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ExpIoving lIe Lilevac Envivonnenl A Case Slud Jvon UvIan SenegaI

AulIov|s) MaviIo SIioIala


Souvce Conpavalive Educalion Beviev, VoI. 54, No. 2 |Ma 2010), pp. 243-269
FuIIisIed I The University of Chicago Press on IeIaIJ oJ lIe Comparative and International Education
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Comparative Education Review 243
Exploring the Literacy Environment: A Case Study
from Urban Senegal
MARIKO SHIOHATA
The low literacy rates in developing countries have been repeatedly prob-
lematized as a major constraint to socioeconomic development by education
planners and policy makers. The arguments used by donors to support lit-
eracy education have changed considerably over the last 5 decades. In the
1950s and 1960s, the dominant rationale for literacy development was one
of promoting economic growth. In more recent years, by contrast, literacy
has increasingly come to be recognized as a human right, contributing to
political participation, gender equality, and so forth. Sen (1987), for example,
employs the literacy rate in evaluating standards of living for countries and
individuals.
However, measuring literacy is far from straightforward. Methods used
differ fromcountry to country and fromstudy to study. In some studies, literacy
is dened solely in terms of skills in the colonial language. Respondents who
can read and write in their own language are counted as illiterate (Banya 1993;
Brock-Utne 2000; Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). Despite several attempts by agencies
such as UNESCO, the search for common benchmarks to provide a framework
for meaningful international comparison seems endless.
Another issue concerning literacy, frequently overlooked, is that people
in low-income countries are often deprived of reading and writing materials
even dictionaries in their own languages. Resources are generally very scarce,
and people are unlikely to be confronted regularly with printed matter in
the home in newspapers and magazines, on covers of boxes and wrappings
. . . and outside in the forms of billboards and public signs (Greaney 1996,
14).
The research reported here explores the literacy environment inanurban
Senegalese context by presenting a comparative perspective on the distri-
bution, the types, and the quality of literacy materials such as books and
This research was funded by the Foundation for Advanced Studies for International Development,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. For valuable comments and extremely helpful feedback on earlier
versions of this article, I would like to thank coeditors Emily Hannum and Heidi Ross and four reviewers
of Comparative Education Review. John Pryors constant support and guidance as my supervisor were
invaluable. Warm thanks go also to Tony Somerset, who helped me shape the research and conceptualize
issues better than I would have been able to do by myself. Finally, my sincere thanks to all the people
in the research communities near Dakar who participated in this study; despite your difcult life cir-
cumstances, all of you willingly and graciously responded to my questions.
244 May 2010
SHIOHATA
posters. Amatrix of the literacy environment is developed in order to facilitate
the identication of various types of material resources at community and
household levels. This matrix helps us know where scripted materials are,
what kinds of materials they are, who uses these materials, and how they are
used.
There is growing interest in the literacy environment and its effects on
education. Recent studies argue that an abundance of reading materials
motivates individuals to become literate and hence that the creation of such
an environment is vital (e.g., Chhetri and Baker 2005; UNESCO 2005). How-
ever, even if communities and households were lled with reading materials,
it is unlikely that people would automatically begin reading them. Whereas
people can access electronic media suchas televisionandradio without having
been to school, they need education before they can access reading materials.
In this study, I attempt to explore the literacy environment inanurbanAfrican
setting, capturing its complex dimensions at both community and household
levels. Each literacy environment has its potentialities and limitations, which
affect what kinds of literacy activities can be undertaken and the types and
levels of learning that can be achieved.
Research and Theory concerning the Literacy Environment
Although the literacy environment is not explicitly mentioned therein,
the seminal book by Scribner and Cole (1981), The Psychology of Literacy, is
relevant in connection with the subject of this article. Scribner and Cole
dened a literacy practice as consisting of three components: technology,
knowledge, and skills. Literacy is seen as a set of socially organized practices
making use of symbol systems and technology for producing and dissemi-
nating knowledge. Technology is referred to as characteristics of the graphic
symbol system as well as material means of its presentation (Scribner and Cole
1981, 236). Hence, technological aspects of literacy determine the kind of skills
associated with literacy. This suggests that to understand a literacy practice in
a particular context, a researcher needs to look into both the graphic symbol
systems (e.g., verbal and numeric symbols, visual use) and also materials these
symbols are written on (paper, cloth, wooden board, etc.).
Scripted materials in our daily environment employ various symbols in a
complex manner (Schriver 1997). Opening todays newspaper, for instance,
one is likely to nd not only texts but also graphic symbols such as maps and
diagrams often accompanied by words (verbal symbols) and numbers (nu-
meric symbols). Instead of focusing on the notion held and the meaning
made by those who engage in a literacy activity, an alternative approach is
to observe and analyze what people actually read and write. It includes study-
ing the ways in which verbal, numeric, and graphic symbols are combined.
The notion of literacy practice proposed by Scribner and Cole guides
the way to seek to understand the concept of the environment. The literacy
Comparative Education Review 245
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
environment can be seen as a reection of literacy in use. For example, in
the multilingual context of urban Senegal, the French language is far more
frequently used in shop signs and advertisement posters than local languages.
This suggests that local languages have not yet put down roots as written
languages. Conversely, the environment can shape and inuence peoples
literacy practices and experiences. In the learning process, people need to
test what they have acquired by passing it through an experiential lter. In
Senegal, those who learn how to read and write in a local language may well
be deprived of opportunities to practice their newly acquired skills, because
the scripted materials in their neighborhood are predominantly written in
French. Accordingly, I dene the literacy environment as the availability,
variety, and quality of scripted materials available to individuals, and the
opportunities to use such materials.
In developing countries, access to and use of scripted materials are as
important as they are in high-income countries. Most debates on literacy and
development, however, have been mainly concerned with either economic
benets of literacy (e.g., how literacy skills contribute to income generation)
or social benets (e.g., how women are empowered by becoming literate).
The fact that scripted materials are often lacking in terms of both quantity
and quality has been relatively neglected.
1
Academic interest in the literacy environment is relatively recent and has
to date been concerned mainly with childrens literacy in North America.
For instance, a study by Neuman and Celano (2001) compared the structure
of the environment in four communities in Philadelphia in terms of provision
of literacy materials and resources. They found that children from middle-
income communities were likely to be deluged with a wide variety of reading
materials. Many books and other materials of good quality were available in
both shops and libraries in such communities. Moreover, public signs, from
which children also extract meaning, were numerous and in relatively good
condition. For children from less well-off communities, by contrast, the quan-
tity and variety of books and other reading materials were much more limited.
Neuman and Celano conclude that in middle-income communities, chil-
dren have a variety of opportunities to gain an understanding of the processes
and purposes of reading and of connecting print with meaningful activity.
But in lower income communities, such opportunities are far more limited
and narrower in scope.
They also suggest that there are two layers to the social environment.
The rst layer is the most immediate level, characterized by the intimacy of
interpersonal relations and patterns of activity in face-to-face settings with
family and close relations (home, school). The second is in the wider context,
the settings that are directly affected by external inuences such as poverty
1
UNESCO publishes global data on periodical circulation, book production, and national libraries,
but the data for sub-Saharan Africa are largely lacking. See, e.g., UNESCO (2005, 29295).
246 May 2010
SHIOHATA
and social welfare systems (community). Their argument is that research in
literacy has tended to focus mainly on the immediate settingon relation-
ships to family characteristics, book-reading habits, and instructional pro-
cesses in the school. The larger contexts outside the home and school that
may affect events within the immediate environment are relatively neglected:
Consequently, we would argue that although immediate interactional con-
texts may lie at the heart of an explanatory framework for differences in
achievement, unexplained variation may stem not just from immediate en-
vironments (home, school) but the larger systems that indirectly affect chil-
dren (Neuman and Celano 2001, 23).
A rare example of a study of the literacy environment in the developing
world is one carried out by the French sociolinguist Myriam Dumont (1998),
which provides a unique view of literacy use in an urban African context.
She conducted a sociolinguistic study in central Dakar in the early 1990s,
focusing on the use of languages and visual images in commercial shop signs
and the implicit sociocultural meanings encoded in them. She highlighted
commercial shop signs because they span the gap between ofcial writing
and informal, or wild, writing: Commercial signs seem particularly inter-
esting, since they are located at the junction between ofcial writing . . .
and wild writing whose particular quality may allow the author to give voice
to his social and political demands (Dumont 1998, 10; my translation).
She analyzed a sample of nearly 900 shop signs and concluded that there
is a clear contrast in the use of language betweensocioeconomically privileged
and deprived areas. French words were predominantly used in the privileged
areas, while Arabic and local languages, including Wolof, were more fre-
quently used in the deprived areas.
In the international policy discourse on development, discussion about
the literacy environment has just begun. A recent UNESCO (2005) report,
for instance, argues that the literacy environment inuences childrens lit-
eracy acquisition, and it problematizes the lack of literacy resources, including
books, magazines, and newspapers, in the homes of primary pupils in south-
ern and eastern Africa. However, it may well be too simplistic to make a direct
linkage between resources at home and childrens achievement at school
unless the quality dimension is considered. As Elley (1996) argues, providing
children with interesting and meaningful texts is far more important than
simply increasing their number.
Similarly, Elwert (2001, 64) points out that literacy campaigns in devel-
oping countries often fail because they are carried out without proper regard
to the language and learning needs of the communities concerned. Most
literacy campaigns are not accompanied by supporting activities involving the
creation of textual institutions (Olson and Torrance 2001, x), including the
development of written local languages. Unless writing is institutionalized,
Elwert argues, literacy will not become sustainable.
Comparative Education Review 247
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
Education, Literacy, and Language in Senegal
Senegal, situated on the West African coast, is one of the few African
nations that has avoided major political instability since its independence in
1960. The population is estimated at around 12.2 million in 2008, with an
annual growth rate of 2.6 percent, slightly above the average in sub-Saharan
Africa of 2.5 percent (World Bank 2009). The urbanization rate is also high;
42 percent of the population now lives in urban areas (United Nations De-
partment of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division 2009). The
population is overwhelmingly Muslim, with a small minority of Christians.
The formal education system is modeled after that of France. Introduced
during the French colonial period in the nineteenth century, it developed
during the decolonization age in the 1940s and 1950s and further expanded
over the 5 decades after independence. The primary gross enrollment ratio
in 2008 was 80 percent, well below the average for sub-Saharan Africa (94
percent in 2008; World Bank 2009). Yet there has been signicant improve-
ment over the decade in access for girls: between 199192 and 19992000,
the girls gross enrollment ratio rose from 49 to 63 percent (Ministry of
Education 2000, 11). The number of teachers and classrooms almost doubled,
and secondary enrollments also increased (Ministry of Education 2000, 26).
Nevertheless, despite wider access and a narrowing gender gap, regional
disparities are persistent. The primary grade 1 gross intake rate in 19992000
in Ziganchor, St. Louis, and Fatick Regions exceeded 100 percent, while it
was as low as 48 percent in Diourbel Region (Ministry of Education 2000,
9). The national dropout rate is also high; only about 20 percent of the grade
1 intake graduates from grade 6 within 5 years (Ministry of Education 2000,
15). The national pass rate in the nal primary education examination was
47.6 percent in 2000 (Ministry of Education 2000, 36). So the majority of
young people leave primary school without a certicate. Probably unable to
read or write, they constitute a potential clientele for nonformal education.
In 1993, the government introduced a literacy education policy in which
a quantitative targetreducing the illiteracy rate by 5 percent a year for 10
yearswas set (Ministry of Education 2003). Since then, the government has
been running a large-scale literacy program nationwide, involving nongov-
ernmental organizations (NGOs) as service providers (Nordtveit 2008).
2
By
the early 2000s, the cumulative number of enrollees who had passed through
literacy classes had reached over 1 million (Ministry of Education 2000, 27).
Government statistics indicate improvement in the national literacy rates
between 1990 and 2002 (table 1). However, the increase mainly reects ex-
panded access to formal primary education. An evaluation of literacy class
participants conducted by the Ministry of Education in 2001 and 2003 shows
a disturbing picture. The reading and writing skills of 1,800 literacy class
2
The program was nanced by Canada, Germany, and the World Bank.
248 May 2010
SHIOHATA
TABLE 1
Literacy Rates in 1990 and 2002
1990 2002
Male 38.2% 51.1%
Female 18.6% 29.2%
Average 28.4% 39.3%
Source.UNESCO (2005, 286).
Note.The data are based on the Senegalese government
household survey conducted in 2002. A literate person is dened
as one who declares himself or herself to be able to read and
write in any language.
participants were tested at the beginning and at the end of the literacy course.
Among these 1,800 learners, 74 percent initially could not read or write at
all. The same learners were tested after 2 years, at the end of the course.
Thirty-four percent of the initial illiterate participants still could not read
or write (Nordtveit 2005, 13).
The low achievement levels in both formal and nonformal education can
perhaps be partially explained by the complexity of the Senegalese language
context. There are three main language groupings:
1. French: The ofcial language of the country, and the medium of in-
struction throughout formal education from grade 1 of the primary
school to the tertiary level.
3
2. Arabic: Learned by many people in Daara, the Koranic school. Some
learners become competent enough to write in Arabic for mnemonic
purposes, but the language is rarely if ever used as a means for oral
communication.
3. Langues nationales (national languages): There are around 20 local
languages in the country, 10 of which are dened as langues nationales.
4
At present, six of them are employed in government literacy programs
(Wolof, Pulaar, Seereer, Joola, Mandinka, and Soninke). However, ex-
cept in a pilot project to be mentioned shortly, none of the national
languages are employed at any level of the formal education system,
even in the lower primary grades.
The Arabic script is thought to have arrived in Senegal with Islam around
the eleventh century. Whereas a signicant number of Wolof words are of
Arabic origin (Ngom 2004), Arabic itself is not commonly used as a spoken
language. Today, Arabic scripts are used in religious texts and in some com-
3
The government denes the ofcial language as the language recognized by the Constitution
as working language and for codifying basic ofcial documents. It is also the principal instruction
language in the formal education system (Ministry of Education 1999, 10; my translation).
4
A national language is specied as a language (which is) legally recognized as representing the
nation and can convey ofcial messages or valid information (Ministry of Education 1999, 9; my
translation).
Comparative Education Review 249
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
mercial materials, such as shop signs, to show the proprietors religious
afliation.
Written forms of the national languages have a complex history. There
is a long tradition of written Wolof in the Arabic script (called Wolofal). In
the early nineteenth century, the French schoolteacher and civil servant Jean
Dard wrote a Wolof grammar book. He used the Roman alphabet and pro-
moted African language education in French-sponsored schools (Irvine
2001). Between the 1950s and 1970s, a pro-Wolof movement emerged from
a small group of intellectuals in reaction to President Senghors promotion
of the use of French as the language governing all aspects of Senegalese
institutional life (McLaughlin 2008).
The Senegalese education system faces problems of language disconti-
nuity. The language differences between home and school are serious, as are
the differences between the formal and nonformal education systems. At
independence, when francophone states were encouraged to retain French
as their national and ofcial language, they essentially postponed the quest
for a national identity (Djite 1992, 167).
More recently, however, the government has been experimenting with
the use of the six national languages, which are used in literacy programs as
media of instruction in primary schools. This is being promoted by the Min-
istry of Education, with strong support from the teachers union. Teachers
are acutely aware of the dire state of teaching in French and thus advocate
the use of Wolof and the other national languages to improve pupil com-
prehension (Albaugh 2007). This programis a 6-year experiment and is being
implemented in 300 schools.
In addition to the privileged status of French, there is a hierarchy among
the local languages in Senegal. While the Wolof ethnic group represents only
around 40 percent of the total population, Wolof is by far the most widely
spoken language.
5
Describing Wolof as la langue de la rue (the street language),
Dumont (1998, 40) estimates Wolof speakers (rst-language plus second-
language) at 8090 percent of the total population and at around 95 percent
in Dakar. While the status of French is secured by the constitution and is
deeply rooted in elites minds as the written language, Wolof is the most widely
spoken language today. The expansion of Wolof is linked to urbanization. It
is likely that in the multilingual urban situation, Wolof started to be used as
a common language among non-Wolof people.
The same hierarchy among languages can be seen in publication. The
development of local publishing capacity in low-income countries is often
restricted due to a number of constraints including the lack of a viable market
(Read 1996). In Africa, school textbooks represent 7590 percent of the total
book market (Kloeckner 2001). In francophone Africa, textbooks and other
5
Wolof belongs to the Atlantic group of the Niger-Congo language family. Within this group, Wolof
is further categorized into the North subgroup along with Seereer and Pulaar.
250 May 2010
SHIOHATA
books are often printed abroad, by large publishing companies in France.
The import of textbooks is often specied as a condition in aid project
agreements, thus inhibiting the development of local publishers (Mazrui
1997). More recently, the privatization of textbook production, together with
international competitive bidding, has been vigorously promoted by the
World Bank (World Bank 2002).
In Senegal, the government literacy program gives emphasis to enriching
the environnement lettre (literacy environment) through publication and dis-
tribution of books in national languages. By providing these books, the gov-
ernment aims to encourage former and current literacy class participants to
practice reading regularly.
The publication of books in national languages is supervised by the Min-
istry of Education. The ministry has a technical committee, called Comite
danalyse technique, consisting of linguists and other scholars, which calls for
manuscripts in national languages fromwriters. The committee decides which
manuscripts will be published after examining them from content and lin-
guistic points of view. The books printed through this government scheme
are distributed to literacy classes nationwide.
According to a government report, 723 titles in national languages were
published between 1980 and 2000 (Ministry of Education 2001). Of these
titles, 256 (35 percent) were in Wolof, followed by Pulaar with 214 (30
percent).
6
Apart from these two, publications in other languages are relatively
limited. There are, for instance, only 51 titles in Soninke and 59 in Joola.
Prole of the Study Area
The research is based on eldwork I carried out between September 2003
and June 2004 as part of my doctoral studies (Shiohata 2007). The data were
collected in Saanjaay Town,
7
about 20 kilometers north of the capital, Dakar.
I decided to conduct eldwork in an urban area because a wider and more
complex range of scripted materials is available in towns compared to rural
villages. As people move from the rural to the urban environment, they
inevitably are exposed to a world in which many aspects of social life are
built upon texts and documents.
Saanjaay is a part of a department that lies in Dakar Region. The total
population of Saanjaay was estimated at around 400,000 as of 2004. Saanjaay
consists of ve boroughs (communes darrondissement), from which I selected
two research sites with contrasting historic and socioeconomic backgrounds.
I did so purposively in order to explore whether the different backgrounds
of the two communities, including origin, infrastructure, and education and
6
The Pulaar group represents around 23 percent of the total population (Ministry of Economy
and Finance 2001). The percentages reported are the authors calculations.
7
A pseudonym is used in order to preserve anonymity. For the same reason, pseudonyms are also
used in place of respondents names.
Comparative Education Review 251
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
health facilities, affect their literacy environments. In selecting the research
communities, I rst visited all ve boroughs to make direct observations. I
then sought guidance from administrative ofcers, local leaders, and NGO
workers as to which boroughs I should choose to maximize variation.
Prior to the 1950s, the land now occupied by Saanjaay was virtually un-
inhabited. In the 1950s, the government created a newcommunity ina central
part of this area aimed at easing increasing congestion in Dakar. An urban
plan was made, introducing basic infrastructure including roads, water supply,
and electricity. I selected this borough as one of my research sites (community
1).
In the early 1960s, some time after the establishment of community 1,
Saanjaay started to receive an inux of people from rural areas, mainly from
the eastern and northern parts of the country. The immigrants settled in-
formally in an area adjacent to community 1. Initially, they were regarded as
illegal settlers by the government, and the informal houses they constructed
were destroyed by the authorities from time to time. Despite these interven-
tions, the inux continued. In the 1970s, the government abandoned its
attempts to expel the informal settlers. This community continued to grow,
and by now its population is nearly as large as that of community 1 and has
equal administrative status to community 1. I selected this borough as my
second research site (community 2).
Although the government stopped the destruction of the informal houses
in community 2, it did not take on the role of service provider. The streets
are narrow and labyrinthine; there is no public transport service, no public
schools, and no health clinics. As most of the plots are occupied by private
individuals, it is now difcult to nd spaces to create public service facilities,
despite the urgent need for such facilities. So the living environment contrasts
with that of community 1 in many ways.
According to a Saanjaay Town document, 25 percent of the economically
active population in the town is unemployed.
8
Since there are few employ-
ment prospects, many go to Dakar either for casual labor or for more secure
employment. As the town was originally established as a commuter town,
there has been no major industrial development that could provide em-
ployment for newcomers. The same document states that the population is
ethnically diverse: It is a mosaic of all the ethnicities in Senegal along with
some from other West African nations. Table 2 summarizes and contrasts
various characteristics of the two selected communities.
Methodology and Methods
My study aimed to explore the literacy environment by identifying and
analyzing scripted materials in public and private spaces. Studies of literacy
8
Sur la ville de Saanjaay: a four-page document I received from an administrative ofcer at
Saanjaay Town Ofce. No dates.
TABLE 2
Basic Proles of the Two Communities
Community 1 Community 2
Surface area 2.6 km
2
1.1 km
2
Population Around 100,000 Around 80,000
History Started as a commuter town for Dakar in the 1950s. The
government provided site and service plots together
with roads and other infrastructure.
Started in the 1960s as an informal settlement of immi-
grants from eastern and northern parts of the country.
Location and environment Located in the center of Saanjaay Town. The northern
boundary of the community faces the Atlantic Ocean.
Despite the long commuting time to Dakar, some resi-
dents regard the living environment of this area as rel-
atively desirable.
Adjacent to community 1. The area is lower lying than
community 1. During the rainy season, the water stag-
nates, and many houses are severely inundated. Many
residents have to nd temporary shelter. Water-borne
diseases are prevalent especially in the rainy season.
Infrastructure Around 80% of households have water supply. Sewage
construction work was started in 2004 with Swedish
government assistance. Nearly 90% of households are
electried. Around 15% of households have
telephones.
Many residents depend on common water taps. There is
no proper drainage system; the residents dig holes to
drain polluted water. Electrication rate is around 20%
at the household level. Only 2% of households have
telephones.
Education:
Formal There are nine primary schools and two secondary
schools.
There is no formal school, primary or secondary. Many
children travel to schools in other communities.
Nonformal There are several private schools (Ecole Franco-Arabe) and
Koranic schools (Daara). No literacy classes for adults.
There are some private schools (Ecole Franco-Arabe) along
with numerous Koranic schools (Daara). Several liter-
acy classes are held for adults.
Health There are four health posts. Previously two health posts, both now closed.
Economy The economy is largely based on employment and casual
labor in Dakar. Overseas emigration is common. The
government is rehabilitating a large covered market.
The economy is predominantly based on informal sector
activities (e.g., tailoring, carpentry, retail). Overseas
emigration is common. There is no covered market.
Ethnicity Very diverse; Pulaar are not the majority. The majority of residents are Pulaar. Originally, they
came from the northern parts of the country, but
many were born in Saanjaay.
Comparative Education Review 253
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
environments in developing countries are still uncommon, and the concept
of such an environment is relatively new. Hence, this study is primarily
exploratory.
In the limited amount of time available, it was impossible to look into
all the scripted materials displayed in public spaces in the two communities.
Thus, I decided to record all the materials that could be observed along the
main street of each site. These streets ran through the center of each com-
munity and were lined with shops and other establishments, most of them
displaying signs or posters. There were also freestanding materials not phys-
ically attached to any establishments, such as billboards and public work
signs. I walked along the streets and systematically photographed all these
materials.
9
As I photographed the scripted materials along the two main streets, I
interviewed all shop proprietors who were available at the time of my visit. I
asked each proprietor two sets of questions. The rst set addressed basic facts
about the shop sign (who had made it, how long it had been displayed, etc.);
the second addressed the proprietors assessment of the effect achieved by
putting up the sign: how much attention the sign had captured and how
benecial it had been for the business. At noncommercial establishments such
as schools and government ofces, I asked similar questions to those I asked
at shops, but sometimes in more detail when it seemed appropriate. In com-
munity 1, I observed and photographed 116 establishments among which I
could interview 92 proprietors, whereas in community 2, 156 establishments
were observed and photographed, and 153 proprietors were interviewed.
To inquire into materials in household and private spaces, I interviewed
a small sample of 25 informants in their own homes (table 3). The informants
were selected based on criterion sampling, to provide variation in age, gender,
residential area, and educational background. Key persons with wide contacts
in each community helped provide me with access. At the interviewees
houses, I asked open-ended questions concerning the types of scripted ma-
terials available in the home and supplemented these questions with direct
observation.
Adopting critical visual methodology (Rose 2001), I examined meanings
of scripted materials themselves and the perspectives of those who produce
them. The materials observed in both the public and household spaces were
coded tentatively into various categories according to type. Initially, this pro-
cess yielded a rather large number of categoriestoo many, in fact, to form
the basis for a practical type classication. So, similar categories were com-
bined, yielding the six types shown along the horizontal dimension of the
literacy environment matrix below. The materials were thenexamined further
using content analysis (Lutz and Collins 1993) to seek frequencies with which
9
The two streets were approximately 1.6 km (community 1) and 1.2 km (community 2) long.
254 May 2010
SHIOHATA
TABLE 3
Interviewee Sample (All Names Are Pseudonyms for Purposes of Condentiality)
Name Age Ethnicity
Education Background
(Formal and Nonformal)
Community 1
Female:
Aji 36 Pulaar None, but speaks French a little
Fatouma 51 Wolof None
Ada 58 Wolof None
Fouta 51 Wolof Enrolled in a literacy class at the time of
interview
Muta 24 Wolof Primary up to CM2 (grade 6)
Maho 45 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6) plus literacy
class in Wolof
Yashin 46 Wolof Secondary completed; also, literacy class in
Wolof
Male:
Aliou 27 Pulaar Primary up to CM1 (grade 5) and literacy
class in Pulaar
Amadou 25 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6)
Amin 28 Sereer Secondary and literacy class in Wolof
Mandi 25 Pulaar Secondary
Hari 35 Pulaar Secondary
Community 2
Female:
Pen 30 Pulaar None
Mai 67 Pulaar Spent 4 years in France and enrolled in a
literacy class there
Bindi 46 Pulaar Literacy class in Pulaar
Maa 37 Pulaar Literacy class in Wolof and Pulaar; can read
and write in Arabic
Khan 25 Wolof Primary up to CM2 (grade 6)
Sy 28 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6) and literacy
class in Pulaar
Ami 41 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6) and literacy
class in Pulaar
Male:
Chitiba 21 Pulaar None
Tambi 41 Wolof Literacy class in Wolof
Ari 28 Pulaar Literacy class in Pulaar
Kolee 25 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6)
Chika 20 Pulaar Primary up to CM2 (grade 6) plus literacy
class in Pulaar; can read in Arabic
Soum 36 Pulaar Secondary
Note.CM1 p cours moyens 1; CM2 p cours moyens 2.
verbal and visual symbols were used, and French and national languages were
used.
10
Semiotic analysis (Barthes 1977) was also employed in order to look
into the ways in which verbal and visual symbols produced social meanings.
While content analysis allowed me to have an overview of the observed
scripted materials, semiotic analysis enabled me to focus on particular ma-
terials and to discuss their effects in more detail.
10
Content analysis is a way of understanding the qualities of scripted materials, offering techniques
for handling a relatively large number of materials with some degree of consistency (Lutz and Collins
1993; Rose 2001).
Comparative Education Review 255
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
All interviews were conducted through a Senegalese research assistant,
who was Pulaar but spoke Wolof as well. I communicated with him mainly
in French. At the end of each day, my interpreter and I reected on the
interviews we had carried out, so that I could gain insights from his percep-
tions and reach consensus with him as to the meaning of the information
and opinions our respondents had conveyed to us. In this way, I aimed to
enhance the reliability and validity of my data, to the maximum extent pos-
sible within the limitations of my resources.
Matrix of the Literacy Environment
As Neuman and Celano (2001) argue, there are multilayered socioeco-
nomic status differences that affect inequalities in literacy use. These differ-
ences can be seen among regions, countries, communities, households, and
individuals. The layers often inuence each other. Accordingly, it is necessary
to analyze the literacy environment at both community and individual levels
in order to capture its complex dimensions. For this purpose, I developed a
matrix of the literacy environment that facilitates the identication of dif-
ferent types of material resources in different locations. Table 4 shows this
matrix.
First, the environment is divided along the vertical axis into public, house-
hold, and private spaces, identifying the general location of the scripted
materials. Individual people usually have their own private spaces within the
household where they live, and each household is located in a larger com-
munity space. People function within multilayered spaces made up of public,
household, and private components.
Horizontally, the table is divided into six type categories: political and
administrative; economic and commercial; livelihood-related; educational;
religious, cultural, and sport; and personal. The boundaries between the
categories are arbitrary in some cases, but this grouping has been found
useful in considering the nature and purpose of the materials. Different kinds
of scripted materials tend to be located in different spaces. In this matrix,
the materials are recorded in the space where they are most likely to be
found.
The rst row (A) comprises materials that are found along the streets
and other open public spaces. They can be accessed by virtually everyone,
both community members and outsiders. These materials are often designed
to be read at a distance and thus tend to be large in size.
Row B is made up of materials found in public spaces typically frequented
by particular sections of the community. These public spaces provide op-
portunities for community members to address their specic needswhether
economic, educational, or medical. Such spaces include the interiors of shops,
schools, health clinics, and workplaces. Because the materials are designed
to be read at close quarters, they are generally smaller in size than most
2
5
6
TABLE 4
A Matrix of the Literacy Environment (Based on Two Urban Communities in Senegal)
Types of Materials
Location of Materials
Political and
Administrative
Economic and
Commercial
Livelihood-
Related Educational
Religious,
Cultural, and Sport Personal
A. Materials in open
public spaces; com-
munity-wide access
(e.g., streets, public
parks)
Campaign post-
ers, trafc and
public trans-
port signs,
public works
signs
Shop signs, bill-
boards, adver-
tising posters,
lottery and
betting prize
numbers
NGO signs,
training cen-
ter signs, post-
ers (e.g., im-
proved
cooking
stoves)
School signs
(public/pri-
vate/Koranic)
Religious murals,
religious events
posters
Grafti
Public spaces
B. Materials in en-
closed public spaces;
typically frequented
by particular sections
of the community
(e.g., shops, schools,
literacy classes, librar-
ies, health clinics,
pharmacies, training
centers, workplaces)
Books about po-
litical and le-
gal issues,
newspapers
Advertising post-
ers, price lists,
shop proprie-
tors account
books, prod-
uct labels, or-
der books
(e.g., tailor-
ing, carpen-
try), sample
albums (e.g.,
clothes,
furniture)
Books on in-
come-genera-
tion activities
(e.g., cloth dy-
ing, crops,
livestock),
books on
group man-
agement, work
records,
health posters
(e.g., HIV/
AIDS, drugs)
Health posters
(e.g., HIV,
drugs), envi-
ronment post-
ers, school
textbooks, lit-
eracy books,
numeracy
books, refer-
ence books
(e.g., reading,
history)
Religious murals;
religious events
posters; religious
books; books
about plays and
games; books
about ethnic cul-
ture, history, and
language; novels
Grafti
2
5
7
C. Materials produced
for wide distribution,
but collected or pur-
chased by individual
household members
Books about po-
litical and le-
gal issues,
newspapers,
telephone
directories
Product labels,
calendars with
advertisements
Books on in-
come-genera-
tion activities
(e.g., cloth dy-
ing, crops,
livestock),
books on
group man-
agement,
books on
health
School text-
books, literacy
books, numer-
acy books, ref-
erence books
(e.g., reading,
history)
Religious books; cal-
endars with reli-
gious images;
books about plays
and games; books
about ethnic cul-
ture, history, and
language; novels;
soccer players
posters
Household spaces
D. Materials produced
outside the house-
hold but specic to
individual household
members
Birth certicates,
vaccination
cards, ID
cards, mar-
riage certi-
cates, land
certicates
Receipts, bills Training course
certicates
(NGO/govern-
ment), mutual
help member-
ship cards
School records,
examination
certicates,
school testimo-
nials, literacy
class
certicates
Membership cards
(religious,
cultural)
Personal letters
from others
(family,
friends)
Private spaces
E. Materials produced
by individual house-
hold members
Shopping lists,
account books
Group activities
records
Notebooks Stories written by in-
dividuals, poems
written by
individuals
Personal letters
to others, per-
sonal diaries
258 May 2010
SHIOHATA
materials in open public spaces, except advertising posters that are often seen
both inside and outside shops.
Row C encompasses materials found within household spaces, produced
for wide distribution but collected or purchased by individual household
members. They may be used exclusively by the individual who acquired them
or shared with other household members. There is, of course, a good deal
of overlap between these materials and those in row B. Literacy education
materials, for example, are likely to be found both in the literacy classroom
and in the houses of participants.
Row D consists of materials produced outside the household but specic
to individual household members. Identication cards, school records, and
various certicates are typical materials belonging to this category. In almost
all cases, the documents identify the name of the recipient for whom it is
intended. They may be kept in the individuals personal space such as within
a drawer, but some may well be hung on a wall in the house, especially if
the document records a personal achievement (e.g., a school testimonial or
examination certicate).
Row E encompasses materials produced by individual household mem-
bers themselves. This category is different from the other four because the
materials involve writing rather than just reading. In both research com-
munities, wide variation was observed in the range and quality of these self-
generated materials. This variation has the potential to provide a useful ba-
rometer of the degree to which literacy skills are put to actual use by
individuals, households, or communities.
The materials entered in each cell are examples based on my own ob-
servations in community 1 and in community 2 and on interviews with the
25 informants at their houses. No doubt there are many other materials in
existence that I did not observe during eldwork.
The Literacy Environments of the Two Communities
How do the socioeconomic differences between the two communities
inuence their literacy environments? In order to capture the similarities
and dissimilarities between the two, I rst analyze the scripted materials ob-
served in public spaces. Then, I examine whether the differences in the
household and private literacy environments reect the differences in the
wider community environment in which they are located.
Public Spaces
Community 1, located in the center of Saanjaay Town, has more materials
related to politics and administration in its public spaces than community 2.
At the time of the eldwork, there were several public works underway in
community 1, but none in community 2. Usually, these projects display large-
scale signs to show the purposes of the work, such as drainage, childrens
Comparative Education Review 259
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
center construction, and the like. As described above, the second community
started as an irregular settlement. Even now, it does not receive much gov-
ernment attention; hence, there is hardly any political or administrative ma-
terial in the public spaces of community 2.
Similarly, several copies of a campaign poster made by an association of
international NGOs were displayed along the main street of community 1,
appealing to the public to join a movement to abolish the rearms trade.
The poster was attracting a great deal of attention from passersby because
its size was large and, furthermore, a famous Senegalese soccer player was
represented in it. This poster was not observed in community 2.
Availability of newspapers is also contrasted. I found two newspaper stands
along the main street in community 1, while none was observed along the
street in community 2.
Commercial materials, however, were more equally distributed between
the two communities. Of the 116 establishments in community 1, 84 (72
percent) displayed one or more identifying signs, whereas in community 2,
106 of the 156 establishments had such signs (68 percent). At establishments
where there were no signs, visible commercial activities were taking place, or
commercial products were visually displayed.
The exterior walls of grocers shops were usually covered with numerous
advertising posters, and in this, there was again little difference between the
two communities. In total, I identied 50 different posters during the eld-
work period in the two communities. Although at rst look, the landscape
of the main street in community 2 is lively and vigorous, this is mainly a
consequence of these commercial posters.
In enclosed public spaces, materials found inside the shops in the two
communitiessuch as advertising posters, price lists, and product labels
are almost identical. The difference is in the livelihood-related and educa-
tional materials, and this is mainly due to the different education services
provided in the two communities.
As mentioned earlier, there was no public primary school in community
2, while there were as many as nine in community 1. Although children can
go to school outside their community, school enrollment in community 2
was lower than that in community 1. Adults also have less education expe-
rience in community 2.
For nonformal education, however, the situation is different. The absence
of formal schools in community 2 means that the community meets the
governments criterion for establishing a literacy class. The governments
program prioritizes areas where there are no schools, and adults who have
no formal education experience. Consequently, there are several literacy clas-
ses in community 2, but none in community 1. Hence, in community 2, there
are substantial numbers of materials related to literacy education, including
literacy and numeracy textbooks and functional books dealing with income-
260 May 2010
SHIOHATA
generation activities and health issues. These materials are not available in
any enclosed public space visited in community 1.
Household and Private Spaces
In both communities, those who completely lack reading and writing
skills generally possess very few documents. They will certainly have an iden-
tication card, because this is compulsory, and perhaps an old calendar with
a religious photograph, but usually little else.
I interviewed Ms. Pen of community 2, who had never been to school.
She had received three redundant copies of literacy and numeracy textbooks
from one of her neighbors. Although she could not read these books at all,
she kept them in the hope that she might be enrolled in a literacy class in
the future.
By contrast, those who have reading and writing skills, usually acquired
through formal education, generally possessed more documents. Literate
adults are more likely to have responsibilities in group and community ac-
tivities, which are likely to bring more documents into their houses.
For example, Ms. Yashin in community 1 had been working for an NGO
as a volunteer for 6 years. Every month, she visits young children below the
age of 5 in her neighborhood to measure their weight and height and to
keep records. If she identies any malnourished child, she reports it to the
NGO ofce. In addition to the notebooks in which she had been recording
her volunteer activities, she had certicates issued at the completion of two
training courses: one was for a vegetable-growing training course and the
other for a food-processing program. Moreover, she had been borrowing
books on a regular basis from a coin de lecture (reading corner) contiguous
to a literacy class in a neighboring community. Her case, and there were
others like her, shows that if a person has access to literacy skills, he or she
is likely to accumulate documents of multiple kinds.
However, I encountered several women in community 1 who lacked read-
ing and writing skills but whose children were continuing formal education
past the primary, to the secondary, or even to the tertiary levels. These chil-
dren bring written materials home with them. Hence, their mothers seemed
more familiar with such materials than women whose children do not go to
school.
Mrs. Fouta had never been to school, but she sent all of her eight children
there, at least to the primary level. At the time of the interview, she had been
attending a literacy class in Wolof for 6 months and was struggling to read
letter by letter. She seemed to have difculties reading whole words. Her
children were doing very well at schoolsome of them had taken honors.
She showed me certicates (tableau dhonneur) her children had received.
Although she could not read text in French, she could explain the meaning
of each document and certicate. It seems that she was so proud of her
Comparative Education Review 261
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
childrens achievements that she could remember what each document was
about from their explanations.
Observation suggests that the literacy environments at the household and
private levels are not directly linked to the literacy environment at the com-
munity level. The public literacy environment seemed richer in community
1 than in community 2, but it was not clear that this richness directly affected
the household literacy environment. Those who cannot read or write are
unlikely to possess many documents in their household and private environ-
ments, irrespective of which community they live in.
The literacy environments in household and private spaces are more likely
to be inuenced directly by the socioeconomic status of the household. The
women in community 1 who had never been to school managed to send
their children because of their socioeconomic status and because of the
availability of schools in their community. As a consequence of their childrens
schooling, they had a variety of scripted materials in their homes.
By contrast, the residents in community 2 were doubly disadvantaged:
the socioeconomic situation is worse than in community 1, and there is no
state school within the community. These negative circumstances do not
encourage the enrichment of household and private literacy environments.
Language Use in the Different Types of Scripted Materials
There were contrasts in language use among the six different types of
materials.
Political and Administrative Materials
Reecting the fact that the ofcial language is French, most political and
administrative materials, from public work announcements to marriage cer-
ticates, are written in French.
There are more than 10 daily newspaper titles in the country, all of which
are published in French, apart from one bilingual title in French and Arabic.
Although the governmentthrough its literacy programhas been subsi-
dizing the production of local monthly or weekly newspapers in national
languages, their availability is limited. These newspapers are not sold in the
conventional newspaper stands; instead, one has to go to an NGO ofce or
a literacy class to nd a copy.
Economic and Commercial Materials
The language used in billboards and posters advertising manufactured
products (e.g., soft drinks, cigarettes, toothpaste) is predominantly French.
These materials are mass produced and distributed all over the country. It
seems that international and national manufacturers and advertisers regard
French as the most useful language for conveying commercial messages to
potential customers.
262 May 2010
SHIOHATA
As for locally made shop signs, which are original to each shop, the
majority are in French. Many shop proprietors use a French word to indicate
the nature of the business, such as couture (tailor) or menuiserie (carpentry),
followed by a shop name. Some proprietors said that the number of people
who understand writing in a national language is still so limited that there
would be no point in putting up a sign in any one of them. This observation
is consistent with that of Dumont (1998, 131), who noted that the use of
Wolof in shop signs is minimal: None of the shops use Wolof for their trade
types, even though the (Wolof) words for this purpose exist. . . . The use
of Wolof is restricted to the words or expressions which actually do not carry
information, rather only a value of recognition. Despite the recent pro-
motion of the local languages in literacy education, Dumonts observations
made in the early 1990s remain essentially valid today.
Arabic was seldomfound among the economic and commercial materials.
Yet some shop proprietors kept account books in Arabic. I interviewed Ms.
Maa, who writes her shopping list in Arabic and sends her children with the
list to a corner shop, where the list is read by the proprietor. For a woman,
however, this is an unusual case: she learned Arabic from her father, who
was a Koranic teacher.
Livelihood-Related Materials
Language use is more mixed in livelihood-related materials; some are
written in French, others in national languages such as Wolof and Pulaar.
Livelihood materials, including books about crops, livestock raising, and chil-
drens health, are generally produced in conjunction with literacy projects
for the purpose of strengthening participants reading skills and at the same
time adding functional aspects to the literacy program. Sometimes these
materials are published in several national languages with identical content
and distributed according to the language used in the literacy class. These
materials are often made available to literacy learners alongside literacy and
numeracy textbooks.
These livelihood-related books oftenhave numerous typographical errors,
due in part to the governments hasty promotion of the use of the national
languages. The errors arise mainly from inadequate publishing skills in using
the national languages; until the beginning of the government literacy pro-
gram, the local printing companies had had experience only in French. Some
books even retain traces of handwritten proofreading corrections. There are
also other problems affecting the quality of the books in national languages,
some of which are pointed out in a government evaluation study (Ministry
of Education 2002).
Educational Materials
The state school signs were all written in French, while the Koranic schools
generally used Arabic in their identifying signs. The textbooks and other
Comparative Education Review 263
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
materials used in the formal education system are all in French. Likewise,
children take lesson notes in French. Pupils bring their cahiers de composition
(school reports) to their homes from time to time to show to their parents
again, written entirely in French.
In striking contrast, materials in nonformal education programs are all
written in the national languages. Ms. Yashin, who despite having a secondary
education background, had been to a literacy class recently, told me that she
had improvised writing in Wolof even before going to the literacy class. She
was motivated to attend the class for social rather than learning reasons, but
she had also hoped to strengthen her writing skills in Wolof. Yet, as she was
rst educated in French, she spells out the words in French unconsciously
when she writes. She nds it difcult to write pure Wolof texts, using only
Wolof words.
Religious and Cultural Materials
In Senegal, Islamic religious identity is often shown through visual images
of religious gures in shop signsthe proprietors say that their intention is
to attract pious customers. Religious murals are, in fact, omnipresent through-
out the country. The central motifs in the murals are human images, often
accompanied by texts such as Alhamdoulilahi (Thank God), an Arabic phrase
but generally spelled using Roman script. One of the most common materials
in the households visited is calendars with religious images. Even if the cal-
endar is outdated, people tend to keep it, believing that the images of marabout
(Muslim hermits) or mosques bring religious benets. For many, the dates
are of secondary importance. In fact, the dates on these calendars are often
small and difcult to read, suggesting that the calendars are designed mainly
to display the image.
Many books about religion are in Arabic, but there are also religious
books in French and in national languages. In my interviews at several coins
de lecture, I was told that books about history, culture, and religion are more
popular than titles on functional issues such as health and livestock keeping
(Shiohata 2009).
Personal Materials
As a large number of Senegalese workers immigrate to other countries,
people often exchange letters with family members abroad. Some informants
showed me the letters they had received. In most cases, these letters were
written in French. Most emigrant workers are male, and they usually have a
formal education background. The wives of many emigrant workers cannot
read and so must nd someone to read their husbands letters to them.
Another informant said that as telephone costs have been dropping recently,
family members nowuse the telephone to communicate with relatives abroad,
rather than writing letters.
11
11
During the eldwork period, mobile phone users were frequently spotted, but text messaging
264 May 2010
SHIOHATA
Ms. Bindi was keeping a letter written in English from a Belgian girl who
had nancially supported one of her sons to keep him in school. A worker
from the sponsoring NGO had explained orally the contents of the letter for
her.
Those who produce their own written materials generally have at least a
primary education. Ms. Maho, Ms. Yashin, and Mr. Amin from community 1
as well as Ms. Ami and Mr. Soum from community 2 kept records of activities
in voluntary groups of various sorts, including self-help and health volunteer
groups. All had formal education backgrounds. They usually write in French,
or occasionally in their rst language if they have attended a literacy class
after formal schooling.
It was very rare to nd a person who started writing solely as a consequence
of attending literacy classes. One exception was Ms. Maa, who had acquired
literacy in Arabic at an early age. After she turned 30, she attended a literacy
class in Wolof and another in Pulaar and mastered literacy in both languages
relatively quickly. It is evident that her knowledge of Arabic facilitated her
learning to read and write in Wolof and Pulaar. Now she reads novels in these
languages and talks about them to her children. She also occasionally writes
poems in Wolof.
Discussion and Conclusion
Two major issues, both of relevance to policy makers and development
workers, emerged from the analysis: language use and socioeconomic dif-
ferences in access to scripted materials.
Language Use
In both communities, the use of Wolof and other local languages was
limited mainly to scripted materials that were produced through government
literacy programs. French was far more commonly used in all other types of
materials: shop signs and advertising posters, newspapers and magazines, and
public notices.
In recent years, with the increasing recognition of the importance of
culture in relation to social development, the use of local languages has often
been urged, especially by international development organizations. For in-
stance, the United Nations Development Programmes (UNDPs) 2004 Hu-
man Development Report, entitled Cultural Liberty in Todays Diverse World, notes:
Recognizing a language means more than just the use of that language. It
symbolizes respect for the people who speak it, their culture and their full
inclusion in society (UNDP 2004, 9). However, the question remains as to
whether recognition of a local language necessarily enhances its speakers
political, economic, and social participation. In present Senegal, even if peo-
was rarely if ever observed. A recent study reports that the use of the Wolof language in short message
service has been gaining ground among young people in Dakar (Lexander 2009).
Comparative Education Review 265
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
ple become literate in Wolof or other local languages, access to employment
in the formal sector is often denied to those who are not also literate in
French. Educational reform alone cannot redress the political and economic
inequalities that exist in Senegal.
The interviews carried out during this study suggested that those who
can read in French are very likely to be able to read in local languages also.
They generally transfer their skills in reading in this foreign language without
much difculty. By contrast, those who learned howto read in a local language
rst could not transfer their skills to reading texts in French.
This asymmetry is largely explained by the fact that French is rarely used
in daily household or street conversation. The use of French as a spoken
language is limited to formal settings in institutions such as schools and
government departments. Those who learned how to read and write in
French generally do not have difculty in reading in local languages because
they constantly speak these languages in everyday contexts. Furthermore, the
Wolof orthography is much more closely phonetic than the French orthog-
raphy and therefore easier to master.
Nevertheless, studies show that countries that use local languages as the
mediumof instruction for primary education achieve better results in subjects
such as mathematics than countries where colonial languages are used (Mi-
chaelowa 2001). Education in the languages children already speak could
bring benets because they can have automatic access to meaning once they
have learned to read the words on the page (Paran and Williams 2007).
In Senegal, ambivalence about the issue of language in educationis widely
shared by government ofcials, teachers, and parents. There are two main
reasons. The rst concerns the legacy left by President Senghor. He was the
rst African who was appointed to be a member of Academie Francaise, an
accomplishment of which many Senegalese are deeply proud. This, together
with pride in Senegals status as a leading francophone African nation, makes
it difcult for those who are involved in education planning to accept relin-
quishing French as the main medium of instruction.
The second reason concerns the relation between Wolof and the other
local languages. There is difculty in striking a balance between the interests
of the Wolof and non-Wolof language communities. Although Wolof is by
far the most widely used local language, its adoption as a language of in-
struction in the formal education system, alongside or in place of French,
would inevitably provoke negative reactions from the non-Wolof language
communities (Cruise OBrien 1998; McLaughlin 2008).
The dilemma remains as to how the tension between two different goals
can be managed: the goal of enhancing childrens comprehension through
the provision of instruction in their rst language, and the goal of enhancing
economic and political opportunity through the provision of instruction in
the language of power.
266 May 2010
SHIOHATA
Socioeconomic Factors and the Literacy Environment
The socioeconomic differences between the two communities inuence
the overall literacy environments of public spaces andhence leadto disparities
in peoples access to scripted materials. The provision of scripted materials
was skewed against the socioeconomically disadvantaged community. People
in the advantaged community are exposed to a wider variety of scripted
materials, ranging from political materials, to local and national commercial
signs, and to educational materials. Those in the disadvantaged community,
by contrast, have access to only a limited range of materials in public spaces.
The disparities were clearly seen in the complete absence of political and
administrative materialspublic work signs, international campaign posters,
and so onin the disadvantaged community. These materials are usually
displayed strategically in commercial centers or at key locations such as public
transport terminals or government ofces. Marginalized communities lack
such locations and hence are less likely to host such kinds of materials.
At the household and individual level, those who could not read possessed
few documents, whereas those who could read had many more materials.
This suggests that literacy skills lead to richer material resources rather than
suggesting that the literacy environment enhances literacy skillsespecially
for those without prior initiation into reading and writing.
Separation of the literacy environment from the broader socioeconomic
context may hide the key problems: poverty and deprivation of basic social
services. As Olson and Torrance (2001, 13) note: Literacy is not the solution
to a host of social ills including poverty, malnutrition, and unemployment.
It is not, in most cases, even relevant to the solution of those problems, and
to blame those problems on literacy deects attention from the more basic
social causes such as political oppression, injustice, political and economic
disenfranchisement, that is, the lack of political representation, and some-
times absence of needed land reform. Participatory democracy is impossible
without a sharing of wealth and resources.
Unless the broader contextual problems of poverty are addressed, inter-
ventions to strengthen the literacy environment are likely to bear little fruit.
Rather than attempting to improve the literacy environment itself, it would
be more realistic to examine the effects and limitations of interventions in
scripted materials identied in each cell of the literacy environment matrix,
with regard to their qualities such as design and language use. There are
three-way relationships among the content and quality of scripted materials,
skills in using these materials, and actual literacy practices. People cannot
practice reading and writing effectively without proper skills, nor can they
develop skills without good, meaningful materials.
The quality aspect of the literacy environment is directly linked to par-
ticipation and empowerment in developing countries, including Senegal. As
long as ordinary people are excluded from written materials that are un-
Comparative Education Review 267
EXPLORING THE LITERACY ENVIRONMENT
derstood only by the minority elite, real political, economic, and sociocultural
participation cannot be achieved.
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