USPSE

SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC

WORKING PAPER
Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands: Does Schooling Matter?
Neelesh Gounder School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific gounder_ne@usp.ac.fj

Mahendra Reddy School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific reddy_m@usp.ac.fj

Biman Chand Prasad School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific chand_b@usp.ac.fj

No. 2008/08 April 2008 This paper presents work in progress in the School of Economics at USP. Comments, criticisms and enquiries should be addressed to the author. Copyright 2008 by the author. All rights reserved.

Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands: Does Schooling Matter?

Neelesh Gounder School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific gounder_ne@usp.ac.fj

Mahendra Reddy School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific reddy_m@usp.ac.fj

Biman Chand Prasad School of Economics Faculty of Business and Economics The University of the South Pacific chand_b@usp.ac.fj

Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands: Does Schooling Matter?

Abstract Education is highly regarded as having an important influence on individuals understanding and backing of democracy, but whether this occurs in young and small democratic states remain unknown. This paper examines whether schooling and education have a positive impact on an individuals democratic values in Fiji, whose democratic system has been subject to three coups since independence in 1970. Using data from a countrywide survey, the results from the ordered probit model reveals that education level does not affect an individuals democratic values. We, however, find that gender, age, and ethnicity do have an influence on individuals endorsement of democracy.

Key words Fiji, democracy, education

Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands: Does Schooling Matter?

1. Introduction This paper examines whether schooling and education has a positive impact on an individuals democratic values in Fiji. In a seminal contribution Dewey (1916) argues that higher levels of education are important preconditions for democracy. In agreement, Lipset (1959, 1976) views more educated individuals as facilitating the functioning of a democracy because they believe in the fundamentals of democratic principles. The higher ones education, the more likely one is to believe in democratic values and support democratic practices (1976, 56). Lipsets observation is in favour of the modernization theory which emphasizes the important role of education and economic growth in encouraging political development in general and education in particular. In support of Dewey and Lipset, a number of theoretical studies (Almond and Verba, 1963; Hyman and Wright, 1979; Wringe 1984; Bobo and Licari, 1989; Gibson, Duch and Tedin, 1992; Nie, Junn and Stehlik-Barry, 1996; Sehr, 1997; Sullivan and Transue, 1999) have pointed out that more educated citizens are likely to believe in democratic values, critically monitor the functioning of government and keep democratic values alive. It is without doubt that individual values and behaviour are important factors shaping political life and the functioning of democratic societies. Even international organizations have thrown their support behind this notion. The World Bank, for example, with specific reference to Africa agrees that broad and equitable access to education is thus essential for sustained progress toward democracy, civic participation, and better governance

The financial support for this research was provided by The University of the South Pacifics Faculty of

Business and Economics research grant 6D129-1421. We thank Pravinesh Gounder and Ravuama Mataqaqa for superb research assistance. Data from the survey used in the paper are clearly and precisely documented and are readily available to any researcher for purposes of replication. Corresponding author: Neelesh Gounder. 3

(World Bank, 2001). However, there is little empirical evidence that education indeed influences individuals democratic attitudes and behaviour in developing countries, particularly in countries where democracy has come under threat on many occasions. In particular, whether there exists a causal effect of education on political interest, participation in voting, political involvement, and democratic values in relatively young and small democratic states remains unexplored (Siedler, 2007). This study is also important from a policy perspective as the results can be used to design and strengthen our education systems so as to ensure that democratic values are inculcated amongst the future generations early in their lives. In this regard, it is worthy to note that democratic citizenship has been a compulsory subject in many school systems around the world (Holmes, 1979). This research will add to the limited literature on education and democracy in small island developing countries. In this respect Fiji distinguishes itself as an interesting and unique case study since it has established two methods of changing government since independence: 8 elections democratic elections and three coups. In the last twenty years there have been three coups where democratically elected governments were removed at gunpoint. Each time there was a coup, it was evident that there was a silent majority that supported the cause of the coup; whether the majority that sympathised with Sitiveni Rabukas military coup in 1987 or those masses who went into parliament to support George Speights coup in 2000 or those who encouraged Commander Frank Bainimaramas coup in 2006. A distinguishing feature amongst that majority were the educated who each time voiced their support for the coup and the cause. That then begets a question whether education indeed promotes democratic values amongst individuals. Moreover, this is the first study which will comprehensively investigate whether there are causal effects of education on democracy in Fiji.

The plan of the paper is as follows. The next section surveys the relevant literature. Section three provides a brief account of Fijis political and economic situation and the nature of the education system under which the majority of contemporary adults in Fiji have received their formal training. We then present the estimation strategy in section

four. Data and variables used in the analysis are discussed in section five. The penultimate section presents the main results concerning the relation between education and democracy while concluding remarks are provided in the final section.

2. Relevant Literature The literature examining the causality between education and democracy can be divided into two strands; macro level, and individual-level data. Studies in the first strand include Barro (1999), Przeworski et al. (2000), Glaeser et al. (2004), Acemoglu et al. (2005), and Glaeser et al. (2006). Results of these empirical studies conclude mixed effects of education on democracy. Some have found that education has a positive effect on democracy; while others suggest no relationship at all. For example, Barro (1999), Przeworski et al. (2000), and Glaeser et al. (2004) find a positive relationship between levels of education and democracy whereas Acemoglu et al. (2005) found no evidence of such effect. The most common measurements of democracy used in this literature are the Freedom House Political Rights Index and the Polity IV index of democracy. Despite these attempts, the causal effect of education is still the subject of controversy. At the heart of this controversy is the issue of potential omitted variable bias. A paper that has given careful attention to this issue is Acemoglu et al. (2005). Acemoglu et al. control for country specific-effects and find that the association between education and several measures of democracy die out. They argue that this lack or relationship is highly robust to different econometric techniques, to estimation in various samples, and to the inclusion of different sets of covariates (p. 2). The second strand contain studies by Nunn et al. (1978), Nie et al. (1996), Dee (2004), Milligan et al. (2004), Touya (2006), Siedler (2007), and Evans and Rose (2007). All studies in this strand confirm the view that education has a positive effect on democratic values. For example Nunn et al. (1978) found that with an increase in the number of years of schooling, students showed an increase in tolerance of freedom of speech, and that individuals with more schooling were found to be better enlightened about Communist and Nazi beliefs. Studying USA and UK, Milligan et al. (2004) found that years of schooling had positive effect on civic behavior in both countries but positive effect on

voting only in the USA. Siedler (2007) used data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) and found that years of schooling to be positively correlated with a range of political outcome measures. In a recent study, Evans and Rose (2007) explored the effects of education on understandings of and support for democracy in Malawi. Using data from the Malawi Afrobarometer national survey, they conclude that primary schooling promotes citizen endorsement of democracy. Though there is consistent evidence from country specific studies, it will be difficult to carry over these evidences to other countries since every country is different in terms of its political and socio-cultural environment. Therefore, it is imperative that systematic research is carried out for every country in order to understand whether education indeed influences democracy.

3. The Context of the Study: Democracy and Schooling in Fiji Fiji is a small island nation with less than 1 million people and with a land area of about 18,000 square kilometers. Fiji is a multiracial country which comprises the indigenous Fijian community and a significant Indo-Fijian population with minorities including Chinese and Europeans. People of Indian origin were brought to Fiji by the British Colonial governor to work on the sugar cane plantation. Many of them, however, decided to stay back and made Fiji their home. Before 1987 the Indo-Fijian population was more than 50 percent of the total population. It was a British Colony for more than 100 years. It gained independence in 1970 and the transition was peaceful. The economic progress during the first decade was impressive. The adoption of an import-substitution strategy for development was the major thrust of economic policy agenda. Between 1970 and 1980 the country achieved economic growth rates of more than 5 percent per annum. This was mainly led by the expansion of the sugar industry, fisheries and forestry sectors. In addition to these sectors, major social infrastructure projects such as roads, water supply, hospitals and schools were built by the government through borrowing and aid from donors. However, this was not sustainable as debt levels rose and government machinery became less efficient and corruption and mismanagement became more evident (Akram-Lodhi and Sephere, 2000). In the 1980s the economic decline was more pronounced and much of the economic problem remains unresolved at present. Despite the strains on the economic front, Fiji was proud as a nation to promote its slogan, Fiji

the way the world should be. This slogan was imbedded in the fact that it achieved a peaceful transition to independence to a young and dynamic democracy with a very plural society. This proud record, however, was broken by a military coup in 1987 after a new government in Fiji was formed under free and fair general elections. The indigenous Fijian dominated military undertook the coup to supposedly protect the indigenous rights which it felt was going to be threatened by the newly elected government which had several members of the Indo-Fijian community in cabinet. 1 A democratically elected government was removed at a gun point and this was widely supported by majority of the Indigenous Fijian community leaders. The Interim government appointed after the military coup unleashed a series of racist policies which included the exclusion of nonindigenous Fijians from the civil service, police and the military. An interim government ran for the country between 1987 and 1992 when a new general election was held under a new constitution which was racist and undemocratic in nature. It excluded nonindigenous Fijians from becoming the prime minister and from holding key government positions. This constitution was changed to remove some of the racist elements and a new general election was held in 1999 again producing a multi-ethnic government with a prime minister from an Indo-Fijian background. The democratically elected government lasted only for a year when it was overthrown in a military supported coup. This once again unleashed a whole of series of undemocratic processes in the country but fortunately democracy was restored in 2001. However, the military overthrew the government formed after the 2006 general election and Fiji is currently under a military rule with a promise of election to be held in future. In total in the last 20 years, Fiji had three military coups and as a result it has had a chequered past in terms of its record on upholding the rule of law and principles of democracy.

A number of books and articles have been published on the reasons for the military in Fiji and how democracy was destroyed. See for example, B.V. Lal (1988, 1992), Lal (1989), Howard (1991), Prasad (1988), Robertson and Tamanisau (1988) and Scar (1988). For a general discussion of race, class, politics and land see Ravuvu (1991) Norton, R. (1990) Sutherland (1984), Narayan (1984), Durutalo (1985), Chand (1994), and Nayacakalou (1975)

The military coups since 1987 have had a negative economic impact with average growth rates of about 2 percent over the 20 year period. 2 The declining economic performance has also contributed to increasing levels of poverty. 3 The education system in Fiji was modeled on the British, Australian and New Zealand school systems. In fact, until the early 1980s most of the external examinations were conducted and prepared by New Zealand authorities until Fiji developed its own examinations. Education forms one of the largest budgetary expenditure for Fiji. Majority of the children are in school and literacy rate is almost 98 percent. These are very good indicators for Fiji.

4. Data This survey was conducted from September to November in 2007. Data were collected through questionnaires in an interview session with individuals selected at random in different parts of Fiji. As such, the presence of the researcher is indispensable. The sole condition was that of age. Since voting age in Fiji is 21 years, participants with less than 20 years old were excluded. The survey is a nationally representative, stratified random sample of individuals producing interviews with 607 eligible voters, 20 years and older. The questionnaire was designed to elicit a wealth of information. The first part covered the respondents general details, and comprised questions regarding gender, age, marital status, ethnicity, number of years of formal education, education level, highest school level, and parents highest school level. Different levels of educational attainment are important to analyse the idiosyncratic consequences of these levels of educational experience. Therefore we not only collected information on the level of education (no formal, primary, secondary, and tertiary) but the number of years of education as well.

See for example Brown and Scott (1989) Cameron (1993, 1989) Chand and Levantis, (2000) Chandra, (1989) Cole and Hughes (1988) Elek, Hill and Tabor, (1991), Narayan and Prasad (2006)
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See for example Barr and Naidu (2007), Narsey, (2006), Prasad and Kumar (2003)

The succeeding part included questions concerning democracy; democratic values, and political awareness and involvement. This part contains a mainly rich array of questions that not only measure understanding of and attitudes of democracy but also the level of political awareness and involvement. We follow the literature to ensure that the various types of measures of democratic citizenship are included in the questions. Political involvement was included to accommodate the theory that individuals with more education may have greater opportunity costs of time and hence reduce time spent towards civic activities (Siedler, 2007). This could actually act as a factor reducing democracy amongst more educated individuals.

5. Estimation Methods To model this relationship, we use the ordered probit probability model. The ordered probit model serves as a better framework for statistical analysis whenever field survey responses are ordinal as distinct from numerical. It is an extension of the probit model where there is an ordering with the dependent variable. This model was first introduced into the social sciences by political scientists McKelvey and Zavoina (1975) (see also Davidson and MacKinnon, 1993; Greene, 2003). Similar to the probit model, the parameters are estimated using maximum likelihood and standard normal tests can be used to test the significance of individual coefficients. Moffatt and Daykin (2002) provide a detailed review of the ordered probit model. The dependent variable for this study is an encompassing measure of democracy. The basis of the ordered probit model is the linear relationship: Demi = Xi + i where Demi is an unobserved index of democracy, and can be thought of as the underlying tendency of an observed phenomenon, namely the democracy likert scale,

Demi. is a vector of parameters with X being the vector of explanatory variables and it is assumed that i (disturbance term) follows a normal distribution with ~ N (0, 2). The democracy index is developed by taking the average likert score of the responses that was obtained from a number of questions pertaining to the persons perception on democratic values and principles.

6. Results (a). Understanding and Preference for democracy In every questionnaire we proceeded by asking the individual to define democracy in his/her own words. It was important to establish whether the individuals are able to provide a definition of democracy because then only we can assure the validity of the responses to all other questions. In other words, we exclude individuals who are likely to be constrained by being unfamiliar with a meaning of democracy. The most common understanding of democracy includes government chosen by the people through free and fair elections, and freedom of expression. Figure 1 illustrates that majority of respondents agree that they would prefer to have a democratic government to any other kind of government. This is found across all levels of education. Figure 2 shows that most respondents agree that free and fair elections are the only way governments can be brought to power and can be removed. This view is reflected across all levels of education except in the case of no formal education where for almost 50 per cent democratic or non-democratic regime does not make any difference.

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70 60

% respondents

50 40 30 20 10 0
Disagree Neutral Agree

No Formal

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Figure 1. Do you prefer democracy to any other type of government?

70 60 % respondents 50 40 30 20 10 0 Disagree Neutral Agree

No Formal

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Figure 2. Is periodic free and fair elections the only way to bring/remove governments to/from power?

(b). Does schooling matter? Evidence from the graphical analysis suggests that educational level is important for support of democracy. However, this does not provide evidence that these democratic values are the direct result of the level of education that an individual has. It could very well be that there are other factors that influence these democratic attitudes that account for the relationship observed between the level of education and support for democracy.

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For example those educated may have inherited their parents democratic thoughts and interests or it could be due to age as individuals my have acquired and accumulated wisdom through time. We run regressions using ordered probit model. The dependent variable, democracy, is computed based on answers provided to questions in the second section of the questionnaire where we noted the respondents views on various aspects of democratic values, and political awareness and involvement. The independent variables included education level, gender, age, ethnicity, and parents highest school degree. These attributes, apart from education, are highly likely to influence individuals support for democracy in Fiji. Why will these attributes provide an explanation of support for democracy? We believe age is an important attribute because different generations have had different experiences in the last thirty years in terms of the coups and the interim governments after coups amidst elected governments. Gender matters as well because most women still do not attend political rallies and meetings. As such males are likely to benefit considerably through greater political awareness and involvement. Furthermore, many women in rural areas are still involved in traditional household roles whereas males are more mobile socially and occupationally. Ethnicity is likely to be important since the coups, and which political party forms the government has always had an ethnic dimension. Political mobilization historically has had an ethnic orientation in Fiji. Our respective communities continue to find security and support among their kind, and their attitudes are, in turn, reinforced by an electoral system that is ethnically based (Madraiwiwi, 2007). We also consider parents schooling level because children may inherit their educated parents interest in politics and democratic values. This inheritance and hence the views is not due to how many years of school they themselves have attended. The results are presented in Table 1. Unlike an OLS model, the R2 statistic is not appropriate for test of goodness-of-fit. However, the successful predictions are taken as a proxy for this and it was found that the model predicts 61% of the actual observations correctly. This is a reasonable goodness-of-fit for this kind of discrete choice model.

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The model reveals that education level does not affect an individuals belief in democratic principles. We believe this is an imperative and a predictable result. The 1987 and 2000 coups had the backings of bulk of ethnic Fijians, educated and non-educated, and many Indo-Fijians were seen to be strongly in favour of the 2006 clean-up coup (Fraenkel, 2007). The results also demonstrate that other variables like gender, age, and ethnicity does have an influence on peoples democratic values.

Table 1. Results from Ordered Probit Model: Determinants of Democracy in Fiji. Variable Constant Gender Age Marital Status Ethnicity Education Parents Education Coefficient 3.000* -0.267* 0.011* -0.127 -0.698* 0.019 0.034 Standard Error 0.324 0.097 0.005 0.120 0.105 0.014 0.022 P-Value 0.000 0.006 0.036 0.288 0.000 0.176 0.116

Goodness of Fit Test: 61% Correct Predictions Log likelihood -553.12 function N 607 Note: An * indicates significance at the 5% level. The significant gender variable indicates that females believe less in democracy than males and this may be due to their limited participation in the electoral process and lack of women candidates. In addition, males are still regarded as traditional household heads and as such mainly males attend political gatherings and rallies. Therefore males are expected to benefit through greater political involvement and awareness. The age variable indicates that older people believe more in democracy than the younger generation. Another interesting finding is the significance of the ethnicity variable. This variable indicates that Indo-Fijians are likely to possess lesser democratic values than the ethnic Fijians. This we believe could be due to the timing of the survey. The coups of 1987 and 2000 removed governments dominated by Indo-Fijians under the pretext that only indigenous Fijians should be allowed to rule Fiji. The 2006 coup, however, was carried

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out against a Fijian dominated government which was voted in power by the masses of Fijian population. Since it was a Fijian dominated government that was removed from power, it could be that the indigenous Fijians have realized the importance of the virtues of democracy whereas Indo-Fijians regard this as fair in terms of past coups which they see as injustices against the Indo-Fijian community.

7. Concluding Remarks Taking into consideration the fact that Fiji is a relatively young democratic country that is still suffering from the effects of three coups and democracy has more than once proved to be an elusive dream, this paper explored whether education would be the facilitating factor in transition towards a more democratic state. The results reveal that education does not predict endorsement of democracy. Our study also shows that most respondents not only having a general understanding of the meaning of democracy but support democracy as well. However, this support for democracy does not arise as a result of the level of education but due to other reasons. Findings from this analysis should be interpreted with caution, however. For example, results do not necessarily suggest that education programs for democracy promotion should be curtailed but in fact it should be enhanced. The lack of any relationship from education to democracy does not imply that education is irrelevant in promoting democracy amongst individuals. What we do find is that the support for democracy does not arise because of an individuals education level of education but other factors. The results from this paper is important for those democracy proponents, including the donor agencies, that transition towards democracy can not be achieved easily or quickly but has to be germinated and nurtured by the individuals themselves. Education is not sufficient to create democratic individuals though it may be a necessary condition.

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9. B. Bhaskara Rao and K.L Sharma Testing the Permanent Income Hypothesis in the Developing and Developed Countries: A Comparison Between Fiji and Australia. 8. T. K Jayaraman and Chee K Choong Do Fiscal Deficits Cause Current Account Deficits In The Pacific Island Countries? A Case Study Of Fiji 7. Neelesh Gounder and Mahendra Reddy Determining the Quality of Life of Temporary Migrants using Ordered Probit Model. 6. T K Jayaraman Fiscal Performance and Adjustment in the Pacific Island Countries: A Review 5. Yenteshwar Ram and Biman C Prasad Assessing Fiji' Global Trade Potential Using the Gravity Model Approach 4. Sanjesh Kumar and Biman C Prasad Contributions of Exports of Services Towards Fiji's Output 3. Paresh Kumar Narayan, Seema Narayan, Biman Chand Prasad and Arti Prasad Tourism and Economic Growth: a Panel Data Analysis for Pacific Island Countries 2. T.K. Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong - Will External Borrowing Help Fiji's Growth. 1. Arti Prasad Paresh Kumar Narayan and Biman Chand Prasad- A Proposal for Personal Income Tax Reform For The Fiji Islands 2006/wp: 34. Paresh K Narayan and Arti Prasad - Modelling Fiji-US Exchange Rate Volatility. 33. T.K. Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong - Why is the Fiji Dollar Under Pressure? 32. T.K. Jayaraman and Baljeet Singh -Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Employment in Pacific Island Countries: An Empirical Study of Fiji 31. B. Bhaskara Rao and Toani B Takirua - The Effects of Exports, Aid and Remittances on Output: The Case of Kiribati 30. B. Bhaskara Rao and Saten Kumar Cointegration, Structural Breaks and the Demand for Money in Bangladesh 29. Mahendra Reddy Productivity and Efficiency Analysis of Fijis Sugar Industry 28. Mahendra Reddy Preferential Price and Trade Tied Aid: Implications on Price Stability, Certainty and Output Supply of Fijis Sugarcane 27. Maheshwar Rao Challenges and Issues in Pro-Poor Tourism in South Pacific Island Countries: The Case of Fiji Islands 26. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Structural Breaks and the Demand for Money in Fiji 25. B. Bhaskara Rao and Saten Kumar Structural Breaks and the Demand for Money in Fiji 24. Mahendra Reddy Determinants of Public Support for Water Supply Reforms in a Small Developing Economy. 23. Mahendra Reddy Internal Migration in Fiji: Causes, Issues and Challenges 22. Mahendra Reddy and Bhuaneshwari Reddy Analyzing Wage Differential by Gender Using an Earnings Function Approach: Further Evidence from a Small Developing Economy. 21. Biman C. Prasad Trade: "WTO DOHA Round: An Opportunity or a Mirage for Fiji.

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20. Benedict Y. Imbun Review of Labour Laws in Papua New Guinea 19. Benedict Y. Imbun Review of Labour Laws in Solomon Islands 18. Rup Singh Cointegration Tests on Trade Equation: Is Devaluation an Option for Fiji? 17. Ganesh Chand Employment Relations Bill: An Analysis. 16. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Public Debt and Economic Growth in the South Pacific Islands: A Case Study of Fiji 15. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Aid and Economic Growth in Pacific Islands: An Empirical Study of Aid Effectiveness in Fiji. 14. Rup Singh A Macroeconometric Model for Fiji. 13. Rup Singh and Saten Kumar Private Investment in Selected Asian Countries. 12. Ganesh Chand The Labour Market and Labour Market Laws in Fiji 11. Carmen V-Graf Analysis of Skilled Employment Demand and Opportunities in the Pacific Labour Market 10. Philip Szmedra, Kanhaiya L Sharma and Cathy L Rozmus Health Status, Health Perceptions and Health Risks Among Outpatients with Non-communicable Diseases in Three Developing Pacific Island Nations 9. Heather Booth, Guangyu Zhang, Maheshwar Rao, Fakavae Taomia and Ron Duncan Population Pressures in Papua New Guinea, the Pacific Island Economies, and Timor Leste 8. Mahendra Reddy Technical efficiency in Artisanal Fisheries: Evidence from a Developing Country. 7. Paresh K Narayan and Biman C Prasad Macroeconomic Impact of the Informal Sector in Fiji 6. Biman C Prasad Resolving The Agricultural Land Lease Problem in The Fiji Islands; Current Discussions and The Way Forward. 5. Rup Singh & Saten Kumar Demand For Money in Developing Countries: Alternative Estimates and Policy Implications 4. B. Bhaskara Rao, Rup Singh & Fozia Nisha, An Extension to the Neoclassical Growth Model to Estimate Growth and Level effects. 3. Rup Singh & Saten Kumar, Cointegration and Demand for Money in the Selected Pacific Island Countries. 2. B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Estimating Export Equations. 1. Rup Singh, An Investment Equation for Fiji 2005/wp: 27 Neelesh Gounder & Biman C. Prasad & Biman C. Prasad What Does Affirmative Action Affirm: An Analysis of the Affirmative Action Programmes for Development in the Fiji Islands 26 B.Bhaskara Rao, Fozia Nisha & Biman C. Prasad The Effects of Life Expectancy on Growth 25 B. Bhaskara Rao, Rup Singh, & Neelesh Gounder, Investment Ratio in Growth Equations 24 T.K. Jayaraman, Regional Economic Integration in the Pacific: An Empirical Study

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23 B. Bhaskara Rao & Maheshwar Rao, Determinants of Growth Rate: Some Methodological Issues with Time Series Data from Fiji 22 Sukhdev Shah, Exchange Rate Targeting of Monetary Policy 21 Paresh Narayan and Baljeet Singh, Modeling the Relationship between Defense Spending and Economic Growth for the Fiji Islands 20 TK Jayaraman, Macroeconomics Aspects of Resilence Building in Small States 19 TK Jayaraman, Some Shocking Aspects of a Regional Currency for the Pacific Islands. 18 Bimal B. Singh and Biman C. Prasad, Employment-Economic Growth Nexus and Poverty Reduction: An Empirical Study Based on the East Asia and the Pacific Region 17 Biman C. Prasad and Azmat Gani, Savings and Investment Links in Selected Pacific Island Countries 16 T.K. Jayaraman, Regional Integration in the Pacific. 15 B. Bhaskara Rao, Estimating Short and Long Run Relationships: A Guide to the Applied Economist. 14 Philip Szmedra, KL Sharma, and Cathy L. Rozmus, Managing Lifestyle Illnesses in Pacific Island States: The Case of Fiji, Nauru and Kiribati. 13 Philip Szmedra and KL Sharma, Lifestyle Diseases and Economic Development: The Case of Nauru and Kiribati 12 Neelesh Gounder, Rural Urban Migration in Fiji: Causes and Consequences 11 B. Bhaskara & Gyaneshwar Rao, Further Evidence on Asymmetric US Gasoline Price Responses 10 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Demand for Money for Fiji with PC GETS 9 B. Bhaskara Rao & Gyaneshwar Rao, Crude Oil and Gasoline Prices in Fiji: Is the Relationship Asymmetric? 8 Azmat Gani & Biman C. Prasad, Fijis Export and Comparative Advantage. 7 Biman C. Prasad & Paresh K Narayan, Contribution of the Rice Industry to Fijis Economy: Implication of a Plan to Increase Rice Production 6 Azmat Gani, Foreign Direct Investment and Privatization. 5 G. Rao, Fuel Pricing In Fiji. 4 K. Bunyaratavej & Tk Jayaraman, A Common Currency For The Pacific Region: A Feasibility Study. 3 Sukhdev Shah, Kiribatis Development: Review And Outlook. 2 T.K. Jayaraman, B.D. Ward, Z.L. Xu, Ate the Pacific Islands Ready for a Currency Union? An Empirical Study of Degree of Economic Convergence 1 T.K. Jayaraman, Dollarisation Of The South Pacific Island Countries: Results Of A Preliminary Study

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2004/wp: 15 Vincent D. Nomae, Andrew Maneporaa, Sunil Kumar & Biman C. Prasad, Poverty Amongst Minority Melanesians In Fiji: A Case Study Of Six Settlements In Suva 14 Elena Tapuaiga & Umesh Chand, Trade Liberalization: Prospects and Problems for Small Developing South Pacific Island Economies 13 Paresh K. Narayan, Seema Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, Forecasting Fijis Exports and Imports, 2003-2020 12 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Pradad, Economic Importance of the Sugar Industry in Fiji: Simulating the Impact of a 30 Percent Decline in Sugar Production.. 11 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, A Cointegration and Error Correction Approach to Demand for Money in Fiji: 1971-2002. 10 Khainhaiya L. Sharma, Growth, Inequality and Poverty in Fiji Islands: Institutional Constraints and Issues. 9 B. Bhaskara Rao, Testing Halls Permanent Income Hypothesis for a Developing Country: The Case of Fiji. 8 Azmat Gani, Financial Factors and Investment: The Case of Emerging Market Economies. 7 B. Bhaskara Rao, The Relationship Between Growth and Investment. 6 Wadan Narsey, PICTA, PACER and EPAs: Where are we going? Tales of FAGS, BOOZE and RUGBY 5 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, Forecasting Fijis Gross Domestic Product, 2002-2010. 4 Michael Luzius, Fijis Furniture and Joinery Industry: A Case Study. 3 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, A Consumption Function for Fiji. 2 Ashok Parikh & B. Bhaskara Rao, Do Fiscal Deficits Influence Current Accounts? A Case Study of India. 1 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, The Casual Nexus Between GDP, Democracy and Labour Force in Fiji: A Bootstrap Approach. 2003/wp: 11 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Demand For Money in India: 1953-2002. 10 Biman C. Prasad & Paresh K. Narayan, Fiji Sugar Corporations Profitability and Sugar Cane Production: An Econometric Investigation, 1972-2000. 9 B. Bhaskara Rao, The Nature of The ADAS Model Based on the ISLM Model. 8 Azmat Gani, High Technology Exports and Growth Evidence from Technological Leader and Potential Leader Category of Countries. 7 TK Jayaraman & BD Ward, Efficiency of Investment in Fiji: Results of an Empirical Study. 6 Ravinder Batta, Measuring Economic Impacts of Nature Tourism. 5 Ravinder Batta, Ecotourism and Sustainability. 4 TK Jayaraman & Rajesh Sharma, Determinants of Interest Rate Spread in the Pacific Island Countries: Some Evidence From Fiji. 3 T.K. Jayaraman & B.D. Ward, Is Money Multiplier Relevant in a Small,Open Economy? Empirical Evidence from Fiji.

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2 Jon Fraenkel, The Coming Anarchy in Oceania? A Critique of the `Africanisation of the South Pacific Thesis. 1 T.K. Jayaraman, A Single Currency for the South Pacific Islands: A Dream or A Distant Possibility?

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