The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests. My name is Dominic Hannigan. I am a Member of Parliament in the Republic of Ireland and I am the Chairman of the Committee which oversees the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, which is the Agreement signed on Good Friday, 1998 which brought peace to the people of Northern Ireland after 30 years of war. I am here as a volunteer with VSO Bahaginan. For the last two weeks I have been based in both Manila and Mindanao to share our experiences of the peace process in Northern Ireland. Today, I will give you a description of my visit and I will provide you with some thoughts that I have on the current situation in relation to the Mindanao Peace Process.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

Before I do that I will give you a brief history of the Northern Ireland Peace Process. For centuries, there was strife in Ireland between the native population and Britain, who had run the country since 1170. This was eased considerably when Britain granted independence to the 26 southern counties in 1922. Since 1922, the south, the Republic of Ireland, has been at peace, with the Catholics, who represent 80% of the population, living alongside Protestants, who represent about 20% of the population. At the same time as the granting of independence to the south, the British set up a sub-state in the northern six counties. This province is known as Northern Ireland. The 1922 Act of Partition gave an inbuilt majority to the protestant population, who represent about 60% of the population compared to the 40% of Catholics living there. The Catholics population considered that they were being denied rights in relation to political representation and
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

social policies, including education and housing. In 1968 Civil Rights Marches were held to campaign for better rights. It should be noted though, that the grievances were not due to any perceived religious discrimination on the part of the protestant majority government. It was social and political issues that were at the heart of the problem. The Civil Rights marchers were faced down by the unionist police force and consequently the British Army came in to protect the catholic minority Over time, the attitude towards the Army changed, due in part to some military blunders such as Bloody Sunday, where 13 innocent and unarmed civilians were shot dead by British paratroopers. This led to the set-up of the Irish Republican Army, or the IRA. The IRA saw it as their role to fight for the protection

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

of the nationalist areas, and for the eventual unification of the north with the rest of Ireland. They shot, bombed and kidnapped people from the British army, from the unionist population and sometimes even from their own side. In turn, unionist paramilitary organisations were set up with an objective to defend loyalist communities. They bombed catholic pubs, shot nationalists and engaged in other atrocities. This war between the two communities went on for three decades. The period was known in our history as The Troubles. During The Troubles, 3000 people lost their lives. Many others were maimed, either physically or psychologically. Eventually the people of both sides of the community and people within the armed groups themselves came to realise that these killings were not furthering their aims. The
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

overwhelming majority of people on both sides of the island were sick to their teeth with the ongoing war, and wanted to see peace. In the early 1990s secret talks were started between these armed groups and the governments of the South of Ireland and the Britain. In these initial talks the parties began to see that some sort of negotiated settlement might deliver enough, if not all, of what they were looking for. At this stage outside help and advice was sought and US Senator George Mitchell was asked to try and help negotiate an agreement. Senator Mitchell went to Northern Ireland and spoke to the parties. A ceasefire was announced with a view to trying to negotiate a settlement.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

This ceasefire lasted for almost two years. However, progress was too slow for the warring parties and in February 1996 they returned to war. Many thought that peace would never be realised; that conflict was the natural order of events in Northern Ireland. However, those involved in the peace process refused to give up. They had seen how far each party had come and they thought that the prize of peace was too great to walk away from. So efforts started again. In July of 1997 sufficient progress had been made to convince the IRA to enter another ceasefire. This ceasefire was more lasting, and negotiations resumed between the governments and the warring parties, helped along by Senator Mitchell. Some of these meetings were not face-to-face meetings, they were held in adjoining rooms, with intermediaries going from the party in one room to the party in the other. Such was the level of distrust and hatred.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

After a long, hard, tortuous and painstaking process an Agreement was eventually signed on Good Friday 1998. Because of the date of signing, its known as the Good Friday Agreement, but also as the Belfast Agreement, because it was signed in Belfast. The Agreement The Agreement had several strands to it. It deals with the affairs within Northern Ireland. It has a Northern Ireland southern Ireland dimension and an eastern western dimension, between the London and Dublin governments. In the north of Ireland a new parliamentary assembly was set up. The electoral system was set up in such a way that even the smallest political parties are represented both in the parliament and at Cabinet executive level. The Assembly has been granted devolved powers in relation to issues such as trade, regional development,
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

education, justice, environment, culture, health and agriculture. Legislation on these issues can be blocked if there is not significant agreement between members from each of the communities in the parliament. In addition to setting up this new political institution, several other issues were addressed. The old police force was disbanded and a new, crosscommunity police force was established. Former combatants who were in prison were released. Arrangements were made to ensure that all of the paramilitary groups decommissioned their weapons. Financial support was provided to Northern Ireland to build and operate new community centres, and new local infrastructure, in the process helping to provide
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

employment for many who were previously involved in the conflict. The relationship between the north and south was also redefined. New cross-border institutions were set up which had whole-island remits. Areas such as tourism, waterways, the language board, our lakes and other matters are now addressed on an all-Ireland basis, with funding for these organisations coming from both northern and southern governments. The Agreement also provided for regular meetings between northern Ministers and Southern Ministers on issues of mutual interest, such as agriculture, transport and health. On an east west basis Ministers from both the southern government and the British government meet on a regular basis to discuss common issues. Members of the Irish parliament and the London parliament meet regularly.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

A copy of the Good Friday Agreement was sent to every house in Ireland. In the north, 71% of people said yes. In the south, 95% of the people said yes. The implementation of the agreement was not been easy. Trust and understanding do not magically appear overnight. The Agreement is just the end of the beginning of the peace process. For each day of the last 13 years issues have emerged that could have been allowed to de-rail the peace. There are still splinter groups that refuse to recognise the will of the people, who want to bring the peace-process crashing down, but the will is stronger amongst the rest of us. We still have many areas which are suffering economic hardship. These areas could provide splinter groups with fertile recruitment grounds. So, we have to target resources and supports into these areas so that the people there go out to work, not go out to fight.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

We have also had problems in getting politicians to work together in the new Assembly. Only over time can trust be built. But peace exists. Trust is growing and the vast majority are united in their desire for the peace to hold. The last two weeks here in the Philippines have brought me back in time to the early 1990s. I have seen so much that reminds me of the conflict in Ireland. I recognise many of the causes, many of the impacts, but I also see the hope, the goodwill and the work that is being done for peace. I am very grateful to the organisers of this visit, the VSO Bahaginan and the Mindanao Peace Partners. They put a tremendous effort into ensuring that my visit was comprehensive. It went without a hitch. I spent the first week in Manila, where I was briefed by various individuals and organisations. These included Jun Enriquez from the Mindanao Peace Partners, Pancho Lara,
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

from International Alert, the British Ambassador, Stephen Lillie and others. I also met groups involved in bridging the divide between the communities. I was particularly impressed by the work of PeaceTech, who try and establish dialogue and understanding between school pupils in Manila and Mindanao through internet link-ups. I think their model could be transferred to other countries, including my own. I met with members of the MILF negotiating team, and heard their views on the current situation in relation to the peace talks. I met with the Columban Fathers in Malete. These priests have worked for peace in Mindanao for many years and their perspective was very useful. I also spoke to a number of press organisations, and appeared on ABCs Date Line show to discuss my visit here.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

I then moved to Mindanao. My first stop was Davao, where I met with the Mayor and local officials, as well as with some NGOs involved in promoting livelihood projects for the Indigenous People, the IP. Later that day I visited the Pamulaan Centre, where almost 100 young IP students are undertaking a 4 year degree program which will give them the skills and knowledge to help improve their communities. This course is unique and I think of huge potential benefit to the IP communities. Young leaders from IP communities across the Philippines are studying together, living together, building lifelong friendships which will serve as a wonderful network of links for their communities in future years. Whilst in Davao I also met with Mr Iqbual, who is one of the key MILF negotiators on the peace talks. Later on that day I shared a platform with him at the Ateneo de Davao University, which was attended by 500 peace students.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

Their questions were interesting, to the point and their desire for peace was evident. Our team then moved across to CDO, where I joined a workshop which addressed many issues that the constituent partners of the Mindanao Peace Partners are facing. I was hugely impressed by the commitment and vigour of the members. On the first night I went to bed at 11pm - they were still in the workshop, teasing out issues of mutual concern. I used my time there to familiarise myself with the individual members of the group, and learned about their individual roles and interests in peace making. Our next stop was Marawi. I met the local Muslim Council there and briefed them on my visit. I spoke at two universities in Marawi. Both events were attended by several hundred students, all eager to ask questions about how peace was achieved in Northern Ireland.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

In Northern Ireland many people were forced to leave their homes because of the conflict. I remember as a boy welcoming new students into our class who had been driven out of their homes. This is also a problem in Mindanao. I spoke to some Internally Displaced People living in Marawi and visited an IDP community in Kulasihan. They spoke about their fear of returning home, their worries that conflict might start up again. The lack of permanency is something they live with on a day-to-day basis. It makes planning for the future difficult for them and it makes it harder for them to overcome the psychological scars of war. I met with many mayors and local officials in Lanao del Norte, including former Congressman Bobby Dimaporo and his son, Governor Khalid Dimaporo. Their insight into relationships between the communities was very interesting, as was the perspective they gave on the conflict in the region.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

I did a number of interviews with the press, including an hour long interview with Love Radio, a station based in Iligan City. Each time, I stressed that peace is something that can be achieved, but that it needs patience and there must be a desire and willingness to face up to hard compromises. I went to see the Bajau community in Iligan City. I was hugely impressed by the work being done by an NGO there. They are teaching not only the children how to read and write, they are teaching the community elders as well. They also provide training in livelihoods, so that the community develops the ability to earn money from their work efforts. I also visited Tambo community in Murai, where I spoke with 20 children aged from 10 to 16. Each one of them was present in Tambo when the last conflict occurred there in 2008. They spoke of their terror and of their fears that conflict would re-occur. Thee children also spoke of their
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

hopes. Virtually all of them are still going to school and some of them hope to go on to University after they finish. I had dinner with the Iligan Chamber of Commerce. We spoke about the issues facing the city, the problems of obtaining funding for business start-ups, and we spoke about their desire to see Iligan grow and prosper. They want to see peace because they recognise that war is bad for business. I was impressed with the good work that they are doing in relation to corporate social responsibility. One of the members provides breakfasts for poor schoolchildren, so that they dont go to class on an empty stomach. Another provides free dental treatment in the poorer communities. They are working to promote further acts of corporate social responsibility in their city. I discussed the role that the religious leaders played in bringing peace to Northern Ireland with a group of interfaith leaders. Representatives provided a reflection on the
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

role of their faith in the Mindanao Peace Process. It was evident to me that they will be continuing to search for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Later that day I concluded my visit to Mindanao by speaking to 500 students at the Mindanao University of Science and Technology. Throughout my visit on Mindanao I was accompanied by some very professional members of the armed forces and the police forces. At no stage did I feel under any threat. It was a very full programme but a very enjoyable programme. I was helped out by each and every member of the Mindanao Peace Partners, and I am very grateful for their support and help during my stay there. In two weeks I have seen a lot. I dont have the answer to the conflict in Mindanao, but I do have some thoughts that I am happy to share with you.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

My first observation is in relation to the publics attitude to the conflict. I have listened to many groups and met people from across Mindanao and it seems to me that on the ground there is a clear thirst for peace. There is also a recognition that compromises will be necessary on both sides. One of the causes of the conflict is clearly economic. For instance, unemployment in the ARMM region is much higher than elsewhere. This clearly has to be tackled, so that younger people see a clear role for them in society and do not feel that they need to take up arms to fight for a future. I listened to one young community leader tell me about his lack of faith in what the political process can deliver in his area. We have to convince him otherwise. In Ireland, there were a number of different armed groups that were included in the peace process, some of them quite small. In Mindanao there are also some smaller armed groups, some of them previously with the MILF. In my view efforts should be made to include them in the process.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

It would be much better to try and reach an accommodation with them as part of an agreement rather than have them shouting from the sides and continuing their operations after an agreement is signed. The issue of prisoners and ex-combatants will need careful thought. A programme for disarmament of ex-combatants will have to be agreed. Issues such as the timing of this disarmament, and whether it should be at the exact same time as the agreement, should not be allowed to obstruct an agreement. As long as all parties agree in principle to put their weapons beyond use the mechanics of this can be worked on after an agreement is signed. Training and jobs for ex-combatants and for ex-prisoners need to be provided. Former combatants need to be brought into society as part of the agreement. The needs of internally displaced people need to be considered. Each community is different. Some will want to return to their original homes once peace is assured.
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

Others will decide to stay in their new homes, if they feel that economic circumstances there will provide them with better livelihoods. Where this happens, local government will need to respond. This response could be in the form of, rehousing within their new localities, or recognition of informal settlements and provision of basic water, sanitation, road and educational services, or assistance with a return to their original homes. To build the peace a programme of reconciliation will need to be devised. This will need to include counselling for trauma victims, including the children affected by war. There will also need to be intra-community reconciliation programmes. These programmes will need to be ongoing, so that trust is built up over time. There is a clear need for NGOs to be involved in all of these efforts. This will require additional resources from the NGOs, and I would ask all of them to consider what their role will be post-Agreement. What problems and challenges will they face post-Agreement? How can they
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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

increase their capacity to respond to a post-conflict Mindanao? But of course before any peace agreement is signed we need the different sides in the conflict to agree. In my view an agreement is not going to happen in the next few days or weeks. We are still some months off. Recent announcements of the position of each of the parties would indicate that we are just at the early stages of a potential settlement. The parties continue to set out their stalls. The main thing is that discussions have begun. What we learned in Northern Ireland is that blockages are inevitable along the way. But they must not be allowed to derail the process. Absolutism by either side could potentially lead to a breakdown in the talks and even a return to hostilities.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

This is where help needs to come from the ICG. Lessons can be learned from Northern Ireland, from South Africa and elsewhere. Not every issue needs to be agreed in finite detail as part of the agreement. Some things may prove too difficult to get absolute agreement on at the beginning, but it may be possible to include them within the agreement, with a commitment to revisit them post-agreement, when trust and mutual understanding between the parties improves. The issue of what to call the conflicted territory, post agreement, and how to describe it, should not be seen as a blockage. Deciding on whether the territory is a sub-state, independent state, a regional government or whatever are not as important as what the officials in the territory can do. What powers they have in relation to setting new laws and what mechanisms are in place to ensure that the minority community within the territory have guarantees and safeguards are much more important considerations.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

The issue of whether a constitutional amendment is necessary should not be allowed to block an agreement. This will be a difficult issue to get agreement on and some thinking outside the box will be necessary to get a compromise that is agreeable to both sides. In the meantime there are some things that central and local government can do. For instance, when it comes to educational policies in Mindanao, one issue that causes annoyance is the relative low priority given to the history of the Moro and the IPs within the school curriculum. The government could announce an update to the history books so that they would more accurately reflect the historical context of the Moro and IP peoples in Mindanao. Members of the main opposition parties in the national parliament need to be involved. This will help in two ways. It will ensure that if there is a change of personnel at the top then a new administration is onside and up-to-date with the peace agreement.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

Secondly, it means that they can feed back and sound out their local congressmen, mayors and representatives on the ground so that local sensitivities are understood, appreciated and that the agreement does not contain issues that are simply unacceptable at a local level. Similarly, the public needs to receive more information about the peace process. Not everything needs to be made public, indeed quiet negotiations are an integral part of the process. But selective ideas could be planted with the media to test public opinion and to gauge whether the public would be willing to accept these ideas as part of a comprehensive peace plan. Finally, the government must devise a financial package which will be implemented immediately after the signing of an Agreement. This package should spell out what peace will mean to the people of the conflict area, in terms of better job opportunities, better access to housing, education, health and social services.

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The Good Friday Agreement and the Mindanao Conflict

Deputy Dominic Hannigan, TD

This will cost money, and commitments for aid should be sought not just from members of the ICG, but also from the broader international community. Work should begin on devising this package now, so that the economic prizes from peace are evident. Thank you.

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