The Chronicle of Alfonso The Emperor

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The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor:

A Translation of the Chronica Adefonsi imperatoris, with study and notes
Glenn Edward Lipskey
Table of Contents
Preface Introduction Chapter One : The Manuscripts Chapter Two : The Editions Chapter Three : The Problem of Authorship Chapter Four : The Poem of Almera The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor Book One Book Two The Poem of Almera Bibliography
Preface
[ii] The precepts which I have followed in translating the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris have been based upon a consideration of the purpose of the original text. The chronicle was written most essentially for the communication of historical data. Therefore, I have endeavored to produce a translation which fulfills the same objective in English as the original did in Latin. Moreover, I have felt that a translation from Latin into English ought to sound more familiar than strange to the contemporary reader. Accordingly, the aim has been to achieve a literal translation, but not at the expense of literacy. Modifications in sentence structure were necessitated to avoid the abundant lack of subordination in medieval Latin syntax. No attempt has been made to reproduce the metrical configurations of the Latin hexameters in the Poem of Almera. However, my intention has been to retain the poetic tone of the original verses. I wish to convey here my sincerest gratitude to Professor Edwin J. Webber. This study would never have materialized without his patient guidance and encouragement. I also owe special thanks to Professor John Kenneth Leslie and to Professor Francis Very. The professional assistance and. academic example of all these men have aided me not only in the preparation of this dissertation but also in numerous other matters related to Hispanic culture.
Introduction
[1] The method according to which medieval chronicles in Spain were conceived and written presents special problems to the historian. The series of histories which appeared on the Peninsula prior to the thirteenth century revealed a lack of total peninsular vision. From the times of the Visigoths the Spanish chroniclers directed their attention to the royal court. They wrote exclusively of the kings. We witness this in the works of Isidore, Alfonso III, Sampiro and Pelayo. Each of these limits his efforts and vision to the history of the royal house. In addition, before the hegemony of Castile, the Kings of Len were considered the unique recipients of the Visigothic crown. As such, the historical works were not only restricted to the court, but solely to the royal court in Len. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris was written by an anonymous author toward the middle of the twelfth century. In one sense it participates in the court-oriented historical view in that it is devoted to the reign of the Emperor, Alfonso VII, who ruled from 1126 to 1157. However, this monarch and his court are not the only subjects of this history. The work is rich in historical data of twelfth-century Spain. Along with the Historia compostelana, the Crnica najerense and [2] the Crnioa silense this is one of the more important Spanish chronicles of the high Middle Ages. In relating the considerable accomplishments of this Emperor, the chronicle addresses itself to the phenomenon of his imperial policies. Consequently, it is inherently concerned with the roles of the other kingdoms of Spain. Their feudal relations to the Emperor and their mutual politics within the Empire are given extensive consideration. Within this imperial context a more total view of twelfth-century history is presented. Menndez Pidal has censured modern historiography for its failure to recognize the existence of a nationwide political structure in Spain during the Middle Ages. (1) He insists that this attitude has precluded a closer scrutiny of the medieval manuscripts and documents. There is ample evidence in the pages of the first chronicles that the Islamic invasion destroyed the Visigothic political structure. There is also documentation in Spanish medieval history that the prodigious task of the reconquest produced a sense of political destiny among the Iberian peoples. Within the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris one can clearly witness the energetic ideals of this destiny related to the imperial politics of Alfonso VII. The two major themes of the work are indeed the formation of the Empire and the reconquest of Moslem Spain.
In its general form the chronicle is an account or the major episodes in the history of the crowns [3] of Castile and. Len during almost three decades of the twelfth century. The method and conception of the work are conditioned by the personality of King Alfonso VII. His imperial disposition supplies the author with a singular purpose and conviction: that is, that this ruler did indeed become an Emperor and did establish an empire. This state was recognized by other European powers, and at its political apogee, it achieved trans-Pyrenean dimensions. This fact is attested to in the characteristic imperial rhetoric of the chronicle: "...et facti sunt termini regni Adefonsi regis Legionis a mare magno Oceano, quod est a Patrono Sancti Jacobi, usque ad fluvium Rodani." (2) The dimensions of the work are distinct and the quality of the narration is clear and purposeful. The chronicle is divided into three parts. The first two books in prose are in perfect equilibrium with each other. Book I functions as a lengthy prologue for Book II. The latter deals solely with the efforts of the reconquest and is manifestly the nucleus of the work. A Latin poem concerning the preparations for the reconquest of Almera, which we may call The Poem of Almera, makes up the third and final section of the chronicle. The first book begins with Alfonso taking the throne in 1126 at the death of his mother, Queen Urraca. It deals exclusively with the early years of his reign, especially with its internal reorganization. Within this context we see the young monarch subduing rebellious nobles, engaging in political skirmishes with his stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragn, and [4] fighting important wars with Navarra and Portugal. There is significant data in this book concerning the initial Independence of Portugal from the political mainstream of the Peninsula. The declaration of the Empire and the coronation of Alfonso as Emperor are also treated in detail in Book I. The author commences the second book utilizing a flashback technique wherein he narrates the dangerous and precarious life along the Toledo frontier following the death of the Emperor's grandfather, Alfonso VI. We are informed of the rapid gains of the Almoravides during that period and the initial years of the young Emperor's reign. The opening part of Book II is a justification of Alfonso's neglect of the frontier following his accession to the throne. This negligence was a consequence of the demanding imperial conditions prevailing among the Christian kingdoms at the commencement of his sovereignty. The Aragonese ruler, Alfonso I, is cast in an especially infamous role as the antagonist of the new King of Castile and Len. The remainder of Book II treats of the fierce military campaigns carried out against the Almoravides both in the Toledo frontier and within Moslem Spain. The second book terminates with the narration of the intrigue and political maneuvers relevant to the uprising against the Almoravides in Southern Spain. The final paragraphs in the chronicle tell of the first advances of the Almohades in the Peninsula. The closing part of the chronicle is written in verse, as the author states, in order to avoid the tedium of prose. It [5] offers a synopsis of the imperial achievements of Alfonso VII along with a presentation of the Christian leaders accompanying the Emperor on this campaign. The poem is written in irregularly rhymed leonine hexameters. The theme is limited to the preparations for the conquest of Almera. Within that framework the poet endeavors to infuse his verses with epic significance based upon the fact that nearly all of Christian Spain marches under the command of the
Emperor. Only the Portuguese were absent. Even French and Italian forces aid in this crusade. The poem is unfinished. One may surmise from this that the death of the author prevented its completion, or that the final section of the chronicle was lost or destroyed. In each book the author sets down the events in strict chronological order. He often appears to write from memory, which is not always faithful, especially when dealing with earlier events. In the prologue he affirms that he is writing what "ab illis que viderunt didici et audivi." (3) From this one may deduce that the author is contemporaneous with the facts narrated, and that he was a personal witness of some. This is supported by the detail with which he describes them. His history deserves almost complete credence for, with few exceptions, events can be corroborated through official documents. Nevertheless, it is in the author's interpretation of events that one must question him somewhat, owing to the manifest partisan sentiment in favor of Alfonso VII. In matters referring to relations with Aragn, the chronicler's antagonism [6] toward Alfonso I may cause the reader to question the author's historical objectivity. The personality of the Emperor is not always the focal point of the narration. The author depicts secondary figures playing critical roles in the history of twelfth-century Spain. In Book II the person of Alfonso's great captain, Munio Alfonso, dominates much of the action. Other individuals are portrayed with unprecedented detail. This is one of the characteristics of the chronicle which authenticates the advances in medieval historiography. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris is conserved in seven manuscripts which are all varied in form. The original from Toledo has been lost. The seven remaining copies date from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Six of them are in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid. and one is in the library of the Cathedral at Toledo.
Notes for Introduction 1. Ramn Mendez Pidal, El imperio hispnico y los cinco reinos (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Polticos. 1950). p.7. 2. "Hence the boundaries of the Kingdom of Alfonso, ruler of Len, extended from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, near where the city of our Holy Patron Santiago is located, all the way to the Rhone River." Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, ed. Luis Snchez Belda (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, 1950), paragraph 69. All references to the text of the chronicle will be indicated by prargraph number in order to facilitate the correspondence between the Latin text and the English translation. 3. "...what I have learned or heard from those who were witnesses." Chron. Ad. Imp., Preface.
1 The Manuscripts
[7] Traditional descriptive and classificatory studies of the seven manuscripts have been undertaken by Luis Snchez Belda (1) and by Cipriano Rodriguez Aniceto. (2) There exists some divergence of opinion in these respective analyses. This and other discrepancies will be discussed below. For purposes of identification of the manuscripts a system of Roman numerals will be utilized. The manuscripts are the following: Manuscript I. BNM, MS 1505 paper, 17th century, 69 folios. This manuscript was first copied and edited by Juan de Mendoza under the following title: Chrnica del emperador D. Alonso el sptimo, rey de Castilla y Len que se hall manuescrita [sic] de letra gtica en pergamino en el archibo de la santa iglesia primada de Toledo, y escrita en vida del mismo emperador. Publcala D. Iohan de Mendoa. The manuscript was never published. This title is found on the seventh folio, and a photocopy of the folio appears on page 236 in the appendix. The first six folios in the manuscript contain a series of notes on the chronicle. It is to be noted that the sense and the writing of this commentary appear to be different from Mendoza's. From folio nine to forty there is a Spanish translation done by Juan de Mendoza. The significance of this translation will be discussed in the following chapter. The [8] Latin text of the chronicle begins on the forty-second folio and continues to the sixty-eighth. On folio forty-two we find a short preface to the chronicle and the first part of chapter one. A photocopy of this selection can be seen on page 237 in the appendix. Manuscript II. BNM, MS 1279, paper, 17th century, 222 folios. It is covered with green parchment and fastened with steel binding. On the cover is stated: "Chronica Ildephonsi Regis." On the title page this form is different: "Coronica Adefonsi Imperatoris." At the bottom is noted the manuscript's place of origin "Ex bibliotheca Illustris Domini Garciae Loaisa Girn, Guadalaiare Archidiaconi. Nota: este cdice procede de la primitiva biblioteca de Felipe V." Photocopies of this folio and of the first two folios of the text of this manuscript appear from page 238 to page 240 in the appendix. The text of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris comprises the first 87 folios. The second part of the volume contains a chronicle of the Kings of Spain written by Lpez Estiga. The text of this work proceeds from folio 89 to folio 120. From folio 121 to 222 there is a collection of chronicles compiled by a certain Bishop Don Pablo. In the colophon of this manuscript there is a note indicating that the book was written in Burgos, and that it was
terminated in the month of September in 1571. It is also recorded in the same place that the author was Fernn Martnez who was then a public clerk in Burgos. [9] In his analysis of the manuscripts, Rodrguez Aniceto interpreted the date in the above-mentioned colophon to be pertinent to the entire manuscript. He therefore attributes it to the sixteenth century. Snchez Belda differs with this view and contends that the colophon pertains solely to the final text in the manuscript, the chronicles gathered together by the Bishop Don Pablo. In his introductory notes to the Spanish translation of the chronicle, Juan de Mendoza observes that this manuscript may be closely related to the original. He bases this hypothesis on information that Garca Loaysa Girn removed the original manuscript from the Cathedral in Toledo. After an extensive paleographic analysis of this document, Luis Snchez Belda concludes that Loaysa removed a copy of the original, and this manuscript is, in effect, a copy of the one removed. (3) His examination reveals that the document pertains to a period after the time of Loaysa, and he therefore attributes it to the seventeenth century. Berganza utilized this manuscript for his edition of the chronicle in his Antigedades de Espaa. (4) Manuscript III. BNM, MS 9327, paper, 16th century, 61 folios. On the cover of the manuscript we find, the following words written in elaborate calligraphy: "Incipit Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris." Photocopies of the cover folio and of the first two pages are found from page 241 to page 243 in the appendix. Rodrguez Aniceto describes this manuscript and insists that it is a direct copy of MS IV. Snchez Belda also finds [10] a distinct resemblance between the two manuscripts. However, he does not share the opinion of Rodriguez Aniceto that MS III is a direct facsimile of MS IV. (5) In his edition of the chronicle in the Antigedades de Espaa, Berganza makes reference to a manuscript in the Cathedral of Toledo. He mentions that the copyist's errors in the rendition of this document had been corrected by a Doctor Siruela. MS III bears marginal notes by a certain Doctor Siruela. It is to be adduced therefore that Berganza is alluding to the document under discussion. Sanchez Belda believes that it occupies a position of considerable significance in relation to the others. He submits that it was transcribed from an earlier manuscript which is now lost. This one was an archetype for the copies now in existence. (6) Manuscript IV. The library in the Cathedral of Toledo, MS27-26, paper, 16th century, 71 folios. It is found within one of the collections of chronicles compiled by Bishop Juan Bautista Prez. This particular collection is the only one in which the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris is contained. Prez includes a small number of marginal notes, Manuscript V. BNM, MS 8190, paper, 57 folios. Snchez Belda dates this manuscript from the sixteenth century, while Rodrguez Aniceto places it in the seventeenth. For some unknown reason the latter critic also states that there is a note of origin in the text which indicates that this volume comes from the library of King Philip the Fifth. There is no such note to be found in the manuscript. It is probable that Rodrguez Aniceto mistook this document for MS IV wherein the [11] above annotation of origin is to be found. He may also have confused it with MS 897 from the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid which comprises a small fragment of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. The contents of this item are merely the preface of the chronicle and the first paragraph.
There are accompanying annotations and a note of origin which relates the small text to the library of Philip the Fifth. On folio three of this fragment, authorship is attributed to Jos Pellicer y Tovar. Snchez Belda observes that what text is conserved of the chronicle is identical to MS III. Perhaps Pellicer initiated the task of transcribing this text and simply did not continue his endeavors. Manuscript VI. BNM, MS 1376, paper, 48 folios numbered from 225 to 272. Other critics have analyzed this document and have offered a description of it prior to the studies of Rodrguez Aniceto and Snehez Belda. Ewald dates this manuscript from the seventeenth century, (7) as does also Rodrguez Aniceto. (8) However, Garca Villada (9) and Benito Snchez Alonso (10) place it in the sixteenth century. Snchez Belda concurs with the latter judgment, and further agrees with Garca Villada that MS VI is a facsimile of MS IV lacking only the marginal notes of Prez. (11) Manuscript VII. BNM, MS 51, paper, 423 folios. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris appears from folio 167 to 242. It was copied in the eighteenth century, and there is little doubt that it belongs to the family of manuscripts completed [12] by III and IV respectively. Francisco Santos Coco offers the most comprehensive description of this document, (12) especially insofar as he correctly establishes the eighteenth century as its time of transcription rather than the year 1600, which was accepted prior to his study. MS I is the only one which offers a complete division of chapters. It is the most exact in regard to the dates of events mentioned in the chronicle. However, it shows carelessness in its orthography. Snchez Belda contends that MS I resolves certain textual problems. (13) He admits that the copyist does omit some words, but he considers these omissions not essential to the meaning of the respective passages. In his critical edition and study Rodrguez Aniceto directs his consideration specifically to the Poem of Almera and disregards the prose content of the chronicle. For this reason his textual references pertain exclusively to the poem. Like Snchez Belda he recognizes the omissions and alterations in MS I. He also calls attention to the lack of concordance between MSS I and IV. He substantiates the fact that the former text omits the following verses from the Poem of Almera: (14) 132, 161, 175, 177, 263, 264, 272, 280 and 284. Also absent are the words "pro" in verse 356, "in excelsis" in verse 365, and "et" in 366. MS I postifxes "sunt" after "armati" in verse 355, and it replaces "te tardum" with "tardum te" in 388. These variations and omisssions do not occur in MS IV. It is logical to assume therefore that IV is not a copy of I. [13] Even though Rodrguez Aniceto and Snchez Belda both cite numerous omissions in MS I, they both concur in that it renders a more unequivocal reading in light of the overall text. The former scholar exemplifies this claim with the following textual comparisons: MS I: Nec possunt visum mergi vel ad aethera sursum Suspendi; vita scelerata fuit quia victa. MS IV: Nec possunt visum mergi vel ad aethera sursum Suspendi victa, escelerata fuit quia victa.
This example is taken from the first two verses of stanza 10 of the Poem of Almera. Both Snchez Belda and Rodrguez Aniceto adopt the version as presented in MS I for their Latin critical editions. In the case of MS IV the term "viota" in place of "vita" is a conspicuous example of inaccurate Latin syntax and the resultant absence of meaning appears in that verse. It is evident that MS I in this instance offers a more plausible rendition within the context of the poem. "Vita" is clearly a noun modified by the adjective "scelerata", i.e., "They were defeated ("victa") because of their criminal life: "vita scelerata." The second textual comparison given by Rodrguez Aniceto refers to stanza 35: MS I: Ut vix jam teneri possent a matre teneri. MS IV: Ut vix jam teneri possent armati teneri. In this example MS I provides the logical and more poetic reading: the youths "can hardly be held back by their mother(s)." In MS IV the verse suffers a metathetic change: [14] "a matre" becomes "armati," and thus a plural past participle takes the place of the prepositional phrase. In the events narrated in this segment of the poem, the frenetic enthusiasm of the Christian forces eager for battle is dramatically depicted. Clearly, the reading offered by MS I is more congruous within the context of this moving episode. Snchez Belda gathers MSS III, IV, V, VI and VII into a group of common origin. (15) He places MS III at the head of this group and maintains that it is a copy of a manuscript made in the fourteenth or fifteenth century in Toledo but now lost. This document was in turn a direct reproduction of the original according to Snchez Belda's paleographio inferences. He bases his conclusion on the fact that all of these manuscripts share the same omissions in the preface. Also, this same family of documents reveals multilateral orthographic traits. In all of them "retro" is given in place of "recto," and "postea" appears instead of "post eam" in paragraph 1. In paragraph 6 "Sarriam" is given in place of "Ceiam." Likewise, in paragraph 8 "perfecit" is written instead of "perfecerunt." The consistent subrogation of these forms within this group of manuscripts sustains Snchez Belda's claim for common origin. He further sees MSII as a reproduction of two other documents: MS III and another one no longer in existence. He concludes that this lost text along with I and III are all duplicates of the above-mentioned Toledan archetype from the fourteenth or fifteenth century. Rodrguez Aniceto emphasizes the relative independence [15] of MS IV. This conclusion is of course not in conformity with Snchez Belda's studies. We have seen that he finds IV a facsimile of III. Rodrguez Aniceto views IV as a reproduction of an earlier document related to the original rather than a facsimile of MS III. Be also contends that MSS I and III respectively served as prototypes for II. Snchez Belda is careful not to relate II and I rather, he places I in an independent category. Both critics concur in regard to the prominence of MSS I and III as being most closely associated with the original.
Notes for Chapter 1 1. Snchez Belda, Chron. Ad. Imp., pp. lxxi-lxxxiv. 2. Cipriano Rodrguez Aniceto, "El poema latino, 'Prefacio de Almera,'" Boletn de la Biblioteca Mendez y Pelayo, XIII (January-March, 1931), 141-144. 3. Snchez Belda, p. lxxv. 4. Fransisco de Berganza, Antigedades de Espaa (2 vols.; Madrid, 1719-1721), II, 590-624. 5. Rodrguez Aniceto, p. 141 and 143. 6. Snchez Belda, p. lxxiii. 7. R. Ewald, "Reise nach Spanien im Winter von 1878 auf 1879," Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, VI (January, 1881), 303. 8. Rodrguez Aniceto, p. 141. 9. Zacaras Garca Villada, Crnica de Alfonso III (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Histricos, 1924), p. 18. 10. Benito Sanchez Alonso, Crnica del Obispo Don Pelayo (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Histricos, 1924), pp. 20-21. 11. Snchez Belda, p. lxxi. 12. Francisco Santos Coco, Historia silense (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadenerya, 1921), pp. xvi-xvii. 13. Snchez Belda, p. lxxvii. 14. Rodrguez Aniceto, pp. 142-144. 15. Snchez Belda, p. lxxxiv.
2 The Editions
[16] Fray Prudencio Sandoval, the famed Benedictine historian of Charles I, utilized the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris as an historical guide for his own Chrnica del nclito emperador de Eapaa, Don Alonso VII deste nombre which he published in 1600. (1) Sandoval did not actually reproduce an edition of the chronicle, but rather freely adapted the Latin text as a basis for his own more lengthy history written in the vernacular. Throughout his work he refers to the original chronicle simply as the "Historia de Toledo." He included an abundance of interpolations in his history of Alfonso VII. Many of these are of doubtful historical veracity, deriving from the religious and folkloric traditions of his time. It is noteworthy that the Poem of Almera is conserved in its original form at the end of Sandoval's chronicle. This Benedictine Bishop's lack of historical scruples provoked a mild polemic some years later when Juan de Mendoza undertook the task of editing and translating the Chronica Alefonsi Imperatoris. His endeavors have already been mentioned in the previous chapter. Mendoza was scandalized at the minimal amount of accuracy which he felt Sandoval employed in utilizing the ancient Latin text as his historical guide. It was in order to prove this [17] point that Mendoza prepared his edition of the original chronicle and his literal translation of the same some years after Sandoval's history was written. The exact date of Mendoza's endeavors is not known. Neither the original manuscript nor Mendoza's own work were ever published formally by him. As has been indicated in the discussion of the manuscripts, the first six pages of this personal edition comprise the translator's notes in the form of a prologue to the reader. The Spanish translation is found between folios nine and forty. The Latin text of the chronicle occupies folios forty-two to sixty-eight. The author's comments are of special interest for the history of the editions. His principal objective is to attack Sandoval's supposed mendacity in his history of the Emperor. Mendoza commences his prologue by quoting the scriptural passage between Pontius Pilate and Christ regarding the "Truth." He then pointedly refers to "a certain author" who wrote the history of Alfonso VII "very contrary to what is contained in the original." He never designates Sandoval by name. Within this critical context he proposes to bring to light the original chronicle "in its unpolished and rough style of that century without removing or adding a single word." He promises to undertake a literal translation of the work, and because he is resolute in his desire to translate in strict
accordance with the original, he indicates that he will forgo the opportunity of "adorning [his translation] in a high or elegant Spanish." [18] Benito Sanchez Alonso has attempted to identify this Juan de Mendoza as the chronicler of Charles II, the same author who published. Blasn de la Casa de Pineda in Madrid in 1675. (2) This identification appears legitimate, for the date of publication of the above mentioned volume would place Mendoza some years after Sandoval. It is also known that Prudencio Sandoval was an eminent genealogist in his day. It seems that Juan de Mendoza also cultivated the same avocation. Of the six notes which he inserts in his version of the chronicle, four deal specifically with genealogy. It is on this point that he most vehemently reproaches Sandoval. The latter manifests an excessive zeal for linking the lineage of certain noble families of his day with that of the noble houses mentioned in the twelfth-century chronicle. This is significantly true in the case of the Dukes of Osuna. Sandoval readily admits "ingirindola," in reference to his liberal manipulation of the original chronicle. Apart from this work, he had recourse to the Historia compostelaria to which he often alludes in his account of this Emperor's reign. The ancient royal documents, both religious and civil, were also an exploitable source of information for him, especially within the genealogical context. Because of his affiliation with the Benedictine order and. his own personal interest in the monastic history of Spain, Sandoval provides much data derived from the archives of Peninsular monasteries. An example of his use of civil documents appears in the [19] narration of the enmities between Alfonso VII and his stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragn. In this instance Sandoval relates how the Aragonese ruler has retained control of the towns of Burgos and Castrojeriz in Castile. His example of documentary evidence is based on a donation of some lands which a certain Teresa Gonzlez made to the Benedictine monastery at Oa in the year 1127. The property was consigned the same year in which Alfonso VII and his stepfather negotiated the Treaty of Tamara, the subject of which was the concession of territories and towns previously held by Alfonso I of Aragn (see paragraphs nine through eleven in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris). Sandoval alludes to the specific donation in order to quote verbatim the document which accompanies it. Therein it is verified that Alfonso of Aragn did in effect claim dominion of Castilian lands. The donation reads accordingly: Adefonsus Rex Aragoniensis, regnante et in Castro Xeriz, et in Burgis: Poza Sancio Joannis, et in Petralada Petro Ennenooz. (3) in Naxara, dominante in
Such legal certification is derived from Benedictine archives at the monastery of Oa. Sandoval had ample recourse to these records and to many others. His stylistic amplifications are also numerous, and at times they provide the reader with a more informative dimension of the material. For example, in the original Latin one often reads "Ecolesiam Sanctae Mariae," which Sandoval renders in the Spanish "Iglesia Sancta Mara de Regla." We thus know that the reference is made specifically to the celebrated [20] church in Len. When the author of the Latin chronicle had chosen the same condensed style of denomination in referring to "Episcopus Didacus," Sandoval completes the prelate's title and name as "Su gran servidor, Don Diego Gelmrez, Obispo de Santiago."
In these instances where the sentence remains incomplete or the connotation of the passage is problematic, Sandoval customarily integrates the verbal elements and arrives at the essential meaning of the phrase. In spite of the fact that he does not always rigorously adhere to the best historical criteria in the representation of his source, he surpasses his critic Mendoza in erudition and expressiveness. Certainly he is the more entertaining of the two. Mendoza is not above reproach in regard to his own Spanish translation. In the Latin manuscript which he used there are several passages which present problems of interpretation. These may have been due either to the damaged condition of the manuscript which he used or to the ambiguousness of the copyist's orthography. Nevertheless, Mendoza either proved to be over zealous in his endeavor to divine the original or simply lacked the insight which would have enabled him to render these passages in a more comprehensible manner. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris remained unpublished until Francisco de Berganza placed it in his first edition of the Antigedades de Espaa. (4) It appeared at the end of the second part of this work in the form of an appendix.[21] Berganza did not include the Poem of Almera in his edition, since it had already been published by Sandoval. Although Berganza had access to MS III, Snchez Belda maintains that he did not avail himself of that text. (5) Instead he used two other copies for his edition. One of these was from the library of Luis de Salazar y Castro, who was then the chronicler of Castile. The other manuscript was a copy of one which bad been in the possession of Cardinal Loaysa. By means of analytical comparison Snchez Belda established that the copy to which Berganza had recourse was directly related to the family of manuscripts headed by MS III. In his Espaa sagrada (6) Enrique Flrez published the second complete edition or the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He faithfully copied Berganza's edition of the Latin prose text of the chronicle, except for minor alterations in the punctuation and in the orthography. Flrez based these textual modifications on certain fragments of the chronicle which pertained to the respective libraries of Antonio Surez de Alarcn, Francisco Sota and Jos Pellicer. These fragments are insignificant in that they comprise only a very few pages of the chronicle. For example, Pellicer's portion includes only the prologue and the first paragraph. Alarcn's relates specifically to the genealogy of the Marquis of Trocifal. Lineal descent is established for this noble from the house of Count Rodrigo Gonzlez de Lara. Therefore, Alarcn's fragment deals exclusively with those paragraphs where this noble is mentioned. (7) [22] In his rendition of the Poem of Almera, Flrez made use of Sandoval's edition. The author of Espaa sagrada comments in his introduction that Sandoval's text contained numerous errors. These were attributed either to the Bishop himself or to the copyist of the poem. The publication history was resumed during the present century by Ambrosio Huici. In 1913 he included an edition of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris in his lengthy collection of Latin chronicles of the Reconquest. (8) This author added a revised version and a Spanish translation. Huici did not avail himself of any new manuscript for his edition, but followed the text contained in volume XXI of the Espaa sagrada. While he endeavored to improve the punctuation, he invariably remained in accordance with the rendition of Flrez.
As has been mentioned in the previous chapter, Cipriano Rodrguez Aniceto published a critical edition of the Poem of Almera in 1931. (9) In his accompanying study the author includes significant commentary on the Latin hexameter verse of the poem. He also published the Spanish prose version of Juan de Mendoza included in his rendition of the chronicle in the seventeenth century. The editions of Berganza and Huici responded to the necessity of detaching this chronicle from its primitive, unprinted. state. Nevertheless, these editions did not address themselves to the exigencies of modern criticism. In 1950, Luis Snchez Belda published a comprehensive [23]critical edition of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. His work fulfills these critical demands. It surpasses all other editions in its complete review of textual problems. With consistent regard for detail, Snchez Belda has subjected the manuscripts to a scrupulous comparative analysis. All lexical variants are offered with systematic documentation. A considerable portion of his scholarship concerns itself with the historical merit of the work. His method of corroboration entails a strict contrastive assessment of the data in the chronicle with twelfth-century documents. Moreover, he proves to be a careful translator of the Poem of Almera, for he offers a very readable and intact Spanish rendition. (10)
Notes or Chapter 2 1. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de Los Reyes de Castilla y de Len: Doa Urraca, hija de Don Alonso Sexto y Don Alonso Sptimo, Emperador de Las Espaas (2 vol.; Madrid: Benito Cano, 1792), II, 185-297. 2. Benito Snchez Alonso, "Una traduccin indita de la Crnica de Alfonso VII," Revista de Filologa Espaa, XIII (October - December, 1926), 360. 3. "Alfonso, the Aragonese King, ruling in Njera and Castrojeriz and in Burgos: Sancho Juanes governing in Poza and Pedro iguez in Petralada." Sandoval, p. 211. 4. Berganza, Antigedades, II, 590-624. 5. Snchez Belda, p. xciii. 6. Enrique Flrez, Espaa sagrada: Teatro geogrfico-histrico de la Iglesia de Espaa (52 vols.; Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1747-1879), XXI, 320-399. 7. Antonio Surez de Alacn, Relaciones genealgicas de la casa de los Marqueses de Trocifal, Condes de Torresvedras (Madrid, 1656), pp. 133-135. 8. Ambrosio Huici, Las crnicas latinas de la Reconquista (Valencia, 1913), II, 171430. 9. Rodrguez Aniceto, pp. 140-175.
10. There is only one other indication of an attempted edition. In 1916, Paulino Ortega de La Madrid wrote a doctoral dissertation for the University of Madrid concerning the chronicle of Alfonso VII. This dissertation remains unpublished.
3 The Problem Of Authorship

[24] Those critics who have attempted to penetrate the problem of authorship of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris have commenced their studies by citing the author's own words in the prologue: that what he writes is "ab illis que viderunt didici et audivi." (1) From this we may deduce that if the author was not an immediate observer of the events narrated, he was close enough to them to receive reports from those who did witness them or participate in them. The words "Si complacet imperatori" (2) from verse VIII of the Poem of Almera establish that the work was contemporary with the reign of Alfonso VII. The author writes to praise and please the Emperor. This aspect is evident throughout the chronicle. The work was obviously written shortly after the successful campaign at Almera in 1147 and certainly before 1157, the year of the death of Alfonso VII. Judging from the author's panegyrical attitude, one may surmise not only that the work was written during the lifetime of the Emperor, but possibly at his request. There is a detailed portrayal of the wealth and, glory of his court. Throughout the chronicle one perceives a spirit of pretension [25] bordering on arrogance in reference to the reign of Alfonso VII. The author also reveals that he is a great admirer of the royal family, especially of Empress Berengaria and the King's sister, Princess Sancha. One of the most celebrated passages of acclaim for the Empress appears in Book II when the troops of the Almoravide King, Ali, confront Empress Berengaria. She is depicted dramatically addressing the infidel forces from her throne high above the walls of Toledo. Her regal presence and audacity shame the enemy, and the author is successful in distinguishing her as the noblest of queens. The scene evokes the sentiments of a "romance morisco" in the nobility shown by Moor and Christian alike: Hoc videns imperatnix, misit nuntios regibus Moabitarum, qui dixerunt eis: 'Hoc dicit vobis imperatrix, uxor imperatoris: nonne videtis quia contra me pugnatis, quae foemina sum, et non est vobis honorem? Sed si vultis pugnare ite in Aureliam et pugnate cum imperatore, qui cum armatis et paratis aciebus vos expectat.'. . .Sed reges et principes et duces et omnis exercitus, postquam eam viderunt, et deinde nullam causam laeserunt et reversi sunt in terram suam, collectis a se suis insidiis, sine honore et victoria. (3) It cannot be doubted that the composer of this chronicle was a personal spectator of some of the incidents of which he writes. The particular detail with which he describes, for example, the Council of Len and the coronation of the Emperor illustrates this. In his narration of the coronation he enumerates the dignitaries present and their exact
order of appearance producing an almost cinematic sensation. The [26] marriage of Princess Urraca to King Garca of Navarra is also occasion for a recital of events within the court. The author details the sumptuous conditions of the wedding chambers, noting also the musicians and their instruments which formed the entertaining entourage outside of the chambers: Thalamus vero collocatus est in palatiis regalibus, qui sunt in Sancto Pelabio, ab infantissa domna Sanctia; et in circuitu thalami maxima turba histrionum, mulierum et puellarum canentium in organis et tibiis et citharis et psalteriis et omni genere musicorum. (4) However, upon analyzing the style employed to depict the many military ventures in the chronicle, it appears that the author was not present on most of these occasions. The narration dealing with the incursions of the Christian forces into Andalusia is conspicuously repetitive. In most instances it suggests a formula-like listing of the enemy conquered, the territories destroyed and the spoils taken. The redundance of itemization prompts the suspicion that the author was writing from reports of returning witnesses rather than from his own eyewitness account. Examples of this stylistic effect can be illustrated by comparing analogous passages. The narration of the first campaign to Andalusia provides a model for the recounting of the many succeeding military operations in the South. The recapitulation of the armed successes against the Moslems owes much also to the author's intimate familiarity with the Vulgate and his obvious intention of emulating this Latin Biblical style characteristic of much of medieval prose. In paragraph 35 we are informed of the [27]destruction wrought by the Christians on the plains around Crdoba and Sevilla: Eratque in diebus messis unde et succendit omnia sata, et omnes vineas at oliveta et fioulnea fecit incidi; et cecidit timor illius super omnes habitantes in terra Moabitarum et Agarenorum.... (5) This passage is nearly a direct copy of lines from the Book of Judith describing the assaults of Holofernes in Syria. The scriptural selection reads as follows: . . . in diebus messis, at succendit omnia sata, omnesque arbores et vineas fecit incidi; et cecidit timor illius super omnes inhabitantes terram. (6) In paragraph 40 there is a slight variation of this account: "Et miserunt ignem in messes et in domibus eorum et destruxerunt vines et ficulnea et oliveta." Later in the chronicle, in Book II, another attack on the South of Spain is portrayed with the identical Biblical passage. Again the Emperor and his forces are attacking the area around Crdoba. (7) This iterative form appears also in many instances when the author records the inventory of spoils taken by the Christians. Another salient characteristic of the narration is the author's firm acceptance of Divine Providence as a potent determinant of destiny. Certainly this attitude was typical of medieval ideology. However, this fact and the precision with which religious ceremonies and customs are depicted lead Snchez Belda to consider that the author was a member of the clergy. (8) The reiteration of scriptural borrowings suggests a Biblical erudition of a cleric of high rank. Moreover, the [28] classical culture necessary to compose the leonine hexameters in the Poem of Almera attests to a scholarly preparation unlikely in a cleric of commonplace status. The geographical allusions in the text manifest the author's familiarity with the Toledo frontier. However, Snchez Belda insists on the essentially Leonese spirit of the work.
He points out that the author does not once refer to Alfonso VII as "Rex Castellae," but always as "Rex Legionis." He also seems to possess a limited knowledge of Castilian nobility. Rodrigo de Lara is the only Castilian count whose rebellion is narrated in detail. No other Castilian nobles are discussed to the extent that the Leonese and Asturians are. In the Poem of Almera verse 140 appears to reveal an ignorance of Peninsular history, stating that only Alfonso VII achieved dominion over Castile. This lack of familiarity with Castile's past may indicate that the author was a foreigner, perhaps one of the many Cluniac monks from France who came to Spain and attained rank in the court and in the church. Other critics have brought forth definitive names to whom the authorship of the work has been credited. The first manuscript of the chronicle was discovered in the archives of the Cathedral of Toledo. Because of its location in these archives when initially found, Francisco Sota believed Jimnez de Rada to be the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatonis. (9) Sota moreover maintained that since Archbishop Rodrigo was present in the battle of Navas de Tolosa with Alfonso VIII in 1212, [29] he could very well have lived during the reign of the Emperor. Snchez Belda refutes this premise with conclusive chronological evidence. (10) Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada could not possibly have known Alfonso VII since he was born thirteen years after this ruler's demise. It has already been demonstrated that the chronicle was coeval with the history narrated. Juan de Ferreras postulated that some critics - he does not say who - have suspected that Arnaldo, Bishop of Astorga, was the author of the chronicle. (11) There are certain circumstances which generate respect for this conjecture. This prelate was a highranking cleric who was contemporary with the reign of Alfonso VII. He was bishop of the diocese of Astorga from 1144 to 1152. It is Arnaldo who performs the role of emissary to Barcelona and Montpellier for the purpose of enlisting the aid of those courts in the campaign to Almera in 1147. This fact is documented in paragraph 203 of the chronicle. At the termination of the poem, Bishop Arnaldo is directly cited urging the Christian troops to victory. Numerous civil and religious documents from the period attest to his proximity to the major events in the court of Alfonso VII. His name is more Gallic than Spanish, and quite possibly he was one of the many Cluniac monks who migrated to Spain. Snchez Belda offers a cogent hypothesis relating the incompleteness of the chronicle to the death of Bishop Arnaldo in 1152. The reign of Alfonso VII continued until his death in 1157. The demise of Arnaldo in 1152 would not have [30] permitted him to conclude his historical endeavor. Two significant studies were undertaken in 1963 by Angel Ferrari directed at the determination of the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. The first is a stylistic evaluation of the chronicle, (12) and the second endeavors to reveal how Alfonso VII shared many attitudes advocated by the Benedictine monastery at Cluny. (13) Ferrari submits that the chronicle was written by the Cluniac, Peter of Poitiers, who was the secretary and editor of Peter the Venerable. The latter was the renowned Abbot of Cluny who first came to Spain in 1142. (14) The point of departure for this conclusion is based on an examination of the motives underlying certain political and, social attitudes which prevail in the chronicle. The
presence of Cluniac religious in Spain has already been mentioned. This order exercised an energetic influence on the cultural and religious mores of the Peninsula during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The first circumstance which Ferrari analyzes is the benevolent disposition of Alfonso VII toward his rebelling nobles. He ascertains that this lenience was consistent with the politics of benevolence recommended at that time by the Cluniac community. This attitude advocated reconciliation between ruler and nobles. The chronicle reveals that the Emperor pursued this policy on nearly every occasion when dealing with insurrection among the Christian nobles. [31] In Book I these rebellions appear somewhat as digressions within the narration of the conflict between Alfonso VII and Alfonso I of Aragn. In agreement with this propitiating view, most of these insurgents are treated favorably by the Emperor. The King of Aragn is presented as the antithesis of this attitude. It is he who is responsible for the neglect of the war against Islam, since the Emperor must be preoccupied with establishing peace within the confines of his Christian kingdom. Ferrari sees the analogy between Cluniac idealism and Alphonsine politics in that this monarch never condemns any of his rebellious nobles to death after they have been subjugated by force. More often than not he follows a plan of rehabilitation, bestowing upon them positions of honor within his empire. The examples are numerous. Even Count Rodrigo de Lara is treated favorably. He is granted the governorship of Toledo, even though he was allied with the King of Aragn. Furthermore, his high rank among the Castilian nobles made him a natural adversary of the new Leonese ruler. Count Rodrigo was married to Sancha, the eldest legitimate daughter of Alfonso VI, and consequently maintained certain legal claims of territory against Alfonso VII. In the end, he died a tragic death among the Moors and never returned to his domains in Castile. Like Pedro Gonzlez de Lara and Pedro Daz, he died under lamentable conditions. All of these deaths are portrayed as providential punishments for prior rebellions. The author [32] holds God responsible for their ends and not the Emperor. Gonzalo Pelez is the prototype of rebel-noble in the chronicle, and the treatment which he received from the Emperor exemplified the policy favored by the Cluniac monks. He abandoned the reign of Alfonso VII and went to Portugal. Subsequently he was forgiven for this action. However, he rebelled anew and later died in Portugal. The author stipulates that the demise of this noble transpired "Deo disponente," consistent with his providential sentiments. Later, Alfonso VII, exercising his habitual compassion, allowed the body of Gonzalo Pelez to be buried in Oviedo. In his second treatise Ferrari points to the significance of Peter the Venerable's presence in Spain beginning in 1141. (15) This Benedictine superior achieved fame not only as a great leader or the Cluniac order, but also because while visiting Spain he ordered a special translation to be made of the Koran from the Arabic to the Latin. (16) He manifested a special interest in the intellectual environment of the Moslem culture. He did not condemn Mohammedanism too severely because it recognized Christ as a great prophet and because it was monotheistic. The tolerance of this attitude led Peter the Venerable and many Cluniacs to preach for a time a policy of peaceful coexistence with the Moslems. However, when the unmistakably aggressive aims of the Almoravides and Almohades became manifest, the moderate Cluniac approach changed to a more
militant stand. Peter the Venerable had recourse to the famed school [33] of translators at Toledo for the task of translating the Koran. The eminent Pedro Alfonso initiated the work. The international scholars, Robert of Ketelen or Retines and Herman of Dalmatia, added both in the translation and in amending the primary efforts of Pedro Alfonso. (17) Peter of' Poitiers was also involved in these labors. Peter the Venerable's visits to the Peninsula are well documented in a collection of notes and letters which he wrote while there. These were later edited by his secretary, Peter of Poitiers, and this epistolary work was titled Collectio Toletana. (18) Ferrari establishes that this collection of correspondence which his secretary gathered and arranged for Peter the Venerable covered the period from 1141 to 1151. Periodically during those years Peter the Venerable visited Spain. His secretary accompanied him on these journeys, and at least on one occasion he remained in Spain while assisting in the translation of the Koran. Support is contributed to Ferrari's conjectures when we note that this ten-year period was the decade during which much of the history of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris transpired. In this epoch the Emperor undertook his campaigns against the Moors which are detailed so explicitly in Book II. During this time Rodrigo Gonzlez and Munio Alfonso were the governors of Toledo and the defenders of the Christian frontier. The latter chieftain receives extended mention in the [34] second part of the chronicle. It is extremely possible that Peter of Poitiers witnessed the events narrated in that part of this history, since he resided in Toledo after 1141. Indeed, he would have judged the actions of the Christians and their king as exemplary. This spirit of adulation of the Emperor and his reign is fundamental to the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. Ferrari feels that the author of the work represents the Emperor as a protagonist who overcomes the enemy at all times. However, he is a ruler capable of comprehending Islam as it reveals characteristics which approximate it to Christianity. The symbol of this comprehensive viewpoint in the chronicle is the vassalage of King Zafadola. The establishment of a feudal alliance with a Moorish ruler indicates on the part or the Emperor a desire for political coexistence rather than annihilation. This again was the attitude advocated by the Cluniac monks. This disposition is significantly disclosed in Peter the Venerable's treatise on the infidels, Tractatus adversus Sectam Saracenorum. The pacifistic abbot conditions his remarks in the following way: Aggredior, inquam, vos (Saracenos), non, ut nostri saepe faciunt, armis, sed verbis, non vi, sed ratione, non odio, sed amore... (19) Stated thus, the approach to the Moslem problem is more conspicuously reasonable and humane than the customarily militaristic position. [35] Continuing his analysis, Ferrari submits that the propaganda of this tolerant consideration was basic to the author's motivation in writing the chronicle. His encomiastic work of Alfonso VII was based on a desire to demonstrate that this king and his rule illustrate an exemplary governing process in a Christian country. The author's principal intent was the positive evaluation of the crusade against the infidels
and its manner of execution by Alfonso VII. The reconquest and relations with the Moslems are, in effect, the main themes of the history. Tolerance and harmony were preached as desirable principles. However, when the enemy resorted to aggressive and destructive tactics, the Christian response was, of necessity, an energetic reprisal. In both of his studies Ferrari proceeds to an evincive theory regarding Peter of Poitiers as author of this work. He submits that the chronicle is a detailed, historical narration of facts corroborated through documentation. At the same time he claims that it is an extraordinary symbolic work of a contrived character based on Trinitarian arithmetic and medieval hermeneutics. The mathematical aspect of the chronicle is correlated with the fact that the lexical and syntactic units of the text are all divided according to codified ternary and septenary computations. The ultimate origin of this mathematical symbolism is to be found in Hebrew ideology and, hence, it profoundly influenced the thinking of early Christianity. Saint John the [36] Evangelist presumably utilized this form in his writings. It has been traditionally held in exegetical schools that in his Gospel he had recourse to the use of number as symbol. In this way, it was felt, the hypostatic complexities of the mystery of' the Trinity might be elucidated. Regarding the actual hermeneutic analysis of Saint John's Gospel, it was the Alexandrian writer and theologian Origen together with Saint Augustine who first enumerated a series of divine attributes mentioned in that Gospel by Christ. Saint John Damascene incorporated a system of septenary forms in his exegesis of this Gospel and reduced the list of attributes to twenty-one. This number is significant in the context of Trinitarian arithmetic because it is evenly divisible by both three and seven, and these are also the factors of that multiple. In the Trinitarian scheme three and seven are the essential numerical symbols. Two medieval theologians who were effectual in the transmission of this mathematical disposition within their writings were Gilbert de la Porre and Peter Abelard. They were contemporaries during the first half of the twelfth century in France. Gilbert was elected Bishop of Poitiers in 1141. Both of these men were scholastic philosophers who wrote treatises on the doctrine of the Trinity. Their heterodox opinions regarding the mystery drew the condemnation of Rome. Peter ths Venerable convinced Pope Innocent II to grant Abelard pardon and absolution after he had been denounced as a heretic and sentenced to death. [37] Gilbert de la Pore submitted to the judgement of the church and withdrew his heterodox opinions. In their hierological treatises both employed a septenary formula on many occasions as a basis for their respective styles. Seven, because of its enigmatic quality, prevailed in their works as the determining cipher. Ferrari contends that Peter of Poitiers was singularly influenced by the septenary tendencies of these two authors. He discerningly examines the correspondences of Peter the Venerable and finds that in arranging and editing the collection, Peter of Poitiers allowed the number seven to be a significant criterion. For example, one of the letters to the editor himself treats of those monks who do not bear the name of Jesus Christ in some form in their own religious name. This letter is placed in the first and. in the seventh books into which Peter of Poitiers distributed the epistolary collection. The
letter in question is divided into fourteen paragraphs within which a total of seven arguments are presented. Each of these is directed to each of the seven names assigned to Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Saint John. (20) This cryptic recourse of seven is simply a stylized code favored by Trinitarian writers eager to impart the intricacies of the doctrine. Much of Ferrari's endeavors to prove that Peter of Poitiers was the author of the chronicle of the Emperor is based on a stylistic analysis of known writings of this author and a [38] comparison of these with the chronicle. The elaborate septenary form was most commonly reserved for theological matters. However, Ferrari asserts that Peter of Poitiers availed himself of the traditionally theological formula as a vehicle for the writing of history. He claims that through an intensive analysis of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and the Poem of Almera, his findings substantiate the symbolic, Trinitarian nature of these works. (21) He then indicates another important manifestation of this formulate mode in the production of Peter of Poitiers. In his collaboration in the Koranic translation, this writer endeavored to approximate the attributive names of the Persons of the Trinity and Allah. Consequently, he interpolated a marginal glossary in the translation annotating twenty-one of the ninety-nine titles ascribed to Allah. This explicative inventory corresponds generally to the twenty-one designations of the Divinity mentioned by Christ in the Gospel of Saint John. Ferrari insists that this cryptic, exegetical style in the Koranic glossary is also present in a more recondite manner in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and its Latin poem. It is significant that in the glossary a secondary purpose was to reply to the Islamic indifference toward the doctrine of the Trinity while respecting the monotheistic stance of Mohammedanism. The medieval Trinitarian scheme is based also on the [39] theological teaching that the doctrine of' the Trinity embodies universal truth. Accordingly, this would have motivated the author of the chronicle to transpose this concept from theology to history. Thus the author appears to believe that the communication of history through a stylized symbolic form traditionally reserved for theological matters would necessarily enhance the truth of that historical reality. First Ferrari considers the tripartite division of the chronicle to be indicative of the Trinitarian form. (22) The first two books are in prose, and the third, more limited in length, is written in poetry. Ferrari deems this triadic arrangement sequentially symbolic of the respective essential attributes of the Trinity: power, wisdom and love. According to this critic, the author referred this formula to the milieu of history and conceived these attributes to be characteristic of the personality and deeds of Alfonso VII. The first part is dedicated to the young king's consolidation of his power. This then is affiliated with the divine attribute of power which corresponds to the Father, the first Person of the Trinity. Book II is the focal part of the chronicle. It narrates the major task of Christianity in twelfth-century Spain: the reconquest of the Moslem domain in the Peninsula. Success in this endeavor would be conceivable only after the sovereignty of Alfonso had been secured. In an attempt to remain in conformity with his Trinitarian
hypothesis, Ferrari contends somewhat less convincingly that [40] the creator of the chronicle esteemed the wisdom of Alfonso's approach to the reconquest. He operated in a spirit of' peace toward King Zafadola, for example, and he carried out a fierce campaign against the menacing Almoravides. According to Trinitarian tenets, wisdom is the principal attribute associated with the Son, the second Person of the hypostatic union. The third segment, the Poem of Almera, is designed to exhibit the height to which the empire had risen by presenting the national and international forces which the Emperor could muster for the conquest of Almera. The poem is then a laudatory estimation of his reign. The form of the third part is significant since Christian writers frequently wrote in rhymed prose or in verse when treating of the Holy Spirit, the third Person of the Trinity. With his exegetical investigation assuming rather esoteric overtones, Ferrari concludes that the twenty-one divine attributes glossed by Peter of Poitiers in the translation of the Koran constitute the twenty-one personal characteristics which Alfonso VII manifested in the administration of his kingdom. It is admitted that of necessity these qualities are not rigorously structured in conformity with their order of appearance in theological inventories. However, it is indicated that the arithmetical distribution is observed faithfully, i.e., seven attributes are assigned to each of the three sections of the work. The internal and external structure of all three books are then said to be conditioned by this series of Trinitarian attributes. Book I is divided into seven septenaries each [41] respectively related to the qualities which specify the Father: eternity, providence, beginning, vocation, predestination, purification and creation. Even though Book II is lacking the final pages, Ferrari maintains that a septenary configuration is discernible. He offers the following seven concepts as the structural elements upon which Book II is based: prefiguration mediation, inspiration, redemption, justification, union and illumination. Because of the lacuna at the end of this book, it is stated that the seventh septenary is absent. The Poem of Almara is also incomplete with eight pages missing at the end, as one manuscript reveals. Ferrari admits that this hinders his calculations but, nevertheless, he insists on the septenary computation in the third part. The attributes which inspire the Latin verses are the following: future, order, end, sanctification, glorification, perfection, and conservation. (23) In his study Ferrari has recourse to Luis Snchez Belda's critical edition of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. When he is unable to arrive at a specific calculation of forms which will constitute a septuple, he contends that the textual representations in the critical edition provide the integrating lexical variations needed to achieve the precise septenary computation. An isolated example of the septenary distribution as seen by this scholar will perhaps best illustrate what indeed is the purport of this stylistic technique. The first three stanzas of the Poem of Almera have been selected from Ferrari's many [42] examples. (24) This excerpt is preferable because of its brevity. Moreover, in this instance the criteria for septenary enumeration are not as ambiguous as in other calculations. The selection functions as a preface to the entire poetic composition. The sum of all lexical units in the passage is eighty distinct forms. Ferrari numbers the words "Sub urgi" in the third strophe as one form since the prepositional phrase corresponds to the place name of Almera. He also counts the three copulative forms of "et" as one construction. Thus he arrives at the figure seventy-seven, which is the multiple of the number seven. The mathematical nature of this quantity, Ferrari claims, is consistent with Trinitarian style.
The conception of presenting human events -- especially those pertaining to a Christian ruler and his reign -- in analogous proportion to the divine was not uncommon in the Middle Ages. Medieval political theory held that the right to govern which the king possessed proceeded directly from God. In the case of this history, Angel Ferrari conceives an enlargement of this traditional divine-human affiliation. He concludes that a complex mathematical scheme was employed to denote symbolically the correspondence between transcendental truth and historical fact. Accordingly, he contends that ternary and septenary formulae provide the structural criteria upon which this history is devised. If these conjectures are legitimate, then the Chronica [43]Adefonsi Imperatoris is indeed a prodigious creation within the tradition of medieval symbolic representation. This would signify a notable innovation of Trinitarian techniques directed to the historical rather than to the theological. If the French cleric, Peter of Poitiers, was in effect, the author of the chronicle, and if the work was indeed structured according to mathematical convention, then this writer has realized the expression of an ingenious artifice of aesthetic versatility. In his examination of the social and political attitudes in the chronicle, Ferrari has revealed significant aspects of medieval political motivation. His conclusion regarding the benevolent disposition of the Emperor toward his insubordinate nobles as being consistent with Cluniac persuasion is indeed convincing. The force of Cluny was influential upon many patterns of life in Spain during the twelfth century. Ferrari's analysis of reconquest policies documented in the chronicle reveals the consequence of the tolerant measure adopted by Alfonso VII in his alliance with the Saracens. Nevertheless, certain irrefutable obstacles within the text of the chronicle controvert the certainty of the Trinitarian, enumerative scheme advanced by Ferrari. Principally, the incompleteness of the work along with the presence of textual lacunae seriously hinder the detection of forms and groupings supposedly predetermined by computation. It has been noted previously that the seven remaining [44] manuscripts offer varied renditions of the form of' the chronicle. This factor and the loss of the prototype manuscript make it difficult to ascertain whether or not the author originally contrived a cryptic numerical arrangement as a basis for his history. Moreover, Ferrari discloses that there is no evidence of this Trinitarian technique being utilized in historical works prior to the chronicle of this Emperor or after it. This esoteric system was reserved solely for theological questions. If other historical testimony were available bearing the Trinitarian imprint, perhaps Ferrari's conclusions would be more convincing. Both Luis Snchez Belda and Angel Ferrari share the opinion that the author was a member of the clergy and quite probably of French nationality. The first of these judgments can hardly be doubted given the erudite Biblical allusions in the text and the manifest Vulgate style of the Latin.
However, there is no note of conclusive testimony in the chronicle which would confirm that the author was Gallic. One may only resort to conjecture regarding his nationality. In all likelihood the author was not Castilian. One presumes this because of the scant amount of information relevant to the activities of the Castilian aristocracy during Alfonso's reign. The manifest Leonese spirit of the work affords grounds for believing that the chronicler was from that region of the Peninsula. In addition, there is one [45] hypothesis worthy of consideration which scholars have not suggested. Alfonso was initially proclaimed King of Galicia, and he continually enjoyed the vehement endorsement and support of that region's nobility. This allegiance was particularly demonstrative during the first years of his rule there when he was initiated into the turbulent politics of the Peninsula. His tutor and protector was the powerful Galician noble1 the Count of Traba, Pedro Frilaz. (25) On one occasion the renowned Archbishop of Santiago, Diego Gelmrez, aided the young monarch in his escape from an armed encounter between Galician troops and the Aragonese army which was led by Alfonso's antagonistic stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragn. Whether from across the Pyrenees or from any of the northern Christian kingdoms, it remains likely that the author lived and probably wrote in the city of Toledo. His moving account of the frontier campaigns around Toledo and the fierce struggle by the Almoravides to reconquer the capital bespeaks a familiarity with the region exploitable only by one who had lived in proximity to the events narrated. Other authors also maintain that the anonymous author of the chronicle was a resident of Toledo at least for a time. In his studies of the disappearance of the Almoravides from the Peninsula, Francisco Codera concludes that like the author of the Anales toledanos, the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris also seems to be Toledan. (26) Until heretofore unseen or undisclosed documentation is [46] discovered, however, the question of authorship of this work will remain within the realm of conjecture.
Notes for Chapter 3 1. "What I have learned and heard from those who were witnesses." Chron. Ad. Imp., Preface. 2. "If it please the Emperor." Poem of Almera, verse 8 of the Preface. 3. "When she realized what the enemy was doing, she sent messengers to the infidel kings bearing the following communication: 'Do you not realize that you are fighting against a woman, and that this is in no way advantageous to your own honor? If you wish to fight, go to Oreja and fight with the Emperor who is awaiting you there with his forces in battle array'. . .Upon seeing her, the infidels were not only astonished, but also very ashamed. They bowed their heads before the Queen, turned back and did not cause any further destruction in the area. They gathered their forces that had lain in ambush, and they returned to their lands without victory and without honor." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 150.
4. "Princess Sancha had arranged the bed chamber in the royal palace of Saint Pelayo. There was a large group of entertainers around the bed chamber. These were all women and girls singing to the accompaniment of flutes, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 35. 5. "It was the harvest season, so he set fire to all the fields and cut down all the vineyards, olive groves and fig trees. Consequently, fear of the king weighed heavily on all those who lived in the land of infidels." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 35. 6. Judith 2: 17-18. 7. Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 177. 8. Snchez Belda, p. xi. 9. Francisco Sota, Chrnica de los Prncipes de Asturias y Cantabria (Madrid, 1681), p. 14. 10. Snchez Belda, p. xvi. 11. Juan de Ferreras, Sinopsis histrica - chronolgica de Espaa (Madrid: Antonio Prez de Sota, 1775), XVI, appendix, 10. 12. Angel Ferrari, "Artificios septenarios en la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de Almera," Boletn de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 19-67. 13. Angel Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers y la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de Almera," Boletn de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 193204. 14. Carl Bishko, "Peter the Venerable's Journey to Spain," Studia Anselmiana, XL (1956), 163-175. 15. Ferrari, "El culniacense Pedro de Poitiers," pp. 172-173. 16. M. Th. D'Alverny, "Duex traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age," Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littraire du Moyen Age, XVI (1948), 69-131. 17. Angel J. Martn Duque, "El ingls Roberto, tranductor del Corn," Hispania: Revista Espaola de Historia, XXII (1962), 483-506. 18. Giles Constable, ed., The Letters of Peter the Venerable (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard University Press, 1967). Vol. I contains the entire epistolary collection of Peter the Venerable in the original Latin text, and vol. II offers an extensive introductory study letters. 19. "I intend to speak to you, Saracens, not as our men often do, with arms, but rather with words; not with violence, but with reason; not with hatred, but with love." Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Tratactus adversus Sectum Saracenorum, Patrologiae cursus completus (221 vols.; Paris: Garnier, 1890), CLXXXIX, 674.
20. Charles H. Haskins, "An Early Bolognese Formulary," Mlanges offerts Henri Pirenne (Brussels, 1926), I, 209-221. 21. Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers," p. 191. 22. Ibid., p. 194. 23. Ibid., pp. 195-196. 24. Ferrari, "Artificos septenarios," p. 32. 25. A. Lpez Ferreiro, Don Alfonso VII, Rey de Galicia, y su ayo el Conde de Traba (Santiago, 1885), p. 56. 26. Francisco Codera, Coleccin de estudios rabes, III: Decadencia y desaparicin de los almorvides en Espaa (Zaragoza, 1899), p. 304.
4 THE POEM OF ALMERA

[47] The Poem of Almera pertains to an extensive genre of Latin poetry of the Middle Ages in which the principal themes were liberty, religion and warfare. It represents what Amador de los Ros titles the medieval "hymn of war" (1) so prevalent in Spain during the Reconquest. The recording of history during that epoch was not merely the writing down of events, but also the stimulation of Christian bravery and patriotism. The 373 leonine hexameters of the fragmentary poem describe the preparations for the campaign against Almera while the Emperor's forces were being mobilized. The principal theme is the identification of the military leaders of the crusade. In essence it is a rhymed chronicle. In the final paragraph of Book II, the author declares that in order to avoid the tedium of prose, he will alter his form to poetry. Enrique Flrez believed that the poet's intent was solely the presentation of the Spanish commanders and not the narration of the conquest of Almera. (2) The incompleteness of the work leads one to surmise that the victory itself was recounted in the final pages which are now missing according to the copyist of MS I. Moreover, in verse 287 the poet reports the taking of Andjar and adds that Almera will be brought down in like manner. [48] The Latin heroic form and content identify the author with the medieval class of "juglares de pola," who shared the poetic scene with those who composed their verses in the vernacular. The Crnica de Castilla, relating the wedding celebrations of the three daughters of Alfonso VI, designates the attendance of each class of artist: "....et otros fueron en aquellas bodas muchas maneras de yoglares ans de boca como de peola." The heroic subject matter offered a logical opportunity to elevate the form of the chronicle to poetry. Moreover, the poet endeavored to sustain an epic motif by identifying the Christian chieftains with the celebrated figures of both classical and modern epic verse and also with the heroes of the Old Testament. In the fifth stanza Alfonso VII is compared with Charlemagne, and in verses 215 and 216, Alvar Fez is ranked with Roland and Oliver. Pedro Alfonso, the Asturian commander, is described as: Pulcher ut Absalon, virtute potens quasi Sanson, instructisque bonis, documenta tenet Salomonis. (3)
One or the most significant passages of the poem is the allusion to Rodrigo Daz, the Cid. From verses 220 to 225 a brief historical sketch of his heroism and fame is outlined. In the Latin poem dedicated specifically to the Cid, Carmen Campidoctoris, written around 1090, we find, classical references analogous to those in the Poem of Almera. In the first stanza of the Carmen Campidoctoris, the author introduces [49] his protagonist by citing the deeds of Paris, Pyrrhus and Aeneas. (4) In the final verses Rodrigo's merits transcend the valor of Paris and Hector: Talibus armis ornatus et equo, Paris vel Hector melioris illo, nunquam fuerunt in Troiano bello, sunt neque modo. (5) In the Poem of Almera verse 220 identifies the Cid as "Ipse Rodericus, Meo Cidi saepe vocatus." (6) Jack Gibbs insists on the significance of this line as plausible documentary evidence of a vernacular poem dedicated to Rodrigo Daz: "l'emploi des mots Meo Cidi pour dsigner don Rodrigue est un tmoignage incontestable que le pome sur ses exploits tait en espagnol." (7) Although he aspired to avoid monotony by resorting to poetry, the author did not realize his objective. Attempting to echo the erudition of classical verse, he most often falters in a series of wearisome pedantries. Flrez has judged the rhetorical style as "duro y spero, como de poeta brbaro y de boca de hierro." (8) The leonine hexameters of the poem are marked by their extreme irregularity. The most salient inconsistency is the coincidence of the dactylic foot with proparoxytone words and spondaic and trochaic feet with paroxytone forms. In these instances one is led to question whether or not it is the accent of the quantitative meter that determines the rhyme. This metric anomaly was the result of the increasing [50] disappearance of quantity as a poetic factor and the growing importance of accented rhyme. The poet lacked the proficiency to compose correctly hexametric meter, and as such, Rodrguez Aniceto classified his verses as "lo ms tosco e imperfeoto." (9) In spite of the unsymmetrical form, the work is rich in documentary substance, notably the delineation of essential features of each kingdom of Spain. The most revealing is the portrait of the Castilians wherein their pride, wealth and distinction of language are specified: Illorum lengua resonat Sunt nimis elati, Castellae vires per saecula fuere rebelles. (10) quasi sunt tympano divitiis tuba. dilatati.
Likewise Len is characterized as the realm which held a position of sovereignty among the kingdoms of Spain: Haec tenet Hispani totius culmina regni, Regali cura scrutatur regia iura. (11) The victory at Almera in 1147 was a significant but momentary triumph in the Reconquest. It rid the Mediterranean of a strategic seaport base of infidel pirates and also severed the line of communication between Granada and North Africa. Unfortunately, Christian supremacy of Almera lasted for only ten years. In 1157 the Almohades succeeded in reconquering the city, and the heroic efforts of the Emperor and his forces had been in vain.
The Poem of Almera is a work of little aesthetic value. [51] However, it deserves scrutiny because of its realistic presentation of a celebrated twelfth-century crusade. Jack Gibbs emphasizes its merit as a rare example of the primary stage in the genesis of the heroic poem. He contends that in the general classification of the medieval epic, a fragment such as this poem merits significant consideration. His judgment allows for the Poem of Almera to be considered an original or secondary source for a cantar de gesta in the vernacular. (12)
Notes for Chapter 4 1.Jos Amador de los Ros, Historia crtica de la literatura espaola (Facsimile ed.; Madrid: Gredos, 1969), II, 191. 2.Flrez, Espaa sagrada, XXI, 319. 3."He is handsome as Absalom, as strong as Samson, and he possesses the wisdom of Solomon." Poem of Almera, vv. 117-118. 4.Ramn Menndez Pidal, ed., Carmen campidoctoris, in La Espaa del Cid (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1956), II, 880. 5."Outfitted with such arms and steed, he is better than Paris or Hector were in the Trojan war, and there is no one to equal him now." Carmen campidoctoris, vv. 125-128. 6."Rodrigo, often called 'My Cid'." 7.Jack Gibbs, "Quelques observationes sur le Poema de Almera," Studia Romanica, XIV (Winter, 1967), 76-81. 8.Flrez, Espaa sagrada, XXI, 319. 9.Rodrguez Aniceto, p. 148. 10."The Castilian language resounds like a trumpet and a drum. They are very proud and ennobled by riches. The men of Castile were rebels for centuries." Poem of Almera, vv. 136-138. 11."This group [Len] holds the highest place in the entire Spanish kingdom. It oversees the regal offices with noble bearing." Poem of Almera, vv. 68-69. 12.Gibbs, p. 80.
The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Pacification of the Kingdom; War with Aragn; Declaration of the Empire; Wars with Portugal and Navarra (1) The Death Alfonso VII Takes the Throne of Queen Urraca;
[52] Ancient historians, through their writings handed down to posterity, have brought to life the outstanding deeds of kings, emperors, consuls, nobles and other heroes. With this in mind, I think it would be excellent to write of the exploits of King Alfonso VII. That is, to relate the events through which Almighty God has worked to bring salvation to the people of Christ. Therefore, I have written just what I have learned and heard from those who were witnesses. I have begun at the start of his reign, which began after Queen Urraca's (2) death. She was the daughter of King Alfonso VI (3) and Queen Constanza. (4) This will be explained in the following pages. BOOK I (1) It is to be noted that after reigning 16 years, 8 months and 7 days, Queen Urraca died in the year 1164 of the Spanish Era.(5) She died in Len on the eighth of March. [53] She was buried honorably there with her ancestors in the royal tombs. Alfonso, the son of Queen Urraca and Count Raymond of Burgundy, (6) reigned after her with divine dispensation. He was considered promised from on high and auspiciously sent. The day after his mother's death, he came, under the guidance of the Lord, to the city of Len. The Kingdom takes its name from that city. He was 19 years old, and it was during the joyful time of the Jubilee year. Since his arrival had been announced to the people of Len, Bishop Diego Gelmrez (7) went out to meet him with all the people and clergy. They greeted him as if he were already king. Then, with great joy, they proclaimed him King in the church of Holy Mary on the appointed day. Then they immediately unfurled the royal standard. Submission of the Leonese and the Asturians; Attack on the Towers of Len (2) On the third day after the coronation, Count Suario, (8) a truthful man of sound judgement, came to the King with his friends and relatives. He held Astorga, Luna, and Gordn up to the Eo River and also up to Cabrunaa. He came with his brother, Alfonso, (9) and with his son, Pedro Alfonso (10) (who later became a count), and with the following nobles, Rodrigo Bermdez,(11) Rodrigo Gonzlez, (12) and Pedro Braliz. (13) it would take too long to mention the others in this party. Count Alphonse Jordan, (14) the
King's cousin, was already there with him. He was the son of Count Raymond of Toulouse (15) and Princess Elvira. (16) She was the daughter of King Alfonso VI. [54] (3) After many conferences with the rebels who were still in their towers, the King sent Alphonse and Suario with Bishop Gelmrez to give them the following message: "I will receive you in peace, and you will have a high place in my kingdom if you surrender the towers without military action." The rebels stated repeatedly under oath that they would not give up the towers. They added that they did not want him to rule over them. They had placed their hopes in Count Pedro de Lara (17) and in his brother, Rodrigo Gonzlez. (18) They were both Castilian, and they preferred war rather than peace with the King. (4) On the next day the King assaulted the towers and captured them. He did this with his Consul-Governors, Alphonse and Suario, and with their followers. The people of the city also participated. However, those in the towers who were captured were allowed to go free. This was done in a very prudent spirit. This clemency greatly impressed the enemies of the King. In fact, the following Leonese nobles came to the King and made peace with him: Rodrigo Martnez, (19) his brother Osorio, (20) and Ramiro Frilaz. (21) All these were later made counts by the King. Also to come were Count Ramiro, (22) Pedro Lpez,(23) and his brother Lope Lpez, (24) and Count Gonzalo Pelez, (25) who was governor of Asturias. He allied himself with the King, and was appointed Consul in charge of all military outposts in Asturias. Many others not mentioned here also came peacefully to the King. [55] Meetings in Submission of the Galicians and the Castilians Zamora;
(5)The King then went off toward Zamora and met in Ricovado with Teresa, (26) the Queen of the Portuguese, and with Count Fernando. (27) He made peace with them for a definite period of time. The following nobles also made peace with the Kings Garca Iiguez (28) who held Cea, Diego Muiz (29) of Saldaa, Rodrigo Vlaz, (30) a Galician count who held Sarria, and Count Gutter, (31) the brother of Count Suario. Count Gutier had, in fact, made peace with Alfonso in Galicia. The sons (32) of Count Pedro Frilaz (33) also made a promise of peace. Among them was Rodrigo, who was later made a count by the King. Others who received high honors were Belasco, Garca and Bermudo; also Count Gmez Nez, (34) Fernando Juanes, (35) and Diego, the Archbishop of Compostela. There were many bishops and abbots from Galicia there likewise. All these individuals presented themselves to the King and submitted humbly to him in Zamora. They delivered the entire frontier zone across the Duero River to his authority. (6) Other counts saw that the King's power was increasing daily. They were the Castilians, Pedro de Lara and his brother, Rodrigo Gonzlez, who lived in Asturias de Santillana. Gimeno Iiguez (36) was also present. He governed Coyanza in the territory of Len. They were indeed frightened; and, as such, they directed their attention toward arranging a peace conference. However, their treaty with the King was made in a [56] most insincere manner. Actually they preferred to follow the King of Aragn. (37) The Frontier The Taking of Burgos Situation with Aragn;
(7) The King of Aragn held Carrin and Castrojeriz and other well fortified castles in the surrounding area. In the neighboring territory he reigned over Burgos, Villafranca de Montes de Oca, Njera, Belorado, and some other towns and cities nearby. All these were heavily fortified with walls and ramparts. All of them had been taken from Queen Urraca by means of intimidation. Moreover, the King of Aragn was attacking the Castillans there constantly. He hated them because they desired peace and followed the King of Len. But other Castilian leaders came to the Aragonese ruler and made a sincere peace treaty. They did this even though they had been attacked by him. Among them were Rodrigo Gmez (38) and his brother Diego (39) and Lope Daz. (40) Rodrigo was later made a consul by the King, and Lope Daz was appointed count. Garca Garcs, (41) Gutier Fernndez, (42) his brother Rodrigo, (43) and Pedro Gonzlez de Villaescuasa (44) were also among this group. (8)However, the citizens of Carrin, Burgos and Villafranca realized that they were acting unjustly toward the King of Len, because he was their natural lord. They sent ambassadors to ask him to come quickly and take back their [57] cities. After he came and recovered the cities, they all submitted to him. But there was a certain Aragonese knight who was unwilling to return the Burgos castle to the King. His name was Sancho Arnldez (45) and he was the keeper of that castle. He was attacked by Jews and Christians alike and was wounded by an arrow. He died, and thus the castle was captured and handed over to the King. When, the King of Aragn received this news, he was angry and alarmed.. The Campaign and the Treaty of Tmara (9)In the year 1165 of the Spanish Era, in the month of July, Alfonso I of Aragn came to Castile to fortify Njera, Castrojeriz and many other castles which he held in the area of those two cities. He did so to no avail. For when King Alfonso of Len heard of this, he quickly ordered the alarm raised. The royal proclamation was published throughout Galicia, Asturias, and the entire land of Castile and Len. He assembled a large army and went out to meet the Aragonese King. Both sides drew up battle lines between Castrojeriz and Hornillos in the Tmara valley. But Count Pedro de Lara, who was in the first line of battle, was unwilling to fight against Alfonso I of Aragn. He preferred to remain faithful to him according to a pact made between the two of them. (10)The King of Aragn recognized that Alfonso VII had the Lord on his side, so he abandoned his plan of fighting him. After retreating to his camp, he realized that it was [58] impossible for him to return to Aragn without a battle. He sent his nobles, Gaston of Bearne (46) and Centulo of Bigorra (47) as ambassadors to the King of Len. They gave him the following messages: "Your stepfather, the King of Aragn, sends the following communications 'Let me return peacefully to my own country; I will go directly there without turning to the right or to the left. I swear to give you all the castles and cities that I am holding which by right of inheritance must serve you. Within forty days I will restore your entire kingdom to you as it was in your forefathers' time, so that there may be peace and union between you and me.'" (11) When he heard this, the King of Len knew that the Aragonese monarch was lying. Nonetheless, after consulting with his nobles, he agreed to the request. Alfonso I, along with many of his palace nobles, swore that he would carry out everything just as he had promised. Thus he was granted an unhindered and peaceful return to Aragn. But he
broke this oath and plundered the territories through which he traveled. Consequently, he became a perjured liar. The Marriage of the King (12) During the month of November in the year 1166 of the Spanish Era, the King of Len brought the daughter of Count Ramn Berenguer III of Barcelona (48) to be his wife. Her name was Berengaria. (49) She was a small girl, very [59] beautiful and very chaste and truthful. She loved all who fear God. Their marriage was solemnized in Saldaa and, thanks to God, they begot children. In all matters the King consulted first his wife and then his sister, Princess Sancha. (50) Both of them possessed much sound wisdom. All of their advice produced good results for the King. They were also extremely god-fearing, and they built churches and monasteries for monks and provided homes for orphans and for the poor. They were always friends to all who feared God. The Campaign The Retreat of the Battler King of Almazn;
(13) One year later Alfonso I of Aragn gathered a large number of knights, infantrymen, and archers and came to the frontier around Medina Sidonia. He encircled Morn and began to make war on the cities and castles around the city. Since the citizens of Medina Sidonia and Morn realized that they were outnumbered, they sent the following message to Alfonso VII: "The King of Aragn is attacking us. He intends to use force in order to subdue us and our families and to plunder our possessions. Come and free us from him, and we will serve you happily." After Alfonso heard this, he said to the messengers, "Go and tell the citizens of Medina Sidonla and of Morn to take courage, to fight and to act bravely. I will assist them immediately and, with the help of God, I will liberate them." (14) He mobilized an army from Len, Galicia and a small force from Castile. There were 700 brave soldiers in all. They assembled at Atienza. However, Count Pedro de Lara, his brother Rodrigo, and his friends refused to aid the Leonese King. Nevertheless, Alfonso moved his camp to San Justo and halted there. The next day he transferred his camp to Morn with his forces all in battle array. When the King of Aragn realized that Alfonso was coming to fight him, he withdrew from Morn and went to Almazn. He entered the town with his entire army and surrounded it with a high fortification. The following day Alfonso VII arrived at Morn. He mobilized his forces and stationed them in such a way so that they were facing Almazn from morning until night. (15) The Aragonese King saw that those troops were not great in number. But he also realized that the soldiers were brave and well-armed. He had several thousand knights and guards on his side. He summoned his nobles and the bishops who accompanied him and asked their advice regarding the course he should follow. Pedro, (51) the Bishop of Pamplona, said to him, "If you will allow me, I will offer some counsel." The King asked him to speak, and the Bishop continued, "That force is very small, but it is indeed great, for God is on its side, and God will defend it. It does not seek what belongs to others, but only what is truly its own. It loves peace and it seeks peace. Indeed everyone who loves peace loves the Lord. It is not difficult for God, to surround [61] many with a few. The victory in battle does not depend on the size of the army. No, the strength
comes from heaven. My King, remember the agreement you made last year with the King of Len. You promised to return Castrojeriz and Njera along with the other cities and castles which you took forcibly from Queen Urraca, his mother. It you comply with that promise, you will live peacefully with him. Do not fight him. Indeed, if you do, you and all of your followers should consider yourselves defeated and dead." (16)The Bishop's advice was heard, and it seemed sound to the King and to all the nobles. Under the circumstances they decided against fighting the Leonese King. Alfonso saw that the Aragonese were unwilling to do battle, so he sent messengers to them. These were Count Suario and Gonzalo Pelez, Duke of Asturias. Count Suario was a very peaceful and truthful man and a good friend to Alfonso VII. These envoys were to give the following message to the Aragonese, "You are aware of the evils which you have caused not only in Castile, but in all the kingdom. You also know that last year you swore to return to the King of Len the castles and cities which belong to him. If you carry out these terms, there will be peace between you and Alfonso VII. If not, then prepare to fight. Let him to whom God grants victory rule his kingdom in peace." (17) The king of Len then fortified Morn, Medinaceli, [62] and the remainder of the castles and cities in the region. He saw that the citizens were in good spirits, and he returned to Castile. He commanded all of the nobles and knights to depart for home with joy. Everyone who heard about the Aragonese King being contained by Alfonso glorified God saying, "The mercy of God is eternal." They began to fear the King of Len and to obey him. The King of Aragn fortified Almazn and departed for home. En route he paused in the city of Jaca. From that day forward he never returned to Castile. He did not even dare to confront Alfonso on their countries' mutual border. Moreover, a powerful struggle ensued between the knights of Castile allied with the King of Len and those supporting the cause of the Aragonese King. But those who followed Alfonso of Len were always victorious. The allies of Alfonso I were continuously decreasing, while the number of those who worked in the interest of Len was growing daily, thanks be to God. The Submission of the Count of Lara, of Pedro Daz of Valle, and, of Gimeno Iiguez (18) In June of the year 1168 of the Spanish Era, the King of Len went to Palencia. There he seized Count Pedro de Lara and his son-in-law, Count Beltran, (52) because they were causing much disorder In his kingdom. Count Rodrigo, the latter's brother, and his followers and friends immediately became rebels. The King took the two Counts to Len and put them in prison there until they surrendered [63] all their cities and castles. He then sent them away disgraced and empty-handed. Count Pedro still had the intention of waging war in Castile, but he was without the means to do so. He subsequently went to the King of Aragn who was then attacking Bayonne. He tried to convince him to return to Castile to engage in war. While Count Pedro was there, Alphonse Jordan, the Count of Toulouse, arrived at Bayonne to take part in its defense. Count Pedro immediately challenged Alphonse to individual battle. Both went out to fight much like two strong lions. Pedro was wounded by Alphonse Jordan's spear, and he fell from his horse. He broke his arm, and a few days later he died. The Count of Toulouse remained unharmed. (19) In the meantime, the King of Len ordered Count Rodrigo Martinez and his brother Osorio to go to Len. They were to attack Pedro Daz (53) who was rebelling in Valle.
Daz had with him a large number of knights and soldiers. Rodrigo and Osorio arrived there and encircled the castle. Those inside continued to shout insults at Rodrigo and his brother because they were unable to counterattack them successfully. When this was reported to Alfonso VII, he hurried to the town of Valle. He commanded that mantlets and numerous other war machines be constructed around the castle. The King's forces commenced to hurl rocks and arrows at those inside. Subsequently, the castle walls were completely destroyed. (20) When Pedro Daz realized that he was overwhelmed, [64] he began to shout out to the King: "My Lord and King, I stand at fault; I earnestly beg you, for the love of God who always aids you, do not hand me or my family over to Count Rodrigo. Instead, you yourself take vengeance upon me as you see fit." When the King heard this, he was moved to pity. He ordered Pedro Daz to come to him with Pelayo Frilaz (54) who was there also. He sent both of them to their tents. A few days later he ordered them to depart freely. Pedro Daz wandered far and wide without a king or a protector. He finally became very ill and died poor and wretched. (21) Count Rodrigo captured other knights. He sent some of these to prison until they surrendered all their possessions to him. He made others serve him for several days without any compensation. Those who had been insulting him he yoked with oxen to plow and feed on grass like cattle. He also made them eat straw from a manger. After he had stripped them of all their riches, he allowed the pathetic prisoners to go their way. The citizens of Coyanza saw all this and followed the order of Gimeno Iiguez. They yielded their town and castle to the King. The Submission of and his Appointment as Governor of Toledo Rodrigo de Lara
(22) Following these events the King went to Castile and to Asturias de Santillana to fight against Count Rodrigo [65] and other rebels. He captured their fortified castles, set fire to their fields and hacked down their trees and vineyards. When the Count realized that he could not escape from the hands of the King by hiding either in castles or in caves, he sent envoys to him. They requested a conference near the Pisuerga River. The terms of the agreement were that each one would come with only six knights. The King accepted this, so they met and began their discussion. But when Alfonso was subjected to disrespectful remarks from Count Rodrigo, he became extremely angry. He seized the Count by the neck, and both of them fell from their horses to the ground. When Rodrigo's knights witnessed this, they abandoned him and fled in a state of great fear. (23) The King captured the Count and led him off as if he were a common prisoner. He put him in prison until he returned all of his dominions and castles. Then he sent him away empty-handed and dishonored. However, not many days later, Rodrigo returned to the King. He submitted to him and acknowledged his crimes against him. Alfonso, as usual, was merciful and pitied him. He entrusted Toledo to him and extensive territories on the frontier and in Castile. Count Rodrigo waged numerous wars against the Moors. He killed many and took many prisoners. He also carried away large quantities of booty from their lands. The Taking of Castrojeriz, the Expulsion of the Aragonese from Castile Herrera and Castrillo;
[66] (24) In May of 1169 of the Spanish Era, the King went to do battle against the town of Castrojeriz. Oriol Garcs, (55) an outstanding knight of the King of Aragn, was inside the fortress there. There were many knights and infantrymen with him, for he had been waging war throughout a large part of Castile. Alfonso surrounded the fortress with a large wall and with a rampart. No one could enter or come out. Those on the inside were suffering intensely from hunger and thirst. Consequently, they requested a truce with the King. They also sent messengers to their master, the King of Aragn. They were to ask him to come and rescue them from the Leonese King. But he did not dare come, nor did he dare set foot in Castile. (25) Oriol Garcs and his companions understood that they could place no hope in Alfonso I of Aragn. Many of them were dying of starvation. Six months had already passed since they bad first been besieged. It was then the month of October, which is the sixth month reckoned from May. Oriol sought peace and asked for the King's right hand for himself and for his men. He in turn offered the King of Len his own hand as a gesture of peace. But Alfonso drove them out of the fortress and stationed a garrison there. (26) Other castles in the area were also delivered to the King. These were, namely, Herrera and Castrillo. He forced all the foreigners out of them and even out of Castile. In this way a state of prosperity and peace was established [67] throughout his kingdom. All of the citizens began to build homes and plant vineyards and trees. They began to repopulate all the land which the King of Aragn had devastated. Since the time of King Alfonso VI, the King's grandfather, there bad not been such joy in the kingdom. The Vassalage of King Zafadola (27) At that time there was a certain Spanish Moslem King living in Rota. His name was Zafadola, (56) and he was a descendant of one of the most noble families of the Spanish Moslem rulers. He had heard much about the exploits of Alfonso in his struggle against the King of Aragn. He had been informed of how our King had confronted him, how the Aragonese monarch had sworn to restore his kingdom to him, and how he had lied and become a perjurer. When King Zafadola had gathered all of this information, he called his entire family together. Included in this group were his children, his wives, his constables, his governors, and all his nobles. He said to them, "Do you know of the great deeds of Alfonso, the King of Len, against the Aragonese ruler and against his rebels?" They replied that they had heard of them. Zafadola continued, "What course shall we take? How long shall we remain confined here?" They had, in fact, hidden themselves for fear of the Almoravides (57) who had killed all of the descendants of the Spanish Moslems and had taken their kingdom from them. King Zafadola himself was in Rota confined there with some of his people who had fled to him. [68] He told them, "Hear my plan. Let us go to the King of Len, and let us make him our King and master and our friend. I know that he will be lord over all the Moors, because God is his Deliverer and his Helper. I know, indeed, that through him my sons and I will recover the honors which the Almoravides robbed from me, from my ancestors, and, from my people." (28) His nobles answered unanimously, "This is an excellent plan. Your idea seems sound to all of us." In the meantime, King Zafadola sent ambassadors to the King of Len with this message: "Lend me some of your nobles with whom I may come to you
in safety." Alfonso was very happy to hear this, and he quickly sent Count Rodrigo Martnez and Gutier Fernndez to Zafadola. The latter noble was one of the King's counselors. When they arrived in Rota they were received honorably by King Zafadola. He presented them with magnificent gifts, and then he traveled to the King of Len accompanied by them. Alfonso welcomed him, and honored him by making him sit at his side on the royal throne. He expressly ordered that Zafadola should not be allowed to give anything in return for his food. When the Moorish nobles witnessed all this, they were amazed and, said to each other, "Who among the kings is like the King of Len?" (29) King Zafadola saw the wisdom and the wealth of Alfonso VII. He likewise saw the great peace that reigned in his palace and in all his kingdom. He then said to the Christian ruler, "What I have heard in Rota regarding your wisdom, [69] your clemency, the peace in your kingdom and, your wealth is indeed true. Blessed are your men, blessed are your counselors who live here with you and who are in your kingdom." He gave the King a magnificent gift of very precious stones. He and his sons became Alfonso's knights and promised to serve him all the days of their lives. They gave him the city of Rota, which the King entrusted to his own son, Sancho the Castilian. (58) Then Rota was populated with Christians, and they began to invoke the name of the Blessed Trinity in the city, and especially the Holy Spirit. No one living at that time ever conceived that the Name of the Lord would be mentioned publicly in Rota. The King of Len also gave Zafadola fortresses and cities. These were in the region of Toledo, in Extremadura and along the Duero River. Zafadola came and lived there, and served Alfonso all the days of his life. The Rebellion Relations with Doa Guntroda of Gonzalo Pelez;
(30) In 1170 of the Spanish Era, King Alfonso ordered his nobles to assemble with their forces on a certain day in Atienza. When they had gathered, the King learned that the Asturian, Count Gonzalo Pelez, had agreed to rebel with his kinsman, Rodrigo Gmez. (59) Alfonso seized the latter, and he stripped him of his honor and sent him away. But Gonzalo Pelez fled, and all his knights were captured. The King pursued him into Asturias and ordered that his knight be kept [70] under guard at the rear. He found the Count in Tudela and attacked him there. First of all, the King's forces captured the castle at Gozn and the ones around it. (31) When Count Gonzalo became aware that his troops had been captured by Alfonso, he instantly sought a treaty with him. The terms were the following: for one year they would be under a mutual covenant of peace. The King would not wage war against the Count, nor would Gonzalo plunder Alfonso's lands. He delivered the city of Tudela and other castles over to the King. Nonetheless, the Count continued to rebel in Proaza, Buanga and in Alba de Quirs. These were all very strong fortresses. (32) While this was taking place, the King brought to his side a certain concubine whose name was Guntroda. (60) She was the daughter of Pedro Daz (61) and Mara Ordez. She was extremely beautiful and belonged to the highest Asturian nobility. The King had a daughter by her whom he named Urraca. (62) She was entrusted to Alfonso's sister, Princess Sancha, to be weaned and educated.
The First the Sackings Dealings with the Moors
of
Campaign Jerez
to and of
Andalusia; Cdiz;
(33) In the seventh year of' his reign, 1171 of the Spanish Era, Alfonso took counsel with King Zafadola. He gathered the nobles from his kingdom, and he revealed his secret plan to them. He disclosed that his highest ambition was to begin [71] to make war throughout the land of the Moors. He wished to take revenge on King Texufin (63) and on the other rulers of the Almoravides. These were the infidel leaders who had come to the frontier region near Toledo and had killed many Christian captains. They had destroyed the castle at Aceca, and they had slain all the Christians they had found there. Tello Fernndez (64) bad been carried across the sea along with other captives. He was the commander there. The King's proposal was subsequently approved by all. (34) The entire army from all the Kingdom was mobilized in Toledo. They pitched their tents near the Tajo River. King Alfonso marched with his forces as did King Zafadola. The camp was divided into two divisions, because there was not enough drinking water for all the army, nor was there enough grass to feed the animals. Alfonso entered the territory of the Almoravides with his army through the Puertollano Pass. The other army, under the command of Rodrigo Gonzlez, entered through Despeaperro Pass. For fifteen days they marched through uninhabited lands. Both armies joined together near the Moorish castle of Galledo. From then on they were able to get fodder for the livestock and grain in abundance. The countless number of knights, infantrymen, and archers covered the face of the earth like locusts. (35) The King moved the camp from there and began marching through the fertile fields around Crdoba plundering on all [72] sides. He occupied all that land, and pillaged it completely. He took a large quantity of booty and left behind nothing but fire and destruction. He then crossed the Guadalquivir River and continued the march. They left behind Crdoba and Carmona on the left and Sevilla (which the ancients called "Hispalis") on the right. It was the harvest season, so he set fire to all the fields and cut down the vineyards, olive groves and fig trees. Consequently, fear of the Christian King weighed heavily on all those who lived in the lands of the Saracens. (65) In a state of terror, the Moors abandoned their cities and smaller castles. They enclosed themselves in the most impregnable fortresses and in the fortified cities. They also hid in the mountains, in nearby caves, in the rocks and on the islands off the coast. (36) The entire Christian army camped in the territory around Sevilla. Large bands of armed men went out of the camp every day to carry out raids on the enemy. They would march throughout the region around Sevilla, Carmona, and Crdoba, plundering on all sides. They set fire to all the land, cities and castles. They found many of these uninhabited, for the people had fled. They could not count the number of men and women who were captured, it was so great. They also seized a large number of horses, camels, asses, oxen, sheep and goats. They carried off much grain, wine, and olive oil to the camp. They also destroyed all the mosques they came upon, and they killed all their priests and doctors of the Law. The sacred [73] books which they found in the mosques were burned. These raids continued for eight days. Following that, they all returned to the camp with the booty.
(37) When there were no more spoils to be had in the region, the King broke camp. He then arrived at a very rich city which the ancients called "Tuccis," but in our tongue it is known as Jerez de la Frontera. It was plundered and destroyed. Later the King moved camp and continued pillaging in the surrounding area. He went as far as Cdiz which is on the sea. (38) However, there were some senseless knights (the sons of certain nobles) who did not manifest sound judgment. In the eyes of the King, their actions were not at all sensible. They had heard that a nearby island was filled with horses and oxen, and that there were great riches there. They crossed the sea and eagerly went to the island. But the infidel forces were prepared for battle. They met them and joined in combat. The Christians were defeated because of their sins. Some of these nobles' sons returned to the camp. They informed the army of all that had happened to them. Then at last the Christian military forces began truly to respect the King's judgment. From that day on, not one of the soldiers dared leave the camp without his orders. (39) Alfonso remained there for many days until all of the plundering cohorts had returned. They came back with [74] many victories to their credit and they captured many thousands of Moors. They also brought back a vast number of camels, stallions, mares, bulls, cows, sheep, goats, and many other riches belonging to the Moorish royalty. (40) The King again broke camp and departed for Sevilla. He arrived there and crossed the Guadalquivir River. A large army of Moors gathered around the walls of the city with their forces in battle array. Nonetheless, they were quickly blockaded by a few armed Christians. All of the land around Sevilla was plundered, and the crops and houses were burned down. They destroyed the vineyards, the fig trees and the olive groves. They cut down many of the royal orchards located on both sides of the river. The Almoravides, however, did not capture one Christian. If any had been taken prisoner, the death penalty would have been certain. (41) The leaders of the Spanish Moslems observed all this in secret. They then sent envoys to King Zafadola with the following message: "Speak with the Christian King and, with his help, rescue us from the power of the Almoravides. We shall give even more tributes to the ruler of Len than our forefathers gave to his ancestors. We shall serve him with you, and you and your sons shall rule over us." When Zafadola heard this, he took counsel with Alfonso and with his trusted advisors. He answered the envoys, "Go and tell my brothers, the leaders of the Spanish Moslems, to capture [75] some of the very strong castles and some of the highly fortified towers within the cities. Provoke war in all parts, and the Leonese King and I will come swiftly to the rescue." (42) Alfonso moved his camp and crossed the Amarela Pass (66) From there he proceeded to Talavera. Since all of the objectives of the campaign had been accomplished, everyone returned home with great joy and triumph. They praised and blessed God who had granted vengeance and punishment for the death of Tello Fernndez and his companions killed in Aceca. Vengeance had also been granted for the death of Gutier Armldez, (67) the governor of Toledo, and the other victims of the Almoravides. The Last Rebellions and Death of Gonzalo Pelez
(43) A few days had gone by when the King remembered that Gonzalo Pelez was rebelling in Asturias. He went to Oviedo and demanded his castles. The Count was living in them as a rebel, and he refused to deliver them to Alfonso. He even planned to wage war against him in Proaza. He had killed the horse the King was riding, along with several men. Alfonso was aware that the Count was bent on evil, so he left his forces to fight him. The leaders of these troops were Count Suario, his nephew Pedro Alfonso, and all of the Asturians. The King then journeyed to Castile. (44) Count Suario attacked Buanga, and Pedro Alfonso besieged Alba de Quirs. Count Gonzalo was at that time entrenched in Proaza. The forces of the King bravely tightened [76] the siege against the rebels. They set up ambushes all around the castles, along the roads and paths and over the mountains. Whomever they caught, they sent away with his hands cut off. This was done for several days. The Count had been rebelling against the King for nearly two years. (45) When Gonzalo Pelez perceived that he was so tightly encircled, he came to an agreement with Count Suario, with Pedro Alfonso and with Ariano, (68) the Bishop of Len. He accompanied them to Alfonso's presence, threw himself at his feet, and confessed his guilt. The King received him peacefully and spoke to him kindly. It was as the Scripture says, "The heart of the king and the flowing of the waters are in the hand of the Lord." (69) The Count remained in the palace for several days and was treated with great honor. Later he appealed to the King to give him the castle at Luna. Alfonso summoned his sister, Princess Sancha, his wife Berengaria, and other counselors who were well-advised in such matters. After counsel was taken, he received the castles of Buanga, Proaza, and Alba de Quirs from the Count. He ordered the castle at Luna to be given to Gonzalo Pelez in order to avoid any further rebellion. In the past this noble had defied Queen Urraca after she had honored him. (46) Later he rose up against the King on two more occasions even though peace had been made. But at last Pedro Alfonso captured Count Gonzalo with the help of the King's forces [77] and sent him to the Aguilar castle in chains. They held him there until Alfonso ordered him to be released. The King commanded that on a specific day he was to be exiled from his kingdom. The Count obeyed the order and went to the court of Alfonso, the King of Portugal. (70) He was a cousin of Alfonso VII, because he was the son of Queen Teresa and Count Henry of Burgundy. (71) Count Gonzalo intended to wage war by sea against Galicia and Asturias. But God., who sees all things, did not wish this to be so. The ruler of Portugal did, in fact, receive Gonzalo Pelez with great honor. He promised him high commissions, for he too had hopes of waging war on Galicia and Asturias. But the will of God disposed otherwise, and the Count caught a fever and died an exile in a foreign land. His knights took his body and buried him in Oviedo. The Pilgrimage of a New Governor of Toledo Rodrigo de Lara; his Death;
(47) In October of 1175 of the Spanish Era, while the above-mentioned events were transpiring, Count Rodrigo Gonzlez noticed that the attitude of the King toward him had grown somewhat negative. Therefore, he returned Toledo to Alfonso along with the other cities which he held.. The King accepted them and at once gave them to Rodrigo Fernndez, whom he appointed the new governor of Toledo. He had fought many
battles in Moorish territory. The military experiences of Rodrigo Gonzlez and Rodrigo Fernndez against the Moors [78] were indeed great, but they have not been described in this book. (48) After Count Gonzlez had kissed the King's hand in farewell and had taken leave of his comrades, he traveled far away to Jerusalem, and fought many battles there with the infidels. He also constructed a very strong castle facing Ascalon. This was called the castle of Toron. The Count reinforced it with knights, infantrymen, and provisions, and he gave it to the Knights Templars. Then he crossed the Adriatic Sea and finally returned to Spain. He did not go to the King, nor was he received in Castile on his family estates. Rather he stayed with Count Ramn Berenguer IV of Barcelona (72) and with Garca Ramrez, (73) the King of Pamplona. Later he traveled to the court of Abengania, (74) the Saracen prince of Valencia. He remained with him for several days. But the Saracens gave him a potion which caused him to become a leper. After the Count realized that his body had been changed, he returned to Jerusalem where he lived until his death. The Siege of The Battle of Fraga Bayonne by the King of Aragn;
(49) Let us leave these matters and speak momentarily of the Aragonese King. Herein we will mention his death and his activities after his return from Morn and Almazn. (50) During the time when Alfonso was at war with the rebel nobles, Pedro de Lara and his brother Rodrigo, the [79] King of Aragn had mobilized sizeable armies of knights and infantrymen. He had traveled then beyond his own borders to Gascony. There he surrounded the city of Bayonne which is located near the Garonne River. He remained in that area for several days and plundered all the surrounding country. He assaulted Bayonne with the many war machines brought for that purpose. He was unsuccessful, however, in capturing the city with them. Thus he was forced to return to Aragn without honor. (51)He assembled a large army from his country and from Gascony. After seeking advice from his nobles regarding the matter of increasing his power, he allied himself with a group of brave and stalwart individuals. Among them were Guido, (75) the Bishop of Lescar, Arnald Dot, (76) Bishop of Jaca, the Bishop of San Vicente de Roda, the Abbot of San Victorian, Gaston of Bearne and Centulo of Bigorra. Brave men from the Franks and many other foreigners joined his cause He mobilized his army and went first to Zaragoza. From there he proceeded to other cities and castles which he had captured from the Moors. He marched to the land of the Almoravides, and besieged the powerful city of Fraga. The entire area around Valencia and Murcia and all of Granada were attacked. His plundering bands went to Almera and carried out a great massacre with a heavy capture of slaves. Furthermore, they set fire to all that territory. However, the renowned Almoravide prince, Abengania, of Valencia and Murcia, had amassed a large army. [80] It was mobilized to come to Fraga to fight against Alfonso I. Abengania was defeated twice, and he fled from the battlefield leaving many spoils to the Christians. (52) The King of Aragn always kept a kind of ark with him. It was made of pure gold adorned on the inside and outside with precious stones. Inside there was a cross formed out of the wood of the True Cross. It was venerated as a relic of our Redemption. He
had taken it by force from the church of the Holy Martyrs, Facundo and Primitivo, when he was fighting in Len. That church is near the Cea River. He also had other small ivory boxes laminated with gold, silver and precious stones. These contained relics of Holy Mary, of the True Cross, of Apostles and Martyrs, Confessors and Virgins, and Patriarchs and Prophets. The ark and the boxes were kept in the tent where the chapel was, which was always next to the King's tents. The priests and a large group of clerics guarded them continually with the utmost care. They always offered Mass over them. (53) The Moors who were inside Fraga were willing to surrender the city to the King, so that he would allow them to leave peacefully. However, the terms did not appear acceptable to him. God had hardened his heart, so that he would inevitably undergo misfortune. It was destined to happen because he had brought great adversity to the Christians in Len and Castile. The same tragedy befell the Aragonese ruler as that which he had brought to those Christians. He planned to capture the [81] city and kill the entire Moorish noble class. He wanted their wives and children as prisoners, and he had sworn a royal oath to confiscate all their riches. At last Abengania led the Moorish troops there from North Africa. He met with the Kings of Crdoba, Sevilla, Granada, Valencia, and Lrida. Ambassadors were first sent out for this gathering. Innumerable forces of cavalry, infantry, and archers descended on Fraga. Alfonso I did not realize all this because of his sins. For God did not wish to aid him, but rather to humiliate him. (54) Early on the morning of July 17th, the sentinels who bad been watching day and night saw a tremendous body of Moorish forces approaching the city. They ran to the camp and informed the King. He ordered the archbishops, princes, knights, and infantry to prepare for the defense of the camp. However, many Aragonese knights had returned to their homes at the order of Alfonso. They planned to rejoin the army at Fraga after tending to certain affairs in Aragn. For that reason they did not actually take part in the battle. (55) It was divine justice that permitted the Moorish armies to encircle the camp in full battle array. They began the attack with spears, arrows, stones and other missiles. They killed many people and animals in this manner. The bishops, clergy, and all the Christian people began to pray to God to deliver them from the infidel power and to overlook the King's sins. God did not hear their prayers. The Archangel [82] Gabriel, the supreme messenger of God, did not bring their petition before the tribunal of Christ. Nor did God send Michael, the Prince of the Heavenly Host, to assist them. (56) When the commanders, the fighting men, and the bishops realized that they were unable to resist the enemy from within the camp, they marched out to confront them in the open field. The battle grew very fierce there. While this fighting was taking place, other infidel forces stealthily approached from the opposite direction and began to assault the camp. This resulted in a complete massacre within. The golden ark which held the cross was seized along with the other boxes and the King's entire chapel. His tent was torn completely to the ground. The Bishop of Lescar, all the clergy and the common people, including Alfonso's household, were captured. The Bishops of Jaca, Dot, San Vicente de Roda and the Abbot of San Victorian were killed in the battle. (57) The following were the military leaders in the engagement: Garsion of Gabeston, (77) Bertrand of Laon, (78)Fortunel of Fol, (79) Ogier of Miramont, (80) Raymond of Talar, Calvete of Sua, (81) Gaston of Bearne, Centulo of Bigorra, and Almaric of Narbonne. (82)
There were also many brave auxiliary troops from France and numerous other foreigners. All the Aragonese leaders and their soldiers were killed. Likewise, the infantry bodyguard of the King - 700 soldiers in all - died there. [83] The his Death Flight of the Battler King;
(58) At last the King fled accompanied by only ten knights, one of whom was Garca Ramrez. He traveled through Zaragoza, and from there he went to the monastery of San Juan de la Pea. He entered the abbey and ordered the doors closed and locked. Owing to his extreme grief, he fell ill there, and within a few days, he died of a broken heart. He was buried at the side of his ancestors in the royal tombs. Among all the past Aragonese rulers, there never was one equal to him in bravery, skill or in military prowess. He did not leave any offspring, nor had he made preparations for the disposition of his house nor of his kingdom. He died September 8, 1172 of the Spanish Era. The Imprisonment of Sorrow over the Death of the King the Bishop of Lescar;
(59) The Bishop of Lescar was led away captive to the city of Valencia. They inflicted many torments on him in order to force him to deny Christ (who died for our sins and brought us Baptism). Moreover, they circumcised him according to their religion. The Bishop, however, exchanged hostages for his freedom and paid them three thousand gold pieces in their money. Soon afterward he returned to his see in Lescar. (60) The Christians who lived in the fortified cities and castles around Zaragoza learned that their king had died. Terrified at the threat of the Moors, they fled and took refuge [84] in Zaragoza. The infidels came and occupied the abandoned towns, and even prepared to establish their homes there. The citizens of Zaragoza and all the cities around, especially those in the castles conquered by Alfonso, were crying out, "Oh you, our greatest protector, what have you given us to defend? The kingdom which you took from the Moors will now be invaded by the Almoravides. We are now defenseless and will be taken into captivity." (61)All the Aragonese nobility and common people assembled together. Their heads were shaved, their garments torn and the women's faces were filled with grief. They lamented loudly, and with abundant tears they turned to heaven and said, "Oh King, how is it that you are fallen, you who used to save us? Whose sins caused the wrath of God to fall upon us so that we should lose our liberator? Now our enemies, the infidels, will invade us!" Separation of Aragn and Navarra (62) The nobility and the common people, the knights and the clergy, with the bishops and abbots, all gathered in the royal city of Jaca. They elected Alfonso's brother King. This man was a monk, and his name was Ramiro. (83) They gave him the sister (84) of the Count of Poitiers for a wife. Even though this was a great sin, the Aragonese did it, for they had lost their king and hoped that there would be an offspring from the royal family. At the same time the people of Navarra assembled in [85] Pamplona and made
Garca Ramrez their king. This was the same individual who had fled with the King from the Battle of Fraga. King Ramiro went to his wife, and she conceived and gave birth to a daughter. The King consulted with his advisors, and he gave this daughter (85) in marriage to Count Ramn Berenguer IV, the ruler of Barcelona. He transferred the kingdom to his daughter and acknowledged his sins. He then did penance. Occupation of the Vassalage Entrance into Zaragoza Njera of by Garca Alfonso VII; Ramrez;
(63) After this the King of Len, who was related through marriage to other kings in Spain, went to Njera. He was welcomed there and in all the other cities and castles which should have been under his rule. King Garca Ramrez came there and promised to serve him all the days of his life. He became a knight of the Leonese King, and received many gifts and honors from him. When Alfonso learned that King Ramiro and the Aragonese people were living in a state of fear, he said to his princes, "Let us go to Aragn and show our kindness to our brother, King Ramiro, and let us give him counsel and aid." (64) Ramiro, all of his nobles, the bishops and abbots, and all the common people went out to meet the King when they were informed that he was traveling to Aragn. They received [86] him with great honor, and they paid him homage. The King spoke kindly to them of peace. He promised with the utmost sincerity to come to their aid. Ramiro took counsel with the bishops and with all the advisors in his kingdom. Whereupon he gave Zaragoza to the King of Len, so that he might always be under his rule and his sons' rule. Hence the kings traveled to Zaragoza together for the purpose of formally handing the city over to the Emperor. (65) When the people learned that the King of Len was coming to Zaragoza, all of the nobility and all the commoners went out to meet him. They played tambourines, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument, singing and saying "Blessed be the benevolence and mercy of the King." Then they led him into the city. (66) The Bishop of Zaragoza (86) headed a long procession of clerics and monks who waited at the city plaza to receive the King. They accompanied him to the church of Saint Mary singing and saying, "Fear God and keep his commandments." At last, as was customary, the Bishop blessed the King. After that they proceeded to the royal palace where they lavished their tributes on him. Alfonso remained in Zaragoza for several days. He stationed a large garrison of knights and infantry there to guard the city. When he was ready, after the Bishop and all the people had blessed him and his retinue, he returned to Castile. They praised and blessed God [87] who grants peace to those who trust in Him. The Counts of Barcelona Concerning other French Nobles and of Toulouse become Vassals;
(67)That same year Ramn Berenguer IV, the Count of Barcelona (and the King's brother-in-law), and his cousin, Count Alphonse Jordan of Toulouse, came and pledged obedience to him. They became his knights, and they touched his right hand to confirm their loyalty. The King, in turn, gave the Count of Barcelona the city of Zaragoza as a
feudal commission. It was the King's custom to act this way. Besides a commission, he gave a very valuable gold cup to the Count of Toulouse. It weighed thirty marks. He also gave him many horses and other gifts. (68) All of the nobles from Gascony and from the area up to the Rhone River, including William of Montpellier, (87) came to Alfonso in a spirit of mutual accord. They received silver, gold, horses and many different precious gifts from him. They all became his vassals, and they were obedient to him in all things. Many sons of French nobles, as well as many individuals from Poitiers, came also. He presented them with arms and other items. Hence the boundaries of the kingdom of Alfonso, ruler of Len, extended from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, near where the city of our holy patron Santiago is located, all the way to the Rhone River. [88]Declaration of the Empire (69) Following this in the year 1173 of the Spanish Era, the King decided to set a date for a council in the royal city of Len. It was to commence on June 2nd, the feast day of the Holy Spirit. Archbishops, bishops, abbots, all nobles and all judges who were in the kingdom were to attend. On the appointed day the King arrived with his wife, Queen Berengaria, and his sister, Princess Sancha. King Garca Ramrez accompanied them. As Alfonso had ordered, they all assembled in Len. Moreover, a multitude of clerics and monks came as well as sizable crowds of commoners. They came to witness or to speak the word of God. (70) On the first day of the council the powerful as well as the lowly were gathered with the King in the church of Saint Mary. There they discussed whatever was prompted by the Spirit of God, or whatever dealt with the salvation of the faithful. On the second day, the feast of the Descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles, the Archbishop, all the clergy, nobles, and commoners again gathered in the same church with King Garca and with the King's sister. After receiving inspiration from the Holy Spirit, they decided that they should bestow the title of Emperor on the King. This was resolved because King Garca, King Zafadola, the Moorish ruler, Count Ramn Berenguer IV of Barcelona, Count Alphonse of Toulouse, and many other nobles from Gascony and France had become his vassals. Therefore, they placed a precious, marvelously embroidered cloak on his shoulders. They put on his head a crown of pure gold which [89] was adorned with valuable jewels, and they placed a scepter in his hand. King Garca stood at his right and Ariano, the Bishop of Len, at his left. Accompanied by the bishops and the abbots, they led him to Saint Mary's altar while singing the Te Deum to the very end.. They Shouted, "Long live Alfonso, the Emperor." After a special blessing was given to him, they offered the Mass as is done on other great feasts. Following the service, each returned to his quarters. The Emperor ordered a sumptuous banquet to be prepared in the royal palace. Not only that, but all the nobles served at the royal table. The Emperor decreed that a considerable amount of money should be given to the bishops, abbots, and to the others. Generous alms in the form of' food and clothing were to be donated to the poor. (71) On the third day of the council, the Emperor and all the others again assembled in the royal palace to discuss matters pertaining to the welfare of the entire kingdom of Spain. The Emperor decreed legislation for all the kingdom, just as it had existed in the time of his grandfather, Alfonso VI. He ordered restitution made to all churches, to all
citizens, and to all families who had suffered at any time without trial or justice. He directed the resettlement of towns and lands which had been reconquered. He ordered that vineyards and all variety of trees be planted. Also, all magistrates were commanded to punish the crimes of those men who were opposed to justice and to the laws of the kingdom. The Emperor [90] demanded the hanging of some criminals from trees, and the severance of the hands and feet of others. He ruled that the judges should not be more lenient to the rich or to the nobility than to the poor, but rather they should sentence according to the degree of guilt. Moreover, the Emperor required that in no way should crime be tolerated, for as the Lord said, "Do not permit the wicked to live." (88) Some criminals who were captured at that time were hanged in the sight of everyone. (72)He ordered the governors of' Toledo and all the citizens living along the frontier to be constantly prepared militarily. They were to maintain this state of readiness in order to make war on the infidels every year. They were not to spare the cities and towns of the Moors, but were to avenge fully every offense committed against God and against the law of Christ. When these issues were settled, the council was dissolved. Everyone departed in a spirit of joy singing and blessing the Emperor and saying, "Blessed be you, blessed be the kingdom of your ancestors, and blessed be God, the Most High, who made heaven and earth and all that is in them, because he has visited us and has been merciful to us, as he promised to those who have hope in him." (89) War with Portugal and Navarra (73) A year had passed in total peace according to special agreements, when King Garca of Navarra initiated some disturbing [91] issues. He set himself and his warriors against the Emperor. Likewise, Alfonso, King of Portugal, son of Count Henry of Burgundy and Queen Teresa, was in conflict with Alfonso. Queen Teresa was the daughter of Alfonso VI. She was not the offspring of his lawful wife, but was the daughter of his concubine, Jimena Muoz, a woman who had been loved very much by the King. Because of this affection, he gave Teresa in marriage to Count Henry of Burgundy. He presented her with the land of' Portugal as her dowry. It was to be her rightful possession. When, however, Henry died, the Portuguese named Teresa their queen. When she died, her son, Alfonso, was made king. This was done to honor him. (74) King Garca and King Alfonso contrived to make war on the Emperor simultaneously. Each prepared for it on his own front King Garca was in Castile, and the ruler of Portugal was in Galicia. The latter captured the city of Tuy and other castles. But Count Gmez Nez was holding the land of Toroo with several castles. Count Rodrigo Prez Velloso (90) had fortifications in Limia and other commissions from the Emperor. Both of these nobles proved themselves disloyal to their lord, Alfonso. They handed their castles and commissions over to the King of Portugal. These acts of treason resulted in their own ruin, for indeed they were what most prejudiced these Counts for the rest of their lives. (75) At that time there was a certain noble in Limia whose name was Fernando Juanes. He was a doughty knight and [92] a faithful friend of the Emperor. He held the castle of Allariz and several other strongholds in the area. Therefore, he, with his sons and brothers, courageously prepared for war against the King of Portugal. Nonetheless, they were marched on and attacked by him, and they lost the castles they were holding. But
even in the midst of misfortune, they achieved their greatest honor. Prior to this, the Portuguese monarch had come to Galicia several times, but always he had been driven back by Fernando Prez and Rodrigo Vlaz and other Galician leaders. Often he was forced to return to Portugal dishonored.. Once again he had come to Limia, and there he had built the Celmes castle. He garrisoned it with noble knights and the daring infantry from his own palace. He sent abundant provisions of' bread, meat, wine, and water. Then he returned to Portugal. (76) When the Emperor was informed of this action, he assembled a large army in Galicia and Len. He went quickly to Linda with many knights and encircled the Celmes castle. After a few days he assaulted it. Many of the noble palace knights of the Portuguese King were captured inside. The Emperor placed. them under guard for several days. The household of Alfonso of Portugal grew extremely despondent at this turn of events. Indeed, the strategy of war had not turned out as he had planned. (77) After the Emperor had fortified the castle at Celmes, he was very pleased to see that the entire Linda region was turned over to him. He returned to Len following this [93] successful outcome of events. It is important to note here that the situation with Portugal that we have been discussing to this point occurred before Alfonso had taken the title of Emperor. Yet, after he had received the title, Count Gmez Nez and Count Rodrigo Prez Velloso revolted in Galicia as was mentioned above. They surrendered their commissions and castles to the King of Portugal who fortified them and returned to his country. The Campaign of Cernesa (78) Once more Alfonso, King of Portugal, gathered his army and went to Limia. When this news reached Galicia, Fernando Perez and Rodrigo Vlaz and other of the Emperor's Galician nobles were summoned. immediately. They marched out with their troops against the Portuguese King and met him at Cernesa. After the battle lines were drawn up, they began to fight. Because of their sins the Counts fled and were defeated. However, Rodrigo Vlaz was captured by some Portuguese knights. He was quickly freed by two of his armorbearers who used some clever stratagem, and thus he was able to flee with them. The Destruction of Leiria (79) After the victory the King returned to Portugal to hasten to the aid of those in the castle at Leiria. He had constructed it opposite Santarem where the Moors were holding the castle. The latter had been strategically built for attacks on Leiria, Lisbon, Sintra and other neighboring fortifications. [94] (80) At the same time the Almoravides and the Spanish Moors assaulted Leiria and took it. All of the warriors and some of the King's nobles perished there. The casualties numbered about two hundred and fifty Christians dead. Subsequent to this, a spirit of dejection and confusion predominated in the kingdom of Portugal. The Plundering the Defeat of Alfonso Henrquez of Navarra;
(81) While these battles were taking place, the Emperor was waging war in the land of King Garca of Navarra. He had captured some of his fortified castles and some of those belonging to Count Ladrn Navarro. (91) This individual was the most noble of all the princes in King Garca's court. The Emperor devastated the land by plundering it and burning it. He also cut down the vineyards and the orchards. Count Ladrn pleaded to obey Alfonso VII in the face of this destruction. He pledged to obey him and serve him all the days of his life. When confronted by the Emperor, King Garca's strength was minimal or almost non-existent. Fernando Juanes, the commander at Limia, accompanied by other followers of the Emperor, waged war daily against the King of Portugal. He engaged him in battle and fought bravely. In fact, the King himself was wounded by a spear which one of Fernando's soldiers daringly hurled at him. He suffered for several days, but his physicians healed him. In the campaign Count Fernando took many spoils from the King's nobles. The Campaign of Valdevez (82) After this war was over, the Emperor commanded the Counts from Castile to prepare for daily attacks on King Garca. These nobles were Rod.rigo Gmez, Lope Lpez, Gutier Fernndez, and others. Alfonso VII mobilized a large force and departed for Portugal. He captured several powerful castles there while destroying and plundering the land. The King of Portugal likewise mobilized his army and marched out to fight the few men who had foolishly been separated from the Emperor's main force. The Portuguese confronted Count Ramiro who was attempting to conquer their land. They joined in battle, and Ramiro was defeated and taken prisoner. (83) The Emperor stationed his camp facing the castle at Pea de la Reina which is located in Portella de Vez. The Portuguese King pitched his tents facing the Emperor's camp on a higher and rougher terrain with a valley lying between the two. Many nobles from both armies came down and engaged in individual combat. The Emperor's knights did so without his consent. Many on both sides fell from their horses and were captured. (84) The older Portuguese nobles witnessed this and said to their king, "Sir, it is not advantageous for us to carry on war with the Emperor. We will not always be capable of resisting his forces which are greater than ours in strength and number. The situation is indeed growing more dangerous. If [96] there had been peace between us, our brothers would not have perished at the hands of the Moors in Leiria. Therefore, you must take precautions so that the Almoravides and the other Moors do not return to attack our cities and castles across the Duero River. If they do, there will be greater destruction than before. Send some of us to the Emperor to request a peace treaty. Let us return all his castles which we now hold, and let him give back the ones which his knights captured in our country. It is much better for us to live in peace than in war." (85) When the King heard this advice, he was pleased.. Ha sent some of his highranking officers as envoys to the Emperor to make the peace proposal. Alfonso VII listened, and then gave his approval. The envoys received a pledge from the Emperor's nobles that there would be a truce between them until the peace treaty was either ratified or rejected. The Emperor officers went to the Portuguese camp and likewise accepted a pledge for the same kind of armistice.
(86) The following day the nobles from both sides met and concluded the peace treaty. An absolute date was not set for it, but rather a general period of years. It was ratified by the following oaths that while there was again peace, both sides would observe it more diligently than before. All the castles which the King of Portugal had taken in Galicia were returned to the Emperor's representatives. Likewise, those [97] which the knights of the Emperor had taken from the King were returned to him. Count Ramiro was released, and all the knights who had been captured on either side were given their freedom. (87) There was peace between them for many years. This period of tranquillity was most beneficial to the Christian cause. The King discharged Counts Rodrigo and Nez from his service because they had caused discord between himself and the Emperor. Count Gmez Nez admitted his guilt and repented. He fled across the Pyrenees because there was no place for him to live on the Peninsula. He became a monk at Cluny in France. The Emperor pitied Count Rodrigo and ordered him to come to his palace. He gave him subsidies of gold and silver and treated him as if he were one of' the high-ranking officials who attended him. Victories in Navarra (88) The Emperor arranged to go to Santiago to pray. When he had completed this act of devotion, performed in keeping with a previous vow, he returned to Castile and Len. He then marched to Pamplona to the land of King Garca. He camped on the Pamplona plain and sent plundering companies throughout the region. They set fire to a great part of it and destroyed the vineyards and orchards. They returned to the camp bringing a large quantity of booty consisting of bulls, cows, horses and many other riches. [98] (89) Meanwhile King Garca had mustered his forces. He had gone to meet the large army of Count Ramn Berenguer of Barcelona. This latter army had both Aragonese and Barcelonian troops in its ranks. King Garca had joined in battle with these forces and had emerged victorious. From that particular encounter he took many spoils. When the victors were dividing the booty among themselves, the Emperor surprised them with a force of only thirty knights. As soon as his standards appeared King Garca and all of his escort fled, abandoning the spoils in the field. The Emperor pursued the fleeing king all the way to Pamplona. Peace with the Marriage of Garca Ramrez to Doa Urraca Navarra;
(90) After this the Emperor and all his camp returned to the city of Njera in a spirit of great triumph and joy. Then he went to Castile and ordered a royal proclamation to be announced throughout Castile and Len. This was to the effect that in the middle of May all knights and infantrymen should gather in Njera in order to wage war against King Garca. However, when the King of Navarra realized that there was no way for him to avoid a war with the Emperor, he became extremely distraught. He called his advisors to his side and gave them the following messages "We must outline some kind of strategy, because the Emperor has made peace with the King of Portugal, and now he will be determined to attack us. He has the capability of ruining us and our land either through actual combat [99] or with a blockade." But they could not reach a decision as to what course would be taken. Meanwhile, Count Alphonse Jordan was making a
pilgrimage to Santiago. As such, he was traveling on the royal road that leads to that city. When he passed through Pamplona, the King and the others were very pleased to see him. (91) After deliberating for some time, Count Alphonse and the other advisors to the King went and met with Alfonso VII. First of all they made peace between the Emperor and the King of Navarra. According to the treaty, King Garca would obey Alfonso without fail for the rest of his life. After this had been agreed upon, the Count of Toulouse and the King's advisors asked the Emperor to give his daughter, Princess Urraca, to King Garca in marriage. She was begotten from the Emperor's concubine Guntroda. We have already mentioned that the latter was the daughter of Pedro of Asturias. All of the nobles in the Emperor's palace along with Count Alphonse encouraged the Emperor to give his daughter in marriage to Garcia. In this way the ruler of Navarra would become the Emperor's son-in-law. The plan pleased Alfonso VII, so he accepted it and pledged his daughter to the King of Navarra. A convenient date was selected for the wedding. It was to be in Len on the thirteenth day of June. (92)The Emperor sent messengers to all his knights and to all the nobles in his kingdom. Each of them was to attend [100] the royal wedding escorted by a noble retinue. When the message was received, it pleased all. The Asturians were especially pleased, for Guntroda was from their land. Following the Emperor's instructions, the nobles came to the wedding very handsomely clothed.. All of the groups were competing with each other in this respect. First came the Emperor with his wife, the Empress Berengaria, attended by a large group of nobles from Castile. Then King Garca entered followed by a large number of knights. He was as perfectly groomed and well dressed as one might expect of a king on his wedding day. Next, the most serene Princess Sancha entered Len through the Corria gate. She was accompanied by Princess Urraca, her niece, the bride of King Garca. They were followed by a multitude of nobles, knights, clerics and maidens. These last were the daughters of nobles from all over Spain. (93) Princess Sancha had arranged the bed-chamber in the royal palace of Saint Pelayo. There was a large group of entertainers around the bed-chamber. They were all women and girls singing to the accompaniment of flutes, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument. The Emperor and King Garcia sat on the royal throne on an elevated area in front of the palace doors. The bishops, abbots and all the nobles were sitting around them on stools which had been placed there for the occasion. There were the noble officers especially selected from all of Spain who raced their horses while spurring them according to the custom of the country. Then by hurling [101] their spears forward they would strike a board set up as a target. They performed in this manner to demonstrate both the courage and art of the rider and of his mount. Others provoked the bulls with the barking of their dogs. Then they would kill them with their hunting spears. Finally, a wild boar was placed in the center of the arena for a contest with the blind. They were to kill it, but rather often, in their eagerness to do so, they injured each other. The sport caused uncontrollable laughter for the spectators. There was great rejoicing in Len, and everyone blessed God who always made them prosper in all things. The wedding was celebrated in June of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era. (94) The Emperor gave his daughter and son-in-law several fine gifts. These consisted of gold, silver, horses, mules and many other riches. He blessed them and dismissed them honorably so that they could proceed to Navarra. Princess Sancha gave her niece
many silver and gold utensils and several mules loaded down with royal riches. King Garca and his men set out from Len in great glory. They were escorted by Count Rodrigo Gmez, Gutier Fernndez and other Castilian nobles. They traveled with the King and his wife all the way to Pamplona, his capital. King Garcia prepared a royal feast for the Castilians and for all the knights and officers of his kingdom. The celebration lasted several days. When it was over, the King gave magnificent gifts to the Castilian nobles, and each of them returned to his land. [102] The Profession of Guntroda (95)Now Guntroda, King Garca's mother-in-law, recognized the enormous honor paid to her daughter who bad become a queen and had been privileged to have two royal weddings. Even though she possessed many worldly desires, Guntroda looked eagerly to spiritual matters as much as she could. She consecrated herself to God and remained in his service. Accordingly, she became a nun in Oviedo. There she joined a religious community in the church of Saint Mary. She felt that with help from the Mother of God she certainly would be able to discover some joy in life. She would appease God by praising him continually through the Divine Office. She would then await the glorious end of her life persevering in this devout practice. Praying constantly in a true spirit of sincerity, she would repent for all of her sins. The End of Book I Here begins the second book of the history of the Emperor Alfonso. It deals with the dissensions and battles which he fought against King Ali (92) and his son Texufin. He fought these battles accompanied by the governors of Toledo and the nobles from Extremadura. He also engaged in war against other Moorish kings and leaders.
Notes For the First Book 1. All titles of sections in the text of the translation are taken from the Latin critical edition of the chronicle by Luis Snchez Belda, Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, 1950). 2. Queen Urraca succeeded her father, Alfonso VI, in 1109. She first was married to Count Raymond of Burgundy. He died in 1107, and subsequently a marriage was arranged for her with Alfonso I, the King of Aragn. The threat of the Almoravides and the desire for Peninsular unity conditioned this union more than the mutual compatibility of the spouses. Because of their consanguinity (both were greatgranchildren of Sancho el Mayor), the marriage was declared void by Rome. Much of the turbulence of the early twelfth century and the ensuing successional disputes during the reign of Urraca's son, Alfonso VII, were produced by that matrimony. Primera crnica general de Espaa, ed. by Ramn Menndez Pidal, Antonio G. Solalinde, Manuel Muoz Corts and Jos Gmez Prez (Madrid: Gredos, 1955), II, 644. 3. Alfonso VI was born in 1040 and he ruled from 1065 until 1109. He succeeded his father, Fernando I, to the crown of Len, while his older brother Sancho received Castile. After Sancho's death in 1072, Alfonso became ruler of Len and Castile. He died June 30, 1109.
4. Queen Constanza was the second wife of Alfonso VI and Queen of Castile and Len. She was the daughter of Robert of Burgundy, and she married Alfonso VI in 1080. She died in 1083 and is buried at the Benedictine monastery at Sahagn. 5. References to dates will follow the original manuscripts of the chronicle which utilize the calendar of the Spanish Era. Thirty-eight years must be subtracted in order to arrive at the corresponding year within the Christian calendar. 6. Count Raymond of Burgandy was the son of William the Great of Burgandy. He came to Spain to fight in the crusade of Alfonso VI which resulted in the disastrous Battle of Sagrajas in 1086. His aunt, Constanza of Burgundy, was the second wife of Alfonso VI. He was appointed Count of all Galicia and was decreed legal successor to the thrones of Castile and Len. He died prematurely in 1107. 7. Diego Gelmrez was born in 1067 and became Bishop of Compostela in 1100. He was appointed Archbishop in 1120, and he held the office until his death in 1140. He was also the guardian of the young Alfonso VII after the death of Alfonso VI in 1109. Gelmrez was adept at all offices both religious and civil, and he exercised a controlling authority in the midst of the turbulent political scene during the early years of the twelfth century. 8. Suario Bermdez, an Austrian noble, was related to Spanish royalty through his paternal grandmother Christina who was the daughter of King Bermudo II of Len. Count Suario was a prominent figure in the Galacian court of Raymond and Urraca. He promptly adopted the cause of Alfonso VII. Documents indicate that he consistently aided the young Emperor both in military actions against Alfonso I of Aragn and in the reconquest campaigns. 9. Alfonso Bermdez, the brother of Suario, is rarely mentioned in the text. 10. Pedro Alfonso, the son of Alfonso Bermdez, gained a position of influence very early in the reign of the Emperor. He was royal "alfrez" or standard-bearer in Alfonso's army of 1129 to 1130. He outlived his king and maintained an energetic presence in the court of Fernando II of Len, the Emperor's younger son. 11. One is led to suppose that Rodrigo Bermdez was a relative of Suario Bermdez since he is mentioned among the friends and family of this noble in text of the chronicle. He is first mentioned in the court of Urraca in 1110. He performed the duties of "mayordomo"or chief-steward for the Emperor between the years 1127 and 1130. 12. The Rodrigo Gonzlez of this passage is not to be confused with Rodrigo Gonzlez de Lara or with Rodrigo Gonzlez de Villaescusa. He was relatively unknown noble who was probably a judge of the same name in Lon in 1152 and 1153. 13. Pedro Braliz was a Leonese noble who for a time governed the main castle of Len. He submitted quickly to the new authority of Alfonso VII and participated in judicial matters in the royal chancellery. 14. Alphonse Jordan's last name is derived toponymically from the Jordan River where as a child he was baptized. Zurita specifies this matter: "Tuvo otro hijo el conde don
Ramn [of Tolouse], que nai all en Tierra Santa que llamaron don Alfonso Jordn, porque se bautiz en el Jordn. El cual despus sucedi en el condado de Tolosa y de San Gil." Anales de la Corona de Aragn, notes and edition by Antonio Ubieto Arteta and Mara Desamparados Prez Soler (2 vols.; Valencia, 19670, I, 168. Upon returning from the Holy Land, Count Alphonse discovered that William of Poitiers had expropriated his inherited domains. Count Alphonse immediately went to the Emperor's court where he performed services as royal advisor and envoy. It was he who negotiated peace between King Gaca Ramrez of Navarra and the Emperor in 1140. 15. Count Raymond of Toulouse was a French noble who married Elvira, an illegitimate daughter of Alfonso VI. Elvira's mother was the King's concubine, Jimena Muoz. Count Raymond died while on a crusade to the Holy Land at the blockade of Tripoli in 1101. 16. Princess Elvira is the same daughter of Alfonso VI is mentioned in note 69. 17. Pedro de Lara was the son of Gonzalo Nez. He was extremely powerful in Castile and exerted great influence in the court of Alfonso VI. He grew even more prestigious during the reign of Queen Urraca, with whom he maintained intimate relations for a time. Count Pedro fought energetically for Urraca's cause, but after her death in 1126 he allied himself with Alfonso I of Aragn. He was reluctant to submit to the authority of the Emperor, and moreover refused to join in combat against the King of Aragn. He was banished by Alfonso VII and was killed in a duel with Alphonse Jordan in 1130. 18. Rodrigo Gonzlez de Lara was also the son of Gonzalo Nez. Like his brother Pedro he attained high position in the court of Queen Urraca who appointed him governor of the region around Asturias de Santillana. He was one of the principal antagonists of the Emperor. After his initial rebellion in 1131, he and Alfonso VII met on the banks of the Pisuerga River. A dispute ensued, and the Count committed the crime of lese majesty physically attacking the King. Rodrigo later returned to the good graces of Alfonso, and in 1136 he was appointed governor of Toledo. Enmity again arose between King and subject, and Count was forced to travel to Jerusalem. Upon his return to Spain in 1139, he was denied entrance to Castile where his family holdings were. He then journeyed to the court of the Moorish king Abengania in Valencia. There he contracted leprosy and died in 1140. 19. Rodrigo Martnez was a celebrated Leonese count who enjoyed an elevated position in both the courts of Queen Urraca and Alfonso VII. He governed the main castle in Len in 1127 and also held a high civil post in Astorga. His death at the siege of Coria is dramatically detailed in the chronicle in paragraphs 136 and 138. 20. Osorio Martnez was Rodrigo's brother. He participated in the major civil and military events of the Emperor's reign. Since he was Leonese, he allied himself with Fernando II, Alfonso's second son and his successor to the crown of Len. 21. No corroborative documentation can be found relating Ramiro Frilaz to the events narrated in the chronicle. Zurita is the only author who mentions his name when placing him at the Emperor's side in Zaragoza in 1134. Zurita, I, 216. During the war with Portugal the chronicle affirms that a Count Ramiro was taken prisoner after the Battle of Valdevez (paragraph 82). The author of the Chrnica de Afonso Henriques does not
mention the taking of captives nor the presence of this noble in the forces of the Emperor. Crnica de Afonso Henriques, edition and introduction by A. De Magalh Basto (Oporto: Livraria Civilizao, 1945), p. 38 and 326. 22. No other indications are offered in the chronicle regarding the last name of this noble. Without further data it is impossible to establish his identity. 23. This act of submission to the Emperor is the only mention of Pedro Lpez in the chronicle. His name is rarely cited in official documents of the period, and he is less renowned than his brother, Lope Lpez. 24. Lope Lpez was the prominent noble who held the post of royal "alfrez" from 1123 to 1127. From 1130 to 1134 he was the Emperor's chief steward. He therefore was present at all of the important state occasions during that time. There is evidence that he aided Alfonso at the conquest of Oreja and in the campaign to Almera in 1147. 25. The Asturian Count, Gonzalo Pelez, is portrayed in the chronicle as the prototype of the insurgent noble. He achieved consequential position in the Empire, but only while enjoying the favor of Alfonso VII. For a time the latter made him a member of his royal council, but the Asturian severed relations. He rebelled on three occasions. After his final act of defiance he was exiled and died in Portugal. 26. Teresa, Queen of Portugal, was the daughter of Alfonso VI and his concubine, Jimena Muoz. She was born in 1070, and in 1095 she married Count Henry of Burgundy. Jointly they ruled the territory of Portugal which was then situated between the Mio and Tajo Rivers. After the death of Alfonso VI, Teresa and her husband endeavored to convince Queen Urraca to divide the crown, hoping to increase their holdings in the western region of the Peninsula. Urraca spurned their suggestion, and Teresa and Henry turned against her and supported her Aragonese husband, Alfonso I. Teresa continued her opposition to Urraca even after Henry's death in 1114. She became regent for her son, Alfonso Enrquez, the Emperor's cousin. Teresa finally signed an agreement recognizing the sovereignty of the Leonese Queen. The chronicle records Teresa's meeting with Alfonso VII in 1127 when she affirmed recognition of his authority. She died in 1130 and was buried at Braga. Mendez Pidal, El imperio hispnico y los cinco reinos, pp. 159-166. L. Viera de Castro, A formaco de Portugal (Lisbon, 1938), pp. 13-14. 27. Fernando Prez de Traba was the distinguished Galician noble who played such a vital role in twelfth-century Peninsular politics. He was the son of Pedro Frilaz, the powerful Count of Traba who was the private tutor and protector of the young Alfonso VII. Count Fernando and the Emperor were educated together during their youth. Following the death of Count Henry of Burgundy, the husband of Teresa of Portugal, Fernando assumed a commanding position in the Portuguese court by reason of his intimate relationship with Teresa. After she and Fernando were attacked by her son, the Count fled to the court of the Emperor and remained there for life. 28. Garca Iiguez was a minor figure in the court of Alfonso VII. His name does not appear among those which traditionally accompanied royal documentation as confirming witnesses. He appears to have played a more prominent role in the circle of nobles surrounding Queen Urraca.
29. Diego Muiz was a distinguished noble from Saldaa which is located near Palencia. He performed the duties of royal judge both in his native town and in Carrin. Until 1155 his name is recorded in the majority of documents relevant to major legal actions in the Empire. 30. Rodrigo Vlaz was the most eminent count in Galicia at this time after the Count of Traba. Between 1087 and 1140 he held the title of Count of Sarri. He manifested unwavering allegiance toward Urraca during her tenure as Queen. He later served Alfonso VII with similar fidelity. He is thought to be the grandson of Rodrigo Vela, the assassin of Garca, the last Count of Castile. Ramn Menndez Pidal, Historia y epopeya (2 vols.; Madrid: Centro de Estudios Histricos, 1934), II, 48. 31. Gutier Bermdez was the brother of Count Suario and, like him, he was an unfailing supporter of Queen Urraca. He transferred his services to Alfonso VII immediately after the latter became king. 32. Pedro Frilaz was married twice. From his first wife, Urraca, Bermudo and Fernando were born. Little is known about Bermudo, but as has been noted, Fernando attained great prestige during his lifetime. Rodrigo, Garca and Belasco were sons from Count Pedro's second marriage. Their mother was Mayor Guntroda Rodrguez. As the chronicle notes, Rodrigo was made a count. He performed the duties of royal standardbearer for Alfonso VII while the latter was King of Galicia. The younger sons, Belasco and Garca, were relatively minor nobles rarely mentioned in the documents of the period. 33. Pedro Frilaz was one of the most illustrious nobles mentioned in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He was extremely influential in the affairs of Count Raymond of Burgundy and Queen Urraca. Count Pedro was royal tutor of Alfonso VII, and he assiduously defended Alfonso's right to succession to the crowns of Castile and Len relying heavily upon the support of the Galician nobility. Lpez Ferreiro, Don Alfonso VII y su ayo, pp. 9-27. Primera crnica general, II, 644. 34. Gmez Nez was also known as Gmez de Manzanedo. His fame dates from the reign of Queen Urraca. The author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris does not appear to be entirely accurate regarding the actions of this noble in the war with Portugal. In paragraphs 74 and 77 it is alleged that Gmez Nez and Rodrigo Prez betrayed the Emperor in 1136 by handing over their feudal domains to the King of Portugal. However, the Historia compostelana makes reference to only one traitorous noble. Historia compostelana, published by Enrique Flrez (Madrid, 1765), III, 151. Snchez Belda submits that Rodrigo Prez was the only noble rebelling on this occasion since documents indicate that Gmez Nez was at the Emperor's side in 1137 and in 1138, the years immediately following the date of the purported treason. It appears that the seditious release of properties recounted in the chronicle represents actions taken by Gmez Nez later in his life. Snchez Belda, pp. xli-xlii. 35. Fernando Juanes of Yez was a Galician noble who participated closely in the circle of personages surrounding the Emperor. He was adherent to the Galician faction which proffered early support to Queen Urraca. After her death he served Alfonso VII with dedication, contributing great military expertise during the war with Portugal.
36. Gimeno iguez was an unimportant figure among the Leonese nobility whose name does not appear in other historical records of this period. 37. Alfonso I, King of Aragn, was born in 1073. He was the second son of King Sancho Ramrez from the latter's second marriage. He became ruler of Aragn after the death of his stepbrother, Pedro I, in 1104. Soon after, a marriage was arranged for him with Urraca, the widowed daughter of Alfonso VI. Various factors determined the failure of this union. The Galician nobility interfered because they saw the cause of Alfonso Raimndez threatened. The clergy of Len and Castile were deeply antagonistic because the Battler King had sacked their churches. Finally, Pope Calixtus II, the uncle of Alfonso VIII, declared the marriage void on grounds of consanguinity. Urraca and Alfonso I were both great-grandchildren of Sancho el Mayor. Territorial claims resulting from this brief marriage later produced a military confrontation between Alfonso I and Alfonso VII. It was resolved with the Treaty of Tmara. Menndez Pidal places the date of the treaty in 1124. Lacarra offers documentation which indicates the year 1127 Ramn Menndez Pidal, "Sobre un Tratado de Paz entre Alfonso el Batallador y Alfonso VII," Boletn de la Academia de la Historia, XXXII (1943), 115-131. Jos Mara Lacarra, "Alfonso el Batallador y las Paces de Tmara," Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon, III (1947- 48), 461-473. Alfonso I of Aragn died shortly after his defeat in the Battle of Fraga. The Chronica Hispanicum is the most explicit of all sources regarding his demise: "Era MCLXXII lidi el Rey de Aragn con Avengania en Fraga el da de Santa Justa et Ruyfina. Et mori el Rey Don Alfonso en Porellino denant Saraguenda, la vspera de la Natividad de Santa Mara." Claudio Sanz Arizmendi, "Sobre la muerte de Alfonso I, el Batallador," Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, XXI (November-December, 1909), 571-572. 38. Rodrigo Gmez is not to be confused with the other personage of the same name whose rebellion is noted in paragraph 30. The chronicle pointedly mention the title "Consul" (governor of extensive territories) having been given to this Rodrigo Gmez of paragraph 8. Although Castilian, he was completely loyal to Alfonso VII. 39. Diego Gmez receives only this incidental reference in the chronicle. Other than being the brother of Rodrigo Gmez, nothing more is revealed about him. 40. Lope Daz de Haro was the son of Diego Lpez de Haro. The Primera crnica general praised his aggressive actions in the Battle of Navas de Tolosa. He was a distinguished noble of the ancient Haro family from Vizcaya. 41. Garca Garcs was a civil judge in vila in 1142, and he was a prominent figure in the later Analsiam campaigns of the Emperor between 1150 and 1157. His relationship with the Lara family is confirmed in De Rebus Hispaniae. He was son of Countess Eva, the second wife of Pedro Gonzlez de Lara. For a time he was guardian of the child King, Alfonso VIII. Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada, De Rebus Hispaniae (Madrid: Toledanos de Lorenzana, 1773), III, 15. 42. Gutier Fernndez was an eminent member of the Castro family of Castile. His presence is recorded in both the court of Alfonso VI and in the retinue of Queen Urraca. He is famous for his opposition to her marriage with Pedro de Lara. He lent military strength to the Emperor's forays into Andalusia. Gutier Fernndez was also guardian to Sancho III and royal tutor to Alfonso VIII.
43. Rodrigo Fernndez was appointed governor of Toledo in 1137. He was one of the foremost military leaders involved in the defense of the Toledo frontier during the first half of the twelfth century. 44. Pedro Gonzlez de Villaescusa is not to be confused with Pedro Gonzlez de Lara. He was a lesser figure of the period about whom there is no further reference in the chronicle. 45. Sancho Arnldez was an Aragonese knight whom the chronicle designates as keeper of the Burgos castle in 1127. Alfonso I of Aragn held the city that year. However, a document from 1127 names Fortunio Lpez as the governor of Burgos then: "Fertunio Lopiz in Burgus et in Soria," Lacarra, "Documentos para la Reconquista del Valle del Ebro," Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de Aragn, III (1947-48), doc. 132, 534. 46. Gaston of Bearne was the fifth Count of Bearne who through marriage was related to Ramiro I of Aragn. He was envoy to the Emperor from the Battler King in the Treaty of Tmara. He did not die at the Battle of Fraga like so many other French vassals of Alfonso I, but earlier in 1130. Zurita, I, 165, 176, 186, 191, 194 and 216. 47. Centulo of Bigorra was a renowned noble of Provence who became a vassal of Alfonso I in 1122. He perished at the Battle of Fraga. 48. Ramn Berenguer III, known as "The Great," was Count of Barcelona from 1096 to 1131. Without the aid of allies he contained the advances of the Almoravides in Aragn in 1102. F. Soldevila, Historia de Catalua (Barcelona: Ediciones Ariel, 1922), II, 130. With the assistance of Italian troops, he led the reconquest of the Baleares between 1113 and 1115. Toward the end of his life, he signed treaties with Alfonso I of Aragn. His first wife was Mara Rodrguez, one of the daughters of the Cid. In 1112, he married Dulce, a Provenal countess. From this union his successor, Ramn Berenguer IV, was born and also Berengaria, who later became the wife of Alfonso VII. 49. Berengaria (also known as Berenguela) was the first wife of Alfonso VII and Queen of Castile and Len from 1128 until her death in 1149. She is portrayed as an energetic empress in the chronicle, admired for her prudence and generosity. Presumably, her Provenal ancestry contributed to the extension of the Emperor's influence through the South of France. 50. Princess Sancha, the sister of Alfonso VII, was born in 1106. She enjoyed considerable prestige as advisor to her brother even in matters of the state. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris characterizes her as an intelligent woman who was distinguished for her piety. She was responsible for the construction of numerous churches on the Peninsula. The Crnica najerense dates her death in 1154. However, Mendez Pidal insists that her epitaph is more accurate. It offers the date in both the Spanish Era, 1197, and in the Christian calendar, 1159. Ramn Mendez Pidal, "Relatos poticos en las crnicas medievales," Revista de Filologa Espaola, X (1923), 334. 51. Pedro was not the Bishop of Pamplona in 1129. It appears that the chronicler erred regarding this prelate. In 1129, the Bishop of Pamplona was Sancho. P. Kehr, "El Papado y los Reinos de Navarra y Aragn hasta Mediados del siglo XII," translated
from the German by Mara Luisa Vsquez de Parga and included in Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragn (Zaragoza, 1946), II, 156. 52. Count Beltran was the older brother of Alphonse Jordan, Count of Toulouse, and the son-in-law of Pedro de Lara. After participating in the conquest of Tripoli, he came to Spain and became a vassal of Alfonso I of Aragn. Zurita, I, 166. Marcel Vic and Joseph Vaissete, Histoire de Languedoc (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1873), V, col. 826-827. 53. Pedro Daz de Valle is not to be confused with the Austrian noble, Pedro Daz, who was the father of Guntroda, the Emperor's concubine. The Pedro Daz of paragraph 19 rebelled against Alfonso VII for unknown motives after having been a loyal member of his court. 54. Pelayo Frilaz was a lesser member of the Asturian aristocracy about whom little can be determined since his name does not appear in historical sources of the twelfth century. 55. Oriol Garcs was an Aragonese noble whose allegiance to Alfonso I of Aragn is authenticated through several documents. The most noteworthy is a donation from the Aragonese ruler to Oriol Garcs in January, 1129. The noble's position as governor of Castrojeriz is corroborated in the document: "Ego Adefonsus, Dei gratia rex facio hanc cartam donacionis et confirmacionis vobis Ariol Garce de Castrogeriz." Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, III, doc. 154, 552. 56. Zafadola was also known as Almonstansir Abenhud. He was the son of Abdelmelic Imadodaula, the last Moorish king of Zaragoza. He descended from the famous BeniHud dynasty which ruled Zaragoza during the Taifas period from 1039 to 1110. Zafadola became a vassal of Alfonso VII in 1131when he delivered to him the town of Rueda which he ruled. The Cronica Adefonsi Imperatoris recounts his influence in the reign of the Emperor and his consequential activities in the rebellion against the Almoravides in 1144. He was killed in 1146 by fanatical Christian knights. Codera, Decadencia de Almorvides, pp. 53-57, 71-88, 303, 307. 57. The Almoravides are referred to as "Moabitas" in the Latin text of the chronicle. They were a fanatical Moslem dynasty of North African origin which existed from 1055 to 1147. Their initial incursions on the Peninsula were at the request of the faltering kings of the Taifus who sought their military assistance against the increasingly hostile policies of Alfonso VI. Their rapid expansion resulted from a radical religious spirit and a strict military discipline. The rise of the Almohades precipitated the end of the Almoravides. Jos Antonio Conde, Historia de la dominacin de los rabes en Espaa (Paris: Baudry, 1840), pp. 349-463. 58. Sancho, the Castilian, was also known as "El Deseado." He was the first-born son of the Emperor and Queen Berengaria. In 1151 he married Princess Blanca of Navarra, daughter of King Garca Ramrez. At the death of Alfonso VII in 1157, Sancho inherited the crown of Castile, while his brother Fernando received Len. A premature death in 1158 allowed Sancho a reign of only one year. His most noteworthy act was the foundation of the military order of the Knights of Calatrava in 1158.
59. Rodrigo Gmez of this passage is not to be confused with the Castilian Count, Rodrigo Gmez. The rebellious noble mentioned in paragraph 30 was a lesser figure of the Austrian aristocracy. 60. Guntroda, the Emperor's concubine, descended from Austrian nobility. She bore him a daughter, the Princess Urraca, who became the Queen of Navarra. Guntroda died in 1186 near Oviedo at the Convent of Vega which she had founded. 61. Pedro Daz, the father of Guntroda, was a member of the Asturian aristocracy. This fact and his marriage to Mara Ordez are authenticated in documents related to litigation which he brought against the Monastery of Eslonza claiming possession of the Church of San Juan de Verbio. Archives of the Monastery of Eslonza, IX, 38. 62. Urraca was the illegitimate daughter of Alfonso VII and his concubine Guntroda. She was the second wife of King Garca Ramrez of Navarra. They were married on the 24th of June, 1144. Urraca died in Asturians sometime after 1164. 63. Texufin succeeded his father Ali to the throne of the Almoravide dynasty in 1143. During his short reign, the Almohades realized extensive advances in North Africa, and the rebellion of the Spanish Moslems against the Almoravides was initiated in Andalusia. Texufin was forced to flee his court in Morocco. He perished there while being pursued by Almohade forces. Moorish authors differ regarding the date of his death. The years 1144, 1145 and 1146 are all cited. Codera, Decadencia de Almorvides, pp. 27-28, 285-291. 64. Tello Fernndez, originally from Sadaa, was mayor of Aceca before 1133. A donation from Alfonso VII in 1128 confirms his presence there. His death at the hands of the Almoravides prompted the Emperor to seek vengeance. This was one of the motives of his Andalusian campaign in 1133. 65. In medieval chronicles, Old Testament appellations commonly designated the enemies of the Christians. Saracenus offered a miscellaneous denotation referring to all Moslems. Thus, both the Almoravides (Moabitas) and the Spanish Moslems (Agareni) were called Saracens. 66. The precise location of the Amarela pass is unknown. However, since the Christian army proceeded to Talavera, one can surmise that it is one of the passes located on the western side of the mountains to the southwest of Toledo. 67. Gutier Armldez was the seventh governor of Toledo after its reconquest in 1085. A donation from Alfonso VII in 1126 substantiates his holding this office. Berganza, Antigedades, II, 53. 68. Ariano was bishop of Lon from 1130 to 1135. He presided at the Coronation of the Emperor in 1135. 69. Proverbs 21:1. 70. Alfonso Enrquez was the son of Count Henry of Burgundy and Teresa, an illegitimate daughter of Alfonso VI. He therefore was the Emperor's first cousin. Count
Henry died in 1114, and Teresa became regent. In 1127, with the aid of the Portuguese nobility, Alfonso Enrquez rebelled against his mother because of her relations with Pedro Frilaz, Count of Traba. She was exiled in 1128, and Alfonso assumed control of Portugal. He signed the Treaty of Tuy in 1137 recognizing the sovereignty of Alfonso VII. A persistent desire for Portuguese autonomy forced the Emperor to acknowledge the independence of the new kingdom. This was formalized in the Treaty of Valdevez in 1143. Historians acknowledge Alfonso I of Portugal as a major contributor toward his nation's independence. Bailey W. Diffie, Prelude to Empire: Portugal Overseas before Henry the Navigator (Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, 1960), pp. 15-18, 21-22, 24-25. 71. Count Henry of Burgundy came to Spain with other French nobles to aid Alfonso VI in the reconquest of Toledo. In 1095 he married Teresa, a natural daughter of Alfonso. He ruled Portugal with Teresa until his death in 1114. 72. Ramn Berenguer IV, the son and successor of Ramn Berenguer III, was Count of Barcelona from 1131 to 1162. In 1137 his marriage was arranged with Petronila, the infant daughter of Ramiro II, King of Aragn. The latter ruler conceded his entire kingdom to his daughter as dowry and retired from the throne. Through his marriage the union of Catalua and Aragn was produced, and Ramn Berenguer IV became King of Aragn. He never utilized this title formally. In 1140, Alfonso VII acknowledged him as governor of Aragn requiring that the Count pledge his feudal homage to him. Zurita, II, 22-27, 50-58. 73. Garca Ramrez, known as "El Restaurador," was king of Navarra from 1134 to 1150. He was the son of Ramiro Snchez of Monzn and Christina, the elder daughter of the Cid. His reign is characterized by the political independence he was able to pursue in the face of the Emperor's imperial policies. Garca Ramrez became ruler of Navarra after the death of Alfonso I of Aragn. In 1144 he married Urraca, the illegitimate daughter of the Emperor. F. Soldevila, Historia de Espaa (8 vols.; 2 nd ed.; Barcelona: Ariel, 1959), I, 226-228. 74. Abengania, also known as Ibn Ganiya, was the renowned Almoravide chieftain who commanded the reinforcement troops which decided the outcome of the Battle of Fraga in 1134. He ruled Valencia and Murcia, and at the outset of the Almohade invasion in 1147, he governored Crdoba. He established feudal relations with the Emperor that year. However, because of the growing demands made on him by Alfonso VII, Abengania entered a clandestine alliance with Barraz, the Almohade governor of Sevilla. He delivered Crdoba and Jan to Barraz and retired to Granada where he died January 7, 1149. 75. Guido, the bishop of Lescar, was a powerful French prelate who was part of the army of Alfonso I of Aragn at the Battle of Fraga. He was one of the few eminent figures not killed in that conflict. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris mentions his imprisonment after the battle. The duration of his captivity must have been brief, because the disaster at Fraga took place in July of 1134, and in December of that year Bishop Guido was in Zaragoza with Alfonso VII. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 86, 538.
76. Arnald Dot became bishop of Jaca and Huesca in 1130. Twelfth-century documents attest to his frequent presence in the retinue of Alfonso I of Aragn. He perished in the Battle of Fraga. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc.65, 66, 77, 80, 82 and 83.; 523-536. 77. Garsion of Gabeston does not appear in any documents of the twelfth century. The name "Garsion" appears in a document of September, 1121 in which Alfonso I of Aragn donated lands to a certain Riquer de Huesca. The Garsion of that document might possibly have been the individual mentioned herein. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 21, 491. 78. Bertrand of Laon was one of the most prominent French vassals of Alfonso I of Aragn. He was related to the royal house of Aragn through his cousin, Felicia de Roucy, who was the wife of Sancho Ramrez. Bertrand died at the Battle of Fraga. T. Jimnez de Embn, Ensayo histrico acerca de los orgenes de Aragn y Navarra (Zaragoza, 1878), p. 299. 79. The name of Fortunel of Fol does not appear in any of the documents of the period. The information in the chronicle is the only source available concerning this figure. He also died at the Battle of Fraga. 80. Ogier of Miramont, a powerful Frrench vassal of Alfonso I of Aragn, assisted in the reconquest of Zaragoza in January of 1114. Zurita, I, 166. He perished in the Battle of Fraga. 81. Neither Raymond of Talar nor Calvete of Sua are mentioned in historical sources of the twelfth century. 82. Almaric of Narbonne took an active part in Aragonese reconquest campaigns. He fought in the expedition to regain the Belearic Islands from 1114 to 1116. He died in the Battle of Fraga. 83. Ramiro II, "El Monje," was king of Aragn from 1134 to 1137. After the demise of his brother, Alfonso I, Ramiro was elected king of Aragn in Jaca. Previous to that he had been a monk in the monastery of San Pedro el Viejo in Huesca. In 1136 he broke his monastic vows and married Ines, the sister of William of Poitiers. After a daughter, Petronila, was born, he abdicated his throne. His kingdom was delivered to his daughter as dowry, for she had been promised in marriage to Ramn Berenguer IV. He took charge of the kingdom and Ramiro returned to his monastery. P. de Bofarull, Documentos inditos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragn, IV, doc. II. Federico Balaguer, "La Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y la Elevacin de Ramiro II al Trono aragons," Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragn, VI (1956), 7-40. 84. Ines of Poitiers was the sister of William VIII, Count of Poitiers and Duke of Gascony. See note 149. 85. Petronila was the daughter of Ramiro II of Aragn and Ines of Poitiers. As an infant she was espoused to the Count of Barcelona, Ramn Berenguer IV. After the death of her husband in 1162, Petronila relinquished the crown to her son, Alfonso II of Aragn. She died in 1174.
86. Garca Guerra was the bishop of Zaragoza in 1134. Although the chronicle fails to mention him by name, a document dated September 27, 1134 in Zaragoza designates him as bishop. The document confirms that Alfonso VII donated to the Bishop of Zaragoza one-forth of the funds in the treasury of that city. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 89, 542. 87. William, the fifth Count of Montpellier, was one of the French nobles who most actively participated in Peninsular affairs during the twelfth century. He was allied with Ramn Berenguer III in the reconquest of the Balearic Islands in 1114. In 1134 he was with Alfonso VII in Zaragoza, and that same year he became a vassal of the Emperor. Zurita, II, 32. 88. Exodus 22:18. 89. I Samuel 25:32; II Samuel 18:28. 90. Rodrigo Prez Volloso's first and last name are identical to those of Rodrigo Prez de Traba. This fact hinders the distinction of the two in medieval documents. Snchez Belda indicates that the Historia compostelana cites the actions of only one traitorous noble during the Emperor's war with Portugal, and fails to mention the Galician noble, Rodrigo Prez Velloso. 91. Ladrn Navarro was one of the most illustrious figures in the court of King Garca Ramrez. He was influential in determining that ruler's ascension to the throne of Navarra. In 1135 he was one of the three "ricos-hombres" who unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate a peace between Aragn and Navarra in Vadoleungo. Zurita, I, 210. 92. Ali was the son of the first powerful Almoravide King, Yusuf ben Texufin. He succeeded his father in 1106 and ruled until his death in 1143. He first came to the Peninsula in 1106 to consolidate the Almoravide rule by appointing new leaders in major Andalusian cities. In the early years of his reign, Ali enjoyed considerable military success against Castile and Portugal. In the latter years of his rule, the militaristic impetus of the Almoravides diminished in the face of Almohade insurgency in North Africa and the Christian coalescence under Alfonso VII. Chronicn lusitano, ed. By E. Flrez, Espaa sagrada, XIV, 420. Codera, Decadencia de almor
The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor Book II

Attacks on Toledo by Ali and Texufin (96) Momentarily we will depart from the chronological order of events and discuss the fierce wars which the Christians had to undergo in the past. After the death of King [103] Alfonso VI, Queen Urraca's father, the Moorish ruler Ali assumed dictatorial powers over the Almoravides. He also ruled over the Hispanic Moslems on this side of the sea. His imposing domination extended also to other nations. He reigned like a serpent whose thirst increases with the heat. He raised his head arrogantly, always confident of victory after the death of Alfonso VI, that most excellent of all men. Ali summoned all or the forces of the Almoravides and all of the mercenary Arabs available. He had at his command an army of thousands of cavalrymen, archers and infantry. They were as numberless as the sands of the seashore. Ali first took counsel with certain diligent advisors. Then he mobilized his entire army, crossed the sea and, came to Sevilla. His son Texufin also accompanied him. He ordered all of the leaders of the Almoravides who ruled over the Hispanic Moslems to muster their forces of cavalry, archers and infantry. He commanded them to equip themselves with scaling ladders and other war machines, both wooden and iron. All of this was prepared with the idea of overcoming the city of Toledo, to which Ali was proceeding with the greatest haste. He also intended to destroy other towns and cities located on the other side of the mountains. (1) He moved his camp from Sevilla, and in a few days he reached Crdoba. There all of the armed forces from that part of the Moorish territory joined him. They moved their camp and marched through the land which belonged to Alvar Fez. (2) They proceeded to capture strong cities and castles, Some of these they destroyed, and some they [104] fortified. Finally they came to the area around Toledo and destroyed San Servando and Aceca. Next, approaching the city proper, they set up their war machines in strategic locations. They took aim at the city for some time and assailed it with arrows, stones, spears and incendiary missiles. But Alvar Fez, one of the most inspiring of all Christian leaders, was within the city at that time. He had with him a good number of knights, archers, infantrymen and strong young soldiers. They were stationed on the walls, in the towers and at the gates of the city. They continued to fight bravely against the Moors, many thousands of whom were killed outside the city walls. Thus the infidels were put to flight by the courage of the Christians. They were positioned too distant from the city towers to do harm either to the city or to those stationed on the walls. (98) When King Ali viewed the situation, he ordered the infantry to gather a large quantity of firewood from the groves and from the vineyards. Ali directed it to be placed furtively during the night at the base of the strong tower at the bridgehead facing San Servando. At midnight the Moors commenced to heap a powerful pitch fire on the wood by using catapults to hurl the arrows as firebrands. They, of course, did this for the purpose of burning down the tower. But the Christians in the tower reacted quickly by pouring a great quantity of vinegar over the wood. The fire immediately died out. There were also many elderly men of sound judgment in the city with Alvar Fez. [105] They possessed great foresight, and had been left there by King Alfonso VI until his royal descendant might free Toledo from the threat of the infidels.
(99) Again when King Ali realized the failure of his strategy, he was extremely angered. Very early the following day he ordered his cavalry commanders to mobilize large formations from their choicest infantry supported by all types of war machines. He directed the other forces of Almoravides and Arabs to do the same. They were to bring the engines to the base of the city walls and place them in strategic positions. Thus several catapults were set up near the Alcara gate. From this location they could hurl firebrands into the city. There were also war machines which catapulted stones and javelins. They brought scorpions to shoot arrows, mantlets and battering rams to undermine the walls and scaling ladders to place over the towers. (100) The Christians countered with machines to fight those of the Moors. The encounter lasted for seven days. In that time the enemy was not able to damage the city at all. On the seventh day the Christians poured out of the city through the gates on the west side. With the Moors in full flight, they set fire to all the war machines which had been abandoned and the other devices with which King Ali and his commanders had contrived the destruction of the city walls. (101) While these battles were taking place, Bernardo, (3) [106] the Archbishop of Toledo, was prostrated with the clergy, the elderly and the poor on the floor of Saint Mary's church. They were begging the Lord and Mary not to remember the sins of the kings nor of the people. They prayed that they would not be killed or captured, nor that the women would become objects of infidel derision. Nor did they wish their children to be taken as booty. They prayed that the Lord would keep their city from destruction and his holy Law from reproach, dishonor or contempt. God listened to their petitions and pitied his people. He sent Michael the Archangel to guard the city of Toledo and to strengthen its walls so that they would not be destroyed. He came to comfort the hearts of the warriors and to defend the Christians. All of this would not have been done, had the Lord decided not to guard the city, for as David said, "Unless the Lord guards the city, they who guard it do so in vain." (4) The Sacking of Madrid and of Other Frontier Points (102) King Alii then saw that in the battle the scales had been turned against the Saracens. Their leaders were perishing, and their people were dying in countless numbers, so he and, all his army withdrew from the city. They went out and, captured cities and castles in the Trans-Sierra region. Because of our sins he was successful in destroying the walls of Madrid, Olmos, Canales and, many other places. He took a large number of captives, carried away much booty and left behind him a path of destruction. However, the more highly fortified towers of [107] these cities were not captured, and many Christians remained safely inside them. Guadalajara and other cities and castles were not harmed. Their walls were not destroyed, because God took vengeance on the Saracens. In fact, that abominable race began to perish more and more frequently at the sword of the Christians. Ali the Organization of his Court Abandons Spain;
(103) Under these circumstances King Ali quickly returned to Crdoba. There he summoned his son Texufin and said to him, "Take command of all the Saracen kingdoms, and you be King over all the Moslem rulers from the shores of the
Mediterranean to the Christian city of Toledo. Take possession of the territory up to Santarem, and on the other side of the Peninsula, up to Zaragoza and Barcelona. First of all, I command you, my son, to destroy Toledo by the sword. Destroy all of its cities and castles up to the Duero River, because the inhabitants of Toledo have defied me and have waged war against me. Send all of your Christian captives across the sea to my court." After this King Ali proceeded to Sevilla. He crossed the Mediterranean Sea and went to his city Morocco which was the capital of the Almoravides. He carried with him all of the Christian prisoners whom he had been able to capture. He also transferred to Morocco all the captives that he found throughout the land of the Spanish Moslems. (104) In King Ali's court there was a man whose name was [108] Alimenon. (5) He was a brave and knowledgeable sailor who commanded the navy of the Almoravides. When he would see that the weather was right for sailing, he would take a fleet of ships and sail up the Galician side of the Peninsula and then through the English Channel. Or he would sail through the Mediterranean striking at Sicily, Constantinople or against Ascalon on the Palestinian coast. He would attack Bari in the Adriatic and, other ports in that region. Alimenon assaulted the area of Barcelona and also the Frankish kingdoms. He left ruin everywhere, and butchered and massacred the Christians. He brought all of his captives to the court of King Ali, his master. Consequently, there was a considerable number of Christian nobles and commoners in this court. (105) It happened that at this time God favored the Christian captives and their infidel master as well. King Ali began to treat the Christians very well. In fact, he grew to love many of them even more than the members of his own oriental race. He even appointed some of them chamber servants in his private quarters. He made others military commanders in his army. Some of the Christian officers held command over military groups which numbered as many as one thousand troops. The same officers were also in charge of his bodyguard. He gave them gold and silver and cities and castles. He favored them in this way so that they would be in a more strategic position to wage war against the Almohades. (6) The King particularly wanted them to do battle against the leader of the Almohades, Abd al-Mumin (7) This ruler was sweeping victoriously through North [109] Africa without opposition. (106) Among the captives of King Ali was a Christian noble from Barcelona whose name was Reverter. (8) He was a just man, simple and god-fearing. The King placed him in charge of the Christian knights, and he also made him a general in his own army. This individual had never suffered defeat in combat. All of King Ali's wars were carried out with the strategical assistance and military knowledge of Reverter. However, as time passed Ali grew very old and finally died. His son Texufin succeeded him on the throne. He also treated the Christian captives benevolently, as his father had done. The Almoravides Recover Oreja, Zorita, Coria and Alvalat (107) The following events occurred during the reign of Queen Urraca. The King of Sevilla and the King of Crdoba and all the other Almoravide rulers in the south had gathered a large army of cavalry, infantry and archers. They proceeded to the territory of Toledo and began to attack the castle at Oreja. They massacred the Christians there and took many prisoners. They then took another castle at Zorita and strongly fortified it. There they left their cavalry, infantry, food supplies, and many arms and war machines. Thereupon they returned to the south.
(108) About this time Coria was surrendered to the Saracens by a certain group of evil men who feigned being Christians but were actually infidels. The Saracens also took another castle In Extremadura called Alvalat. They strengthened it and the one [110] at Coria with numerous cavalry and infantry troops. These soldiers were daily moving on the offensive throughout Extremadura up to the Duero River. Those in Oreja were doing the same against Toledo and against other cities in the Trans-Sierra region. They committed many massacres and carried away a great deal of booty. Attack Destruction of Aceca on Toledo;
(109) After some years King Texufin mobilized all his army and moved toward Toledo. But the Christians heard of his coming and fortified their city. Texufin, with his entire army, crossed the Tajo River and marched against the Aceca castle. This fortification had been inhabited recently by Tello Fernndez, a Duke from Saldaa, and also by other Christians. The Almoravides attacked from midnight until sunset the next day. Eventually, they broke through and captured the castle. In doing so they demolished it to its very foundations. Nearly three hundred Christian soldiers died in the fighting. Tello Fernndez, the commander there, along with many others, was captured and taken to Crdoba. From Crdoba he was transferred across the Mediterranean to King Ali's palace. He never returned to Spain. The Defeat of the Governors of Toledo and of Mora (110) During those times there was a Spanish Moslem chief in Calatrava whose name was Farax. (9) He was a champion among the Spanish infidels. In San Esteban there was a powerful leader [111] of the Almoravides named Ali. The two were carrying on a fierce campaign and causing a great deal of massacre in the territory around Toledo. They had mobilized all the Almoravides and Spanish Moslems in Oreja. They had also brought troops out of the area south to the Guadalquivir River. They stealthily entered the region around Toledo at night. There they set up an ambush in a concealed area. All of this activity escaped the notice of Gutier Armldez, the governor of Toledo, who was then in Alamn. (111) The next day early in the morning a few of the Almoravide cavalrymen appeared on the surrounding plain driving some cattle. Then they apparently began to flee. Gutier Armldez pursued them with forty knights. When they came upon the ambush site, the enemy suddenly appeared and began to attack. The battle grew extremely fierce, and Armldez was killed. Most of the other knights accompanying him were also killed. (112) One of those who survived was Munio Alfonso. (10) He had been born in Galicia but was now governor of Mora. He was taken prisoner with other Christian knights, and they were all transported to Crdoba. There they were thrown in prison. The Moors tortured Munio Alfonso by giving him neither food nor drink. After several days be ransomed himself with a great deal of gold, and silver, livestock and arms. He went to Toledo and then to his castle at Mora. On later occasions he fought many battles from that castle and defeated and killed many powerful Moorish leaders. These latter battles are recorded below. [112] The Defeat of the Governors of Escalona and Hita
(113) The infidel leaders mentioned above returned again to the frontier around Toledo. There they fought with the two brothers, Domingo and Diego lvarez. (11) The two jointly held the position of governor of Escalona. Farax and Ali also fought with many Christian knights from other cities. Because of their sins the Christians were defeated, and the governors of Escalona were killed along with many others. The Moors also engaged Fernando Fernndez (12) in battle. He was governor of Hita. The infidel forces overpowered him and many of his troops. The Reasons why Alfonso VII Neglected the Frontier (114) While the above battles were being fought, Alfonso I, the King of Aragn, was carrying out a very hostile campaign against Castile and Len. He had occupied the following towns: Castrojeriz, Herrera, Castrillo, the castle at Burgos, San Esteban de Gormaz, Villafranca, Belorado, Gran, Njera and many other castles. The Emperor and his loyal subjects were at war with all these cities. Alfonso VII was not aided wholeheartedly by Count Pedro de Lara nor by his brother Count Rodrigo Gonzlez nor by Count Gonzalo Pelez of Oviedo. Moreover, Pedro Daz was rebelling in Valle, and Gimeno iguez was doing the same in Coyanza. They had schemed trouble together, and had joined in a conspiracy with the Aragonese King. Because of this treachery, they all came to wretched ends, as is recorded in this book. (13) (115) When the war with the King of Aragn was over, another one broke out in Castile against King Garca of Pamplona and King [113] Alfonso of Portugal. We have already written about the military offensives of the latter against Galicia. Due to these wars the Emperor did not undertake any expeditions into the south to the territory of the Moors. For this reason they had gained much power within Christian lands. Their dominance lasted until the Emperor went to Jerez and captured Oreja and Coria. Even though the infidels were on the attack to such an extent, every year the Christians living in the Trans-Sierra region and in Extremadura mobilized their forces and planned military campaigns. These would vary from one thousand to five thousand soldiers, and sometimes as many as ten thousand. They would go to the territory of the Almoravides and the Spanish Moslems and massacre them and, take a great many prisoners. Large amounts of booty would be carried off, and the land would be left in flames. They also killed several Moorish leaders and destroyed many of their castles and towns. The end result was that the Christian forces did greater damage to the infidels than the infidels had ever done to them. Victory over Texufin at Lucena (116) Meanwhile King Texufin, Azubel (14) of Crdoba, Abenceta (15) of Sevilla and other Almoravide leaders had mobilized an enormous army. Their strategy was to come suddenly to the land around Toledo and completely destroy the cities there. In this way they hoped to gain a great deal of fame in the Arab world. They moved out from Crdoba, and after a few days they camped on the plain at Lucena. [114] (117) On the same day a thousand well-armed select knights were traveling from Avila and Segovia accompanied by a large infantry force. They were following a certain road which eventually leads to the plains of Crdoba. While they were marching they discovered that King Texufin and his forces were bivouacked on the Lucena plain. They immediately prayed to the Lord, to Mary and to Saint James to aid in their defense. It
was divine inspiration that told them to stop where they were and to pitch their tents in that location. They divided the infantry into two forces. One half they left in the camp to guard their equipment and supplies. After midday the other half of the infantry and the entire force of well-armed knights marched out. At about the fifth hour of the night they rushed the tents of King Texufin and caused terror and pandemonium within his camp. (118) A great mass of Almoravides and Saracens ran together to seize their arms and to begin the fight. The battle was fierce, and a great part of the Saracen contingent was killed while others fled the camp in all directions. King Texufin was wounded in the thigh by spears. However, he mounted his horse bareback and fled. The Christians captured the entire camp with the royal banners of the Moors, all their mules and camels, and the gold, silver and other riches. Then they returned to their own camp. Each soldier went back to his city in Extremadura praising and blessing God. Texufin returned to Crdoba in a state of disgrace. He was cared for there by [115] physicians, and his wounds healed after several days of convalescence. However, he was crippled until death. Cavalry Assault on Sevilla by Rodrigo Gonzlez de Lara (119) After Gutier Armldez died, the Consul Rodrigo Gonzlez came into favor with the Emperor. He was made commander of all troops in Toledo and leader of Extremadura. He mobilized a large army from both Castile and Extremadura. It was much greater than the combined cavalry and infantry of Toledo and of the other cities under Toledo's jurisdiction. Rodrigo Gonzlez led this force to the land around Sevilla and devastated all the area. He cut down the fruit trees and took great quantities of booty a myriad of captives from the region, gold, silver, costly dresses, herds of horses, mares, asses, bulls, cows and many other varieties of livestock. (120) The King of Sevilla viewed all this and immediately summoned many thousands of Almoravides, Arabs and Spanish Moslems. They came from the islands of the sea and also from the maritime nations. These were all of his neighbors and allies, and among them were many powerful Arab leaders. The King set out against the camp of Rodrigo Gonzlez. The Consul was informed of this military move, and led away his army out of the camp and took up positions to meet the infidels. The Christian infantry was divided into two bodies, the archers and the slingers. All the bravest warriors were located in the front line of battle. Next came a line of knights from vila. The second line was from Segovia. Rodrigo remained to the rear with the forces [116] from Toledo, the Trans-Sierra region and Castile as a reserve to reinforce the weak and to bring medical aid to the wounded. (121) The battle began as the Saracens shouted and sounded their brazen trumpets and drums. They uttered cries and invoked Mohammed. The Christians called out with all their heart to the Lord, to Mary and to Saint James. They prayed that they would show them mercy and forget the sins of the king and of their forefathers. Many on both sides fell wounded shortly after the battle had begun. Rodrigo realized that the King of Sevilla's army was the stronger. Consequently, all of the bravest warriors joined with Rodrigo and they attacked. The King of Sevilla fell in the field and died, as did many of his officers. Rodrigo Gonzalez pursued the survivors all the way to the gates of Sevilla. After picking up the spoils, he began his march back to the camp.
Defeat of the Council of Salamanca (122) At the same time the nobles from Salamanca entered the land around Badajoz. When they had been informed that Rodrigo Gonzlez had planned a campaign against Sevilla, they said, "Let us go into the territory around Badajoz, and let us make a glorious name for ourselves. We will not share our new fame or glory with anyone." They mobilized an extremely large army and set out on the road that leads to Badajoz. They devastated the entire region and left nothing but ruin behind them. They also took many enemy captives. Their booty consisted of furnishings from the houses along with much gold and silver. [117] They gathered all the horses, mules, camels, asses, oxen and many other kinds of livestock. (123) While all this was taking place, King Texufin was mobilizing an enormous force to fight the Consul Rodrigo. When he learned from a certain Spanish Moslem who had fled from Rodrigo's camp that the King of Sevilla and all his nobles had been killed, he was afraid to carry his campaign there. But he also learned from the same escapee that the Christian forces were bivouacked in the Badajoz region. Texufin followed the Christians, and he set up his camp facing theirs. He did not, however, immediately engage in battle with them, because it was almost nightfall. The Christians carefully reconnoitered the situation. They killed all the infidel captives in their camp. This was done to avoid the possibility that these captives might throw the camp into disorder by taking up arms during the battle. Through his interpreters King Texufin ordered that the Christians be asked who their commander was. They answered, "Each of us is his own individual commander." When Texufin heard this reply, he realized immediately that they were all fools and greatly lacking in prudence. This, of course, made him extremely happy, and he said to those around him, "Let it be known that their God has abandoned these fools." Many Salamancan nobles, realizing what the outcome of the battle would be, secretly fled from the camp. At daybreak the fighting began, and the Christians had to retreat immediately. All the knights and infantrymen were killed, and only the few who fled on horseback were saved. All [118] of the defenses of the camp were taken, and it was indeed a great disaster for the Christian forces. King Texufin carried away all the spoils and returned victoriously to Crdoba. (124) The disaster alone was not a sufficient lesson to the Salamancan officers. The same misfortune repeated itself three more times in that year and in the following one. The cause of these calamities was simply that they trusted in their own strength too much and not enough in the Lord's power. After this they did penance for their sins and prayed a great deal. They offered, tithes and their first fruits to God, and he favored them. They were given the gift of valor and prudence while waging war. For that reason, subsequent to their prayers, they were a constant threat to the Moors in their own land under the leadership of Count Poncio (16) and other generals of the Emperor. They fought several battles and won great victories which included great spoils. The city of Salamanca became famous for its knights and infantry. The city also grew very rich from the spoils of war. The Pilgrimage of the Victories Fernndez in Almonte, Serpa and Silvia Rodrigo of Gonzlez; Rodrigo
(125) The Consul Rodrigo returned to Toledo without any difficulty with his entire army. They praised and blessed God during the return trip, for He had saved those who trusted in Him. The other battles which the Consul Rodrigo fought with the king of the Almoravides are not recorded in this book. [119] When all of the military activity was concluded, the Consul became a pilgrim, and in a spirit of devotion, he journeyed across the sea to the city of Jerusalem. (l26)Finally the Emperor entrusted Toledo to Rodrigo Fernndez. He gave him many cities and towns in Extremadura. Rodrigo was appointed commander of all forces in Toledo. Following his appointment, he mobilized the entire army from Toledo and from all Castile, both cavalry and infantry. He led them to the South to the land of the infidels. There he caused much slaughter and ruin. He took many captives, a great deal of gold and silver and many beautiful pieces of clothing. He also captured several varieties of livestock which he found there in the fields. Wherever they traveled in the South, they left complete destruction behind them. (127) When this ruin was reported to Texufin, he was extremely angered. He summoned all his friends, all the army officers and also his cavalry commanders. Moreover, mercenary forces were recruited from other kingdoms, from the islands in the sea and from the coastal regions. An enormous army of Almoravides likewise was brought across the Mediterranean to the South of Spain. This force was so large that it was impossible to count their divisions. The king then went out with his army to meet the Christians at Almonte. (128) As soon as the governor of Toledo saw the approaching forces, he said the following to the Christians: "Do not fear [120] their numbers, and do not be alarmed at the thought of their attack. Keep in mind how King Alfonso VI and our own fathers captured Toledo and forced the frontier back to the Duero River. Now let us pray to God for His compassion, and He will crush them before our very eyes." Then the battle lines were drawn up. The cavalry, infantry and archers from both sides were assembled for the fighting. The conflict commenced, and God saw to it that several thousand of the enemy were killed. Consequently, King Texufin was defeated and forced to flee from the battlefield with his entire army. The Christians seized much gold, silver, horses, mules, camels and many other valuable spoils. They returned to Toledo singing hymns and blessing God, for He is good and His mercy endures forever. (17) (129) Rodrigo Fernndez, the governor of Toledo, mobilized the army a second time and marched south to the land of the Moors. Their kings came out to meet him at Serpa. In this confrontation the governor of Toledo came away the victor and took great spoils from the enemy. He returned to Extremadura extremely happy. Finally, a third time he gathered his forces and went to enemy territory and brought about great destruction. He killed many Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems. The infidel kings had mobilized a heavy force of cavalry and infantry and had met at Silvia. After the battle had begun, they retreated and many thousands of their troops were slaughtered. The remainder of the force fled in all directions. Again the governor of Toledo achieved victory, and the Christians seized a [121] great amount of booty from the enemy. After they had returned to Toledo, they were all very elated over the victory. On the return journey they sang the Te Deum in its entirety. The Reconstruction of Aceca
(130) At that time there was a certain knight in Extremadura whose name was Gocelmo de Rivas. (18) He was a man of military inclinations who was also extremely wealthy. He possessed silver, bread, wine and all the riches of the world in great quantity. He went to the Emperor and requested that he be appointed for the reconstruction of the Aceca castle. The petition pleased King Alfonso a great deal. Therefore, Gocelmo and his entire family traveled to Aceca. The governor of Toledo accompanied them with a large army. They pitched their tents at the foot of the castle which had been destroyed by King Texufin when he had taken it from Tello Fernndez. The castle was reconstructed with high walls and strong towers encircling it in order to keep the enemy from destroying it again. Gocelmo de Rivas had with him many aggressive knights and well armed infantrymen to guard the fortress. Messengers from Toledo resupplied it with foodstuffs so that Toledo itself might have something of a stronghold facing Oreja. Using that city as a base, many of the enemy were waging an aggressive war both in the region around Toledo and in Extremadura. A fierce battle took place at Calatrava and at Oreja. Sometimes the Christians were victors in this campaign, and sometimes they were forced to flee. [122] Campaign of the Emperor through the Land of Jan (131) In May of the year 1176 of the Spanish Era, the Emperor joined forces with Rodrigo Fernndez, the commander of the Toledo army. This officer had attained great success in all of his campaigns. The Emperor also brought Count Rodrigo from Len, his own palace advisors and a large force from Extremadura. They set out and after traveling some distance, they bivouacked near the Guadalquivir River. Many plundering contingents marched out for several days at a distance from the main camp. They plundered all the land around Jan, Baeza, beda and Andjar. They set fire to all the towns they came upon. They also cut down the vineyards, the olive groves and all the other trees. Every place that came in their path was left in ruins. After several days they returned to the Emperor who was at the main camp. They brought a large number of captives, both men and women, and also children. They carried with them much gold and silver and many elegant and costly garments. Many other riches were also carried to the camp, including fine furniture and large herds of horses, mares, oxen, cows, sheep and goats. (132) While this campaign was taking place, a certain group of individuals from Extremadura crossed the Guadalquivir River without the Emperor's order. They marched into enemy territory and burned and destroyed everywhere. After gathering their booty, they returned to the area where they had previously crossed the river. Because of a serious lack of planning and owing to the [123] large amount of spoils which they carried, they did not recross the river, but remained on the other side. At midnight there was an extremely heavy rainfall, and the river rose to flood level. In the morning the people were trapped on the other side of the river. They could not swim across, nor could they devise any other method for reaching the other side. (133) The Emperor foresaw the impending tragedy, and he withdrew with his special guard so as not to witness the inevitable death of his people. Around the third hour of the day, those trapped on the far bank of the river looked up and saw squadrons of Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems coming to slaughter them. They were so completely frightened that panic overcame all of them. Consequently, they lost all sense of military skill in combat. They shouted across the river to the commander of Toledo
and to Count Rodrigo to have pity on them. But these commanders shouted back: "The water has risen to such a height that it is totally impossible to make a crossing now. Confess your sins, pray, and share the Holy Bread of Communion that you have with you. God will then have mercy on your souls." (l34) The Christians were now well provided with faith. They took up their arms and killed all of the infidel prisoners there. They even killed the women, children and animals. Immediately the approaching forces rushed on them and all of the Christians died. One of them did survive, and he was a Christian knight who threw himself into the river and was carried across by the current. All those who witnessed this miracle, [124] both Christian and Moor, were extremely amazed. The enemy cut off many of the heads of the Christians. They then gathered up the spoils and departed. When it was finally over, the consuls broke camp and went to the Emperor. They related everything that had occurred, and consequently, he left in a very disconsolate mood. He went to Toledo, and each of his soldiers departed for his own land. The Failure of the Death of Count Rodrigo Martnez the Attack on Coria;
(135) In July of the same year, the Emperor again gathered together his palace guard, Count Rodrigo of Len and the men of Salamanca, and they all marched toward Coria. Alfonso set out with the intention of capturing the city. First he laid an ambush at some distance from the walls. Then he sent plundering companies to the city to capture the men, women and all the livestock in the fields. When the enemy within saw this they bravely broke out through the city gates in pursuit of the Christians who pretended to flee. Actually, they wished to pull them away from the city. When they had passed by the site where the Christians were concealed, the Emperor appeared in the field. Suddenly, those lying in ambush rushed out and killed all of the Moors and their leaders. Not one of them survived this attack. (136) When the people within the city of Coria saw this taking place outside the walls, they quickly shut the city gates and fortified them with heavy timbers. The Emperor ordered the camp to be moved closer to the city. He sent messengers [125] throughout Extremadura and Len with instructions that all cavalry and infantry should come to assist in the blockade of Coria. If anyone refused to come, that man would greatly displease the Emperor, and his entire home would be confiscated. The Christian officers erected high wooden towers that actually reached above the city walls. This resulted in such a perfect blockade that none of the enemy could enter or leave the city. The Christian forces also brought engines and mantlets with which to subdue the city. (137) The Emperor summoned the commanders and ordered them to mobilize the war engines in preparation for the assault on the city. He left with his hunters for the mountains then in search of deer, boar and bear. In the morning the assault was begun. Consul Rodrigo Martnez himself climbed one of the wooden towers. Many knights, archers and slingers went up the tower with him. Then one of the enemy by pure chance shot an arrow at the tower which the consul had climbed. Because of our sins, the arrow hit its target on the other side of the wickerwork. The iron point of the arrow struck the neck of the Consul. It pierced his headpiece and corselet and wounded him.
(138) Nevertheless, after the Consul realized that he was wounded, he quickly grasped the point of the arrow and, removed it. At once he began to hemorrhage. Neither the conjurers nor the physicians could stop the bleeding. Finally Rodrigo said to those around him, "Take off my arms, for I am extremely [126] disheartened." Immediately they removed his arms and carried him to his tent. Throughout the entire day they attempted to cure his wound. Around sunset all hope in medicine was lost, and he died. As soon as the news had spread through the camp, there was tremendous mourning-more than anyone had imagined. Upon returning from the mountains, the Emperor was informed of the Consul's death. He learned the cause upon entering the camp. Alfonso gathered all of his advisors, and in their presence, he appointed Osorio, Rodrigo's brother, to be consul in his place. (139) On the following day the Emperor realized his many misfortunes on this campaign. Thus, yielding to fate, he withdrew from the blockaded city. His nobles departed with him. He went to Salamanca, and the others returned safely to their respective homes. Count Osorio, the new consul, took the body of his brother to Len. He was accompanied by his own military force and by that of his brother. The mourning over the death of Rodrigo Martnez increased in every city. In Len they buried him with honors in his father's tomb near the Basilica of Saint Mary. The tomb is located very near the episcopal throne. Texufin Returns to Morocco (140) After this King Texufin crossed the Mediterranean Sea and went to the city of Morocco to the house of his father, King Ali. He took many Christians with him. These were called Mozarabs, and they were the Christians who had been living for [127] centuries in the South of Spain under Moslem rule. He carried off all of the captives that he had made during his stay on the Peninsula, and he placed them in cities and castles along with the other Christian prisoners. They were to face the Almohades who were attacking all of the land of the Almoravides in North Africa. The Sackings the Loss of Mora on the Frontier;
(141) After some years King Azuel of Crdoba and King Abenceta of Sevilla and the other infidel leaders in the South mobilized a very large army. They returned to the cities which lie along the Toledo frontier. There they committed many massacres and caused much destruction in Escalona and in Alamn. They captured the Mora castle due to the negligence of Munio Alfonso. I say negligence because he did not have it properly protected, nor was it provided with enough supplies to sustain large scale attacks. For this reason the enemy captured it. They fortified it with brave men and resupplied it. (142) It must be noted that when the army of the Almoravides and of the Spanish Moors came to the territory around Toledo and its cities, it did not stay for a long time. Rather, it waged war for one entire day and night, and, then immediately returned home. This army made such a rapid advance south, because it feared the Emperor and his knights who lived in vila, Segovia and in Extremadura.
Countermeasure for Foragings of Munio Alfonso
the
Loss
of
Mora;
(143) When the Emperor was informed that Nora had been captured by the enemy, he went there and constructed another castle facing it. This castle was Pea Negra, and it was stronger than the Mora castle. He fortified it with very aggressive knights and infantrymen and provided it with many supplies. He entrusted this castle to Martn Fernndez. (19) Subsequently, he made daily attacks on those within the Mora castle until the Emperor recaptured it. After Mora had first been lost to the enemy, Munio Alfonso was too ashamed to appear in the presence of the Emperor. However, he did undertake a rather dangerous military campaign with his comrades from Toledo, Guadalajara, Talavera, Madrid, vila, Segovia and other cities. He was increasing his military incursions into the South against the Almoravides and against the Spanish Moslems. He caused great devastation and ruin and carried off a great deal of booty. He fought many of the Moorish leaders and he defeated and killed many of them. (144) Since the Emperor realized that Munio Alfonso was a good warrior, he ordered him to come to his court where he would be rewarded for his brave deeds. He appointed him Vice-Governor of Toledo and ordered all of the cavalry and infantry in the TransSierra region to obey him. They already were informed of his outstanding feats and military skills through the many battles which they had fought with him in the South. Yet the Almoravides and the Spanish Moors in Oreja were still the cause of great affliction around Toledo and all of its cities. [129] The Emperor Governor of Toledo, and his Brother Gutier to Blockade Oreja Commands Rodrigo the Fernandez,
(145) In the thirteenth year of his reign, the Emperor Alfonso realized that the Lord had given him somewhat of a respite from his enemies. He took counsel with his advisors, and ordered his two governors, Gutier Fernndez, and his brother, Rodrigo Fernndez, to attack the Oreja castle. They were to do this in April. Each one would have his own force, and also all the knights and infantry from Toledo and from the cities in the TransSierra region. The forces from Extremadura were to take part also. (146) Then the Emperor mobilized all of the military personnel from Gailcia, Len and Castile. These groups were accompanied by large infantry troops. All of them joined up and departed for Oreja. Inside the fortress was the famous infidel chieftain Ali. He was the notorious murderer of Christians and their leaders in the Trans-Sierra region. He was accompanied by a large number of archers, cavalrymen and a good sized infantry. These troops consisted or both Almoravides and of Hispanic Moslems. The castle at Oreja was extremely strong and well defended with every kind of weapon. Of particular significance were the catapults which they used for hurling large stones. The Emperor ordered his craftsmen to construct several war engines for the assault on the castle. Furthermore, he ordered guards to be stationed along the river bank to out off the enemy's water supply. A special mantlet was placed on the river at a certain location [130] where the Moors used to draw their water secretly. Enemy Attempts to Attacks on Toledo Defended by the Empress Aid the Castle;
(147) When the kings in the South were informed of the blockade, they were greatly alarmed. Especially angered were Azuel of Crdoba and Abenceta of Sevilla. Abengania, the commander of the Valencian forces, was equally disturbed. They summoned the other kings and military leaders in the South, and they gathered all the cavalry and infantry available. They even received military aid from the islands in the sea. King Texufin sent a powerful army of Almoravides from Morocco. Finally, an infantry rearguard joined them and followed the many camels loaded down with flour and with every kind of foodstuff possible. There were approximately thirty thousand troops in the cavalry. The infantry and the archers were unable to be counted. (148) They moved their camp from Crdoba and began marching along the highway which leads to Toledo. They bivouacked when they reached the springs of the Algodor River. There a heavy ambush was laid under the command of Abengania with the support of his own cavalry guard. If the Emperor were to come to engage them in battle, they were instructed to go straight to his camp. There they were to set fire to it and kill all of his warriors. They were to reinforce the castle at Oreja with cavalry and infantry. They would also resupply them with the foodstuffs they were carrying and replenish their water supply. Then they would proceed to a prearranged location and join up with the other [131] forces. From that spot they would all go to Toledo and wait for the Emperor to meet them in battle. (149) However, Alfonso's scouts came to his camp, and in the presence of his nobles and advisors, they informed him of the enemy's movements and of their strategy. It was as if they had all been divinely inspired, for they decided not to go into battle against the Moors, but rather to wait in the camp, even though they would lose the castle. The enormous army of Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems approached Toledo and directed their initial attack against San Servando. The tall towers were not destroyed, although they did demolish a smaller one facing the castle. This was a watchtower, and only four Christian lives were lost. Many of the enemy then went to Aceca. However, they caused no damage there. (150) The enemy army eventually commenced to destroy the vineyards and orchards. However, the Empress Berengaria was in Toledo with many knights, archers and infantrymen who were guarding at the gates and walls of the city. When she realized what the Moors were doing, she sent messengers to their kings bearing the following communication: "Do you not realize that you are fighting against a woman, and that this is in no way advantageous to your own honor? If you wish to fight, go to Oreja and fight with the Emperor who is awaiting you there with his forces in battle array." When the enemy rulers heard this message, they looked up and, saw the Empress seated on a royal throne in the high tower of the Alcazar. She was adorned [132] and attended as befits an Empress. Around her there was a large group of distinguished women singing to the accompaniment of tambourines, lutes, cymbals and psalteries. Upon seeing her the Moors were not only totally astonished, but they were also very ashamed. They bowed their heads before the Empress, turned back and did not cause further destruction in the area. They gathered their forces that had lain in ambush, and they returned to their own lands without victory and without honor. The Blockade the Concession of a Treaty is Completed.;
(151) Meanwhile, the Emperor had ordered guards stationed along the river so that the enemy could not replenish their depleted water supply. These guards had placed a special mantlet at the location where the water had been secretly drawn. The Moors came out of the castle and set fire to it, because they found it unattended by guards. Those inside the castle were prevented from leaving after that, and they suffered tremendously from hunger. Many of them died for lack of food and water. The cisterns had gone totally dry and were not receiving any water at all. The Emperor's engineers placed the engines and the war machines against the castle and commenced to destroy its towers. (152) Ali witnessed this and having consulted with his advisors, he sent the following message to Alfonso: "Let us come to terms by means of a peace treaty. Grant us a period of one month, so that we may again send a messenger across the [133] Mediterranean Sea to King Texufin and to all the Spanish Moslems also on this side of the sea. If no one will come to our aid, we will march out and return your castle to you. You will then allow us to go peacefully, taking all of our belongings to our city of Calatrava." The Emperor replied: "I will make the following agreement with you: give me fifteen of your nobles as hostages excepting Ali. If no one will come to your defense, you will return my castle to me. Your catapults and all of your weapons and riches will remain in the castle. You will be allow to take only your personal possessions with you. The Christian captives in your dungeons will remain in the castle to be fed by my men at my own expense." Although unwilling, Ali and his men accepted the terms of the treaty and gave the hostages to the Emperor. These were immediately sent to Toledo under guard. Ali pledged under oath that he would fulfill every item in the treaty as stated. The Emperor agreed likewise. The Surrender of the Castle (154) Very early in the morning on the last day of the month, the castle was surrendered. The towers were filled with Christian knights, and the royal banners were raised from the highest tower. Those holding the banners shouted as loudly as they could, "Long live Alfonso, the Emperor of Len and of Toledo." When the bishops and all the clergy witnessed this, they raised their hands to heaven and said, "We praise you Lord, we acknowledge your glory." (155) Ali and his forces marched out of the castle taking [134] only their personal belongings. They left behind all the Christian captives, and they left their riches with these captives. They proceeded to the Emperor who received them in peace. For some days they were his guests in the camp. In the meantime the hostages were returned to them. After this the Emperor allowed them to go to Calatrava. Count Rodrigo accompanied them in order to afford them some protection from the inhabitants of the Toledo region who wanted to kill them. (156) The siege of the castle had begun in the month of April, and it was surrendered to Alfonso in October of the year 1177 of the Spanish Era. Thus all shame related to the loss of the castle was forgotten. This had been the largest campaign that had been conducted in the combined regions of Toledo and Extremadura. The Emperor subsequently ordered the castle to be fortified with a force of knights and infantry, with war machines and with every available kind of weapon. The water supply was replenished and food provisions were added. The entire army with all of the nobles and
officers returned each to his own home singing and praising God because a great victory had been achieved through His servant, Alfonso the Emperor. Toledo Receives the Emperor Upon his Return from Oreja (157) Following these events, the Emperor decided to go to Toledo. When his coming was announced, all of the leaders of the Christians, Moors and Jews and all the commoners of the [135] city went out to meet him with tambourines, lutes, psalteries and many other musical instruments. In his own tongue each one of them praised and glorified God who had aided all of the enterprises of the Emperor. They were saying, "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord, and blessed are you and your wife and your children and the kingdom of your fathers, and blessed is your compassion and forbearance." (20) (158) Inside the city, Raimundo, the Archbishop of Toledo, (21) led a long procession of clerics and monks into the plaza of the city and welcomed the Emperor. They went to the Church of Saint Mary during which time the archbishop was singing, "Fear God obey his commandments." After the archbishop's blessing, Alfonso withdrew to the Alcazar in the royal palace and remained there for some days. Afterward he visited the cities and castles in the region of Toledo. On this visit he undertook a campaign to strengthen justice in his empire by bringing death to all criminals. Consequently, all of the evildoers throughout Extremadura were pursued and punished. Through the influence the Emperor, justice, peace and virtue spread, and all of the citizens of his kingdom were delighted with this favorable state of affairs. The Reconquest of Coria (159) Two years and six months had passed, after the capture of Oreja when the Emperor directed his attention to Coria. He set up his camp around the city and ordered his engineers to [136] construct a wooden tower which would surmount the walls of the city. Then they began to undermine the walls and to destroy the towers with war machines and mantlets. The Almoravides and the Spanish Moors in Coria were completely intimidated by these actions. Initially, they fortified the gates with a strong supporting wall thus preventing entrance or exit. Finally, a terrible famine prevailed within the city, and many of the enemy perished from starvation. (160) When the Almoravides realized that there was no possibility of their survival, they asked the Emperor for peace under the following terms: They would be permitted an interim period of thirty days to see if they might gain external aid and be freed. If they did not receive assistance, they would surrender the city peacefully returning all of the captives and riches. The offer was acceptable to Alfonso and to all of his advisors. Following the agreement, the Almoravides sent messengers to Texufin, to Abenceta and to Azuel. The messengers related the incidents prior to the peace treaty and also the specific terms of the agreement between the Emperor and the Almoravides within the castle. Since King Texufin and the other rulers could not possibly relieve them, they ordered them to surrender and save their lives. This greatly saddened Texufin. They commanded them to satisfy all of the Emperor's demands in the treaty. This was done with the greatest expediency.
(161) After the city was returned to Alfonso, it was cleansed of all Mohammedan contamination. All of the defilement [137] of the infidels in the city and in the temple was wiped out. A church was dedicated there in honor of Saint Mary and all the saints. They consecrated as bishop a pious man whose name was Navarro. (22) The city thus returned to its former state when an episcopal seat had been there during the time of Archbishop Ildefonso (23) and King Recaredo. (24) At that time all the land from the shores of the Mediterranean Sea to the Atlantic Ocean in the North was Christian. The city of Coria was recovered in the year 1181 of the Spanish Era. After the Emperor had been granted such tremendous victories with God's help, he returned honorably and in peace to Salamanca with all his army praising God whose mercy is eternal. The Terrified Abandon the Albalate Castle Victory of Munio Alfonso in Montiel Almoravides it Empty;
Leaving
(162) When the Almoravides and Spanish Moors in Albalate heard that Coria had been recaptured, they were terrified, and they abandoned the castle there. They marched out leaving it totally empty. The Christians from vila and from Salamanca came and demolished it to its very foundations. During the following year Munio Alfonso, the governor of Toledo, selected nine hundred knights and one thousand of the bravest infantrymen from Toledo, vila, Segovia and neighboring cities. This noble was a very aggressive leader and most dedicated to war. As was his custom, he led these troops to the central plain of Crdoba and camped there. While in that area, he seized a [138] large quantity of gold, silver and other riches. He also took a number of prisoners. During that campaign there were many massacres throughout the plain around Crdoba. However, one enemy captive made a successful escape. Be fled to King Azuel of Crdoba and to Abenceta, king of Sevilla. Both of these rulers were together at that time. They were planning the strategy for a campaign into Christian territory with the defeat of Toledo as their principal objective. However, they had still not reached a decision regarding a suitable strategy. Quite suddenly then, the prisoner who had escaped from the Christians arrived. He communicated to them all the facts related to the latest Christian victories around Crdoba. (163) When they had received this information, they order the alarm to be sounded immediately throughout the entire plain of Crdoba, Carmona and Sevilla. A general call to arms accompanied this emergency announcement. The drums and the trumpets were sounded in all the cities, castles and villages. Consequently, thousands of cavalrymen, infantry and archers marched in pursuit of the Christian forces. However, Munio Alfonso, ever on the alert, saw the large body of enemy troops preparing to fight. Their royal banners were raised for battle and other forces were joining them, including a rearguard. (164) Munio Alfonso immediately identified them as the armies of Kings Azuel of Crdoba and Abenceta of Sevilla. He addressed his troops with the following words: ""The kings of the Almoravides are pursuing us with large forces of cavalry [139] and infantry. We shall now advance our own army to the orchards around Montiel. There we will mobilize our forces in full battle array and await the enemy." The Christian forces proceeded to this location, and there they set up their camp. All of them knelt and prayed in the following manners "Oh Jesus of Nazareth, who hung on the cross and shed blood, for our sake, the infidel armies have joined together for the purpose of
destroying us. Have pity and deliver us, Oh mighty Virgin of Virgins. Intercede for us before your Son, our Lord, Jesus Christ. If you deliver us, we will faithfully give your church in Toledo the tithes of all those things which you have given or will give to us. Saint James, Christ's Apostle, defend us in battle so that we may not perish during this frightful encounter with the enemy." (165) When the prayer was finished, Munio Alfonso drew them into extremely tight battle lines facing the Moors. Again Munio addressed his troops: "Oh children of Christians, take courage and let us fight boldly and manfully against Abenceta, King of Sevilla, who is known to be the bravest of all the enemy. If Abenceta is defeated or killed, they all will be defeated. Be certain that none of you dies while in retreat, for it is better indeed for us to die united in battle than scattered in a state of confusion. My companions, remember that sixty-two knights and I (some of those are here now and others have remained home) fought with King Texufin and with the entire Cordoban army on the field of Almodvar [140] de Tendas. The Lord placed them in our hands, and they were defeated. Texufin fled, and many of his officers and troops were killed. The remainder of his army retreated, but only one of us perished in the battle. We took countless spoils from them and returned peacefully to our cities. Remember that for God it is as easy to put many at the hands of a few as a few at the hands of many. Now let it be done according to the will of God." They then received Communion in Masses celebrated by the clerics who accompanied them. (166) The columns of Almoravides and Spanish Moors approached with their royal standards raised and mobilized themselves in formidable battle lines facing the Christians. King Abenceta realized that the size of the Christian forces was small. There were no princes' standards among their ranks by only those of Munio Alfonso, the governor of Toledo. Abenceta then addressed those around him regarding the opposition: "Oh senseless Christians, children of dogs, how is it that you come to lose your heads?" But combat began at that very moment. Abenceta was immediately attacked by two Toledan knights Pedro Alguacil and Roberto Mongomriz. He was killed and was beheaded. (167) King Azuel witnessed this and instantly wheeled about. The remainder of the enemy officers and their troops retreated through the mountains. They fled there and concealed themselves in caves or among the rocks. But Munio Alfonso and his band of Christians pursued them. While [141] fleeing in retreat, Azuel was thrown to the ground and beheaded by Munio Alfonso. It was virtually impossible to make a body count of the dead. Moreover, many of the enemy officers were taken prisoner. The Christians captured as many infantrymen as they could manage to hold. (168) The following items were among the booty taken: much gold and silver, the royal standards and many precious garments, excellent arms and mules and camels loaded with many other riches. The heads of the kings were placed at the tops of the poles which carried the royal standards. The heads the enemy princes and officers were impaled on individual spears. Munio Alfonso ordered the bodies of the kings to be wrapped in the finest silk cloths and to be placed in a verdant field and left there under enemy guard until they might be removed. The Christians returned to their camp singing and blessing God, for his mercy is eternal. The Triumphal Entrance of Munio Alfonso into Toledo
(169) Early the following day Munio Alfonso and his companions broke camp and marched into Toledo. They entered the city through the Alcntara Gate. The royal banners were raised high at the front of the march with the kings' heads on the poles. Then came the noble Moorish knights in chains; next the Moorish populace with their hands tied behind their backs. After them the Christian infantry followed leading the kings' horses and the mules of the princes and officers. These all bore saddles splendidly crafted in gold and silver. At the [142] end came the camels and the mules loaded down with captured arms and with all of the spoils. (170) This entire victory procession stopped at the doors of Saint Mary's Church. Awaiting them there were the Empress Berengaria, Raimundo, the Archbishop of Toledo, all the clergy, the knights of the city and the entire populace. They had come to witness the results of this miraculous victory. After they saw the heads of the infidel kings impaled on the royal standards, they were astonished. They all entered the church singing the Te Deum joyfully. The archbishop gave his blessing and they all returned to their homes. (171) The following day early in the morning the Empress, Munio Alfonso and his comrades sent a message to the Emperor who was in Segovia: "Come without delay to your house in Toledo. Here you will witness the results of a great victory which the Lord has accomplished for you and for your entire kingdom." When the Emperor heard this, he was extremely pleased, and he immediately traveled to Toledo. (172) When Munio Alfonso and his victorious soldiers heard that the Emperor was coming, they went to meet him at some distance from the city. The royal banners led the way with the kings' heads impaled on the tops of the poles. First came the victors. Following them appeared the heads of the nobles and officers on individual spears. The enemy knights walked behind those all in chains. The Moorish people taken captive followed [143] the knights. All of them had their hands tied behind their backs. Then came the royal horses, the mules of the other leaders and all of the captured weapons. The beasts of burden and the camels took up the rear loaded with spoils. When the Emperor saw all this, especially the kings' heads on the top of the standards, he was completely amazed,. He immediately thanked the Lord saying, "Blessed be the Lord God, Creator of all things, dreadful and mighty, just and merciful, and He alone is eternal. It was He who rescued all of you from the sword of these kings, and He always delivers me and all his faithful from every evil." (173) Then they returned to the city and went to the royal palace. First, as had been promised, tithes were given by all to God and to the Church of Saint Mary. As was the custom, they gave the Emperor one fifth of what had belonged to the enemy kings. They also presented him with the royal banners, several horses and numerous other gifts. From the common spoils they set aside precious items which were sent to the Church of Saint James at Compostela. The remainder of the booty was divided according to custom among Munio Alfonso and his comrades. (174) Munio Alfonso ordered the kings' heads and the heads of the princes and officers to be hung from the top of the Alczar in Toledo. This was done in order to give clear evidence to Christians, Almoravides and Spanish Moors of the divine help which was given to assure victory. However, after [144] some days had elapsed, the empress was compassionately moved and ordered the heads taken down. She instructed the Jewish
and Mohammedan physicians to anoint them with myrrh and aloes, to wrap them in the finest cloths and to send them to the South in silver and gold boxes. The empress had them shipped honorably to Crdoba to be given to the wives of those kings. This victory was won by God in March in the year 1181 of the Spanish Era.
Abengania is Named Governor of Mohammedan Spain (175) When Texufin heard that the rulers of southern Spain bad been killed, he and his entire kingdom were greatly sadden The news also caused, a great deal of political confusion. Texufin called to his side all the Christian nobles who were in his court and also the Almoravide and Arabian nobles who were his own advisors. He asked them what they considered a sound plan regarding southern Spain, which was without a leader. They unanimously recommended that Abengania be appointed ruler of that region. They insisted that there was no one more qualified for the position either in North Africa or in southern Spain. Abengania was a loyal friend of Texufin, and at that time he was present there in his court. So the King gave him the governorship of Crdoba, Carmona, Sevilla, Granada and the entire rule over the region belonging to the Spanish Moslems. Texufin ordered Abengania to take a large amount of gold and silver from his treasury. He was to utilize these funds for a campaign into Christian territory for the purpose of avenging [145] the deaths of the Moorish kings recently killed there. Abengania was ordered not to spare any of the Christian regions, and to bring every fortified Christian town under the control of his rule for King Texufin. The Emperor's Campaign Against Crdoba and Sevilla (176) In the same year as the above-mentioned battles, the Emperor mobilized large forces of knights, infantry and archers, and at his command they all camped near the Tajo River in Toledo. He summoned the two leaders, Munio Alfonso, governor of Toledo, and Martn Fernndez, governor of Hita. He ordered them to take charge of the people and the land and to take up residence in Pea Negra (a town surnamed Pea Cristiana). They were to be especially careful lest the Almoravides come and fortify the castle at Mora. (177) King Alfonso and his army marched to the region around Crdoba. It was harvest time, so they set fire to all the fields and cut down all the fruit trees. In fact, they put to fire the entire territory around Crdoba, Carmona and Sevilla, and all that land was destroyed. They burned the vineyards, olive groves and fig trees, and nothing remained except the stronger towns and cities. The Emperor caused much slaughter and carried away many captives and much booty. The Defeat and Death of Munio Alfonso (178) While the Emperor was in the South, the chieftain Farax, the governor of Calatrava, adopted a strategy for [146] attacking the land around Toledo. All the infidel leaders who resided in the land up to the Guadalquivir River combined forces with Farax. Their plan was to fortify the Mora castle and prepare an ambush for Munio Alfonso. They planned to kill him and all of his companions who were in the Pea Negra castle.
(179) Before sunrise on the first day of August, Munio Alfonso left the castle at Pea Negra. Forty knights from Toledo accompanied him. He left his comrade, Martn Fernndez, to defend the castle. Munio Alfonso and his knights went up to the mountainous region around Calatrava to reconnoiter the enemy activities in that area. While on this mission, they discovered a young Moor hiding in a cave in the mountains. They immediately seized him. He was brought to Munio Alfonso who asked him who his leader was, where he was from, and what was his destination. The captive answered that he was a Mohammedan serving Farax, the chieftain of Calatrava. He had been sent out to spy on the Christians. When the prisoner was asked about the movements of Farax, he answered that his leader was not far behind with a large force and many animals carrying provisions for the resupplying of the Mora castle. He indicated that Farax was actually following the force with the supplies, and that he had in his command about four thousand troops. The prisoner told Munio Alfonso that their purpose was to kill him and his comrades. The man was still speaking when suddenly the vanguard of the enemy appeared. Munio Alfonso and his knights immediately joined in battle with them. The Moors were quicky defeated and turned back. Many of them died there, and the [147] remainder scattered in retreat leaving much booty on the battlefield. (180) Following this, Munio Alfonso returned to Pea Negra and reported to Martn Fernndez the incidents of that day. He also warned that Farax was coming with a large army to make war on them. After some deliberation, they ate bread and drank wine together. Then Munio Alfonso, Martn Fernndez and all the knights with them departed from the camp and mobilized their forces to meet the infidels in battle. They encountered the enemy prepared for battle near the springs of the Algodor River. After the fight had commenced many fell on both sides, and Martn Fernndez was wounded. Both armies then withdrew, and consequently there was a large, open area separating them. (181) Since Munio Alfonso realized that time was not at all on their side, he told Martn Fernndez the following, "Don Martn, you and your forces leave immediately for Pea Negra. Defend it diligently in case the Almoravides come from the opposite direction and occupy the castle. That would, indeed, greatly trouble our Emperor. My comrades and I will fight and leave the rest to the will of God." Martn Fernndez and his soldiers returned to the castle to defend it. Munio Alfonso then addressed his stepson whom he had knighted that very year: "Go to Toledo to your mother's house and protect her, my other sons and your own brothers. I pray that your mother will not lose both of us in the same day." [148] But his stepson refused to leave and insisted that he would rather die at Munio Alfonso's side. Then in a state of rage, Munio struck him with the pole of his spear, and although unwilling, the stepson left for Toledo in tears. (182) At that moment the Almoravides returned to attack Munio Alfonso and his companions. Many were wounded on both sides in this second encounter. When Munio realized that he and his men were being pressed too hard on the field, they climbed a certain rock called Pea del Cuervo. The enemy archers overtook Munio, and subsequent to their attack, he was wounded and died. All of his soldiers died around him. The majority of the enemy officers also perished. (183) Farax, the leader of the Moors, came and beheaded Munio Alfonso. He also cut off his right arm with his shoulder and his right foot with the leg. He stripped him of his
weapons, and his trunk was wrapped in clean cloths. Many other Christian knights were also beheaded. The head of Munio Alfonso was sent to Crdoba to the house of the widow of King Azuel and then to Sevilla to the house of King Abenceta. After that it was carried to North Africa to King Texufin, so that the death of Munio Alfonso might be made known throughout the land of the infidels. The arm and the foot and the heads of the other knights were hung from the highest towers in Calatrava. Praise of Munio Alfonso [149] (184) When the citizens of Toledo received news of what the enemy had done, they recovered the body of Munio Alfonso and also the bodies of his companions. They buried them in Saint Mary's cemetery in Toledo. For several days the widows of the slain men visited the cemetery. They were weeping loudly and expressing their grief in the following ways "Oh Munio Alfonso, we grieve over you. Just as a woman loves her husband, so the city of Toledo loved you. In combat your shield never turned away, and your spear never turned back. Your sword always achieved great victories. Do not announce his death in Crdoba and Sevilla, nor in the house of King Texufin, lest the daughters of the Saracens rejoice, and the daughters of Toledo be saddened." (25) (185) It should be noted that Munio Alfonso and the warriors accompanying him met their end, because of a very serious sin which Munio had committed. He had killed his own daughter who was the offspring of his legitimate wife. He had done so because she had been consorting with a certain young man. He did not pity his own daughter as the Lord pitied him in all of the battles which he had fought. Nor did he consider the woman caught in adultery whom the Scribes and Pharisees placed before the Lord and whom they wished to stone. The Lord said to them, "Whoever among you is without sin, let him be the first to stone her." (26) However, Munio Alfonso was repentant for this sin throughout his life. He even wished to make pilgrimage to Jerusalem. But the archbishop of Toledo, Raimundo, [150] and the other clergy there ordered him to engage in continual warfare against the infidel as a penance. The Church gave this command at the request of the Emperor. Munio performed the penance faithfully, until he was killed by the Moors. The Return of the Emperor (186) While the above events were taking place, the Emperor was traveling through the country around Crdoba, Carmona and Sevilla. He was returning from that area of southern Spain having gained a great victory over the enemy there. When he arrived at the territory adjacent to Talavera and had camped on the plains near the Tajo River, knights from Talavera came to visit him. They were accompanied by their personal, entourages. The Emperor learned from them of the death of Munio Alfonso, and he became extremely sad over this news. The nobles and the royal advisors saw the great sorrow of the Emperor. They came and stood around him and told him that there were many men in his kingdom like Munio Alfonso, some who were even better than he. They said that the good fortune which was Munio's was also his and would be his for the rest of the days of his life. This was to be so, for God had said that no one in the kingdom had been as prosperous and fortunate as the Emperor. After hearing this, Alfonso meditated on its significance for about half an hour. Then he addressed his troops ordering each of them to return to his home. The following year all the military
forces from Galicia, Len, Castile and Extremadura were to join with him in Toledo in the [151] middle of September. After his soldiers heard this, they all returned home. The Emperor's Campaign Discontent is Raised against the Almoravides in Andalusia;
(187) Toward the end of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era in September, all of the Emperor's military leaders came to Toledo each accompanied by his own respective force. The royal escort and all of the governors came, as did the troops from Extremadura. The Emperor mobilized his army and sent powerful raiding parties ahead of him throughout the region around Crdoba, Carmona, Sevilla and Granada. They devastated all of the land, around Baeza and beda, and they ruined the fields around Crdoba and Sevilla. They even ventured as far south as the region of Almera. There they destroyed all the vineyards and cut down the olive groves, the fig trees and all the orchards. They left all these in flames. They also set fire to the cities, towns and small villages. Much of their livestock was lost in these fires. They took men, women and children along with an immense booty of horses. They also captured mules, oxen, cows and all the livestock in the fields. The richer spoils consisted of gold, silver and expensive household items. They took all this and whatever else they could lay their hands on. They carried this booty in its entirety to the Emperor at his camp near Granada. Nothing remained standing in Andalusia from Almera to Calatrava except for a very few of the strongest cities and towns. After this [152] plundering, the Emperor and his army returned to Toledo carrying the abundance of goods with them. They had achieved an important victory in the South and had assured greater peace for their lands. (188) The leaders of the Spanish Moslems in the South and their people realized that their misfortunes were increasing. They saw that the Emperor and his army were coming annually to their territory. They witnessed the yearly destruction or their land by the armies of Toledo, Segovia, vila and Salamanca. Therefore, they assembled in their plazas and in their mosques to discuss the problem. First, they fully realized that they could not withstand the war with the Emperor and his armies. Some of them spoke out and said that it was the Almoravides who were seizing their choicest lands and possessions They had confiscated their gold and silver, and kidnapped their women and children. The Spanish Moors, therefore, decided to fight the Almoravides and drive them from Spain. They well understood that they had no part in the house of King Texufin. Nor did they have rights of inheritance among the sons of Ali, nor of his father Yusuf. (27) Others suggested that they make a peace treaty with the Emperor. They further recommended paying him royal tributes as their ancestors had done. The latter advice seemed wise, but at the same time they realized that they should be fully prepared to fight the North Africans. They turned toward their mosques and prayed, begging the compassion of Mohammed, their false prophet. They prayed that he would aid them in their plans and in the execution of these [153] plans. Then messengers were sent to King Zafadola and to all the other descendants of the Spanish Moslem kings asking them to come and make war on the Almoravides. The Insurrection against the Almoravides (189) In October of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era, Mahomet, (28) a Spanish Moslem leader of royal blood, killed all the Almoravides in Mrtola and in the surrounding region. Next, the Almoravides in Valencia, Murcia, Lrida, Tortosa and in several other
places were killed in fights at close quarters. At that time King Zafadola and all the citizens of the southern cities from the Mediterranean coast up to Toledo rose up against the Almoravides, then commanded by Abengania. Many thousands of Almoravides and Spanish Moslems perished in the insurrection. The Spanish Moslems prevailed at first and succeeded in driving Abengania and all the other Almoravides out of Crdoba. They likewise expelled them from many other towns in the South. Although Abengania had apparently been ousted from power in Crdoba, he took up a strategic position in the highest tower of the city. His followers did the same in Montoro, Carmona and Sevilla. All the Almoravides who had succeeded in escaping the sword of the Spanish Moors fled to Abengania and offered him powerful support. Subsequent to this action, there was much massacre and a general state of chaos in southern Spain. The situation was similar to that which existed when the infidels first crossed the Mediterranean Sea and seized that land. The Insurrection in Crdoba (190) At that time there was a Spanish Moslem priest in Crdoba whose name was Aben Hamdin. (29) This individual was the richest man in all of Crdoba. He summoned Farax, the chieftain of Calatrava, along with all the Crdoban nobles and his own relatives and friends. They came to him, and he proposed a secret strategy to them by which King Zafadola might be killed. Zafadola, in the meantime, had gathered all his loyal Christian knights and infantry, and had them in his personal entourage. He departed from Crdoba with them, and Farax also left the city. Later, when they met, Zafadola said to Farax, "Because you have planned to betray me, I must bring an end to your conspiracy." He then turned to the Christian soldiers and told them to rush on Farax and kill him. They did so immediately. The Death of Zafadola (191) Under the pretext of Farax's death, Aben Hamdin and the citizens of Crdoba were determined. to kill Zafadola. Therefore, they continued to pursue him. He traveled to Jan and from there to Granada. He had many military encounters with the Almoravides, and he captured many of their cities and towns. However, Aben Hamdin became the political leader of Crdoba. Then Zafadola sent messengers to the Emperor to tell him that beda and Baeza and their surrounding towns refused to obey him and were also unwilling to pay the Emperor's tributes. After he had received this news, Alfonso called Counts [155] Poncio, Manrique, (30) and Armengol (31) and also Martn Fernndez. He directed them to go and subdue Baeza, beda and Jan for him and for King Zafadola. They were ordered not to spare any of the rebels in those cities. (192) They went with a large army to the South. They devastated the land there and put down all of the insurgent activity. Much booty and a great number of captives were taken. When the inhabitants of the region realized the extreme state they were in, they sent envoys to Zafadola. They asked him to aid in their defense against the Christian attacks. It was made clear that if he would do so, they would serve him willingly. Zafadola came immediately with a large force. He left this force stationed in front of the Christians, and he himself entered their camp peacefully. He asked them to return to him all of their booty and captives from the campaign. Then he promised to accompany them to the court of the Emperor. Once there, he would act obediently upon whatever orders King Alfonso might give him. The counts refused to comply with such a request.
They reminded Zafadola that it was he who had requested military force to aid in quelling the rebellion in the South. It was he who had sought the destruction of the rebel territory. The counts insisted that they had carried out the exact command of the Emperor. Zafadola replied that if they would not return the captives and the booty to him, he would utilize military force against them. The counts answered that the time and the hour had arrived for such a battle. [156] The lines were immediately drawn up, and the combat which ensued was extremely fierce. (193) Finally the forces under Zafadola's command retreated and were defeated. During the battle Zafadola himself was captured by the Christian forces. He was being held, when another group of knights passed by. They recognized Zafadola, and, because of their own special religious sentiments, they killed him. When the counts realized what had happened, they were very distressed. Messengers were sent to the royal city of Len to inform the Emperor of the latest incidents in the campaign. Upon hearing of Zafadola's death, Alfonso was extremely upset. He declared his own innocence regarding the death of his friend. Both Christians and Moors all the way from the Jordan River in Arabia to the Atlantic Ocean knew that the Emperor was never part of a conspiracy to kill King Zafadola. Aben Hamdin Requests Aid from the Emperor (194) Aben Hamdin, the political leader of Crdoba, was not able to withstand the war with Abengania and the Almoravides He and his friends fled to Andjar where he was received by the citizens. Abengania pursued him and blockaded Andjar. He first mobilized catapults, war machines and siege engines. He then initiated a fierce attack on Aben Hamdin and those with him in the city. Upon seeing the gravity of the situation, Aben Hamdin sent messengers to the Emperor. The message told of Abengania's blockade on Andjar. Aben Hamdin begged Alfonso to [157] show compassion and come and rescue him. He assured the Emperor that he and his friends would then willingly serve him. (195) After hearing this, Alfonso called for his faithful friend, Fernando Juanes. He was commander of Limia and the same individual who had aided the Emperor in Limia in his war with the king of Portugal. Fernando was ordered to take as many of the Emperor's knights as he wished and go to Andjar. He and Aben Hamdin were to defend the city until Alfonso could arrive there. Fernando departed immediately with a large force of knights. When Aben Hamdin and the citizens of Andjar saw him entering the city, they were overjoyed. Fernando ard Aben Hamdin joined forces and fought several battles with Abengania. Some of this combat took place outside the city walls. Many soldiers from both sides were killed. The Death of Reverter (196) While the above campaign was being fought, Reverter died. He was the Christian leader in captivity in North Africa in King Texufin's court. All of the Christian prisoners there sprinkled themselves with dust and dirt and mourned his death. In their state of grief they cried to him, "Reverter, our leader, our shield and protection, why have you abandoned us? To whom do you leave us? Now the Almohades will attack and kill us along with our wives and children." Even King Texufin and his entire house mourned over Reverter's death.
Advances of the Almohades [158] (197) Abd al Mu'min, the infidel leader of the Almohades, was at that time maintaining a court at Bugia and at Mount Colobar in the Atlas Mountains in North Africa. He also reigned over several other nations in the Moslem world. He had heard of the death of Reverter, and he was very pleased because he had been engaged in a fierce war with him for some time. Abd al Mu'min immediately marched into King Texufin's territory with an army of more than one hundred thousand horsemen. His archers and infantrymen comprised such a large force, that it was impossible to count them. Strong cities, both Moslem and Christian, were captured. Numerous massacres took place, and all the land was burned through which this enormous army passed. Following this initial show of force, Abd al Mu'min turned toward the city of Morocco. The Death the Conquest of Morocco by the Almohades of Texufin;
(198) King Texufin was terrified and greatly shaken when he heard of the advances of the Almohades. His entire kingdom was equally frightened at the news of these victories. Texufin gathered all the Christian leaders who were Reverter's lieutenants, the leaders of his own people and his entire army. He went out to face Abd al Mu'min in battle, and the fighting was so fierce that it continued for several days. Finally King Texufin was defeated and fled. He took refuge in a certain castle, but the king of the Almohades pursued him and surrounded the castle. Abd al Mu'min ignited a raging pitch [159] fire, and then by means of catapults and flaming arrows, he directed the fire at the tower where Texufin had his quarters. The tower was burned, and King Texufin died in the flames. Many Christian and Almoravide princes as well as thousands of cavalry men and footsoldiers were also burned to death. (199) King Ali's house was thrown into great confusion. The situation was as grave as when the Almoravides began to rule in Spain. When King Texufin died, the King of the Almohades took possession of several castles and occupied every fortification he could. He penetrated the defenses of many highly fortified cities, and he brought about numerous massacres. He strengthened his new acquisitions with brave soldiers who were capable of carrying on the war within the cities. All who resisted Abd al Mu'min were captured, and were burned to death with their wives and children. (200) When Abengania and all the Almoravides in Spain heard of King Texufin's death (and also of the many princes accompanying him), they were dumbfounded and without any recourse for action. The Hispanic Moslems were, on the contrary, extremely happy over these events. The Emperor and his court were not at all saddened at the news of Texufin's death.... (32) (201)....] of Saint John the Baptist in the location where Satan's synagogue had previously been built. The bishop of Burgos died there during the siege, while the Emperor was [160] still there. This occurred on the feast of the nativity of Saint John the Baptist. Preparations for the Conquest of Almera
(202) We should never cease praising and honoring God who protects His servants everywhere. He overthrows the enemies of His law and reduces them to nothing. While the Emperor of Len (a true terror to the Arabs) was still involved in the blockade of Crdoba, some noble and eloquent envoys from Genoa came to visit him there. They urged him to allow them to destroy the city of Almera in his name. This city was a center for operations for the pirates who sailed from one end of the Mediterranean to the other. Sometimes they would attack the land of Bari or of Ascalon. They would strike at Constantinople, Sicily or even at Barcelona. On other occasions they raided Genoa and Pisa in Italy. They invaded France, Portugal and even Galicia and Asturias. They would seize the booty and the captive Christians and then flee quickly in their boats. The Genovese delegation insisted on the importance of the Almera campaign. Finally they ceased speaking in order to allow the Emperor to reach a decision. He favored the plan, and he gave them thirty thousand maravedis to finance the operation. They promised to come and assist him with ships, men, arms, war engines and provisions. The Emperor and the envoys mutually agreed upon the month of August as the deadline for the arrival of the Italian forces. [161] (203) Alfonso then sent Arnaldo, the bishop of Astorga, (33) as his envoy to the Count of Barcelona and also to William of Montpellier. He requested them to come likewise in August and assist in the destruction of Almera. He reminded these two nobles that such a campaign against the infidels would be most advantageous to the salvation of their souls. They received his invitation with joy. They promised to be present along side of the Genovese. The Almohades in Spain (204) In the same year that Crdoba was taken, the tribe that was popularly called the Almohades crossed the Mediterranean Sea from North Africa. They constructed an immense war machine, and after storming Sevilla, they occupied the city. They also conquered other cities and towns both near and far from Sevilla. They inhabited these places, and they killed the nobles and the Christians who were called Mozarabs. They also killed the Jews who had been living in southern Spain since ancient times. The homes, riches and wives of the men were seized and kept by the Almohades. Return of the Christian Captives from Morocco (205) About this same time many thousands of Christian knights and infantrymen accompanied by their bishop and by a large group of clerics came from North Africa to Spain. They journeyed from the South to Toledo. These were the Christian prisoners mentioned above who had been living in the court of King Ali and also in the court of his son Texufin. The Destruction of Almera (206) Since we are about to recount matters of great importance, if we change our form to verse, we may curtail some tedium and elevate our style. We have decided to sing of the French and Spanish leaders who came to the Almera campaign in the following poem:
Notes for the Second Book 1. This area is located between the Tajo River and the Guadarrama mountain range. 2. Alvar Fez, the nephew of the Cid, was one of the most prominent figures in the court of Alfonso VI. He acted on numerous occasions as Alfonso's envoy to the Moorish kings of Taifas. He fought in the Battle of Ucls in 1109, and consequent to that Christian defeat he was dispossessed of his domain in Zorita and in Cuenca. He became governor of Toledo in 1109. His leadership in the defense of the city is clearly depicted in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He recovered Cuenca in 111, but was killed in 1114 while defending Queen Urraca's cause against the Aragonese. Ramn Menndez Pidal, La Espaa del Cid (5th ed.; Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1956), II, 554 and 586. 3. Bernardo de Sdirac, a descendant of a noble French family, migrated to Spain after becoming a Cluniac monk. He was named the first abbot of Sahagn in 1080. He left there in 1085 when he was appointed first archbishop of Toledo after its reconquest. In 1088 he became Primate of Spain, and in 1093, Papal Legate. Bernardo was one of the decisive agents contributing to the French Cluniac influence on the Peninsula. He died April 3, 1124. M. Defourneaux, Les Franais en Espagne aux Xieet XIIe Sicles (Paris, 1949), pp. 33-34. 4. Psalm 126: 1. 5. Alimenon, the commander of the Almoravide navy, was also known as Ibn Maymum. His fleet besieged numerous Christian cities and carried back masses of captives to North Africa. They were conscripted into the Almoravide army to fight against the Almohades. At the death of Texufin in 1145, Alimenon abandoned the Almoravide cause and presented his navy to Abd al-Mumin, the king of the Almohades. Immediately thereafter he captured Cdiz and delivered it to them. Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta, Historia de Espaa y su influencia en la historia universal (2d. ed.; Barcelona: Salvat, 1961), II, 567. 6. The Almohades were a North African dynasty which originated in the early twelfth century under the leadership of Ibn Tumart. The tenets of their ideology were dedicated to a complete purification of Moslem customs and a strict unitarianism. Their greatest victory against the Spanish was at the Battle of Alarcos in 1195. However, they were decisively defeated by Alfonso VIII in the Battle of Navas de Tolosa in 1212. Snchez Albornoz, La Espaa musulmana, II, 202-208, 220-226. Conde, Dominacin de los rabes, pp. 423-531. 7. Abd al-Mumin was the renowned Berber chieftain who in 1130 succeeded Ibn Tumart as King or Califa of the Almohades. In 1160 he came to Spain for the first time. He died in North Africa at the age of sixty-nine. The entire dynasty of the Almohade rulers descended from him. Henry Coppe, History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1881), II, 228-235. 8. Reverter, A Mozarab of Catalan origin, was commander of Christian captives compelled to fight in North Africa for the Almoravides. He enjoyed prestigious
treatment from both Ali and his son Texufin. Ibn Jaldun, Histoire des Berbres (Paris, 1927), II, 176-177. 9. Farax, also known as Ali Alfage, was governor of Calatrava during the first half of the twelfth century. He was responsible for the deaths of numerous Christian leaders, particularly, Munio Alfonso, the celebrated warrior of the second part of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. Although a Spanish Moslem, he conspired with Abenfandi of Crdoba to kill Zafadola. When the latter discovered the plot, he killed Farax. Codera, Decadencia de almorvides, pp. 78-79. 10. Munio Alfonso was a Galician noble who became a celebrated captain in the forces of Alfonso VII and nearly the protagonist of Book II of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He was mayor of Mora and vice-governor and military leader of Toledo before 1143. The narration of his encounter with Farax and his subsequent death provides one of the most heroic sequences in the chronicle. Fernando Brieca Salvatierra, "Rincones histricos. El frontero Munio Alfonso," Revista Contempornea, XCV (1894), 449-460 and 576-585. 11. Domingo and Diego lvarez, brothers who jointly governed Escalona in the province of Toledo, were killed by Moorish troops in 1147. It is known that they were governing in 1130, for in that year the fueros of Escalona were granted by them. Ballesteros y Beretta, Historia de Espaa, II, 756. 12. Fernando Fernndez was the governor of Hita and the father of Martn Fernndez, the noble mentioned in verse 243 of the Poem of Almera. 13. In paragraph 20 the disastrous end of Pedro Daz is recorded. 14. Azubel or Azuel is referred to as Al-Zubayr ben Omar el Latuni in Arabic histories. He was governor of Crdoba, and he commanded the reinforcements in the Battle of Fraga. Al-Maqqari, Analectes sur l'histoire et la littrature des arabes d'Espagne, ed. by R. Dozy, G. Cugat, L. Krehl and W. Wright (Leiden, 1856), I, 307 and 384. 15. Abenceta, mentioned as governor of Sevilla, was killed with Azubel by the Christians under Munio Alfonso. Codera is unable to identify this individual. Decadencia de almorvides, p. 28. 16. Count Poncio of Cabrera was an illustrious figure in the court of the Emperor as well as chief counselor to the Emperor's son, Fernando II, during his reign. After 1145 his appears on the majority of royal documents 17. 1 Machabees: 4: 23-24. 18. Gocelmo de Rivas, the individual who reconstructed the castle at Aceca, does not receive mention in historical sources other than one document from Toledo in December, 1137 in which Alfonso VII donates funds to the Cathedral at Toledo. Peter Rassow, "Die Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII von Castilien, 1126-1155," Archiv fr Urkundenforschung (Berlin, 1930), p. 76.
19. Martn Fernndez, the son of Fernando Fernndez, succeeded his father as governor of Hita. He commanded the troops from his town in the Battle of Almera. See verses 244-250 of the Poem of Almera. 20. The author utilized a passage from Daniel 3: 7, for the welcoming of the Emperor by the citizens of Toledo. The description of the entrance itself is a paraphrase of the entrance of Christ into Jerusalem taken from Matthew 21: 9. 21. Raimundo was from Salvetat in Gascony. Like his predecessor Bernardo he migrated to Spain from France. He became bishop of Osma in 1109 and, following Bernardo's death, he was appointed archbishop of Toledo in 1125. The first document citing him in this position is a privilege granted by Alfonso VII on April 2, 1127. Rassow, "Die Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII," p. 67. Raimundo consistently exploited the prestige in the Emperor's court to enhance the material benefits of the Cathedral at Toledo. His most celebrated cause of fame was the founding of the School of Translators in Toledo. He died in 1152. ngel Gonzlez Palencia, El Arzobispo Don Raimundo de Toledo (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigators Cientficas, 1942). 22. Navarro is mentioned in a document dated October 3, 1142 as the newly appointed bishop of Coria. The document with the increase of benefits to be granted to the Cathedral at Coria. Peter Rassow, "Die Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII von Spanien," extracted from the Archiv fr Urkundenforschung (Berlin, 1929), p. 437. The copyist of the chronicle or the chronicler himself is in error when dating the reconquest of Coria in 1143, particularly since he indicates that the campaign commenced two and one half years after the reconquest of Oreja. The latter took place in October of 1139. The above cited document indicates an error of one year in the chronicle. 23. Ildefonso was a famous Visigothic bishop of Toledo who convened the eighth and ninth Councils of Toledo in 653 and 655 respectively. He became archbishop of that city in 657 and presided over the diocese until his death in 667. 24. Recaredo I was Visigothic King of Spain from 586 to 601. His reign was decisive for the history of the Peninsula because his conversion to Catholicism from Arianism united the people of Spain. 25. The eulogy for Munio Alfonso is taken from the words of David spoken upon hearing of the deaths of Saul and his son Jonathan. Sam. 1: 17-27. 26. John 8: 7. 27. Yusuf ben Texufin was king of the Almoravide dynasty from 1061 to 1106. He is considered the veritable founder of the sect. He made numerous military expeditions to Spain, and on several occasions achieved decisive defeats over the Christians. He died in 1106 at the age of 100. 28. Mahomet was Mohammed ben Yahya, known as Ibn al-Quabila to the Islamic chroniclers. He effectively carried out the slaughter of the Almoravides in Mrtola, not in October as the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris indicates, but in August of 1144. He was brave, astute and a celebrated literary figure. His actions in Mrtola stimulated the
uprising of the Spanish Moors against the Almoravides in the Algarve. Codera, Decadencia de almorvides, pp. 37-41. 29. Aben Hamdin was born in Crdoba and he ruled there as governor from 1132 to 1137 at which time he was forcibly replaced by Ali, son of the Almoravide King Yusuf. He returned to control there by popular acclaim following the uprising in the Algarve. For a time he was allied with Alfonso VII; however, this affiliation ceased in 1146 when the Almohades invaded Spain. Codera, Decadencia de almorvides, pp. 53-57. 30. Count Manrique de Lara, son of Pedro Gonzlez de Lara, enjoyed the same power and prestige as his father in the Castilian court. He was royal standard-bearer during most of the reign of Alfonso VII, and his name appears on all major documents of the period as a member of the royal retinue. He was killed by Fernando Rodrguez de Castro at the Battle of Huete in 1164. Julio Gonzlez, El reino de Castilla en la poca de Alfonso VIII. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, 1960), pp. 150-160. 31. Armengol was the sixth count of Urgel and the grandson of Pedro Ansrez in whose house he was educated. He attained high rank among both Catalan and Castilian nobility. After 1133 he is consistently mentioned in the documents of Alfonso VII. Though his mediation, peace was negotiated between King Garca Ramrez of Navarra and Ramn Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona. He died in Castile and is buried in the monastery of Nuestra Seora de Valbuena near Valladolid. 32. In all of the manuscripts this section is missing. MS I offers a note here that there were two pages missing from the original history: "Aqu faltaban dos oxas de la historia original y despus prosegua en la forma siguiente." 33. Arnaldo became bishop of Astorga in 1144. He accompanied Alfonso VII on numerous civil and military expeditions. As the chronicle indicates, he acted as ambassador from the court. His name ceased to appear in documents in 1152, and in the following year a different prelate presided in Astorga.
THE POEM OF ALMERA Preface

[162] (I) Pious King, strong King, you whom the last danger of death awaits: Grant peace and a fluent style so that singing richly and with eloquence, I may describe the famous wars of these men. (V) The learned doctors of old wrote of the battles of kings. We also must recount the illustrious campaigns of our Emperor, because of their considerable interest. If it please the Emperor, may the chronicler be duly allowed the right to describe the wars to come. (X) The talent which serves him awaits thunderous inspiration. He seeks the warrior's prize at all times. Therefore, I shall speak to the subject which I have chosen: the imminent wars in which the pagan race is defeated. (1)The Spanish and the French leaders joined forces. By sea and by land they seek out war with the Moors. The king of the Toledan Empire, the commander of all, was Alfonso, he who bears the title of Emperor. [163] (5) Emulating the deeds of Charlemagne, with whom it is right to compare him, Alfonso was equal in rank and like him in military valour. Similar also was the glory of the wars they had waged. The evil pestilence of the Moors gave witness to this. Neither their swiftness by sea nor the safety of their own lands protected them. (10) They cannot sink from sight. Nor can they raise themselves to the stars on high. Their lives were criminal. Proof of this was their own defeat. They did not know God: by right they perished. This race deserved to fall. Since it was Baal they worshiped, Baal was not to free them. (15) Such a barbaric nation was self-destructive. They worship the months, and they attempt to announce the battles to come. The evil which they wrought was not to remain unpunished. Superior in number but inferior in divine protection they consumed themselves in wars. Not even did they show mercy to children. (20) Like cattle the rest of their nation was sacrificed to the sword. Even those left behind were not saved. The fierce fate of heaven loosed itself upon these. So that a long interruption may not hinder us, let us return to the principal matter which we have begun. (25) All the bishops of Len and Toledo unsheathed both the divine and the human sword. They beseeched the young and the old to come forth strong and certain to do battle. They [164] pardon their sins, and they raise their voices to heaven. (30) They promise the earthly prize and the divine reward to all. They offer silver, and with victory they promise all the gold that the Moors possess. Thus the bishops raised their voices with pious fervor, and thus they pledged the material rewards of battle.
(35) The mothers were hardly able to hold back their children. The Spanish people desired battle with the Moors and did not sleep day or night. They were like the deer that is pursued by dogs in the forest. Abandoning the springs of water, it runs at random through the mountains. (40) The redeeming trumpet resounds throughout the land. The name of Almera the Cruel is known by all, and there is nothing sweeter to the ears. It is a word that has echoed through centuries. It is the incentive to youth, a choice dowry for the aged, a guide for the poor and a light to the young. (45) The decisive ruin of the Almoravides is the law of the popes. This crusade brings good fortune to the French and a baneful death to the infidels. The fight also will produce peace for the French. Although for the Moors it will bring about the highest affliction. For the Spanish it is as welcome as the dew, and finally, fighting is now a custom. The promised prize is a share of the spoils of silver and gold. [165] (50) It is a heavy cross, and glory is the guiding light of combat. It is the month of May, and the Galician forces go first at the command of Saint James, their protector. Like the stars in heaven a thousand arrows glitter, a thousand shields shine. All their arms are sharpened for battle. (55) The people are armed and all don their helmets. The grating of iron joined with the neighing of horses thunders across the hills. The fountains are dried up everywhere. The grass vanishes as it is fed upon. The brightness of the moon grows dark in the great cloud of dust. (60) The splendors of the heavens grow pallid compared with the brilliance of the weapons. The valiant Count Fernando Prez follows this armed troop administering the Galician laws with royal care. His position had been strengthened by his tutoring of the Emperor's son. (1) If one were to see him, one would judge him already a king. (65) He is famed for his royal nobility, and because he bears a count's lineage. Next comes the select order of knights from Len. Carrying banners, like lions they burst forth. This group holds the highest place in the entire Spanish kingdom. It oversees the regal offices with noble bearing. (70) According to this group's judgment, the laws of the country are enforced. With its aid fierce wars are fought. Like the lion it surpasses the other animals in beauty and in strength. Thus this city exceeds the other cities in [166] honor. There is an ancient law: The first battles belong to Len. (75) The golden insignia of the Emperor appears on its banners and on its arms. It is carried into battle as a protection against every evil. The Moslem people prostrate themselves at the sight of it. They are terrified and cannot fight back on the battlefield. (80) As the wolf pursues the lamb, as the waves of the sea bear down upon the lion, thus this light annihilates the fleeing Mohammedans. The Court of Saint Mary has deliberated in prayer as was custom. The sins of the faithful have been forgiven. Candles are raised on all sides, and the flaming sword goes forth.
(85) This vital courage inspires all the land. The animals graze, and the grain is threshed constantly. Count Ramiro Frilaz appears. He is admirable in his rank, prudent and kind, caring for the salvation of Len, a distinguished figure born of royal blood. (90) He is loved by Christ and observes the law with vigilance. At all times he obeys the order of the Emperor with heedful attention. He serves him with affection. He was the finest of all, strong in the practice of goodness and, talented with weapons, full of gentleness. (95) He is influential in the council, famed for his just [167] governing and superior to all the bishops in respecting the laws. He surpasses his comrades in dealing death blows to kings. What more shall I say? In his justice he is superior. No one hesitates to serve such a count. (100) With this daring leader Len awaits fierce wars. Meanwhile, the daring Asturian chief measures his pace. He is neither hateful nor harsh with anyone. He is undefeated on sea and on land. He is powerful in his forces, not fearing the dangers of death. (105) He is correct in his appearance, and he scorns death. He is dexterous in battle and no less competent in the hunt. Traversing the mountains, he knows where to find the springs of water. He disdains the waves of the sea as if they were the furrows in a field. No one equals him in surmounting opposition. (110) This people constantly seeks the Savior's protection as they gallop from the northern shores. They join other comrades with the greatest speed. The illustrious Pedro Alfonso was their leader. He was not yet a consul, but he was equal to all in his own right. (115) He is a burden to no one. He stands out among all as a virtuous man, and he is famed for his honor. He exceeds all of his peers in integrity. He is as handsome as Absalom, as strong as Samson, and he possesses the wisdom of Solomon. The Emperor made him a consul upon returning [168] from his campaign. (120) He attained this honored title through his own merits. Pedro Alfonso was indeed respected by the Emperor among his nobles. His royal and pious wife Mara enhanced his distinction. She was the daughter of a count, and through her merits she became a countess. Shining like a jewel she will thus live on through the ages. (125) Behind these march the thousand spears of Castile, all famed citizens and powerful through many centuries. Their camps shine like the stars in the heavens. They glittered with gold, and their battle equipment was of silver. There is no poverty among them, but rather a great wealth. (130) Not one of them is weak, disgraceful nor a beggar. They are all strong and sure in battle. In their camps there are unexpected stores of meats and wines. They give an abundance of wheat spontaneously to whoever seeks it. Their weapons are as numerous as the lights of the stars.
(135) Their many horses are protected with armor of iron and cloth. The Castilian language resounds like a trumpet and a drum. They are very proud and ennobled by riches. The men of Castile were rebels for centuries. Fierce Castile waged strong wars. (140) Castile hardly wished to bow to any ruler. It lived in rebellion while the sun shone down upon it. Through [169] good fortune the Emperor was able to subdue it at every turn. Only he could tame it like a young donkey, placing new laws on its unwavering neck. (145) Intrepid Castile remains unyielding in its strength, and it marches to distant battles with the greatest speed. Terror is born among the Moors whom the king later crushed with the sword. (150) Extremadura possesses legions, is overpowering and fearless. It reads the signs of what is to come, that the evil race will perish. Seeing these portents, Extremadura boldly unites with Castile. Were one to count the stars of the heavens, the waves of the ocean, the drops of rain and even the blades of grass in the fields, (155) he could then number these people. Drinking much wine and supplied with an abundance of food, Extremadura can bear the burden of the campaign and scorn the summer's heat. Its troops cover the earth like a plague of locusts. The sky and the sea are not enough to contain them. (160) They level the hIlls and they drain all the springs. When they rise up, they obscure the lights of the heavens. They are a fierce people, a strong people which does not fear the threat of death. Count Poncio, a noble lance, commands the group. He possessed the strength of Samson and the sword of Gideon. [170] (165) Be was equal to Jonas, illustrious as a ship of the Lord. He was the leader of the people as the strong Hector was, as generous and true as the invincible Ajax. He yielded to no one. Never retreating from combat, he did not turn aside his sword, nor did he flee to the rearguard. (170) Count Poncio forgets his wife and love when he does battle. He rejects the table while war is waged. Feasts are declined, for he revels more in wounding the enemy. When he brandishes his lance, the evil race falls without strength. Be never suffers from the ardors of battle. (175) His strong arm wounds, his voice resounds and the enemy is brought to the ground. When Count Poncio gives counsel, he has the wisdom of Solomon. He prefers the sword to the feast. He himself calculates the months and prepares the food. He distributes the wine to his weary knights while removing his heavy helmet. (180) He is death to the Moors. Almera was later a witness to this. This consul Poncio would prefer to be exiled during the campaign rather than put aside his sword. He always pleases the Emperor with such merit. He is enriched by the favor of the king because of the wars which he has won. (185) Count Poncio overcomes all kingdoms with his supreme courage. Fernando Juanes joins all these men. He is distinguished in the art of war and is never defeated in
combat. The King of Portugal feared being destroyed by him when he saw [171] him brilliantly directing the battle. (190) Wherever Fernando appears and shows his face, he brings terror to all. With a single thrust of his sword be falls upon all his opponents. At close quarters no one can withstand the blow of his lance. He frequently defeated the Moors in fierce battles. Even if they were many, he would not hesitate to attack with only a few at his side. (195) A1l who know of Fernando flee from him. So it was that he was present in such a long campaign with his noble sons. His wife gave birth to many who faithfully followed the steps of their father wounding the Moors with the sword. Unfailing is the father who commands such arms. (200) All of Limia rose up and followed Fernando in the war. It is happy to join with so many peoples from the frontier. The king is overjoyed to receive so many knights. With splendor he welcomes this man so admirable in his rank. Herein arrives Alvaro, (2) the son of the powerful Rodrigo. (205) It is he who brought death to many and governed Toledo. The father is honored through the son, and the son is exalted by his own actions. Strong indeed was Rodrigo, and he is not undeserving of the glory of his son. The latter was famed through his father, but is even more distinguished through his grandfather Alvaro. It is he who is known by all and not least by his enemies. [172] (210) He was a city of goodness and a fortress of integrity for the wicked. I have heard that Alvar Fez subdued the Moslem people. Their garrisoned cities and castles were unable to resist him. He shattered the strong, and crushed that which had grown mighty. (215) Without defiling the truth I confess what is most certain: If Alvaro had lived during the time of' Roland, he would hold the third place of importance after Oliver. The Moslem race would be under the yoke of the French, and beloved comrades would not lie defeated by death. No better lance ever existed under the heavens. (220) It has been sung of Rodrigo, (3) often called "My Cid," that he never suffered defeat at the hands of his enemies. It was he who subdued the Moors and our own nobles also. He praised Alvaro and considered himself lesser in glory. However, I must confess a truth which time will not change: (225) My Cid was the first and Alvaro the second. Valencia mourned the death of its friend Rodrigo. The servant of Christ could not thwart his demise. Oh Alvaro, the young men also mourn you, and tears adorn their faces. It was they whom you trained well and to whom you kindly gave arms. (230) You favored the poor, and you inspired the powerful to even greater strength in combat. Having descended from such a noble family, behold Alvaro. He enrages the Moors with his virtue because he hates them. Navia sends forces and [173] Montenegro offers many. The land of Lugo lends the help of the sword also.
(235) There is no lack of knights because Lugo is rich and dispatches many. Everything is arranged, and the expenses are carefully prepared. They mount the mules, and they also take unsaddled horses. These are led by squires who carry their shields on their shoulders. Now they approach the camps, and they see their smoke. (240) The king glimpses a cloud of dust that covers the entire land. He orders all of his guard to mount, and finally receives all these men with splendor. Martn, the son of Fernando, orders all the arms to be requisitioned from the houses. He will inflict severe reverses on the Moors. (245) Hita rejoices because he is its governor. The countenance of Martn Fernndez is clear and his body is strong. He is handsome, robust and noble. He has command of these troops, and when he raises his voice, the Moors flee in terror. He has armed handsome young men with resplendent weapons. (250) Martn's camp resounds with a youthful tumult. Scorning death they grow bold. They enjoy war more than a friend enjoys a friend. With their banners unfurled they enter the tents of the king. They exhort the chiefs to war: "What are you doing here, idle ones?" (255) After other auspicious events take place (which [174] are sworn to be true), all dismount and together they seek out the king in his ranks. On bended knee they say, "We wish you health, good. King." Then they all rest in the fields considering the reports. I do not wish to forget the famous Count Armengol. (260) He shines like a star among his comrades in arms. He is loved by both the Moors and by the Christians. If I were to speak frankly, I could only compare him with kings. With his weapons held fast as was his practice, Count Armengol is sustained by the spirit of God. (265) With a great following he came to the camp. Because of the power of his sword, he had many vassals there. Gutier Fernndez arrived shortly thereafter. He himself was royal tutor. Sancho, the first-born son of our Emperor, was assigned to Gutier to be educated. (270) He Instructs him with careful attention. He wishes him to surpass everyone. Gutier receives the highest honors. He approaches the battle in person with masses of troops. He nears combat, and swiftly the beloved son-in-law of the Emperor carries forth the royal standards. (275) His name is Garca Ramrez. At that moment all of Pamplona arrives with Alava. Navarra is brilliant with the sword. Aided by all these regions, Garca, the son of King Ramiro, (4) rejoices in being secure in combat, although later he was defeated. With the arrival of King Garcia all of Spain [175] is happy. (280) They receive him like a lord, for they know that he is favored in the eyes of the king. By no means is he unequal to kings. He is like a whirlwind to the enemy. The royal camps are filled with such assistance. Aided by so many columns, Spain raises her standards and occupies the outskirts of Andjar.
(285) Andjar tastes the first wines of sorrow. At the command of the majestic Emperor, it is surrounded. The castle is crushed, and Almera will also be leveled. Baal is called upon, and Baal is deaf to their cries. He denies his aid because he can give them none. (290) Thus during a period of three months, all crops are lost. Likewise, the buildings on which they were laboring are destroyed. Their forces are exhausted, all of their food is consumed, and the hostages are handed over. They now seek peace treaties. They are no longer able to exist, so they and their possessions are delivered to the king. (295) Baos, a certain noble castle, is surrendered. The famous castle of Bayona, with its crown humiliated by our forces, is given over to the arms of the noble Emperor. Baeza, another renowned city, witnesses these defeats and is struck with fear. (300) Its ancient dignity is debased, and it bends its neck. Since it is incapable of rebelling, it is happy to [176] surrender. The rest of the Moorish castles nearby yield. They beg for the gift of life, and when it is granted, they comfort their weary bodies. (305) Count Manrique de Lara is made governor of these cities. He is a celebrated warrior and a true friend of Christ. He is pleasing to all including the Emperor, so that he stands out among the Moors and the Christians. Illustrious in his fame, he is loved by all. (310) Splendid and generous, he was mean with no one. He was distinguished in the art of war, and he had the mind of a sage. He rejoiced in battle and possessed a great knowledge of military affairs. He imitated his father, Count Pedro de Lara, in all that he did. (315) He governed his own land for many years. His son followed in the steps of his father. For this reason he was enriched with honor in the flower of his youth and respected by the Emperor. It was his rule to be witness to the law and to be an evil plague to the Moors. (320) When all these things were carried out, and when the time of the campaign had elapsed, the citizens returned victoriously to their city walls as their ancestors had done. However, the king wisely retained a few in the South. (325) In the beginning of August the famous French ambassadors came by sea. Their arrival embittered many. Having [177] duly greeted the Emperor, they, the glory of their kingdom, spoke in the following manner: "Oh what a great honor it is for the noble French youth to greet you in a clear voice with all their sails unfurled. (330) Your brother-in-law, Count Ramn Berenguer of Barcelona, an armed knight, awaits, as he promised, at the shores of the sea. He marches fiercely against the enemy. The people from Pisa accompany those from Genoa. William, the leader of Montpellier, powerful in his own right, (335) [sic] follows these in a large and mighty vessel. They are perfectly armed and are prepared for a fierce war. They have remembered the alliance, for they now have
arrived at the port. They also bring large stones for the destruction of the walls. These men lead a thousand ships, and they claim that already they may be too late. (340) They are loaded with embellished arms and sweet foods. Once the battle begins, they will fight for the booty of gold. Surely they will kill our enemies without fail. Under their prudent leader, these spirited troops do not need the aid of anyone, if only they are aided by your forces." (345) After the ambassadors had spoken, they were silent. When the Emperor had heard all this, he smiled to himself. But at these words, his powerful troops were troubled. One nearby soldier weeps and speaks to a comrade: "Until now, [178] wars have joined us with other wars on all sides. (350) The Emperor sanctions the intentions of the ambassadors, but they bring only bitterness to our lives. The enemy is standing like pillars everywhere, and the long road of battle is sewn with many different thorns. None of the food or drink is left in the sacks. The sword of war pursues us at every turn. (355) Oh glitter of coveted gold and gleam of money, would that you were not joined to our left side. For a bit of gold we will fall in the field under the sharp cutting-edge of the sword. Our women will take in other husbands, and our children will weep when others take their beds. (360) The birds of the sky will tear at our flesh." Among the bishops who were present, the Asturian whose famous sword shines, witnessed this scene. He then comforted the troops more than the other bishops had done. He consoled those who were dispirited. (365) With his right band raised and with a commanding voice, he brings silence. He says, "Sing the glory of heaven on high, and let there be peace on earth to the people who serve the Lord. Now each must confess well all of his sins. Know then that the merciful doors of paradise are open. (370) I beseech you, believe in God who is truly God of Gods and Lord of Lords. He is the only one who has wrought miracles for us, and it is clear that from heaven. (5)
Notes for The Poem of Almera 1. Fernando II was the younger son of Alfonso VII and Queen Berengaria. After the death of the Emperor in 1157, Fernando received the crown of Len along with Galicia and the cities of Toro, Zamora and Salamanca. Throughout his reign he dedicated much energy to the repopulation of the Len-Extremadura frontier. The military orders of Calatrava, Alcntara and Santiago were established during his reign. Fernando's reconquest endeavors were similar to those of his father, Alfonso VII. He carried out many attacks on the Almohades, but all were without enduring results. Fernando II died January 22, 1188. 2. Alvaro Rodrguez was the grandson of Alvar Fez and the son of Rodrigo lvarez. He governed Toledo for a short time, but neither he nor his father attained the fame and power of Alvar Fez.
3. The Cid, Rodrigo Daz de Vivar, is the most renowned of all Spanish heroes and Spain's greatest warrior during the Middle Ages. He was born around 1043. His father was Diego Lanez and his mother, whose name is not known, descended from ranking Castilian aristocracy He married Jimena Daz in 1074. His most famous enterprise was against Valencia which he conquered in 1094, and subsequently he gained control of extensive areas along the eastern coast of Spain. At length the Almoravides, whom he had beaten several times, marched on his forces at Cuenca and inflicted a severe defeat. Rodrigo died shortly after on June 10, 1099. Mendez Pidal, La Espaa del Cid. 4. History offers much discrepancy concerning the identity and lineage of Ramiro of Monzn, Prince of Navara and father of King Garca Ramrez. Menndez Pidal examines the divergence of historical opinion and concludes that this Ramiro was the grandson of King Garca of Atapuerca and the son of the king's illegitimate offspring, another Ramiro. Ramiro of Monzn died in 1116. La Espaa del Cid, II, 563, 583, 817 and 822. 5. The copyist of MS I provides the following information in reference to this final lacuna: "Aqu faltan las ocho oxas desta historia, cuya falta vi con gran dolor y no menos sentimento del malbado [sic] que las cort." The copyist of MS II simply states: "Deerat in exemplari." (There was something missing in the manuscript.)
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Glenn Edward Lipskey 1972

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The Chronicle of Alfonso The Emperor - Glenn Edward Lipskey

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The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor:

Glenn Edward Lipskey

3 The Problem Of Authorship

4 THE POEM OF ALMERA

The First the Sackings Dealings with the Moors

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor Book II

Countermeasure for Foragings of Munio Alfonso

THE POEM OF ALMERA Preface

Glenn Edward Lipskey 1972

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