The Canonicity of Homer Author(s): T. W. Allen Source: The Classical Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Oct., 1913), pp.

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THE CANONICITY OF HOMER.

THE view of Homer which I have attemptedto expound in articlesrecently contributedto this and other journals may be stated as follows: an individual, father of the children, first natural then spiritual, who bore his name and worshippedhim, lived in Chios, of which island he was so much the glory that 'Chian' in the mouth of Simonides, himself a professional and an islander, means 'Homer.' He was not blind, like his disciple the Chian Cynaethus, but seeing : he selected, arranged,adorned and expanded two episodes in the stock of saga (whether continuous or alreadydisposed in separatepoems)which the colonists brought with them from Europe. His date is limited on the lower side by the activity of his descendantsand imitators,the earliestof whom, Arctinus and Cynaethus, are discovered at the middle and towards the end of the eighth century. Homer'sfloruit will be given (i.) by adding to 744 B.c. the length of time necessary for so great an innovation as epos-if we presuppose saga, or epos on a large and human scale--if we presuppose earlier poems, to conquer the world, create a taste for more, and inspire epigoni to attempt the task: (ii.) by ascertainingthe date of the stage of Ionic in which Homer wrote, i.e. the moment at which the digamma still made metre, and a was in partial process of becoming 9. Neither criterion yields a definite period, but both agree well enough with the virtual coincidence of the Carian Herodotus with the calendarof Paros, 900 B.c. This testimony, as coming more or less from the East, may well be within the range of tradition.1 The age of Homer, the events of his Life, and the figment that he was the author of the Cycle, the Hymns and the other works passing under his name, were probably kept as a*rOppTra by the Homeridae, if we see that even Herodotus doubts the ascription of the Epigoni and the Cypriaon critical grounds,and in opposition to the received view. The dates given by later writers (in Tatian and Clement) owe their vagueness to the fact that many of them are expressed in terms of epochs themselves uncertain, the TpcotiK and the 'Icovmic) &roIKl'a. Sosithius however and Euthymenes date him in figuresand by referenceto local magistrates or princes between 9oo and 850. The lowest dates (temp. Gyges and Archilochus),which are grotesque, show the powerof school, name and literary convention. As poems under Homer's name continued to be put out in Gyges' day (by Magnes) and in Archilochus'day (by Lesches) a fourth-centurywriter
I

It is later for instance than many recorded dates of settlements.

222

T. W. ALLEN

like Theopompus inferred that Homer was then living, as Thucydides, if he were consistent, must have set him (as author of the Hymn to Apollo) in the latter part of the eighth century. Confusion also resulted from the ascription of the Margites(held by Plato and Aristotle) with its epodic measure. If this was the time and place of the Homeric poems, works of the Master and his School, what was their subsequent fate ? Putting aside phonetic change (which is automaticand unconscious),we may ask if they had any power of self-defence,and were in any sense of the word canonical? or were they at the mercy of the first comer ? That they were at the first comer's mercy was, it is notorious, the opinion of the nineteenth century. Statistics compiled by sympathizers1show that 175 lines in Book VIII., 224 in Book VII., are admitted genuine. Reaction has come. It is recognized that most modern 'interpolations' rest on the deficient historical sense of the discoverer. Blass'
book on the Odyssey (1904), Rothe's Die Ilias als Dichtung (1910), the recent

Homerische Part II., of Belzner, to which we may fairly add Miss Probleme, Stawell's HomerandtheIliad, have revisedthe evidenceand effecteda returnvery nearly to the Alexandrian position of athetesis on a small scale. We still als expect the Odyssee Dichtungof Carl Rothe. The general question therefore be left on one side, and in any case it is not the affairof an article. may The poems then are getting back to a state which commendsthem to reason. Still no one maintains their literal canonicity. To do so would be to underrate the capacity of Alexandrians,who must be supposed to have had feeling for their own literature, and to neglect the positive evidence of MSS. and quotations as well as direct tradition.2 It has seemed well to collect evidence on one point, the additions to the text of which we can trace the source. The Alexandrians,in the shape in which we have them, throw very little light upon the origin of the interpolationsthey detect. Too often they are content with a A certain number howeverof additions and neologisms can be traced; -tvev. it will be found in particularthat contemporary literature has at all periods influencedthe Homeric text.'
HESIOD. I. A 3 KecaXha Ap. Rhod. for vXc~,(#vX~ A 55): Hes. fr. 90o.80, I. ' Alyejlv drrtelceXov A 265 om. vulg. hab. be al.= l0avcror1t but an Not an Hes. Scut. 182. OrE'a 'Attic
2.

escape. interpolation,' 3. B 507 'Ao-rcpv Zen. for "Apv7v. To provide a heroic existence for Hesiod's village (O.D. 640) and avoid the vanished Arne: the variant Tdpvn;, shews that difficultieswere felt about it. Zen. q L 19 R I U I al. for 'OiX0io, 'IXiqo~ (and elsewhere): 4. B 527
'IXEa Hes. fr. 116. I (with etymology 'xecov).
3 I include all variants--readings of actual I Henning's Homers Odyssee, 1903, pp. 221, 259. 2 E.g. the statement in schol. Pind. Nem. II. MSS., quotations, readings explicitly recordedby O aoac scholia and readingsfavouredby ancientscholars, oi init. Irarve~i 8' yvovro o rwept K~,rc0ov, ' without distinction. WroXX& ~rj' 7~rW IvTOycavrarT I/paXe y els rv 'O/hpov
ror v',l. Ot,

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

223

5. B 562 v7^oyv i' Afytvav quidam ap. Strab. 375, P. Bm 5 for or'T' 4?ov Atywav := Hes. fr.,96. 7 (whence also Certamen 292).Y 6. II 151 'HptsavoFo Bm 5 V 12 V 18 P 2 ss. for c'KeavoZo := Hes. Theog.

338.
6o8a-d add. 93 51: cf. Hes. Scut. 207 sqq. 7. 8. T 496 E6TpoXdX1 ev a XcO) ^$ 9 cel q V 16 yp.A N 4 for Hes. O.D. 599 4e vov h for aEvov: a~Evov Hes. O.D. 29. 9. P 299 -f 45 ath. Ar. := Hes. O.D. 318. 10. ii. a I quidam for 7roXV'rponrov: Hes. fr. 94. 22. nroXVmlpoTov
12. a 352
4vKTtr/ILEr:

O.D. 213.
13. 6 389 Io6 14.-

AILvrcaet

Longinus for aKovOv'TrecEa (elsewhere Z): te v.1. Hes.

P Tpa

sing.4: 353).

cva' 6pia Megaclides for yyl108e: Spa pl. Hes. O.D. 530

bj L 4 for Ke;XzEoov: Hes. O.D. 648. OadXcidaiC

(6p[lo

for diZX0at: tZro Hes. Theog. 481. 15-. 297 IXOatAristoph. etc. for 16. t 146 r1'6paierv f mr-T1'P'Erat Hes. Theog. 760, io-paxEv: O.D. 268 (as X 16). U 17. x 84 adoKvoO 6 Eust. for ,cdv'rvoo: Hes. O.D. 495. 18. X 631 'P8E'CKEra r'Kva Hereas (the Megarian) for epucv 'a: the phrase Hes. Theog. 385. Ap. 19. v 269 O~60ep' lex. L 4 fyp. for 6vofep' : o6. first Hes. Theog. 81420. P 322 dra/tEipErat Plato for diroaivvras: Hes. O.D. 576, Theog. 8oi. Hes. O.D. 66 21. 7 517 1LeXeGA&ve? aehk for /.Xe hvat: /k1LEXEwva, (h. Apoll. 532 Herm. 447). 22. X 233 vulg. : ?'rao-o Hes. Scut. 449. ?~o'aoH 3 for 'rao-o CYCLE.

&b hvO/Ja /Cve9 23. 6 248 &~ICrq for ~8r41 : schol. fP r TcvKeXtc' [Lesches II. parv. XI]. axodvet ' ?' dJOeTE O.Ecb 6dpoVro XE8V0 EP 7dea9v. 24. 285-9 'Ap-rapXov o70l schol. [Lesches II. parv. X]. eC 70'Oi SAvr~yXov chXov

HYMNS. 25. A 485 486 instead of E4 Xb]v &o?[v &va ' Jpdvavro. v$ ,Tretpov 68 ifovi '7r #akadO]p rap[A 6' 6p1a'ra TaKph v "a p~v o2rE 4Xatvav r' re?)7lpotoJpvaoav a 53

raivvvaav

V6froaD Jr rvb 6' EpLaka ,c.r.X. ,atdsot0, =h. Apoll. 505, 6. 4alkdaov is found in a few MSS. Hefermehl Philol. 1907,

192 sqq. thinks the hymn preservedthe original text of the Iliad, but there is nothing to recommendthe variant. Cf. Cauer Grundfragen2 49.
1B 565 Ebp6rivXos V 27 Certamen 296 for The corrupE6pdaXos is possibly from Hesiod. tion of B 766 into also may be due IILpeig IILepl to Hesiod, who first locates the Muses there (O.D. I). II 857 8spor7*rafor dvspoircra is uncertain: &Spow6vqoccurs Hes. O.D. 471, but a8p6s first in Herodotus, a8p6r7s in Theophras. tus.

224

T. W. ALLEN

26. B 484 'OXvpnrtd8epaOVKoX7ro&of the Muses Zen. for 'OXvpnrta The epithet elsewhere in Homer is only of Trojan women 8&OpaT' exovwa&. (see scholl.) ; extended to nymphs it is found h. Dem. 5, Aphr. 257.
27. E 259

XXXI. of Gaia.

ApTetpa ~3

26 Zen. Aristoph. for Sp?retpa : 7raqpretpa h. Hom.

for r&v: same construction h. Hom. Merc. 457 according to Ruhnken's the conjecture.
29. X 551 a Kaplro' 'EXevatvl quidam ap. schol. AripIJr'poq zyXCao8&pov T X 483: both adjectives unhomeric, h. Dem. 54, 266.

28. X 313 . pevl7rav . . . IlovXv dpav'rt

'p' oir Epaphroditus V 4 V 27

30. lT 81 h. Aphr. 229 (A 31. 8 236 227. 32. 229

Rhian. for ed7revewv vulg.: e, evi5 eb'neve'ov Aristoph. 427). at quidam for xaxoppabia- : cacocpa&oltl h. Dem. Kacocpa&l
r8Ot Theophrastus

for q4: ro8t first in h. Pan. 25 (Mimnerm. avelcate: h. is

Pind.)
for rv3p fort. Dem. 248, 287. 33. 7' 13 7rvphv -rvp6 unhomeric. (The same variant Herod. II. 39.) first : 34. 0 193 4pauar' quidam J for e'p/a1r't 41kpara h. Herm. 222, 8456 & e16 Acgeta Zen. 35. 35- 116 4Udea}Zen. for XaXe ta: h. Apoll. 197 ). 509 AdedxaE H 3 U 8 al. f edX*a 36. P 311 8vcyo L4 Pal. for vj8vtkoq: h. Herm. 241, 449 (Alcman, Adoavare.: h. Xdwov Herm. 342. icate r

Simon). , 37-. 398 38. a 130 166, 221. 39. I

212 AEr'Xwvrea b dl for

i~ds'rp'cfe Georgides for ala rpeoet : 4krpeofetvmed. h. Dem.

s. VI.

rvpo'avOo v.1. ap. Plut.: in Hom. as metaphor only of youth.

Proclusfr. 291). Ipa'ror Ta. Alcman 26, of gold Theognis 452 (7rvpe &avOo 351 xa5ratpovthe 7roXTrcal for xzrretpov: Alcman. 40o. Stesich. fr. 85. Zen. for xev 575 rcvvvXalyp~v 41.-( iXarypYv: minority, av/trar'yla-ev majority: ra'a7er v 42. P 102 v.rXaLr '~ry1aev first in Anacreon(v/trara7yelyv only in Sext. Empir.). first in Theognis. L 148 f for 43-. Icar6&v gpyov1: first in Sappho. 45. t 65 eivpopbovAr. for drI Alcman 89. 46. p 537 /carav'rat c for rlaT'verat: icaT'ao-et' s. V. for e~trooe : Eur. IA. 270 'at 6en . .. 3 15 8svo al & 808ea a?rXo Alv dvtov c ' ova Fovve a vaOv ao'-av 2 The variant is pX'e."perhaps connected with the 1 Reading I ol for 8 o. I withdraw my pres ed. of the younger Euripides, C.R. 1901, 347. vious suggestion. 47. B 748
. .. a7ro7r8"Oe: ef 394 7,rpea U 8 for r'paa : Alcman, Herod. 44. rF

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

48. I 461 c 0 4p'

225

in Aeschylus (-ovev', a

rarpo46vo per1' IaXeolptv : 7rarpoo voTfirst 'AXasto'rtv 7 307). 299 Zen. for Ical &aXevwv: 49. I 612 Aeschylus. Kctvvpopat : 50. K 275 Kctvptfowv Zopyrus for HIaXXds cited from Sophocles. 7reXX`bv 51. K 334 7reXtotoEpimer. and E. M. for IroXtoo : 7reX~Lfirst in Hippocr. 52. K 484 fotv'aCero schol. Ar. Pac. for epv0alvero : oracle ap. Herod., 53. A 26 Zen. for p3pwpeXa'ro Aesch. Pind. 54. M 435 iXetXtcv7-ro Ar. for cliktcpe'aap. : first in Aristoph.1

trag.
for ibtJrpoorta: Soph. 55. Z 398 I?ocfxpotseAgathocles ieuce'ta: 56. O 10 Aristoph. for irtvV'atrov: rnvzricw Simon. Aesch. d7rtvVL'rwov (as E342). 57. O 21 a UiGpovw quidam: Aesch. Herod. Hipp.

58. II 234 'EXXot quidam for YeXXol:Pind. active first in Pind. 59. Z 485 'aTrecyooce Ar. for ' Ea0reivorvat: 6o. T 87 ipol'ir7e quidam for )epo o-t q: Aesch.fr. 447. 61. T go 9 eobv crdaVa 7TEXevT quaedam for 9ek&' th: reXev'av neut. '8th in Pind. 62. Q(II vIjXovT' the politicae for VJ'Eov: med. imperf.first in Soph.
Aesch. Soph. Heliodorus for /d1LceXXav: 63. (F 259 8~IcEXXav (D 347 4?avalvy Aristoph. for Herod. 64dylpdvyT: Dem. Ixion for med. 65-. ( 424 E7repeLo-ap.Lvl reLtaljv7l: derepeTe0at first in

Eur.

66. X 93 op&aTEpovpoliticae for 3pr'a7epoT: of humans first in Eur. rvT 8' Xv7aiv E.M. for ?7irr 8'Xoiv: Xvya1o^Soph. Eur. 67. X 102 vv'X' (inro 68. fl 80 8v06v g i q for 8vao-y : fv806 first in Aesch. Aesch. P.V. 69. / 68 O8e'paoh for 0p6wr'ou (as O 87) : 040 o'8 ~ 98 al. codd.: -ap 70. aCTawutov,sine var. (as from vta uXa 'eTa Pind. Simon. aveyo) met. Pind. Soph. o' 8 Xe0pov Rhianus for 71. 8 152 &eToavo02 rrwovoro: (?yvy), ibrt6vvvYTat met. Pind. Xen. e'7ravcdvw Emped. 72. 8 334 R7 Pal. m. 2 for ?wav?roeav 3~'XXeev: Thuc. -y 82 74. I&xl3jdaEur. 75. 8 232

first in Herod. 73. ' 9 J9O'a for eb0': 4O56

bc84pjgo

Aristoph. U 9 for ob 81pwoq:

Eur. Thuc. e,/C8poq appaTxee first in

for av0pc'nrov: 6appaweov(em. Buttmann)

Soph.
Aesch. Herod. 76. 1 35 R9 for pej' &7repboowtv: 0 St8repo~wtv 77. ow06v quidam for 3w;av: Aesch. Herod. Ioo 78. 8 Io8 Oa0pat veov're a q Eust. for Oav/avovre6 : ve(o act. ? Herod. Sophron. v. 59 vnjao0vTt
i From an old variant in Homer? 2 So we must read: foaro MSS. Rhianus extended the figurative use to abstracts: 'they did on death,' i.e. the death-portendingfeathers fell upon them. This favoursIKar for 158rsir in the same line.

226

T. W. ALLEN

79. O 437 7yca'Tpvfor adrp'~ryv: Aristophanes. 80. K 31r re'XXa8eq37 c ij for edn-tXvOe: Soph. Herod. Hipp. (and 8 793 v 282 a- 88 49). o 81. K 124 Aristoph. for weelpovrev:active first in Pind. edpOvrey 82. X 197 (v 134 X 372) alp q for &reawrov: Aesch. Herod. rie''rrwv : Aesch. uv. (the name does not 83. X 271 loca~rvY k R Io for

occur in Hes. Cycl. Pind.).

7errtodrv

84. X 526 /ar- SoV`ptov'Trnov 'AXatol Ar. for prypropeq 76' pforev: Ar. Sotpetoq Av. 1128 SovpetoqEur. 85. X 539 quidam for a'acoS8e'Y : Ar. fr. 674 Kock. oeboSGeXv 86. X 580 e'X1va(a)e c e r for jX/cga-e: Pind. 87. v 293 8Xcov cArepquidam for 8"Xwovar': arep postpositive trag. 88. ? 24 evXpoovfi o L 5 for vyXpo4T: ev~poo first in Hipp. Herod. 89. 4 522 dvvaoat Aristoph. Rhian. for gvvvarat: 'relvvaeOat : 90. &530 vdboq schol. Theocr. for vdarvy Simon. Pind. Herod. 9r. r 331 7roLTnXeliwefi H3 al. for ~rrowrXeL'et: VpocarXo first in

Herod.
first Herod. adlq for for a-ocp6'n KaraoarpovvvAt 286 Kao'rpwovvio-a Clem. Alex.Kaa'ropviva: rat: Herod. 93. P drrowrXioaat 94-. 345 are'Xevra dl for 'LEari-a: Aesch. Ag. Pind. pvov Galen for aryato/lIEvov: 95. v 16 acyaXXo : 96. v 23 wetole U 6 for relEay 7retl; first Aesch. first Soph. Phil. 1189 cf. I/arOrr 97- X 345 pterdww O for
92. p 32

1A148.

pero'rta':

98. X 347 oBydo Max. Tyr. for ortaq: plural first in Pind. v e for 4r6rrepXv : Pind. irtrelX0 99. X 451 reiXOv gj Aesch. Herod. 1oo. w 77 pLqtpaj Br H 3 for Fl/y8a: Anaxag. Emped. 101. w 229 7ypadrra,d Ap. lex. for pawrrcs: Achaeus, Eur.
102. w
53?0

a: EwrtTXw

payjl U5 ss. for

: first Teleclid. Eur. myovj pavryw s. IV.

103. E 56 ppa?ov for pp77lrov: Plato. - 421 evlpa^ a P 2 for a/cpaq : Evbpa T Aristotle. 104. schol. J for welpovrT : 7ralpetv Aristotle. 105. K 124 aralpovrv ryp. e: io6. X 583 7-po-e'iXve Sextus for wpoaoe7rXa Xen., orac. ap. Aeschinem. v 14 Av8pa Kar' quidam for av8paKda: Kar' avapa Isocr. 271 A. 107. io8. 0 146 ptvXalraroT df C PI for-oiraroq: Ar. de Mundo 3. 10. ALEXANDRIAN.

Zen. 109. Z 155 'EXXepoOdOvrqv (Eust. ad loc.) for BeXXepoOOvryv : eXXepoq Callim. fr. 434. [0 Z7vO8oroq]aveyvwco1O petptppevov,oov o-repIIo. H 127 Oavep&; r~'nv schol. A. for I' etpo6evoq. No present of this verb is found in Homer: opevo

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

227

Al. 583 etc.

117.

Zen. intended the verb of which petpov-rat is found Nic. Ther. 402 'to lack, desire' (unless he read LvpS'tpvoq). 1 8'p' wt'kottv/3dXer' Zen. sc. 'dry,' III. F 338a aF arr~da is mostly Alexandrian. repravo'ecav H repaalvo --tdaXev 239-. 112. Diogenes for ad4A,po1at: Callimachus Aetia 34 O 441 p4dAbwrea-at (Ox. Pap. IOII). is Alex. II3. A 603 ecaviaev ro[Kapflvov q3 39. ,cLplvoV sing.= ,KleaX# (not earlier than h. Hom. xxviii. 8): Xhv7rave[oucov. Xuprcdvwand compounds are Alex. in verse, cf. C.Q. 19o8, p. 218. 114. A 756 pe'o ' Strabo (for 05p') : with verb, Alex. (7 223 o 3Io). Ath. for Nic. Ther. 617. 115. II 642 7reptyXarydaq: E'vXaryTaq ib. 7roXvyXary'aq lex.: Aratus Iooo. Ap. 115. T 87 quidam for i~epoboi7-M:etap ' blood' Alex. 116. T 421 elapo7r,e KX'Uro XXo'q$9 hI UIo VI6: XXos Ap. Rh. ii. 1216 Nic. D 252
,pLqa"r'

Philetas for otAar': perh. Alex. cl.

A 6Io.
118. X 325 420 119. Bion fr. T5.

oaa

avaTroq v.1.

Ap. Rh. iv. 18, Nic. Alex. 131. L 2 N 4 corr.Xevcavl, Herodian for OXCPs: P Ap. lex. ,w ,y 120. 8 I Zen. for cnmrcea-oav: ccuaeraev~o ar' Eipcurao caterde Callim. fr. 224, cf. Baaeoav 581. 121. e 72 alov Ptol. Euerg. L 5 schol. Theocr. v. 125 (ala) for 'ov: atlov Theocr. v. 125. 122. e 281 EptVOv Ar. M3 R6 for psv6v: 'pwvov Theophr. q R2: Eptvo Nic. Al. 319. dpetvr 123. e 481 edra1Aoteja86v Herod. for 6draotwa8b'q: ratpoLa86v Ap. Rhod.,
Xeviavlr7v for Xavx-:

Pwyw

Tim. Locr.
124. 45 ava&'8popev Aristotle for dwe8rpop~ev:a6varpXietv pevOoqCall. Lav. Pall. 27. e e Eust.: 125. 7 197 KaiaKXrLb9eo R 14 for ,cara' X<c046 E, Kar, TaKXca ia-raKcXBeo0at Lycophron 145. 126. X 16 de'wcrtdreraeStrabo for med. Ap. Rh. ii. 29o. xaaa'p,Kerat: 127.-1 252 SelXara Callistratus for eSar a : SelXap Callim. fr. 458. 128. v 346 1av6cvXXoq Zen. for H. P. viii. 6. 3. ravVuvXXao: Theophr. 12 p'XEivpvov Crates for ,4Xav Spvud: Theophr. H. P. i. 6. 2. 129.130. 407 Svote U2 for 6voov: Theocr. xv. I, 55, 77. 530 3petrpSov schol. Theocr. for e-rpefdoq: Ap. Rhod. 131-. 8pertpoen oplcrpoboo Babr. Oppian. 132. o 506 P3 Irde86prtov for dsoerodptov:Theocr. Nicander. recentiores pro 7r 403 Lycophr. Perhaps 133. rdtopovpe ro/Ao-pot 'tol-req": from a Thesprotian source.1

134. p 221

cXlerat

adfklr
1

H 3 for 8Xl#erat:

Theocr. xv. 76.

See C.R., Sept. 1913.

228
135. P 231

T. W. ALLEN
ual Nic. Ther. 812. capi Ptol. Ascal. ryp.H 3 for dap4txapi: 136. 0 79 8ovIcdtaquidam for 3ovydthe: Theocr. Nic. a d for erveo-evev : Nic. ap. Ath. 372.F (T 129). 256 137. dr'X'revev Mon. o Callim. 138. T 72 ov' ryp.U 5 for 87) Xvr'to Ar. for 7vr6o: Rh. ii. 139. 4,306 987. Ap. dwriT&oq :wr-T'v edrrTov": 140.193 Xt&Odeao-t bcdfk for XtOdSeaat: subs. first Arat. Nic. 227 g v7rr6ev-a for pv7rocovra: Nic. Alex. 141-.
LATER THAN S. IV. B.C.

142. I 212

478. 5 (s. ii. p. Chr.). 143. I 571 lepoooi-tT im for 'epoo-:

144. A 809 145- T 307 av

for e'icdd (d1apalvero il&apaivaro quidam

P 228) : Kaibel epigr.

interest.

Ptol. Tetrabibl. 158. 20. tepoOotav etc. Byzant. cf. Ap. lex.: $ 7, oXoev'req, ep6l7rv Strabo, scholl.: ? in the Roman 7rdvT?eraat for to AristodemusVit. vi.) (Homer a Roman acc.Tpea-etv

Plutarch. 146. (D 271 inre'pere h Mc Uio VIo for b'rv'pevrre:6 roppalrr'o T 300 A D for 'la- : Babr. 77. 2. IXav^v ixav6o0aav q39 47- 1

288 iXav'wovj (Hesych).

0: 148. a 329a k o p8eav&a Julian fr. 4. rpL8d'rvXov d'eCadv 'roivi 149. 201 $vepdo Callistratus P6ss. for S&ep6q:Kaibel epigr. gr. 153. 2- ? T50. x 87 CxXvrov Megaclides for xXUrkv: Kaibel epigr. gr. 1046. 91

(? s. ii. p. C.).
151.

Hom.: XoXvry4'pttcwvO" 219. Anth. Pal. vi. 'pteo(nrwv

515

for

ryp.U5: only of cows, (7rorap&Av)

v&vy

vii. 65.

Anth. Pal. vi. 103. o for 152. X 98 Kara'Olyo ryar'l': P 153. X 134 yicar9f' 3 Herodian Eust. for ef aXo6:Polyb. (* 281). e#aXov 154. X 245 7rapevtrcv iowvvy d e k Plut. vit. Hom. Hermog. for rape: 'apevco'Ld adj. first Plutarch. 155. X 475 'Spavees ryp.T for cdbpa~'es: Plutarch, Anthol. Babr. h Oppian v. 5o8. 156. / 259 ?FaXeevwov L 4 for for 7rep/1.kiev H' fyp. R 7 ~?epeeovw: : Synesius 73 D. 157. v 183 7-oXtclces Manetho vi. 527. Eust. for 158. o 451 porpoXowvra idua'ap.: Lucian, Appian. 159. 165 plcylov vyp. U 5 for ,reoXtov: 16o. 7r 357 Oppian, Musaeus. g for ,cxivae : 'ctXflcra cXi-arae d CL 5 OPI for : Plutarch. 16I. p 267 Opiyyore 9Op&lfyo&r h for 162. 0- 57 Nonnus. d'rarO9aXXwv: ara0-OaXdwv 163. 319 U2 Eust. for ei OaX7r.: eb'aX7r1' Quintus. eBOaX7'dtov v 302 0-apSdvtov vulg. for sol. first in Polyb. uv. : 164. rapadvtov -dvtov Mon. for d~catrea : Plutarch, Lucian. 165. S 6 e'rtap'ra 166. * 14 7rape#Xa*av aj Eust. for Irep,eX.: Galen, Xen. Ephes. 167. 93 aveow P 3 for aveo : poeta ap. Suid. in v. U 276 S wXeol8a' 8 fyp.K Eust. for air'Xo'Sav: SrXolev Anth. Pal. 168. o 169. 507
&pua-ralf L 5 for

Aquila Ezech. 44. 6. pe701roe:

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

229

Influence appears to have been exerted on the Homeric text by contemporaryliteratureat all periods, from the eighth century, era of late epos, to the Hellenistic and even the Roman age. This is certain. The proportionsunfortunately cannot be accepted literally, owing to the defects of our evidence. Of the sources enumeratedabove only the Homeric Hymnsare complete (or complete save for the Hymn to Dionysus): their influence therefore is represented at its maximum. Of Hesiod a considerablemass exists, but still only a fraction of the whole corpus, and it is plain that the figure 22 is far below the real mark,especially as we see that several long-knownvariantshave been identified with Hesiod by recently discovered papyri. The Cycle barely exists; and greatly as the influence of the Cycle on Homer has been exaggeratedby critics in general, many more coincidences would be obvious if we had the Cypriaor the Ahethiopis.On the other hand, the influence of the fifth century, where we possess Herodotus and Thucydides entire, a good deal of Pindar, eleven comedies and thirty-threetragedies,is relativelyexaggerated. This is probably at its maximum, given the stylistic uniformity of tragedy. Alexandria is much in the case of Hesiod. We possess Apollonius, Theocritus, and Nicander, but we miss Euphorion and the greater part of Callimachus. It would appear on (the whole that the two most important influences exercised on the Homeric text were the Hesiodic and the Alexandrian,the eighth-seventh century and third-second respectively. The latter was augmented by the circumstance that the grammarianswere themselves in some cases poets; but the modernizationwhich the Alexandrianverbal alterations show is not to their credit as linguists. The nature of the influence varied with the century. Lines were added in the period of Hesiod (5) and the Cycle (5); and this agrees with the tradition about Cynaethus (p. 2, n. z). Important changes of sense also are found at this time; 'Hpitavo-o (no. 6, an anachronism), "Aicpqv (no. 2), A' r, for xrp (no. 23), 'EXevatv'lg(no. 29, another anachronism). The variants which can be traced to sixth and fifth century usage, on the other hand, are slight, and
consist in the introduction of new forms no. 43, wraipo/~vo? no. 48, (Ica'rtv co no. 56, no. 83, abo&eXdvno. 85) or uses of words (avOoq aTrv{rtK lodrteov no. 39, 'reXAevrav neut. no. 61, recavoiv act. no. 59, 'erav'ro with abstr. no. 71), S' eXXa no. or new words (7reXXOv 50, 7reXt6vno. 51, no. 1tu po; no. 57, 59)-

The influence of Alexandria though the same in kind was bolder: e.g.

no. 112, words: 'EXXepo no. no. 115, ate'rdelapo7rlirs buov'rfv Iio, atCpRveat no. 114, OX'*e-rat no. 135, 5pv'r6evra eaaav no. 12o; usages and forms: ip e,' no. 142.

Three lines are ascribed to this period: nos. og9and 113. What may be The variants of the later periods are almost exclusively modernistic,and tend to introduce current usage and language. The only 'important' change is
no. perhaps 7rrdiTreaEO 146. Given the vast loss of literature between 750 and called material variants are alov no. 121, no. 130, no. 134. peXdvapvov ropo~pot

5o0, its seems probable that the most important as well as the most numerous

23o

T. W. ALLEN

alterations in the Homeric text date from 750 to 600: this period is that of the late epic poets, the great rhapsodes, and the Homeridae, people engaged in reciting and composing epos. It is natural that these people should have introducedtouches from their works into their recitations. The effect of these dealings, that is to say the success with which the various centuries affected Homer, can hardly be safely existimated from our scanty evidence. The figuresyield:
Total. In Text. Per Cent.

Hesiod
Cycle s. VI.

...
...2

...
...

...
...

22
14

...
... ...

12
2 6

=
= =

55
i00 (!) 45

...

s. V. s. IV. Alex. Later

...

... ...
...

... ...

... ...

69 6 34 28

... ... ... ...

23 2 II 17

= = = =

33 33 33 55

Some cautious extensions may be made of this evidence. As it appears that additions of a line or lines occur principally in the postepic period, the
unappropriated line

given to Hesiod. A 423 the variant erat Metvovao AZlOtor~ac (rtvivscholl. A T, adXXo, Eust.) for per'~a'tpovavwears the air of age, and is perhaps an escape from the Aethiopis. A tribe Memnones (-eis) is registered in the neighbourhood of Meroe by Pliny, Ptolemy, Agathemerus and the TabulaPeutingeriana, and a meaning is given to it by Alexander Polyhistor ap. Steph. Byz. Mr. F. L1. Griffithtells me there is no monumental evidence.' I 140 a dt' 7-v /Ap was who knewthe postEy 8Tawo fav9O MeveX4dV insertedby someone a;Ttv / loves of Achilles and Helen at homeric Leuce, and wished to mark their character: N 433 a b c were intended to qualify the statement posthomeric
that Alcathous was
e'bpe,l. suggests the early part of the Cypria. T 30 a b c ob pe'7voto rpape'lrv ,c.-r.X. t e d7 ' I re'pre pop iti oo^ 'AXtXo,'IX'onvrwepretv vatd6pevov ,lv' 'Eiretoi, for which schol. Tr'rotepov" source, certainly gives no xal eov 'rro' a~'rtnv 8oTipir comes from the Cycle, from the Cypria or the early part of the Aethiopis. Philetas' 18&iv 18e&v)in the sense of 'eyes' for 186v B 269 may be (= Alexandrian; there is no evidence. The same remarkapplies to Zenodotus'

I33a at'oicacyrtyvir

08'Ttto

may Xtrwapoxpq8e'4Cvov be

?v6 pLro-ro,

Tpotl

The wording 7rpiv 'Avrqvop&8aT

These are the additions to and alterations in the text which our evidence proves. There were many more of them, naturally,given the scantiness of our sources, but of the same sort and extent. They are in substance what the Alexandrians detected and marked by their athetesis; and it appears as though criticism will have to content itself eventually with Alexandrian limitations. One case in which the librariansof Alexandriawere clearly right is the class of what may be called detachable supplements, tibicinesinserted to stay the text, but which the text can do without. These are largely similes or
1 There are other testimonies for Egyptian participationin the siege of Troy: e.g., Demetrius how r~rept rT'Wtar' T' AIywTrro(F.H.G. IV. 383), the Aethiopians going to Troy under Tithonus when they heard of Memnon s death cast down their crowns at Abydos.

Ttr&ov'ra?

B 314.

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

231

quasi-proverbs. I give a list of such as Alexandrianflair detected: in most cases an external source cannot be found. ath. Zen. A 80 pedcrcrwv laa-CAe60' 6 X%'eraavoptXpp ,yap ath. Ar. I' o8 alel 8' 7rXo0'powv Eav8pcv bpiveq?epEIoovrat"

77' yl7yvETat aTvpa' /pw Eya Tlvearat 8' [ob& 8o ath. Ar. (= Hes. O.D. 318) 'ai&l8] ' vivo't. o om. Zen. Kal ?avpa y 231 /petaGedo7' E'GEXoWY v ra(cwat. ?TfEVrt obi8 roiv c<0oib4v c ov 4 ta-rplsoc y6 de 134 bracketsin M 4. acl TL wpo09 7rova o 'cov yyVE'rati eepr a7Tr ) 1/iov valet a7rirVEvGE yal' iv &XXo~a7r 8E 'IGXovra 77rE/frEtV o 74. rapEcvra 4LXeZve XP2)4ELwov

45

Similes are athetized at

8 557-8, A 548-557, X

oev roXXort o.

c 6t'ipe'ro schol.

I99-201.1

I conclude with a passage which the Alexandrians marked as recent, but were not able, so far as tradition informs us, to assign to its origin. I notice it because Herr Belzner (1.c.II. 254) has neglected, unjustly I think, one of which assist the the principal traditional data (the contents of the Telegonia) question. These fragments of tradition are, I am afraid, much more reliable than the operation of our modern brains. Aristophanesand Aristarchus athetized * 297 to the end of o. As the I cannot believe scholia say 7er'pa (sc. 296) sntooivrat. 7at 'Ovaasdlaq roiro (with Belzner l.c.) that this statement means they athetized part only of the passage. What was Eustathius likely to know about their intentions? The characterof Ir 297-w has often been analyzed; I will say nothing about the language, metre or literary merit. In vv. 264-284, which the Alexandrines admitted, Ulysses gives a kind of forecast of the rest of his life. The readeris informedin general terms of what happened next; the arrangementwith the suitors' parents, suggested in 117 sqq., is left to the imagination,but is implied in the fact of Ulysses having further adventures. Accordingly the poem is enabled to end at 296. In the Iliad the end of the war is more than once forecasted. Homer then contemplated ending at 296 and ended there. What did the supposititiousbotcher add ? On this turns the question of the authorship of the assumed supplement. It contains (I) * 310-341 a recapitulation of Ulysses' adventuresfrom the Cicones to the Phaeacians; (2) a recapitulation (in the mouth of Amphimedon) of the suitors' conduct during the absence of
II quote two for their coincidence with that rock of offence abrbs y p Xxeqfrat dvapa pColpov,

Beside these the Alexandrians detected grammatical supplements,intended to ease a construction or elucidate a meaning. I collected some which did not awake ancient suspicion: C.R. 19o2, I sqq. The origin of these passagesin 8 293 o0b' et of Kpa0BL tYeOpl" roe9 v erv "ye om. d. most cases escapes us; it is natural they should p 565 [.IvTrrrpwve] rV 4frp, re f(L, re rt845peoy be personal invention.
Itxe oapardx6 om. b e ij H 3 Mon.

232

T. W. ALLEN

Ulysses, and, 149 sqq., of Ulysses' adventures since his landing in Ithaca. Thus the whole Odyssey, immediately it has closed, is epitomized. Such an epitome is obviously useless where it stands; the reader of the twenty-three books does not desire a repetition of his vegetable, however excellent it be. It is equally obviously unhomeric. Homer nowhere epitomizes himself. He alludes constantly, and as part of his plan, to events outside his main action, but he does not resume or recapitulate that action. But these passages may have been useful in another place, for example at the beginning of another poem, a poem which contained events later than the
ova, where the reader required to be posted up in the situation. pCl-v7aT7po These various prlcis would start the reader fair, as, on a larger scale, Homer

himself orientates the reader of his Odyssey devoting four books (a-s) to the by exposition of the situation in Ithaca and Greece generallyat the moment when the action begins in e. The diasceuast of f, o then took these retrospective 'a passages from elsewhere,and tacked on to them the country scenes, ah Where did these passages originallystand ? wheredid the diasceuast Aae'prov. of find them ? Not in the T~Xeyovia Eugammon, the most obvious candidate. The story is on too large a scale for that little poem of two books. Moreover the Telegoniabegan too late, with the burial of the Suitors and Ulysses' journey to Elis. An examination of the narrative may suggest another source. The souls of the unburiedsuitors, guided by Hermes (a Ii)

deXa 'capov'wv. evea vatovo A landmark at sea near Ithaca known as the White Rock can be nothing but the south end of Dolichium, viz. Leucate or Ducato, soon to give its name et to the whole island. So Strabo 452, B6rardLes Phdniciens I'Odyssie 432 II. like the indications 7 169 sqq., and means that sqq.1 It is a point de repdre, the ghosts went north, across the sea and along the Albanian coast. In this direction, as Bdrardpointed out, they could find no hell but the Thesprotian Acheron, to which Periander sent to call up Melissa. In Homer Ephyra (Cichyrusin later times) is the port for Dodona (a 259), and producespoisonous herbs (W328). It was not till the Dorian period that it became a gate of hell. What the Gates of the Sun mean is not plain; but as the S7oU cvelpov is already the underworld(Aen. VI. 283) it is probablethat the terrestrial indications stop with line II. Arrived there the shades experience a Thesprotian a euvuta, rival to that in X. The second ve'vMais inconsistent with the earlier.

aitra ,tCTav, 'ov7o ca7' acf.0oexov Xeqouiva, -E #vXaX

a 7rp S' o-av '1Kceavoi Jp;oaIcat'AEiC6Ev 7r1'7lV 8' 3'E 7'8 7r-ap''HeXloto 7rXaq ca 87/wov v&'poWO

1 With Bunbury and Vollgraff I am clear that Dolichium (Doulichium is only a metrical lengthSee J.H.S. 19g0, 304.

ening) is the later Leucas.

It must be so till someone finds another island in these parts, capable of growing enough corn to trade in it and of raising a sufficientpopulation to provide Meges with forty ships. The name AoXixlbelongs to a village on the south slope of Pindus, and hangs as an echo round one of the

Echinades. There is no reason why it should have meant ' long,' unless Port Isaac in Cornwall is to be connected with the patriarch. Strabo I.c. appears to have thought that the old name of Leucas was Nhpvros. He knew that Leucas and Cephallenia had changed their names, but no ancient imagined that Ithaca and Zacynthus were unoriginal.

THE CANONICITY OF HOMER

233

Homer does not repeathimself in this way; there is no case of such a repetition of a motive once used. Again vv. 28, 29 suggest that Agamemnonand Achilles had not met before in Hades; but they are both there in X. It seems therefore that the second ve'xvta belongs to a different poem, which gave a slightly different account of these matters from the Odyssey. Now the death and burial of Achilles 36 sqq. belongs in subject to the Aethiopis. But it seems too large in scale for the Aethiopis,and cannot at all events be taken directly from that poem because in the AethiopisAgamemnon is alive, and also in the AethiopisThetis spirits Achilles away to Leuce in the Euxine and he avoids Hades altogether. The 'unhomeric' touches noticed by the ancients in this velvta--the presence of Thetis and the Muses-are in Arctinus. What poem would have opened with an epitome of the Odysseyand contained a Thesprotian ve',va ? One which was local, wished to celebrate the Thesprotian adit. to hell, and to tell the concluding part of Ulysses' life (which was principally taken up with Thesprotia). The Telegoniawe have seen does not satisfy all the conditions. Another poem is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria Strom.VI. ii. 25. I: speaking of plagiarisms he says " 6 a 6 icaeirep aVi7o'eXW 7e4>ive,/lcav, a'epOw .wcicfVeXc/evot iT Epiya.,.wv this If we Movoalov 7Kvprva1o6 de'
3t/38Xov statement its lowest value, it \eerpwrwv in Clement's day (or in that of his implies that source,-I leave the matter open) there was a poem extant under the name of Musaeuswhich coincided with the Telegoniain the account of Thesprotia. This poem seems to be that which we require. It was apparentlythe same

rvept

dlXKicXqlpov..

give

which Pausanias VIII. 12. 5 calls the Oeorpwori-, and which contained the

birth of a daughter Ptoliporthe to Ulysses from Penelope (KinkelE.G.F. 218).' We know nothing about its origin. As this coast was colonized from Corinth, it may belong to the school of Eumelus. It was evidently local, and tried to give Thesprotia the only heroic past open to it, namely its connection with and alluded to Ulysses in his old age. It celebrated the local veotvaavre1ov, Dolichium (by anticipation) by its Dorian name. Such a poem might well to have begun with a prdcis of the Odyssey, set the reader at his ease. As Eugammon is said to have appropriated the Thesprotian portion, so the continuer of the Odysseymay have conveyed the immediate sequel of the and of events in F, careless of the propriety of the epitome of the Odyssey the Thesprotian ve'xva. The country scene which follows I see no reason for lenying to the Thesprotianor Corinthianpoet. Though an imitator of Homer and his inferior, he may well have been capable of the realism and humour as of o. Lastly as we see that the Telegoniastarts from where the Odyssey we have it ends, i.e. from the end of w, it would appear that Clement's statement and is true, and that Musaeus was older both than the poet of r, and this is natural enough if Eugammon was a Cyrenaean. Eugammon;
T. W. ALLEN.
p. 77 fr. 5) also contained Ulyssean genealogies, but
1

The 'AXK/aauovls(Strabo 452, E.G.F.

its subject is too early for it to have included JUlysses'last days. R