Capitalism, Landnahme and Social Time Regimes - An Outline

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Capitalism, Landnahme and social time rgimes: An outline

Klaus Drre Time Society 2011 20: 69 DOI: 10.1177/0961463X10394965 The online version of this article can be found at: http://tas.sagepub.com/content/20/1/69
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Capitalism, Landnahme and social time regimes: An outline

Klaus Dorre
Friedrich-Schiller-University Jena, Germany
Time and Society 20 (1) 6993 ! The Author(s) 2011 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0961463X10394965 tas.sagepub.com
Abstract In this paper the influence of capitalist Landnahme on the modification of social time regimes will be discussed. The papers main thesis is that time is distributed extremely unequally in processes of social acceleration. A regime of discontinuous time deprives part of the subordinates of material and cultural resources which are essential for rational actions in markets. Moreover, different forms of exploitation of time resources divide the subalterns. As a result, developed capitalist metropolises are defined by what is best described as stable instability. Keywords acceleration, discontinuous time, Landnahme, organized time, precarization, social time regimes
Introduction
Already among the classics of sociology, capitalism was considered a formation of society constituted by a particular time regime. Capitalism thus means the implementation of linear time. It is this abstract mode of measuring time which, in contrast to natural cycles and biological rhythms, provides the basis for behavior motivated by economic thinking and costbenet calculations. Only this makes rational action in capitalist markets possible. Accordingly, the history of capitalism can be told as a succession ` of events where regimes of linear time were implemented which, beyond the spheres of circulation and production, increasingly structure peoples time o work and therefore their entire conduct of life (Scharf, 1988). If, at rst,
Corresponding author: rre, Friedrich-Schiller-University Jena, Department of Sociology, Carl-Zei-Strae 2, 07743 Klaus Do Jena, Germany Email: klaus.doerre@uni-jena.de
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it was Marx who revealed the rulership dimension of social time regimes by pointing at the social dierences of being in command of work times and life times, more recent analytic works generally have a dierent focus. In Hartmut Rosas (2005, 2009) inuential study on the changes of time structures in modernity, social acceleration is dened as a general phenomenon of alienation by which individuals are aected by relatively irrelevant of their position in society. No matter whether banker or bank clerk, unemployed pensioner or expendable human resource in a deprived area all of us appear to be subjected to the workings of a capitalist acceleration engine that no longer knows any real social dierentiations. As a contrast to this version of a critical theory of acceleration, a dierent point of view will be outlined below. What, on the surface of society, appears as acceleration is the result of extremely unequal control over and distribution of time resources. In other words, capitals acceleration drive is not asserting itself without crises or ruptures. As it is always also inuenced by a political economy of labour, by social struggle and conict (Negt, 1984), the course of capitalistic development is marked by periodic de- and reconstruc tion of social time regimes. Thus, the latest capitalist Landnahme1 is by no means having the eect of linear acceleration; its impact brings about the destruction of a regime of organized time which is replaced by a regime of discontinuous time. According to my thesis, this latter, new time regime, deprives a part of the subordinates of those material and cultural resources which would enable them to take rational action in the markets. Dierent forms of exploitation of time resources also divide those under its rule a phenomenon contributing towards the peculiar stabilization of the unstable we currently experience in the centers of developed capitalism. The reasoning behind assuming such a point of view will be provided in several steps. The connection between capitalism and social time regimes will be addressed rst. The concept of Landnahme is then introduced and subsequently made concrete in the form of an outline of the most recent Landnahme of nancial capitalism. In conclusion, some considerations are presented in which the thesis of acceleration is discussed once more.
Capitalism and social time regime as interpreted by Marx

Traditional, pre-capitalistic societies linked time regimes and time experience to natural cycles or the specic requirements of particular work. In demand-oriented agrarian economies, the sowing or harvesting work had to be done whenever the natural cycle required. And in pre-capitalistic trades and crafts, the factors determining the producers time rhythms were
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the qualities of the nished product, the materials used and the sequence of jobs required for production. Changes to the resulting dominance of cyclic time happened only, when during transition to trade capitalism, a more precise and universally applicable way of measuring time became necessary. At rst, this need extended to the sphere of circulation where rationalization of the time regime already appeared as the pressure to accelerate the movements, the turnover of commodities into capital and the precise calculation of the corresponding turnover times (Scharf, 1988: 145). Yet to Marx, concealed behind such abstract time measurement was that equally abstract substance of value called socially required labour which enabled market players to ignore the concrete use value of their commodities and referring to them exclusively according to their exchange value. This means that the markets of trade capitalism diered from their historic forerunners to the extent that they were utilized for enterprises the wealthy invested in solely in expectation of prot (Fulcher, 2007: 8; see also Braudel, 1982). Although at this early stage of capitalism, the desire to use capital as eciently as possible brought about a change towards exact, timebased modes of calculation and therefore a notion of time in which uniformity, continuity and calculability were of interest. Implementation of this new time regime was mainly limited to the sphere of circulation. This only began to change in the transition to industrial capitalism. It was industry as a form of production highly dependent on the division of labour that paved the way for the regime of linear, calculable time also in the sphere of production. As elaborated by Marx, from the beginning, enforcement of the new time regime was a process saturated with rulership claims and characterized by power asymmetries in several distinctive respects. First, labourers originating from non-capitalistic parts of society had to be introduced to the new form of production. This took place not exclusively but to a signicant extent by means of disciplining and extra-economic pressure. If in feudal, agrarian ways of production, pressure and partly even open violence were common methods to coerce formally autonomous producers into generating and giving up a surplus value, legislation dating back to the feudal age, such as a mendicacy ban, was utilized during transition to capitalistic production methods to integrate country folks into the new ways of production (Marx, 1867/1997). Even if we know today that the repressions against beggars, vagabonds and vagrants used as an example by Marx were individual cases at the end of the feudal era (Germany, France) or the beginning of the age of capitalist production (England) (Kuczynski, 1988), there is nevertheless ample evidence of actual struggles taking place in the course of the labourers adaptation to the new time regime. Entrepreneurs fought for a long time against the traditions of staying o work, skipping work on Mondays, and absenteeism, to nally manage
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to form a workforce suitable for employment in industrial forms of production. According to certain reports, workers in factories were relieved of their watches to make it possible for the employers to keep timeless control of the labour they had purchased (Fulcher, 2007). Second, the struggle for time resulted from the generalization of a way to use labour which according to Marx is based on a specically capitalistic form of exploitation. This form of exploitation is no longer constituted by extraeconomic pressure, but by an exchange of equivalents: wage for labour. Nothing but the particular characteristic of human labour to produce surplus value beyond the measure of time required for individual reproduction enables the owners of means of production to appropriate the product of the surplus labour of doubly free wage labourers who have nothing at their disposal but their labour. The degree of exploitation and level of prot are substantially dependent on the amount of working hours and/or the intensity of labour use. Finally, the implementation of linear time does not mean the complete disappearance, of cyclic time, though it will become increasingly margin alized and subaltern. In other words: the hierarchy of time regimes becomes a medium of construction and reproduction of gender hierarchies. In charge of unpaid reproduction and caregiving work, women remain linked more closely to cyclic time, to biorhythms and natural cycles than men. Such a link is the expression of a specic subalternity, with linear time being the dominant regime over cyclic time and the activities connected with it. Thus, the separation between gainful work and work-free time has a gender-specic dimension. Time o work to many women merely means time away from paid work, though not from the burden of having to go on working. In the struggle for every atom of time (Negt, 1984: 27; jedes Zeitatom) as it has been conducted between employees and employers since the implementation of capitalistic ways of production, the central matter is not only about relations of distribution and working conditions, but the capitalist rulership itself, a form of rulership characterized by Oskar Negt (1984: 21) as follows:
Rulership can be dened as being in a position at any time to establish rules according to which the people are forced to divide their time and in which spaces they are to move. Rulership primarily consists . . . of detailed organization of segments of space and time which lock individuals into position as if wearing a corset.
The struggle for shorter working hours has therefore also always been a political struggle, a principle in which a political economy of labour attempted to assert itself against the political economy of capital. At rst, this struggle was conducted from labour movement against strategies to
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extend working hours (according to Marx, equivalent to production of an absolute surplus value), to nally after over a century turn more and more into a struggle for shorter working hours and against work intensication. What is explicitly political about this struggle to the present day is primarily that it addresses the right of disposition of time and therefore also life time. Only the regime of linear time and work performed under conditions of a business operation make it possible to clearly dierentiate between work and leisure time. Even in the daily lives of the subordinates, this dierence between the realm of necessity and the realm of freedom that Marx had in view in his time studies could be perceived. As Oskar Negt (1984) rightly emphasizes, the time conicts carried on by labour movements were a liberation project. The ght for shorter working hours was a means to achieve internal as well as external emancipation from violence and pressure, a tool intended to provide initial access to genuine autonomy as well as civil rights and liberties. From the feminist perspective, this conict was additionally not only about securing better opportunities in access to gainful employment, but also about the commitment to achieving a social revaluation and fairer division of labour between the genders concerning reproductive and caregiving work. After several stages with various setbacks, this struggle seemed to have entered into a new phase. The conict over the 35-hour working week in the West German print, metal and electrical industries was considered to be the crucial moment to change course by sympathetic observers all over Europe. In this, emphasis was less on the intended reduction of work time by one hour, but rather on the symbolic content of the struggle. For the rst time in history, it became possible to change the labour movements old triadic formula of eight hours work, eight hours leisure, eight hours sleep in favour of the amount of time spent o work. In spite of the leisure industry and commercialized mass culture with its manipulative eects (Marcuse, 1968), it clearly seemed that the Realm of Necessity was on the retreat. Accordingly, a discussion on the crisis or occasionally even the end of the labour society was sparked in the social sciences. Analysts such as Claus Oe (1984: 7, 37) argued that as formal gainful employment had lost its subjective quality of being the organizing central element of life activity, social self-concept and assessment by others as well as of moral orientations, the conict capital vs. labour could no longer form the center of rulership relations in developed societies. In the context of this antiproductivistic course change, conicts over working hours represented a political as well as an intellectual link between trade union struggles and the new social movements addressing the crisis of social reproduction. Shorter working hours were seen as the way to gain access to the Realm of Freedom, or even a step on the Way to Paradise, as Andre Gorz (1985) put it in his programmatic work of the same title.
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Nowadays we know that things turned out dierently. Not only because even within continental Europe, the German trade unions remained relatively isolated with their work time policy.2 Also in Germany, a tendency towards longer (weekly) work times, rising noticeably above the level of 40 hours once again, can meanwhile be observed. No less serious is the fact that in business, a regime of discontinuous time has become dominant which not only for the precariously employed, but also for signicant parts of the permanently employed entails insecurity, intensication of performance and health risks. How can this from the perspective of labours collective interests regressive development be explained?
Capitalist Landnahme and changing time regimes

Attempts at a sociological answer have led to a concept which the nestor of German industrial sociology, Burkart Lutz (1984), following on Rosa Luxemburg, has named capitalist Landnahme.3 This concept rejects the assumption that capitalism mainly means enforcement of regimes of linear time, and instead systematically addresses the simultaneity of the unsimultaneous as a topic for analysis of society.
The concept of capitalist Landnahme

The analytical core of the concept of Landnahme is that capitalism, as far as it is based on a general commodication and therefore on equivalent exchange, is by no means able to reproduce itself exclusively from within itself. In all its metamorphoses, it remains structurally dependent on a non-capitalistic other. This structural and developmental principle can be identied as the inward and outward expansion of the capitalistic way of production. Considering that the transition from feudalism to capitalism took centuries and capitalistic production conditions became general only in the course of the industrial revolution, we have to subsume the parallel existence of linear capitalistic as well as cyclic pre-capitalistic time condi tions for an entire era. Though the old and new time regimes are not strictly separate from one another but form a great variety of syntheses in the everyday worlds of individuals and social groups. Thus the doubly free labourer as stylized by Marx is an abstraction. Even after the onset of the industrial revolution, over a long period of time, the greater part of the industrial proletariat remained embedded in traditional, rural conditions of life, production and gender relations where the tradition of experiencing time as cyclical remained. This conclusion is signicant, especially in view of the forms of valorization of labour. Marx (1867/1997: 727) was of the opinion that the
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application of political pressure and even open violence in its extensive form would remain an episode in the early history of capitalism. A proletariat would emerge which accepted by upbringing, tradition, custom recognizes the standards of that form of production as undeniable natural laws. Extraeconomic force is only still used in exceptional situations, while in general, the workers can be kept under control by means of the natural laws of production. This is not quite the case, though. Instead, the parallel exis tence of dierent time regimes indicates the two-sidedness of any capitalistic evolution. One development manifests itself in the places of production of surplus value, in industry, fully capitalized agriculture and the commodities markets. Here, capitalism reproduces itself to a great extent on its own foundations; the principles of equivalent exchange and linear time apply.4 The other development breaks its path in the form of relations of exchange between capital accumulation on the one hand and non-capitalistic territories and ways of production on the other. In the outside markets, the principle of equivalent exchange applies only to a limited extent at best; arbitrariness and overexploitation dominate here, and partly even open violence. Such violence can also be used as a means of keeping social groups, territories or entire countries at least temporarily at a pre-capitalistic or less developed stage (Harvey, 2003). In such areas of exclusion, the regime of linear time is suspended for large social groups, it is even simply dysfunctional if applied to the life styles of those excluded. According to this conception, Landnahmen are processes aimed at repositioning and, at least, temporarily overcoming the limits of capitalist accumulation established by outside markets and, in the end, by human and extra-human nature. The endeavour of individual capital to stand its ground against the competition and if possible to realize extra prots results in a structural pressure on capitalist economies to grow, which keeps rekindling the hunger for new territories. To Rosa Luxemburg (1913/ 2003: 347), the tensions resulting from this explain the contradictory phenomenon that the old capitalist countries provide ever larger markets for, and become increasingly dependent upon, one another, yet, on the other hand compete ever more ruthlessly for trade relations with non-capitalist countries. The implications of breakdown theory in this version of the Landnahme thesis have been criticized frequently, and rightly so (Harvey, 2003). Certainly, capitalist Landnahmen are in many respects irreversible, for example when they absorb traditional ways of production or exhaust natural resources. The complete capitalization of outside markets thus appears as a process which at a distant point in time must come to an end, for without an outside, there can be no capitalism. Yet there is an alternative way of perceiving the Landnahme theorem. According to this
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interpretation, capitalist players are in a position to counteract structural development blockades in the course of passive revolutions. Accumulation regimes and ownership conditions, ways of regulation and production models are circulated and transformed, though with the aim of self-preservation of capitalism. Such transformations become possible because within concrete space-time relations, capitalism can always refer to an outside which it creates itself to some extent: capitalism can either make use of some pre-existing outside (non-capitalist social formations or some sector within capitalism such as education that has not been proletarianized) or it can actively manufacture it (Harvey, 2003: 141). Active generation of a non-capitalistic other is a reaction to realization problems and it takes place as part of strategies aimed at nullifying out the tendency towards over-accumulation by shifting capital in space and/or time. Shifting means that outdated xations of capital in space-time are broken up and replaced by others in the course of new investments. Thus, the movement of capital and capitalist enterprises are never completely without any kind of xation. Capitalist development can therefore be seen as a permanent search for xations of capital in space-time. Such space-time xations not only tie invested capital to locations which due to their unique qualities promise monopoly prots; as long as these ties are long-term, they also serve to temporarily defuse the over-accumulation problem and thus to temporarily repair capitalism (Harvey, 2003: 115). Yet this dislocation in space and time means that again and again, such xations become the object of restructuring which then become a threat to the xed assets. The repair mechanism of capitalism in structural crisis, therefore, always operates by means of dierent time horizons. Brute destruction and short-term capital devaluations in one location can coincide with long-term investment and stable commitment in another. Active generation of an outside, therefore, also means that in principle, the chain of acts of Landnahme is endless. Falling from grace, as Hannah Arendt (2006: 335) calls it, by going beyond the scope of purely economic regulations by means of political actions, can and must keep repeating itself on an extended stepladder. The dynamic of capitalism is downright dependent on the ability to produce and to destroy space in time. By means of investing in machinery, factories, labour and infrastructure, capital establishes spatial ties it cannot sever without causing costs and attrition. In this, investments intended to economically develop spaces e.g. funding for trac connections and routes, access to raw materials or also investments in education and training, occupational health and safety have a particular function. Such investments can only be redeemed over long periods of time, i.e. they are temporarily removed from the primary capital cycle (immediate consumption) and redirected to the secondary (capital for
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means of production, generation of funds for consumption, e.g. housing) or the tertiary cycle (investment in research, development, social matters). Yet there is no guarantee that such investments will actually be protable. This is why often the state takes on the function of the collective ideal capitalist where such kinds of long-term investments are required. In this way, an outside is created for individual molecular capitalist operations, a sphere which is partly inaccessible to private accumulation, but which can be used to improve economic performance and which can be privatized at a later point in time. To the extent that temporary forms of containment of market socialization become obstacles to capital realization, they provoke attempts at easing or even eliminating previously implemented xations of capital in space-time. Where the elimination of such xations leads to de-industrialization, economic decline, mass unemployment and poverty, yet another outside is created devastated, abandoned regions and an unused workforce which in a later phase of development become suitable as the objects and potential assets of new investment strategies. Taking into account these dialectics of capitalist Landnahmen, the parallel existence in space-time of qualitatively dierent class conditions and class relations both within and outside national societies is to be considered normal. In the process of capitalistic development, such simultaneity of the unsimultaneous can be utilized for the purpose of preservation, intensication or even institutionalization of secondary exploitation. In this case, secondary does not mean less painful, less brutal or less signicant. Historically, secondary, e.g. patriarchal rulership may precede formation-dening exploitation. What in fact constitutes forms of secondary exploitation is that the rationality of equivalent exchange does not apply, or only to a limited extent. The functionalization of reproductive work by women or the establishment of a transitory status for migrants are classic cases of how secondary exploitation works. In the rst case, symbolic-habitual and political mechanisms are used to hierarchize occupations by means of genderspecic constructs. The devaluation of reproductive work and relative exclusion of socially sheltered full-time gainful employment have an historic origin (Aulenbacher, 2009). In the second case, the transitory status of migrants is based on relative disenfranchisement and dislocation perpetuates a specic dierence between inside and outside whose intended eect is to ensure a supply of cheap labour which can be mobilized for those unattractive segments of the labour market where work requires little qualication, is burdensome and badly paid. We can thus speak of secondary exploitation whenever symbolic forms of pressure and pressure applied politically by the state are utilized in order to preserve dierences between
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inside and outside with the aim of pushing the labour force of certain social groups below its actual value or of excluding these groups from the actual capitalist relationship of exploitation. Yet this also means: dierent time regimes apply to those aected by primary and secondary exploitation. To trigger the Reserve Army mechanism means to actively generate an outside in the form of expendable labour that is simply ejected from the system at a certain point to ensure that they are available at a later point for purposes of accumulation. The capitalist players create their own Other (Harvey, 2005: 141) by at least temporarily excluding entire groups from the regime of linear time. Basically, therefore, the social question, also with respect to the dom inant time regime, always includes an inside and an outside. Inside stands for exploitation, for the private appropriation of collectively generated surplus value, while outside means the reduction of income and living conditions below accepted class standards, over-exploitation, the devaluation of reproductive and caregiving work, and in extreme cases completely laying work capacities to waste. On the inside, linear time is functional, as even the exploited can utilize it in their struggles for improvement of working and living conditions. On the outside, this does not apply, because mechanisms of secondary exploitation create a life reality where linear time can be anachronistic for the groups and individuals aected. This applies in particular to women, who work in part-time jobs or do the housework and are required to coordinate their everyday arrangements with their partners working hours and expected to provide their reproductive work as a free resource. What is crucial is that the dominant capitalist players can keep making use of this simultaneity of the unsimultaneous for strategies of regressive modernization. In creating a model of the action strategies of capitalist players, this option must denitely be accounted for. Surely, dominant capitalist players (companies, top managers, owners) tend towards specic rule violations whose primary motive is to strive for extra prot. And of course, there are always the rst-movers who leave behind the inertia of drawn-out socialization processes in social capitalism in order to overcome corporate limitations. What is inaccurate, though, is to automatically associate non-traditionalism or modernity with such behavior, as Wolfgang Streeck (2009: 241) implies:
Capitalists, in other words, are the modern, non traditionalist economic actors par excellence: they never rest in their perennial rush to new frontiers. This is why they are fundamentally unruly: a permanent source of disorder from the perspective of social institutions, relentlessly whacking away at social rules to rewrite them, and undoing them again by
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Capitalist players also always have the opportunity to utilize the insideoutside dialectics of capitalist Landnahmen for acts of regressive modernization. This is exactly what took place during the transition from organized fordist capitalism to nancial market capitalism, and this development can be illustrated excellently using changes to the capitalist time regime as an example.
Fordism and organized time

If so far in this paper, the term used in discussion regime of linear time, we have in principle been using an inappropriate expression. Just as the formation of capitalist society as a whole, linear, calculable time is subject to qualitative changes. Since 1945, a regime of organized time has been implemented in the developed capitalist societies which to a certain extent corresponded to the basal security interests of a large part of the wagedependent workforce. The history of capitalism between 1860 and 1970 can be interpreted as a large-scale attempt to combine economic eciency and prosperity with organizational stability. Accordingly, Richard Sennett (2006) views organized capitalism as a system integrating the anarchy of the markets with the military-type organization principles of large bureaucracies. After 1945, not only large companies and nationalized enterprises functioned analogous with the bureaucratic pyramid, but also organizations and institutions of the welfare state. By means of these bureaucracies, pre viously possessionless working classes were integrated into a time regime which enabled employees to dene the stages of a normative professional career and to perform work for a company on a long-term basis and with steadily increasing incomes. Although in reality, the economic cycles did not continue according to plan, the subjective notion of being able to plan determined the area of individual activities and possibilities (p. 24) of a large part of people in wage-based employment as well as their families. As we are aware of nowadays, this regime of organized time was based on historic preconditions which cannot be reproduced at will. Above all, the basic political conditions the emphasis on state interventionism manifest since the Second World War, the US New Deal model with mass production, mass consumption and individualistic life styles, as well as a consensus among the elites on participation of wage earners in productivity increases made it possible for capitalist players to transcend the law of wages.5 Neutralization of the law of wages happened in a process during which
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the traditional trades sector6, whose relations of exchange with industry had structurally limited wages, was irreversibly absorbed. Wherever its functions could not be delegated to industry and the capitalist market, they were taken on by the state and an expanding public sector. As a result, real wages rose four- to sevenfold within 20 years (19501970), both quantitatively and qualitatively a unique rise in the living standards of wage earners and their families. During this period it became possible to link wage labour with strong social rights of protection and participation. The generalization of wage labour in society, i.e. displacement of labour from the traditional, trade-based sector and its complete mobilization for the capitalist labour market (commodication/Landnahme) was only possible because at the same time, an expanding welfare state ensured that wage labour was uncoupled from market risks to a great extent (de-commodication/Landpreisgabe7). In this period, a Society of the Similar (Castel, 2005: 46), developed, which despite the continuing existence of relations of inequality and hierarchic structures made it possible for a large portion of wage labour to catch up with the life styles and standards of security the middle levels of society enjoyed. A central element of this ascent was to have social property at ones disposal, property intended for collective securing of basic needs which was manifest in claims to pensions and insurance benets in case of illness as much as in the validity of collective bargaining standards and co-determination rights at work and in society. A characteristic of this Kapitalismus ohne Reservearmee (capitalism without a reserve army; Lutz, 1984: 186) and its regime of organized time was that precarity, poverty and, accordingly, perception of time as cyclic, were marginalized. Though among women, migrants and individuals with formally low qualications, various forms of secondary exploitation were still a bitter reality, even if they took place to a great extent outside protected wage labour and the secured internal labour markets. But the temporary marginalization of poverty and precarity had its price. Set in motion mainly by state intervention, the fordist Landnahme displaced characteristic products and services of the traditional sector from the range of everyday needs of wage labourers and mobilized labour from the non-capitalistic segments for industry and modern service providing. Both processes, amplifying each other, had the eect of progressive destruction of structures, forms of production, ways of living and behavior orientations. According to Lutz, this inner Landnahme can be seen in analogy to the outer Landnahme of imperialism in the early 20th century (1984: 213). The price to be paid was progressive destruction of essential natural resources, an increasingly severe north-south conict and growing tension within the developed capitalist societies. Once the traditional sector had been absorbed to a great extent, the social preconditions of the anticipated eternal
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prosperity disappeared. Growth slowed down to a crawl and the resulting instabilities prepared the ground for a new Landnahme cycle in which the very outside, the de-commodication policies the fordist era had created, is invaded.
The Landnahme of financial capitalism and the regime of discontinuous time

From a perspective of temporal analysis, the outside of the fordist era was created by the very institutions that made linear time8 organizable and plannable. Not only was such plannability of time a latent power resource of wage-dependent labour, it also represented, along the lines of Oskar Negt, a reduction in the amount of time spent subjected to the direct control of capital and management hierarchies. Thus, between 1960 and 1982, the amount of working hours generated per employed person in Germany went down by 417 to 1664 hours. Left-wing criticism of the social state in its one-sided perception of fordism often ignores that this very development created the preconditions for new social needs and movements which were primarily located in the sector of reproduction (cf. Dorre et al., 2009; Lessenich, 2009; Rosa, 2009). It made possible the albeit asymmetrical integration of women into regular gainful employment. And it provides the matrix for the kind of artistic critique (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2003) in which bureaucratic capitalism was attacked in the name of autonomy, self-determination and individual responsibility and the dominance of maleruled normative employment over other, reproductive forms of activity.
The disruption of organized time

Yet any hopes for some liberating escape from the regime of organized time expressed in such critiques basically postulates a relative balance of power between capital and labour (in alliance with the new movements; see e.g. Arbeitsgruppe Alternative Wirtschaftspolitik, 1983; Oe, 1984)). But such premises have successively been dumped in the course of the past two decades. A new Landnahme cycle has tipped the scales of social power towards the side of capital, probably for longer, and for the time being, any libertarian visions are being denied their place in reality. As a reaction to the slowdown of the fordist Landnahme cycle, a counter-movement emerged in the mid-1970s which can be dened as tripartite Landnahme. Outside the centers of capitalism, the engagement was (1) implementation and expansion of capitalism mainly in Eastern Europe and the so-called BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China). Within the capitalist centers, the penetration of previously non-capitalistic spaces and territories is
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instrumentalized to (2) break up the xations of capital in time-space from the era of social-bureaucratic capitalism. While expansion outside the centers is partly based on an adaptation of fordist practices and institutions, restructuring inside the capitalist centers (3) takes place by means of constituting and implementing a nance capitalistic social order which has also irreversibly changed the time regime. The new Landnahme can be called nance-driven because its insideoutside dialecticts take place under the conditions of increasing integration, permeation by means of information technology and relative autonomization of dierent segements of the nancial market. Mainly, three causal complexes are responsible for this: (1) growing vertical inequality concerning wealth and income, with surplus funds concentrating among the wealthy levels, with a tendency towards being withdrawn from consumption, which is why the search is on for alternative investment opportunities in the nancial sector; (2) reduced economic growth in the traditional centers, coinciding with growing prot rates and shrinking investment rates, and (3) gradual increase of privatization of old-age security systems including the resulting growth in signicance of institutional investors, such as pension funds (Altvater and Mahnkopf, 1996; Huschmid, 2002). Excess liquidity in the nancial markets is the fertile ground on which the transformation of nancial capital (synthesis of real and money capital) to cticious capital (based exclusively on certied claims from creditors) grows abundantly. From legal tender and means to provide credit, M(oney) expressed in securities turns more and more into a mere object of speculation invested with the objective of realizing M More Money. This, of course, takes place circumventing the sequence of complex work processes which together with extra-human nature present the only source of new value. The fetishized notion that money capital can multiply from itself in the form of securities and derivatives completely separate from the so-called real economy and the use values produced there is the source of all nancial crises. This can be considered a Landnahme because the rationality of nancial capitalism which originated from structural overcapacities in the leading, export-oriented sectors, has an eect on the economy and society by means of a multitude of transfer mechanisms. Such mechanisms are, e.g. the market for corporate control, mergers, takeovers, shareholder-value-driven management, prot or return targets as leverage to press for internal nancialization, or also permanent competition between locations. Landnahme implies that nancial market capitalism is not a completed model. Rather, through a large number of molecular operations and alterations, a principle of rationality becomes dominant which subjects economic operations to the calculating purpose of nancial capitalism (prioritizing maximum returns
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and prots, intensied competition in power-play-driven markets and inside companies). The main reason why this is to be called a Landnahme is that a rationality reduced to principles of competition and prot maximization tends to be transferred to the entire society. In the contest for government funding, microregions compete against each other as collective entrepreneurs in order to create favourable conditions to soften the blow of structural changes to the economy. By means of crediting and accounting procedures, the logic of nancial capitalism inuences the sector of small and medium-sized business. At company level, employees are expected to become managers of their own health to reduce corporate costs. Authorities in charge of job placement treat the long-term unemployed as clients who are expected to develop an entrepreneurial attitude towards their work capacity under the pressure of strict rules of job acceptability. And even higher education has discovered the role model of the entrepreneurial university for orientation, managed in compliance with target agreements and evaluated according to its output eciency (Dorre and Neis, 2010). A (ctitious) rationality of competition of the kind dominating the nancial markets can of course not be enforced in its entirety in other areas of society. There, it is ltered by dierent production worlds, institutional systems, wilful practices of social actors and many other implementation problems. Still, the competition-based transfer mechanisms impose a specic social order on society, a basic rule which takes eect by means of successful failure. Although it can never be implemented completely, due to the generalization of this basic rule the borders between the inside and outside of nancial capitalistic accumulation are shifted. The relative stability of the formation created by this is also due to the simultaneity of the unsimultaneous mentioned earlier, to an occupation of institutions, forms of production, work systems, schemes of action and thinking which partly have their origin in earlier stages in history, in social capitalism or, as in countries of the former Eastern Bloc, also in state bureaucratic socialism. These social forms of older society formations do not disappear over night. On the contrary, they must be understood as structures of longue duree, in analogy to Fernand Braudel (1984), although they are combined with the regime of competition of nancial capitalism, transformed and reshaped, so that despite their continued existence, they actually enter into a dierent state, which also applies in exactly the same way to the time regime. The mode of operation employed in the Landnahme of nancial capitalism keeps generating requirements (target returns and prots) businesses and companies can only meet by constantly spewing new, previously untapped assets into the capital cycle. This way, an extremely fragile, crisis-prone economy has emerged where short-term prots are rewarded and the regime of organized time is abandoned in favour of the principles of
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exible capital accumulation. At the same time, the social conditions of labour valorization change. Microelectronics, company networks and internationalized value-creation chains generate a space of opportunities in which a process of restructuring the collective labourer (Gesamtarbeiter) is taking place. Comparable in this respect with primitive accumulation, the integration into post-fordist, exible production principles is based on a recombination of freedom experiences with economic as well as state and political coercion mechanisms. At the core of these changes, discussed as delimitation, subjectivation and precarization of work, lies the control over time resources. Implementation of exible production forms means introduction of a regime of discontinuous time. In most countries of continental Europe, this transition is happening under conditions of a revived Reserve Army mechanism and agging (labour) movements. In Germany, there is also an internally strongly hierarchicized precarious sector present now whose lowest level is occupied by those surplus people without any chance whatsoever of integration into regular gainful employment. Between the segments of still comparatively well-protected occupations and the almost completely uncoupled groups, we nd a heterogeneous precariat whose size is dened only very imprecisely by the gure of approximately 23 per cent of low-wage earners. What these groups, in their oscillation between precarious, mostly badly paid employment, funding measures, job-creation measures and unemployment, have in common is that they no longer value the advantages of organized time. These individuals have stopped considering a regular wage-based job the cornerstone of planning for a stable, future-oriented life. On the whole, this precarious sector with its lack of upward mobility and the great internal dierences in wages provides an outside for those segments where protection in the form of collective regulations and institutionalized wage labour power is still in place to some extent. In the precarious sector, though, neither the principle of equivalent exchange nor the rules of reciprocity of social recognition apply; what takes place here is rather more of an exchange of repression for anxiety (Castel and Dorre, 2009). In contrast to conditions in social capitalism, this other is not located outside the world of those in formally still protected employment. The fact that the zone of vulnerability is expanding in society means that corresponding experiences in the employment system are made not only by groups aected to an above-average degree, such as women, migrants and those with formally low qualications, but increasingly and lastingly also by men and those with high qualications or academic degrees (Bosch and Weinkopf, 2007). Mere confrontation with such an outside ensures that also Inside, in the labour market segments still under formal protection, time conditions
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are altered. By introducing team and project work, exible working hours and replacing rigid clocking systems with trust-based working hours, the performance parameters especially of qualied white-collar jobs have changed. The transition from direct performance control to outcome control often turns out to have the eect of longer working hours. But not only the daily working hours are geting longer, even formally work-free time is occupied by job-related activities (Kampf, 2008). The ideal type corre sponding to the experience of discontinuous time is the option-maximizing self-manager. Driven in the end by the search for basal security, such selfmanagers are constantly busy checking out options and have forgotten how to say No. There are no such things as time margins or kick-back time to them. They are constantly on the lookout for options and opportunities for action, as any missed option might turn out to result in a loss of individual status. The state of feeling in delay or default is permanent for these types. As much as they struggle, the multitude of real or ctitious options can never be exhausted, which is why they are invariably lagging behind the requirements of the new time regime, which are perceived as objective. In the constant eort to close the gap, available time becomes scarce. This is why the liberties the regime of exible time generates can quickly become a burden rather than a benet. In the hunt for options, plans to have children are shelved. Their demanding work becomes a constant burden, and in extreme cases culminates in work addiction and the inability to relax. Constant further training seems to be a must, and even consumption becomes an exhausting matter, as e.g. the mere act of studying the handbook-size instruction manual for the latest mobile phone is serious work on the part of the customer. Ever more frequently, consumption itself serves to do nothing more than satisfy false needs. Leisure, rest, availability of free time are the greatest desires of option maximizers, though on their eternal search for elementary security, these self-managers are prepared at any time to mobilize the last shred of energy to nd a productive answer to the inconstancy of their employment. Though in reality, one should add, the ideal type of the option maximizer can only be found in specic social mouldings. It tends to be present in forms close to the ideal mainly in those labour market segments where integration by means of stable employment is successively being replaced by integration through creative work. In these areas, closely approximating the ideal of self-employment, wage labour protected by the social state has been stripped of its status as an authoritative role model of integration into the working world. In the media, the creative industries, but also among groups in wage-dependent employment to whom project work and internal entrepreneurship have become challenges to be faced permanently, standardized employment conditions are also subjectively losing their
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attractiveness. In these segments, the unsecured position can be deciphered as something positive, an incentive to a certain degree. What during the fordist era was imposed from outside by way of strictly dierentiated hierarchies, structured careers and clearly dened areas of competence to provide a rhythm to peoples everyday lives is now at least partly decided by individuals or small groups themselves. A fundamental problem of many in creative work is the need to perform unpaid, yet essential relational work (Bologna, 2006). Relational work is the term used for maintenance of networks and customer contacts, advertising activities and similar chores. That on the part of the customers, such kind of work is expected and made use of without having to pay represents a particular type of compulsory voluntary option maximization, or to put it another way: a Landnahme aiming at the very core of human individuality, the mind and individual time management. Thus, precarians and option maximizers represent a certain kind of double envelopment in the working environment crushing the old regime of organized time and replacing it by a regime of discontinuous time.9 At the center of impact of this double envelopment are groups, primarily skilled workers and mid-level employees, who due to the new, global forms of labour division are threatened with collective social descent. Among these groups, the rm belief that their own situation as well as that of the coming generations will keep improving slowly, that prosperity and security will improve continuously, is crumbling in its foundations. The experience that organizing superindividual interests and taking joint action can change conditions and lead towards a collective rise in status has been gradually lost. Upward mobility seems to be possible only individually by asserting oneself against ones competitors. This results in social orientations provoking classication struggles within labour and at the same time triggering demarcation against supposedly unproductive, parasitic elements of society. The large group of industrial workers is at the center of this development.10 As a consequence of structural changes and the Landnahme of nancial capitalism, in the perception of society, the status of worker has lost in attractiveness. What is crucial, though, are the dimensions of habitus and social psychology in this collective descent. Workers in permanent employment as well as employees in a similar social position tend towards assuming a protective posture in defending what is left of their social property and the islands of organized time remaining in the ood. The reproduction strategies of those in permanent full-time employment thus have a conserving basic quality. Quite understandably, these groups have a tendency towards primarily defending their own secure employment situation as the basis of their longer-term life planning. Though such a basic attitude,
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often also dominating the motivation for actions of interest representation in the working environment, makes consolidation of mechanisms of secondary exploitation much easier. The groups still in permanent employment and their works councils tend towards accepting corporate strategies placing the employment risk unilaterally on the plate of the heterogeneous group of the exibly and precariously employed. Once the functions of precarious employment began to change, so did the social eects of working environment corporatism, which has its origin in the era of fordist capitalism. The relatively secure employment situation of one segment of groups is maintained at the cost of growing insecurity in other groups. To do nothing but to defend the benets of internal job markets with their regimes of organized time thus becomes a struggle to cushion the eect of the reactivated Reserve Army mechanism by redirecting it to the disadvantage of groups who structurally have only weak power resources at their disposal.
Conclusion
Looking at the entire picture, what we see appears to be a paradox. Indeed, the constraints of traditional, patriarchal rulership with its detailed organization of space and time relations seem to have burst open irreversibly. Yet the result is neither autonomy nor greater freedom, but a mode of rulership exacting more complete control over the time sovereignty of the ruled clas ses than was ever possible by means of the regime of organized time. This conclusion leads to the central element of what the changes are about. Seen from a perspective of temporal analysis, what the new Landnahme is aimed at is to concentrate control of the disposal of time resources on the side of capital, among the ruling groups of owners, top managers and their stas. Oskar Negt (1984) anticipated this development in his prognosis of entrepreneurs intentions of hedging o their businesses from the costs of shorter working hours and passing them on to society to take care of. This is exactly what has happened. In reaction to a reduction in weekly working hours implemented successfully only in certain, individual sectors and only in a few countries, the side of capital responded with a exiblization oensive during which it has gained control not only of the working hours, but also of the life times of large parts of their respective populations. The implementation of exible ways of production is accompanied by a far-reaching invasion of the time sovereignty of majorities in society. This matter-of-fact expropriation of the control of disposal of work time and life time is taking place in a socially dierentiated manner. By no means can it be reduced to the mere reestablishment of privileges of ruling class factions in the way David Harvey (2007) sees it. Beyond this, it also divides the
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groups of subordinates. At a completely dierent level of social development, a problem complex is emerging once more which was already observed by Marx in his analysis of primitive accumulation or in an even more acute form by Pierre Bourdieu in his early studies on Algeria. What is separating integrated class factions from the subproletar ian ones is a dierentiated mode of subsumption under regimes of discontinuous time. Today, although in dierent circumstances, Pierre Bourdieus (2000: 20) ndings from observing declassed groups in the transition society of Algeria apply once again:
Below a certain threshold, dened or identied as a specic economic and cultural standard, rational dispositions cannot develop. Incoherence is the organizing principle of the subproletarian existence located here, an existence which is disorganized right down to its basic relationship towards space and time . . .
Not only on the part of the new subproletariat, such disorganization of entire life concepts limits the ability to form lasting interest organization and collective action, as from the point of view of integrated groups, being an object of rational exploitation (Bourdieu, 2000: 103) is practically considered something of a privilege. But no matter whether in the case of a Polish woman working as a restroom attendant at a German motorway service station for EUR 1.80 per hour and two meals for which she is required to remain at her workplace for at least 12 hours per day to get paid for four clocked hours, or of a software developer in project work whose good salary and interesting job are making him lose any awareness of what (family) time away from work is like the cause of such phenomena can be traced back to the dramatic defeat of the workers movements in the struggle for every atom of time which in most of the developed capitalistic societies came along with the Landnahme of nancial capitalism and is still continuing today. A basic problem of recent acceleration theories is that they lack a sensorium allowing for adequate documentation of the dimension of power and rulership in changing temporal structures. Although attempts, e.g. by Hartmut Rosa (2005), have actually been made to analyze the engine of economy of social acceleration, and there have been a number of eorts to identify social acceleration in work-related processes, the rulership character of capitalist time regimes so far remains mysterious. It is certainly accurate that those who have been forcibly de-accelerated, the precarized and excluded among the population, just as well as the privileged caught in their hamster wheel race, are aected by the logic of the capitalist system in dierent ways. And indeed, even the new types of
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nancial aristocracy, the fund managers, analysts and bankers are merely driven, acting to a certain degree as character masks of the capitalist acceleration machinery (Rosa, 2009: 278). Yet they do act as rulers whose activities inevitably contribute towards a situation where even the rulers in ruled positions (Herrschenden in beherrschter Stellung, such as e.g. scientists) gradually lose control of their own life time. After all, the Landnahme of nancial capitalism also extends to the accumulation and buying out of social power. It provides managers capable of strategic thinking with greater decision-making autonomy and at the same time broadens the social basis of the ruling class faction, as also the middle classes and individuals in wage-dependent employment engage in micro-investment activities in order to prot from the accumulation of nancial capitalism. The aggregate functional and service divisions of the nancial sector are operated by high-income groups whose interests are organically linked to this project of nancial capitalism. By acting rationally in their respective social elds in performing as well as possible in their jobs, these groups as the ruling factions contribute towards keeping the engine of exible accumulation running. It is in their professional interest that new, unused assets are constantly fed into the capital cycle, social property is expropriated, that primary and secondary exploitation are being intensied and extended. Nothing in the least spectacular is expected of them, nothing but to do their jobs controlling the life time of the ruled classes, and thus at the same time encroaching on their orientational and liberational time (Negt, 1984: 36). As already identied by Karl Marx, there is an element of self-alienation in such activities. Yet all along since the days of Marx, the fact that such self-alienation will not stop the rulers from asserting their rulership if pushed still remains a fact of even greater signicance now: moving along the action corridors at their disposal, the ruling class factions have become master players at the game of inside-outside dialectics. There may well be individual managers, a few shareholders and stock exchange gamblers who occasionally have a spell of doubt about the meaningfulness of their activities. It may also be true that relevant parts of the economic elites assume ethical responsibilities and encourage ecological as well as social sustainability. Shielded by that collective capitalist created from faceless streams of funds, the majority of the esh-and-blood capitalists have decided to go ahead in a dierent direction (Castells, 2001: 532). What applies to Germany in particular is that with neither a master plan nor any homogeneous strategic subject these capitalists have taken the path of regressive modernization. The two societies (Negt: zwei Gesellschaften), one of which is structured by violence, brutalization, fraud, speculation, irrationality, sexism and fear, already exist in reality. The mere existence
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of such an other is sucient to encourage regressive tendencies even in supposedly protected territories under the regime of discontinuous time. Unchecked, this development is hardly likely to lead to any levelingout and democratization of gender hierarchies all by itself. Even though the demographic change is a factor in fuelling the interest of capitalist players even more to mobilize the female workforce, the appetite for extra prots through secondary exploitation is unlikely to stop growing, either. The social consequences can already be identied in the dierentiation including class-specic dierences in care work. A 24/7 live-in Polish maid with academic qualications of her own may well get on with her also academically qualied lady boss on a personal level. Yet as an informally employed domestic servant in charge of exclusively reproductive jobs, she remains subject to a rulership relationship which factually keeps her in a state of rightlessness (Lutz, 2007). If all this is to change, the struggle for every atom of time will probably once more have to be fought from the grass-roots level, by the ruled classes, though in a new way. Sceptics will object that such a campaign for work time and life time will only lead us into a further round along the spiral of destructive growth and acceleration. But this is not even a half-truth. As numerous studies meanwhile conrm (Jackson, 2009; Sakar, 2010), any ecological course change requires social sustainability. Appropriate changes in orientation are much easier to implement in relatively egalitarian societies than in social systems characterized by harsh divisions. But equality must no longer be expressed primarily in material wealth and conventional growth. In particular in the wealthy western societies, one of the major assets is time, so control of ones life time arranged in a maximally egalitarian way is crucial. Especially during the economic crisis, German experiences with short-time work have made the connection between shorter working hours and safer jobs perceivable to hundreds of thousands of people in employment. This is a point of approach for a new time sovereignty policy. One maxim could be short-hour full-time employment for all! an idea to surely add some dynamics to the conict over time. Such a demand might even be considered outright subversive if it included the creation of incentives to utilize the time o the job on individual as well as collective work towards a democratic society, and thus as time for emancipation and orientation. And in terms of gender policy, this would be not only a precondition for a more equal distribution of gainful employment, but also a potential catalyst for public organization of qualied, well-paid care and nursing work of the kind the societies in Scandinavian countries have known for a good number of years. A critical theory of acceleration could provide an intellectual system of coordinates for the conicts over
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time yet to come. But to do so adequately, the dimension of power in such struggles will need to be reected analytically in it, otherwise, despite its rich imagery and analytical brilliance, it will remain teethless and therefore without an eective bite. Translated by Melanie Booth and Mat Dressler/COMPACT. Notes
1. Translators note: Landnahme is a German term, its original meaning is land appropriation or land acquisition, mostly used in the context of settlement in or conquering of new territory. Used, of course, figuratively here to describe the gaining of ground or expansion of capitalistic social and economic structures at the cost of non-capitalistic ones. 2. France alone followed on the path towards a reduction of weekly working hours. 3. Rosa Luxemburg is unlikely to have used the term herself; she employs colonization in this context. 4. This does not mean that adaptation to linear time happens spontaneously; it initially certainly requires extra-economic pressure and disciplining by means of military service, schools, correction facilities, etc. 5. According to Lutz (1984: 210), the law of wages (Lohngesetz) defines that wages in the modern sector of the national economy can rise neither significantly nor permanently above the supply level present among the poorer parts of the traditional sector, which is primarily defined by barter economy. 6. According to Lutz, for a long time, the relations of exchange between modern industry and a sector with agrarian and small-scale business structures, premodern life styles and value orientations had ensured that labour costs did not rise above certain limits. This was first of all the case because the traditional sector provided a workforce potential industry could access to satisfy its needs and then to return surplus labour to this outside sector in times of crisis. And second, because the workers procured most of their essential goods from the traditional sector which was characterized by small trade and agrarian production and provided more or less inexpensive products. 7. Translators note: Landpreisgabe (German) has the opposite meaning of Landnahme, i.e. cession of lands or territories. 8. The assumption here is that in the course of capitalistic development, the prin ciple of linear time becomes concrete in qualitatively discernible time regimes. The regime of organized time is such a concretization which historically formed along with the transition to fordist capitalism. 9. The regime of discontinuous time represents a qualitatively new concretization of linear time. It has its origin in flexible forms of work, production and living increasingly replacing the career principle of organized time. 10. Formally, as a segment of over 28 per cent of the workforce, workers still are a large although shrinking social group. Though ethnic stratification, among
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other indicators, shows that the internal structure of this large group, and therefore most likely also the prevailing social self-definitions and interest orientations have changed significantly. At 46.6 per cent, the percentage of migrants who are workers is above average; in comparison, only 24.9 per cent of the non-migrant population are employed as workers.
References
Altvater E and Mahnkopf B (1996) Grenzen der Globalisierung. Munster: Westfalisches Dampfboot. Arbeitsgruppe Alternative Wirtschaftspolitik (1983) 35 Stunden sind genug! Abbau der Massenarbeitslosigkeit und Verbesserung der Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen durch Arbeitszeitverkurzung. Koln: Pahl-Rugenstein. Arendt H (2006) Elemente und Ursprunge totalitarer Herrschaft. Antisemitismus, Imperialismus, totale Herrschaft. Munchen: Piper. Aulenbacher B (2009) Die soziale Frage neu gestellt: Gesellschaftsanalysen der Prekarisierungs- und Geschlechterforschung. In: Castel R and Dorre K (eds) Prekaritat, Abstieg, Ausgrenzung. Die soziale Frage am Beginn des 21 Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt: Campus, 6580. Bologna S (2006) Die Zerstorung der Mittelschichten. Wien: Thesen zur neuen Selbstandigkeit. Boltanski L and Chiapello E (2005) The Role of Criticism in the Dynamics of Capitalism: Social Critique Versus Artistic Critique. In: Miller M (ed.) Worlds of Capitalism: Institutions, Governance, and Economic Change in the Era of Globalization. London: Routledge, 237267. Bosch G and Weinkopf C (eds) (2007) Arbeiten fur wenig Geld: Niedriglohnbeschaftigung in Deutschland. Frankfurt: Campus. Bourdieu P (2000) Die zwei Gesichter der Arbeit: Interdependenzen von Zeit- und Wirtschaftsstrukturen am Beispiel einer Ethnologie der algerischen Ubergangsgesellschaft. Konstanz: UVK. Braudel F (1982) The Wheels of Commerce. Civilization and Capitalism: 15th18th Century. New York: Harper & Row. Braudel F (1984) The Perspective of the World: Civilization and Capitalism: 15th18th Century. New York: Harper & Row. Castel R (2005) Die Starkung des Sozialen: Leben im neuen Wohlfahrtsstaat. Hamburg: Hamburger Edition. Castel R and Dorre K (eds) (2009) Prekaritat, Abstieg, Ausgrenzung: Die soziale Frage am Beginn des 21 Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt: Campus. Castells M (2001) Das Informationszeitalter I: Der Aufstieg der Netzwerkgesellschaft. Opladen: Leske und Budrich. Dorre K and Neis M (2010) Das Dilemma der unternehmerischen Universitat. Berlin: Sigma. Dorre K, Lessenich S and Rosa H (2009) Soziologie. Kapitalismus. Kritik: Eine Debatte. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 126180. Fulcher J (2007) Kapitalismus. Stuttgart: Reclam. Gorz A (1985) Wege ins Paradies. Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag.
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Harvey D (2003) The New Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harvey D (2007) A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Huffschmid J (2002) Politische Okonomie der Finanzmarkte. Hamburg: VSA. Jackson T (2009) Prosperity without Growth: Economics for a Finite Planet. London: Earthscan. Kampf T (2008) Die neue Unsicherheit: Folgen der Globalisierung fur hochqualifi zierte Arbeitnehmer. Frankfurt: Campus. Kuczynski J (1981) Geschichte des Alltags des deutschen Volkes Band 1, 16001650. Koln: Pahl-Rugenstein. Lessenich S (2009) Mobilitat und Kontrolle: Zur Dialektik der Aktivgesellschaft. Transcript. Lutz B (1984) Der kurze Traum immerwahrender Prosperitat. Frankfurt: Campus. Lutz H (2007) Die 24-Stunden-Polin: Eine intersektionale Analyse transnationaler Dienstleistungen. In: Klinger C, Knapp G and Sauer B (eds) Achsen der Ungleichheit: Zum Verha ltnis von Klasse, Geschlecht und Ethnizitat. Frankfurt: Campus, 210235. Luxemburg R (1913/2003) The Accumulation of Capital. London. New York: Routledge. Marcuse H (1968) One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Marx K (1867/1997) Capital, Vol. I: The Process of Production of Capital. In: Marx K and Engels F (eds) Collected Works. New York: International Publishers, 727. Negt O (1984) Lebendige Arbeit, enteignete Zeit: Politische und kulturelle Dimensionen des Kampfes um die Arbeitszeit. Frankfurt: Campus. Offe C (1984) Arbeitsgesellschaft: Strukturprobleme und Zukunftsperspektiven. Frankfurt: Campus. Rosa H (2005) Beschleunigung. Die Veranderung der Zeitstrukturen in der Moderne. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. Rosa H (2009a) Kapitalismus als Dynamisierungsspirale: Soziologie als Gesellschaftskritik. In: Dorre K, Lessenich S and Rosa H (eds) Soziologie: Kapitalismus. Kritik. Eine Debatte. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 87125. Rosa H (2009b) Antagonisten und kritische Integrationisten oder: Wie gehen wir mit dem verdorbenen Kuchen um. In: Dorre K, Lessenich S and Rosa H (eds) Soziologie: Kapitalismus. Kritik. Eine Debatte. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 263279. Sakar S (2010) Die Krisen des Kapitalismus: Eine andere Studie der politischen Okonomie. Mainz: Materialien der AG SPAK. Scharf G (1988) Zeit und Kapitalismus. In: Zoll R (ed.) Zerstorung und Wiederaneignung von Zeit. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 143159. Sennett R (2006) The Culture of the New Capitalism. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Klaus Dorre, Full Professor and Chair for Labour, Industrial and Economic Sociology, Friedrich-Schiller-University Jena. Research prole: theories of capitalism/nance capitalism, exible and precarious employment, employee participation, industrial relations and strategic unionism.

Capitalism, Landnahme and Social Time Regimes - An Outline

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