic .Amazonia has long been the subject of serious scrutiny from diverse quarters.for exarnple.. nationals (from a national pu?. A more Anaconda time-bound.ii" ".r"res. though perhaps not so much a stageof the sequence as it is an accumulation and aggregationof images that represent i stereotypical Amazonia. and Acuna who documented Teixeira's expedition a century later (1637). and Euclides da Cunha provide iconicreference'6 For the purposes of this book. fo_.mestigos.And the fifth phase commenceswith the so-called'opening' of Amazonia via the projects associatedwith . von Humboldt (1799).p. mineral extraction. i'l' of the river: Carvajal who documented the voyage of Orellana (1542). litetature also dates from the declining years of the rubber industry (early 20th century. theofficial anthropologicarriterature.1946. subsequently.ti"i.uco.are not so much displacedas enhanced.independent scientistss through the sale of collections. with Wallace(1889).. effectivelycommencingwith Curt Nimuendajú (1939.von Spix and von Martius La Condamine (1737). there are roughly five phasesof documentation of Amazonia (both natutal and social landscapes)in which there is an intermixing of anthropological and non-anthropological Obviously. the first descent and first ascent .T work was mainly funded whose and Spruce (1908). Geronimo. The first phaseis associatedwith accountsprovided by religious chron::'1+. yet still a centerpiece of folkloric accounts. economic botany.and superseding the construction of the TiansamazonHighway.

but the benchmarks of pillageable wealth establishedby the conquest of Andean societieswere still not approachable.I ChapterFour so-called hyleiqt. There are many reasonsfor highlighting the contributions of the trio of Victorian naturalists and for setting them apart from their predecessors. by the time serious anthropological investigation was undertaken. von Humboldt.and they had much greater exposure to the lives of diverse.g.1987b) result in unsteady commercial exploitation of the region (seeAnderson 1999) and the decimation and further fragmentation of indigenous societies. The Societies I What Carvajal document"! been slighted for two quite separate l:r reasons. and Wallace are based on extended periods in the field (their tenures perhaps only exceededby Schultesin the mid-20th century. While Spruce'saccount of his time in Amazonia is mainly limited to an edited edition of his notebookscompiled by Wallace (190'8).river did not take place until the early lTth century' Led by Pedro Teixeira. but freelance/independentscholarshired as consultants. seeMason 1990)and religious themes. the upper Amazon River and Solimoes River. but there is still a strong senseof time suspensionin Amazonian shrdies. The relative absenceof a social Amazonia was not an original condition but the outcome of hundreds of years of contact.purruge down the river did not reveal monumental societiesthat could pro'nidu the material wealth lought by the spanish. ordinary Amazonians. indigenous Amazonian societies were representative of pre-conquest socimanner so slight a. an impressive. didactic costume dramà.s t9^{l9w only piecemeal speculation(Lathrap 9li9yi1a 1968.'rr.The first is that orellana's voyage failed to consolidaie the gold-driven aims of spanish cottqrreto. Spruce. Bates's(1892) Ihe Naturaliston theRiaerAmazuv . Scientific exploration by Condamine.Roosevelt1994).. These accountscarried the authority of a new scientific culhrre representednot only in such figures as Darwin (who with Wallace shares credit for introducing the notion of natural selection). riverine chieftainships.uir.relatively few . forest in contemporary eco-discourse).470 pagesin length includes four maps (the Amazon basin. seeDavis 1996).it fails to convey a controversial feature ofthe Amazonianlandscape oJ the 16th cenhrry that has come to prominence in recent debates (seeMeggers 1g96) about the character of prehistorical Amazonian social formations: the Amerindian adversarieswàre not bowwielding hunter-gatherersdiverted from their normal task of procuring food for dinner. those of Bates's and Wallace's illustrations that included depictions of humans . Academy).e. Wallace. and the Amazon estuary).models for the kind of ethnographic fieldwork subsequentlyemployed by anthropologists. and Spix . and religious groups did 1978.'indigenous peoples were largely represented by mere fragments of their La "it"c"aerrtr. and Bates in the mid-to-late l9th cenLury was conducted in a highly truncated social landscape. von Martius. low-budget. Agassiz.A closely following descent of the river (replete with hostile encounterswith Arnerindians)-found cinematic representation in the form of Aguirre: wrath of God(Herzog lg72). the lower Amazon River. The images of Amazonia in the 19th century that emerge from the work of Bates.proto-states).u Subsequentexploration and colonization of the region (seeHemming conductedby private. They were neither gentleman-scholarsof private means nor direct employees of church or crown.but also institutions such as the Royal Geographic Society and the Royal Anthropological Institute of England and Wales. The first ascentof the.Porro 1994. vengeful toucans. crown.s. carvajal documented kinds of societies that so rapidly dlsappeatred ulder the impact of conquestthat by the time one could_speakof colonial society in Amazonia.The Amazonia that presenteditself to theseVictorian naturalistswas a wildernesspreviously occupied by many humans.lSth until early l9th centuries.wise folf-m_a1agers. high density. I TheTropic nmazon rc ot | comparable in scale to that encountered by Orellana (i.the expedition d-ocumented socii hndscape a .*1r^1g. tg'95) and reviJed and published in English (Heaton 1954). Unlike earlier woodcuts and engravingsof more sensationalist (scenes of cannibalism feature prominently.there have been significant changesin the pubric perception of the region and its peoples (witness the ientrality àr trr" .9-"nted by Friar Gaspir de Carvajal.showed a savagenature (aggressive crocodiles. both Bates (1892) and Wallace (1889) are illustrated accountsthat athacted large popular audiences(Stepan2001:34) and were reviewed in periodicals for the educated public (e. Dial.and by Spruce. second. towering forest) and anticipated the structure of the dioramas popularized by the American Museum of Natural History.1987a. but were armed representativesof complex and large societies. a nature yet to be brought to bear under the force of civil society. Arthough ii many respectstexhrally accurate.. O5_4J-?). Granted that between the l6th century discovery of 'Amazon warriors' and the 20th century discovery of . a frontier laboratory setting out limitless researchand social engineering possibilities. Founding Stereotypes Amazonia was first explored by Europeans in the early l6th century voyage._That published-in spanish in 1855 (complete version.

Hollywood feature films). An explicitly ethnographic and photographic counterpoint to the illustrative aims of the naturalists is provided by their contemporary E.. for example).annual rainfall). It is important to recognize that in this period. six landscapes. centrally. and illustrations of ten domestic articles (e. In the first case. Vaupes River. lmThurn E.Although the scientific goal of providing basic inventories was pararnount.Adventures with Toucans'. The Tropicof Amazon t Figure4.either official reports to imperial sponsors and religious authorities or quasi-heroic explorer accounts 1a genre that persiststoday and still constitutesa significant portion of the Amazonianist literature). Bates's and Wallace's texts include accounts of éncounters with many different kinds of Amazonians: although not systematic. there is no ethnographic tradition with which to compare these accountsof field staysthat are unprecedented in terms of the depth and length.but more like freelance operators.character.a Figure Macusi 4.Wallace's (1889). version that not only continuesto encapsulate received notions of tropical Amazonia and Amazonians. Bates'sand Wallace's accounts (not to overlook entirely Spruce'snotebooks) were not the only contributionS to this kind of narrative literature. 1992b) as well as modern mufations such as Park III $ohnston 2001). all three nafuralistswere dependent on the salesof their collections for their livelihoods and this was the priority.g. lmThurn AnthropologicaloftheCamera 0n Uses I Im Thurn.5 dancing outfìt. although initially hained as a botanist."orrri..suited to the regime of solo collector. but is also the basis for other continental models (cf.Band Bates and Wallace were not members of large teams. in any case. Photography was then only an emerging technology and not. 1893.g.he brings to bear the documentary. Despite the natural history focus./classificatory impulse of modern ethnography (embodied in the Torres Straits Expedition. Im Thurn who. the Amazon basin). provides two crucial links between the explorer/natural history Amazonianist literature (which is to say of the period betwlen the ". mid-16th cenhrry and the mid-tolate lgth century) und t*o modern bodies of Amazonian literature and images. the ethnographic content is substantial. pursued an explicitly anthropological project. Jurassic . lm Thurn1883. Bond 1992a.ra main the focus of their attention was on flora and fauna. E. but even though they comment extensively if unsystematically about the new Amazonian social landscape.manioc grater) and geological formations.his account of his ascentof Mount Roraima (near the Guyanese/Venezuelan/Brazilian borders) is the sourceof Conan Doyle's 'lost world' representation of Amazonia (Conan Doyle lg12) . In the secondcase. see above) and prints of twenty-two animal speciesand six plant species.4 Riverbank. charts (e. probably best known for Amongthe Indiaru of Guiana (1889). The antecedentsof these accountsare of very different. those of academic anthropology and those of the culture industry (and.I ChapterFour There are nine landscapes(including the widely reproduced .4 Nanatiae of Iiaueh on theAmazonand Rio Negroincludes three maps (Rio Negro.

suchasthat which I havejustdescribed.the real bodily appearÍrnce uncivilisedfolk'(1893:189). in situ"acqttitenew interest' (1893:195). seem teristically to which oneoccasionally of badlystuffed sees comparable the photographs (1893:187) birdsandanimals.oncemto document 'primitive phasesof life [that] are fast fading from the world in this age of restless travel and explo. lm Thurn 1g93.the position. the first photograph (Pariomonaman in palm leaf dress)is the of interestbecause dressitselfis brought to life bybeingworn: '[W]hen seen off the body of the wearer it would look like nothing in the world but a small bundle of withered palm leaves.Hence. 'the ordinary conception of these people as dull and expressionless should give place to the kuer idea that .he espouses sUUtreavlty flavoured ty is raciological preoccupations and archÀic notions about the relationship between genotype-and phenotype.. 18g3. ird a c.r". . .7 boy. The initial claims for accuracyand lifefulnessto fulÌy relegatedin Im are Thurn's own summary of what the photographs show: 'In short.""t. but not reproduced in the published version. His commentary on each photograph makes clear that the step from 'stuffedanimal' to 'living being' is lessthan it first appears. anddistorted i Figure 4.for eachphotograph . he argues .and would to t}le uninitiated seem supremely uninteresting' (1893:195). and far from making a case for the superior accuracy of photography over textual or figurative accounts. there is a great deal of life and even in some cases beauty of Figure Macusi E. claim somewhatundermined by the images(seeabove)he usesto illustrate his case' postale/carte aisite de It takes considerablefaith to recognize in the carte format of theseimages the lifefulnessclaimed.would be far more instructive and far more interestingthat any ( collectionof the articlesthemselves' 1893 197). being an illushation of the offspring of a 'red-skinned mother' and 'black father'. Despite his criticism of the restricted use of photography only for the accurate measuring of 'mere bodies of primitive fotk' (iaob:ia4) and his claim that the photographing of living beings shourd be a priority . the ordinaryphotographs so ofuncharacmerelypictures miserable natives.is of interest becauseof the way it provides a context {or the material culture displayed by each of the models. Im Thurn's 1893 arricle on anthropology and photography is based on his considerable field exp-eriencein Goy". -catlin than even the detailed drafumanship of a can achieve. asin this photograph. Although more than mere physiology is to be captured by the carnera. .aúon'(1g98:rg4i. Im Thurn's essayis basically an encomium to the forensic superiority of photography in deconstructing the racial elements to be found among various Guianesepeoples.lmThurn 4.according to his commeniary . of With referenceto imagesscreenedduring the presentationof this paper to the Royal Anthropological Institute of England and Wales. Im Thurn comments on what is crucially revealed in photographs:'though not tall.6 Vtlarrau cafuzo. Ordinary illustrations make difficult'discernitg.another swipe at anthropometry . E. a good seriesof photographs showing each of ihe possessions a primitive folk. Im Thum writes: photographs the anthropometrists of are Just as the pureÌy physiological oflifelessbodies.. : These are rather modest claims for the advantagesbrought to anthropology by the use of photography.rr. of and its use.Similarly.al ChapterFour The Tropicof Amazon | 77 (more importantly) that the camera can record under natural conditions a (1893:196). . The caption to the photograph of Gabriel reverts to a raciological idiom. the photograph of the Macusi 'lad in full dancing dress'has merit because'thesearticlesseen. are a fine people in the point of physical and muscular development'.iu his iarnilíarity with emerging trends within an anthropology representedby a newly íormed professional association(the Royar Anthropological Iníutute oíEngland and wales) and on the verge of becoming a unlversity discipline. according to Im Thurn -oi" u.

footnote. tents of the summit. The emergenceof a substantialbody of ethnographic images of Amazonians was delayed for several decades and the popularization of the clichéd image set was consolidated not only by the cartes aisite/tavel de image industry.during a searchfor an ancient Amazonian city. heroes the are pursuedby primeval carnivores. Marett and his widow Hannah would refer to the 'lost world' in their introduction to a commemorative set of essays 2002:151). A similar example of the easy coedstence of contradictory empirical and mythical content in Amazonianist literature and imagery of that time is provided by Colonel Fawcett.alpinelike vegetation strange Im Thurn'speaceful and rock formations. . even his friend the anthropologist R.presumed killed by Indians . Only two years after his death.the most assiduous student of the Kalapalo.the jumbling of categoriesof the exotic. but also through expressionvia other genresand medi4 a Lost Wrldnovel (Conan Doyle 1912) major example being The and feature film (Hoyt 2001 [1925]). His disappearance has continued to prompt speculation (intensity level: that of the Loch Ness monster ot yeti rather than UFO) a lot ofwhich has appearedin print2r and despite the absenceofconclusive evidence. Im Thurn's work and reaction to it provide an example of folk knowledge prevailing over an emerging scientific literature.and virtually abandoning the idea that photography can lift anthropolory beyond the crude goals of anthropometry and allied conceits . but it is important to note the very different dynamics characteristic of the scientific and . a (Dalziell 2002:148) The scientific impulse of Im Thurn (e. While the contentsof the Mount Roraima plateauare mainly of botanical interest. .and quietly odd. the con'lost world' plateau are rather more exotic. European influence meets and tquches the weaker native American race.and the fashion îot cartes posnle . an English explorer who disappearedin May 1925 . and the Pitt Rivers Museum (Ayler 1994).in particular. WhatIm Thurn takes to be naturalistic representationsof Indians look contrived stiff studio fare.of which 866 million were posted in the United Kingdom in 1909-10 (Street 1994:122). are captured by hostileape-men.ChapterFour 'from the first instant that the stronger in their appearance'(1893:190). Second. triggera war and rescue gratefulIndian tribe. concluding with the damp recommendation that'the Instifute should make it its businessto collect and arrÍrngein some suitablemanner all photographs of the kind here alluded to. his efforts were in vain' (Dalziell 2002:l5l).t Third. has and astheplot unfolds. This was particularlytrue of Englishmen to seeking solve the mystery which apparentlyis still alive (at leastin somecircles)in GreatBritain.ro Dalziell shows how Conan Doyle's and Conan Doyle's rendition is not only obviously fashioned after Im Thum's account. pp. .. met several visiting the Upper Xingu who were willing to pay for informationabout Colonel Fawcett..if potentially cataclysmic.with dwarf.all overshadowedethnographically inspired images as core representationsof exotic natives.One aspecthas already been noted: the predominance of a forensic approach ridiculed by Im Thurn as akin to taxidermy .the Royal Anthropological Institute. recounts their denial of responsibility. but also how it blatantly distorts key points.PIm Thurn appears to have tried to -minimize the association between the account of his ascent of Mount Roraima and Conan Doyle's fictional re-rendering. polar bears. but equivocal in key respects. The successof international trade fairs and theatrical exhibitions that included humans in native dress (seePoignant 2004 for a compelling historical casestudy of Australian travelling exhibits/subjects). it is absolutely unavoidable that a change should begin in the latter'(1893:l9l). Im Thurn's contribution to early analysisof the role of photography in modern anthropology is undeniable. the latter a pedestrian.Im Thurn is submerged in raciological dross (see.the former a focal cliché.collecting specimensfor Kew Gardens) is overwhelmed by the appeal of dinosaurs on Tower Bridge. Before nighfall the dinosaur spotting begun.possibly to counteract Conan Doyle's sensationalising transfoffnation of his achievement . Once launched on this line of speculation .yet during the period of my own research I persons [mid-1960s]. not the stuffof an imperialadventure is story. His prominence as a public figure (and promoter of anthropology) and associationwith the long-term study of the peoples of British Guyana resulted only in a very small number of prints held by the Royal Geographical Society.g. which the travelling anthropologist may secure' (1893:203). . arrd Scottishdancers cited by Street (1994:122). Im Thurn himself seemedto lose interest in pursuing his craft. there is a folk attribution of responsibility to the Kalapalo Indians of the upper Xingu region.makes any alternative approachappear amore radical departurethan itmay actuallybe. Basso (1973:4). @alziell In her comparison of the parallel cÍìreersof Im Thurn's Mount Roraima 'lost world'. disturb a pterodactylflock. but despite his attempts to 'the scientific and practical aspectsof his ascent emphasize [and the fact TheTropicof Amazon that it was a first ascent]. despite his enthusiastic. 192-3). images of native peoples provided by serious scholars and explorers (often merged categoriesin this period)$ representedan extremely small portion of image production of that epoch. R. as in the exhibition of pygmies.programmatic espousal of photography. a tendency reflected as well in the contemporary discrepancy in symboìic weight between befeathered-Indian-with-blowpipe and genetically modified soya .

and that of the couple below. Figure4.took place against an .8 Macuchi Indian.such as cumbersome equipment and the need for long exposure times. The photograph of the Macuxi youth above. are unambiguousìy posedstudio images. . and ùe phoiógraphic record of this period consistsmainly of posed studio prodrrcìs. The latter tends to be cumulative or iterative_. for example . folkloric bodies of the knowledge.. impoverished backdrop of fragmented knowiedge.G.worst was already over in most areas' (Heckenberger 2005:10) and that the move toward ethnography by the Victorians. Figure Postcard. Huebner190H5.The main reasonfor this is the fact that in terms of demographic collapse. 4. but it's also true that a docum_entarylobservational approacL toward ordinary life sceneshad yet to challengethe idealized photographic object (Levinó tOaS. The former. however.by lzsT the . has an illusory stability despiie the rigour proviúed by an increasingly sophisticatedanthropology.9 Amerindian couple.SZ. There were sound reasonsfor studio dependence. contemporary'wise forest manager'being a clear transformthe ation of the 'noble savage'. 1gO3_04. Huebner G. howevet.i ChapterFour The Tropicof Amazon The simple contrast between the idealized and the ordinary. doesnot seemto capturethe actual variety representedin collectionssuch as ihat of Kroehle and Huebner (Schoepf2000). and gives the impressiJn of stability.

Figure4. Huebner1g8g.T.11 Okainagirls.ChapterFour As an alternative to the clinical/forensic style derided by Im Thurn. Figure4. of Anthropological ca. Whiffen 1904:Copyright the Royal lnstituteof Great Britainand lreland. there is a female Xipibo couple posed againstà drop cloth.10 Xipibowomen on the Ucayali. . G.

Schmidt1926.M. 1926.M. snuff 4. M. Figure4.1 Figure 5 Tukuya taker.14 Kobeuawoman and childrenusing trptÙto squeezejuice from manioc 1926.12 Yekuana man. Schmidt Figure4. Schmidt1926.ChapterFour The Tropicof Amazon Figure 4. oulp. M. Schmidt .13 Kobeuapotter.

17 Serrado Araraquara.was also laid before the public eye in other ways.. the resolution of the Venezuela/British Guyana border dispute). it was. thu in the first decadesof the of orh". a situation maintained in some subregions today. Venezuela.but it also shows a socially more complex amazonia than is typicJ of 'green/vegetation her.1942. Not onry doesit include Amazonians who are not indigenes. the region was 20th 'economic stagnation'' undergoing an involution later characterizedas Secónd. 1949. The losf World phenomenon was not only literary.16 Postcard. contributor clich' might seem curious. Irn Thurn's dual role as a contributor to a maturing anthropology to a competing repertoire of Amahowever inadvertently. Borders between and among Brazil. Rio In terms of the photographic conventionsthat cameto prevail oncea pro^ fessional-ethnographic literature could be recognized.'g" of s.. .Im Thurn flags these shifts in his referencesto the shortcomings of anthropometric ntit"ti. integrity of different kinds of pre-capitalist social systems as well as the structure functionalist notion of a self-contained systefn. or raciology .1946. Casement'sreport on Belgian labour practices on Congo Free State rubber estatesin 1904 had drawn international Figure 4.g. Huebner1904. The fact that travel in the region was mainly restricted to river routes certainly reinforced the perception of the interior as uncharted space. but a generic for Conan Doyle. Brazilian Amazonia had..ubject m{t9r representedin Huebner's work22is transgressive. after all. àking the *ori-or Nimuendajú (1939. Figure4.Colombia. This generic depiction and the ascendancyof a natural domain over a more political one is not unrealistic. Peru. (until the rubber boom) a not particularly desirable colonial territory.a Boasiancultural relativism and the ionii*. significant boundary re-drawing had taken place (e.Acre's shift from Bolivian to Brazilian control.. Amazonian countries) rapidly declined century. been initially claimed by Spain and de facto absorbedby a motley set of interests in the corner of the Portuguesecolony. Bolivia.lr in represenling native peoples and in being caught up in the new projections of imperial culture. Effectively administered by the Jesuit order until Pombal's interventions in the mid-18th centur/. Additionally. and Colombia and Peru had tried to use the Putumayo scandalas the basisfor pursuing a new set of territorial claims.4)rf1an industry that had-held sway lhen occurring in the region. The South American hinterland depicted by Im Thurn and the enterprising Conan Doyle was explicitly colonial Guiana (then British Guyana) 'tropics' lor go*retnmentemployee and scientistIm Thum.this relegation of the region from its previous position in the world economy coincided with the emergence of a new kind of anthrooology that emphasized in departing from the dominance of diffuevolutionism.ì 86 | Chapter Four The Tropicof Amazon and.G.Carajébasketmaker. 1952)asÌoundauonallthe ru. there were important political dimensions especiallywith regard to the high visibility of certain colonial and imperial practices. and in the absenceof a substituteindustry. and the Guianas were uncertainly drawn and certainly permeable. Firs! the rubber regional economy of the Brazilian Amazon (and significantparts ou".the lost world . Branco. but also reflected a new kind of scientific culture within cosmopolitancircles (and in which the Darwinian revolution and the roles of learned societiesfeatured prominently). This generic tropical forest . but it accurately reflects key changes .

it is difficult to recognize the distiictive advance of an anthropologically informed photography over what was being achieved by. on 'real events/a true story'. Frìsch 1860.heart of darkness'cognate of 'green hell').rendering his critique a bit lifeless. Figure4. Frisch.photographic accountswas not in any simple sensean 'occidentalist' construction of green hell.o rhose of Albert Frisch. Èuman types disappearingunder various colonial regimes.r. It is known that an American photographer based in Belém in lg4+.ho* Indians in poseshardly dissimilar from those of contemIt "r" port. In looking at some of the photographic images available from late lgth century Amazonia. and.and continue to provide .to a limited degree . many of the elements engagedwere based.z+ 1n The turn-of-the-century Amazonia depicted in literary.""À tó . second. as noted above.19Albert Figure . ca.rrriit" (Ferrez and Naef 1976:24). journalistic.. aì the cinematii quùficauon hus it.in providing .i u. The reference may well be to the criminat identification system of Berullon (1882-83)or to Lombroso (1876). later to achieve.oil of". not at all dissimilar from what Im oor-y hhu. First. the swipes at taxidermic photography seem directed aì a general anthropological practice. Im Thurn's criticism of what he clearly regards as a dominant mode (or genre) of representationis difficult to interp"ret. . and . * overtly anthropological practice (aspursued. phoìographic anthropo-*"try was only really emerging at the time Im Tirurn ias^writing.a deepjungle fix).18 AlberiFrisch 1860. althoug-hin the case of Brazilian commentators (such as da cunha 1944 [1902])' much more emphasiswas placed on the national issue of the ethnic melting pot (and fears of the mongrelization of Brazil. interior spacepopulated by semimÉic features and peoples was hardly confinèd to-nón-Brazilians. say.n^uonian' by Fidanza...it is more likelv a bur reference to the way ph_otographyhad overtaken painting íh" 'Comp_anySchool' (Landau lggg:l) . schwarcz 1999)than it was on Indians per se. an African . not specifically an Amazonian one. and while it is clear wiat elements were employed in the cliché assembryof .. 4.26 Photographers image in Ferrez and Naef's [1976]Pioneer ?rí. spent almosi a decade photographing in the region and along the Brazilian coas! but no worl.g.the lost world/green hell' complex achieved by conan Doyle (and many other lesserwìiters who also provided . ca.*u.Among the earliest photographs available The Tropicof Amazon (Aside from Frisch's photographs. y.tds.s . In Amazonia. shortly afterward. charles Deforest Frederick.showsDom Pedro II arriving in Belém in 1867') #nr*t. allegations of the enslavement and torture of rubber estate workers in the Northwest Amazon (Putumayo region) were investigated by casementlr and the casewas publicized by the Anti-slavery and Aborigines protection intensely covered by the London periodical rhe riuth.zs The caricature of Amazonia as a lost.Early photographs of Amazonians adhere quite well to Im Tirurn's prescriptions. whose Society_and editor Sydney Paternosterpublished a bookJéngth account (rhe Lords of theDeail'sParadise) l9l3. by ÉÍvers and his associateson the Torres straits Expedition). for example. that is not crear. the only ^.ChapterFour atiention to a shocking level of barbarism (indeed.

ChapterFour The Tropicof Amazon Figure4. Figure4.Albert Frischca. 1860. ca. on AlbertFrisch 1865 ca.21 Albert Frischca.20 AlbertFrisch 1860. Figure 4.22 Indians Solimoes. .23 Indianon Solimoes. i 865. Figure 4.

The 67 tribes identified and photographed in the course of the Rondon expeditions provides a partial yet compelling collective portrait.Indians of the centre. doesn't actually refer to an ethnos. possibly proto-statesociety that dominated the barìks of the Amazon (Porro 1996).6yperrèd Indian') took precedenceover named tribes.. On one hand. on Indians of the Xingu.spearwielding. aàd of the south of Mato Grosso is comprised of reports on 36 Indian groups and includes 573 images.was placed on what little was still representedat all by Indians rather than rein presentativeness the longer term. What the photographic image of an Amazonian subject has come to representis (likely) at odds with what it is widely thought to represent.ry Indian.the Maasaimunan. Araguaia. includes four hundred images of sixteen gro.2e volume r .zr The three volumes published under Rondon's name and entitred zha Indians of Braail (1946. Volume rrr . From the 1890s throughthe 1930s. Zulu .IndiansNorth of theAmapn Riuer. The consolidation of indigenism as a clear position within the anthropology of Brazil and the Amazon bore with it the effect of creating a necessa. providing tokens for raciologists (1g99:2)and assisting colonial administration (as in watson and Kaye's [rg6g-zs] r'lte People India). In terms of administration. documentary photography rather than ethnography featured in the state'spromotion of a nationj Indian bureaucracy. an inventoryszthat includes and reinforces the key elements of the long-lasting aggregatedicons naked. the the 'hunter' in Duggan-croriin's. and Muchthe samemight be claimed for Amazonia with the important dif_ ferencethat a generic Indian (later to become Ramos's .is precarious.by whatever criteria of typicality . and as Landau (19gg:6) observesof a different setting (colonial Africa): The forcesthat marshalled distributed and images.lantemslideÀ postcardé. thus.skidmore 1998).r groups and 540 images.515images. and one that is sharply informed by the fact that the existenceof any Indians .or even meaningfully to the various ethnic groups (or fragments of) that live in or near the Xingu River and Reserve. a conception that might advance the causeoflndian rights even at the expense ofprecision. etc.beautiful photographs. that strategyis alsoenhancedby the cliché heritage.3o One of the reality trade-offs is that classificatory simplifications are politically strategic in helping to identif a constituency that is recognizable within national and international political discourse:of course.indigenism . colonial:r photography in Amazonia was not so directly a reflection of administrative prerogatives.rnically aJl identifiedtheir'tribes'in various books. a com: parison with Africa (Landau 1999:8)is instructive: whereasin Africa photography relied on a number of stereotypes(albeit a small number).2ó) in particular show what was to become an ethnographic photographic convention in subsequentdecades: a scene of daily life that showed human actors and material culture (and/or spatial setting). they are neither pure de 'portrait' nor 'view' .includes accountsòrnt"". of The documentary importance of the Indian phenotype in Brazil was modest.of the Northeast. the vast ma_ jority being of human subjects rather than material . has its own history." objects or landscapes. forest dwellers. there is not a single example of the kind of large. The designation 'Xirgo Indian'. however. which is to say so-called 'tribes'.warrior. a number of which are frame grabs froÀ thà flms of colonel rhomaz Reis who accompanied the expeditions as the official army cinematographer. perhaps overshadowed in the context of late-l9th/20th century national debatesabout race and identity in which a discourseabout white and black dominated (seeRamos 1998.rpr. 1953a. There are important similarities and differences between Amazonian anthropology of this period and photographic developments in other colonial setlings. this generic tendency The Tropicof Amazon is not surprising.ChapterFour Although these are all of the cartes aisitestyle. When the development of a professional anthropology of Amazonian Indians did emerge.Volume II. which has a high recognition factor. This is a formidable set of official images. On the other hand.as the two prevalent types of the late lgth century were designated.Although clearly posed. In fwo senses. This tension betrveenthe adequacyof what is representedby the image of the Indian.nlto. prints l-3 (Figures 4.schwarcz Tggg. later FUNAI (National Indian Foundation). metony.that in general terms contemporary Indian groups are very poorly represenhtive of the situationjust prior to and at the time of contact. Landau (1999) observesthat arnong the roles assumed by photography were reportorial and documentary (including anthro_ pometric) functions.2T however.Although Rondon's heavily photographed expeditions were clearly part of a state project to extend and consolidate its influence in the more remote regions of interior Brazil. 1953b) include 1. for example. befeathered.initially the sPI (society for the protection of Indians). however. and Oipoque rivers. . the extermination of Amazonian Indians during thè firsltwo hundred years of contact was so extensive that it is nów convincingly established.lg-4. it was hardly either systematic or closely tied to a comprehensive administrative apparatus. much emphasis in the field of Indian studies . werealsothosethat prothe interpretations whattheimages qagated dominant of weretakento màan. the consideredview (if perhaps the dominant one) was that the collectivity of Indian groups was in such a fragile state that the process of modernization would rapidly complete the processof assimilation and cultural decline (Ribeiro 1967). by the time that photographic documentation emergesin the late19th century.if not necessarilywidely conceded.Again.

Waikisu. Cousteau and Richards's (19Sa)Jacques Cousteau's Amagn Journey.assimilatedIndian (caboclo)white man.citing Richards 1952).There is serious dispute about the degree to which this re-evaluation of native science reflects anything more than a front for new forms of commercial exploitation. Paulo Payakan). Ricciardi's (1991) Vanishing Amagn.. For an unusual and recently revealed archive. see Oakdale (2005). by Rondon) cited with different names (e. Just as the labelling and depiction of African natives were in part functions of the ways they were administered. Latundè.'forest' in Greek (Kricher 1989:16.. aJso Bi appearon the list of67 proVidedin Rondon (1946.government agent in Guyana (1891-99).'s (1964) TIME-UFE Intemational TheLand and Wildlife of SouthAmnica. in both cases the images of Indians are different from those highlighted by Landau in his analysis of images of Africans. Many of these. He was the first president of the Royal Anthropological Institute (1919-20).Sararé). There are a number of ways to read the comparison between the Rondon and ISA lists. so in Amazonia does the consolidation of a generic Indian reflect a particular political regime.Rondon Massacó appears on the ISA list as a subgroup of Tuberao). Although t}tey maintained some kind of affiliation with such bodies as the Royal Botaaical Gardens at Kew. it is not surprising that some of trre Rondon names are duplicated .Altt"su. The idea being of a systematicrelationship between the region and the nation-and-world-systemis obscured by repeated recourseto an episodic notion of history.sg The Tropicof Amazon t v v t"" I trtotes Heroic metaphors have been characteristicof colonial discoursein Amazonia since the first entry by Europeans. Anunsu. however. Mamaindé.genre. SeeSmith (1990). F.24 Patamonagroup. Schreider's (1970)National Geographic Society ExploringtheAmagn. .Bates et al. the above widely reproduced engraving of Batesbeing attackedby toucans. Excluded from this discussion is the 'coffee-table' and reference literature.while the ISA survey is obviously more comprehensive in terms of both Amazonian and non-Amazonian Brazilian Indians.g.1953a.. The classificationof Amazonians is not straightforward..g. Davi Yanomami. In the very recent past. and the Rondon list reflects a far narrower explorer's brief. Seethe overview by Viveiros de Castro (1996). Figure 4. Davi Yanomami. A term first used by von Humboldt . named Amazonian representativeshave emerged (e. Post-Thansamazonia. see Schoepf (2000) on George Huebner who worked with Koch-Grunberg and maintained a studio in Manaus. this Chico Mendes. Smith (1990) provides a concise account of exploration from ihe early l6th until the early 20th centúfies.Woodroffe19. J. Halotesu. Given the greater size of the ISA list.but others have well-establishedroles . This would include. make only fleetof ing reappearances. and in the 21st century the region is still 'conquered'.. trading on the branding value Indian authenticity.e.lgs3bj. situation has changed. and of these sixteen were initially (i. Sawentesu.i I ChapterFour Of the 437 peoples/tribes currently identified and documented by the Brazilian Social-Environmsgtal Institute (Irctituto Socioambientall.g.Negaroté. H. for example.nongIndianists a short-hand evolutionary model tends to prevail: Indians . The rubber industry of the late lgth century represented the apex of Amazonian integration in the world economy to date. SeeTurner (19g5)and Corry (1g93).g.MarioJuruan. and later governor of Fiji (lg0a). Im Thurn was curator of the British Guyana Museum (1877-82). a decline not out of line with the well-known pessimisticpredictions of authorities such as Ribeiro (1967). The Amazonian photographic record of this period is very slim. For a detailed and interesting discussionof aspects the of modern politics of Indian identity. with a singlJ entry in Rondon but 35 entries on thÉ ISA list (e. cf. Raoni. A reference to an upward re-evaluation of native scientific capacitythat followed the political mobilization of Amazonian peoples in response to the development assaulton the region post-1970. Raoni. The proportion of Rondon enkies that recurs almost one hundred years later is only about 55 per cent. especiaJly the 'havelier/adventurer'.|4.e.Wasusu.as in the case of the Nambiquara. Kithaulu. Sabanée Manduka. Tawandé. Aa. Bishop's (1962) Sunday Times World Library Bragl arrdWillis's (1971)Jungte Riuersand Mountain Pealcs. and F. for example.Hahaintesu. and different in ways thai reflect fun_ damental differences between the colonial regimes. Wakalitesu. Alaketesu.

namely that tne natives aren't actually posing because such manners of piesentatión of serf .. yet it orovides an indicative baseline.uruti""ry ". for example. .. Ayler (1994)."e C*"fft " . is This is a very imprecise designation.. The Tropicof Amazon I Lez Hemming's (2003) Die If YouMust traces the development of Brazil's Indian bureaucracY' Compare this with Steward (1948a. reckoned to refer to the secondhalf of the l8th century (cf. claims that the photo_ graphs of the subjectsp-ofng. .raiu referred to by Landau dgparts in many respectsfrom what was encountered in Brazil.eiott .Dyott (1930)..r. which has a high proportion of objectimages.mri"t . 25 Boorman's (1985a)memoir about the making of rhe EmeraldForasl describes how the attention to accurate ethrrographic'detail provided by consurtant anthropologistson the production finally Lecameunsupportable.who subsequently came to support the Irish Republican movement -_and was hanged for treason _ y*_.lost world'theme.t. or anthropometric devices. Frisch's are the first known photographs of Amazonian Indians.I I I ChapterFour 16 Views on the degree t9-whfch Im Thurn departed from the forensic anthropological^approach differ. Although the Jesuit administration of Indians until 1750 bears striking similarities tó the situation outlined by Landau for'Africa'. AJden 1987).y . fàr a cinema ethnographic authenticity. 23 Casement.. incrudes 58 illustrations . Amazonian image pioneer is Hercules Florence.."i i." acquaintanceof Conan Doyle. 21 SeeOrcutt (2000)who cites Fawcett (1958). 2 4 Tirussig(1987)provides a celebrateddiscussionofthe curture ofviorence in the Putumayo region.ro r. ht móst durabre conhibution.r"*. the administration of Brazilian Indians was split among (fought.^ Trr:ir] 19 Anthropological documentary^_ or ethrograptric fih _ (regardless whether one classifiesNanookiafàanre "_"."l poses or contortions of the body. and his various Manaus collaborators.on palm thatch (abàve) 'invorve . There are more than a dozen ethnolinguistic groups on the Reserve.Most come naturally to them: tropical_forestIndians .. 'Late colonial' in Brazil..'such fiderity exceededwlat was required in order to establish. .-":d]"S the university of New Mexico'j center for Southwest Researchpictorial col_ lections. of 1. _^ 18 And photographerssuch as Huebner (Schoepfzooò. 77 AmongtheIndians of Guiana(lgg3).ten plates arid 43 woodcuts _ but no photographs.. c19wn' and religious interests.Rondon's headship forged a durable link between Amazonia and rne mrrrtary' an association graphicauy reveared throughout the modernization process commencing with the construction oi th" t".". . Inítialv.. The last clauseis correct (if we excrude the camera itself from consideratìon). 1948b). "rrdierr. and Churchward (1936).\{hat the adjective means in the current context is pre-Republican (roughly late l9th/early 20th century).*p". 22 Huebner. Of course.gl"itua ie.ro' Highway (1970). of or documeni"o Extensive early observational footage of Amazonian Indians was take' by "*r colonel rhomaz Reis wro estabrishà the photographic and cinema Department of the Rondon commission in 1912. extraordinarily graceful while still in the prime of life'.. wlJ niaintained a comstudio output as well as providing documentary facfities for explorers. z / The 'colonial administration' in Airica i"a'r. who offered some support in Casement'sdefense. credited with ".relJpins a processbefore Daguerre and Fox iulbot (.ó 26 to the catalogueentry for. for example. a system iormalizeiunder the Directórate in 1757AJthough SPI was not o-stensibly within the military sector of the government.Nineteenth_Century Brazilian Views.lloloq"phic fffi 20 Bleiler (1996)notes that c91an Doyle's novel was one of many of that period that exploited the ... but the basis of Ayler's core craim is not wrolry convincing. (1g94:1gg).Ji.Fleming (1933)..i"rr"".this is not an Amazonian inventory much lessa national one. that is.