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The problem is we do not yet have such a “common ground.” By that I mean a
democratic polity that allows for a more collective and participatory
envisioning of the common good, much more a truly democratic culture that
nourishes a commitment for the good we envision in common. Corruption
may be endemic and debilitating, as almost all are quick to say, but isn’t it a
symptom of a more lingering and deeply rooted political and, more
importantly, ethical malaise?
A predatory oligarchy
Nowhere has the lack of commitment to the common good been more visible
than on the way our oligarchy has misbehaved. Among other political
scientists, P. Hutchcroft, in his book Booty Capitalism, rightly observes that the
“major preoccupation” of our powerful oligarchic class “is the need to gain or
maintain favorable proximity to the political machinery. Even those oligarchs
temporarily on the outs with the regime exert far more effort in trying to get
back into favor than in demanding profound structural change.”
A dysfunctional bureaucracy
Because of the absence of a “shared belief in how the system ought to work”
time and again the rule of law and the predictability of the regulatory
functions in the bureaucracy can not deliver the desired effects of governance.
When “the primary loyalty of government employees often remains with the
patrons who got them the job” the “formal lines of demarcation among
agencies are greatly undercut by the informal – yet powerful – ties of loyalty
between political patrons and their clients in the bureaucracy,” adds
Hutchcroft.
If this assessment is correct what then are the imperatives for a church, as a
community of faith informed by reason, so that the nation can empty out of
this tomb and start rising into new life? Certainly beyond the search for truth
and probity! While the call for change certainly requires a “discipline of the
desert” as advocated by the bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Manila, it
should not stop there. It appears to me that the more urgent call rests on
developing powerful “habits of prophecy.”
More than purification and beyond the call “Thou shall not steal”, the moral
scandals that cry up to the heavens need a prophetic cutting off of relations
from oligarchs and elite that have preyed and continue to prey on the nation.
In that way the bishops themselves shall have led the whole Filipino church in
restituting for the evil consequences of such harmful relations.
It is sad and surprising because not too long ago the Filipino Church enshrined
the socio-religious movement of “grassroots communities” (or “basic ecclesial
communities”) as “a significant expression of church renewal” in the direction
of “communion, participation, and mission” (Second Plenary Council of the
Philippines, 1991). This shift in priority means, among others, that value-
formation is no longer just in catholic schools for in them majority of the
grassroots poor cannot come in. A cluster of families where rich and poor are
equal members will enable people to overcome their extreme familism and
hierachized patterns of relations. The hopes then were alive that a church of
the grassroots will be a leaven of renewal of church and society.
What has happened to the grassroots initiative is too long for this paper to
discuss, but suffice it to say that these grassroots movements hold the strategic
key for the church’s relevance to Philippine society. Why?
What if BECs are transformed into milieus where convictions and impulses,
habits and virtues conducive to the envisioning of and commitment to the
common good are cultivated and rewarded? What if in these communities the
values of public service (e.g., honesty, accountability, selflessness, etc.) and
democratic habits (e.g., participation, freedom, respect of rights, etc.) are
promoted as Christian virtues integral to, not an after-thought of, Christian
moral life? What if these communities are inserted into the broad
countervailing social force and, through them, the church engages in dialogue
and common action with those who also genuinely desire to be agents of
national renewal?
What if church leaders themselves commit the church’s human, financial and
institutional resources to a program on political education so that we shall have
developed a people truly empowered to resist the rapacious manipulations of
elite democracy, knowledgeable on how democratic institutions work yet
persevering in promoting freedom and participation despite the imperfections?
If leadership looks for models, what if church leaders would evaluate their
church governance using the moral standards they so strongly demand from
civil authorities rather than exempt themselves? The BECs’ potentials for good
abound more than the actual evils to be resisted or corrected. In there lies the
hope of Easter!
Concluding Reflections
Mabini and our other heroes may be faulted by Roman Catholicism for having
attempted to make a religious institution a political tool of our first public
good, namely the first Philippine republic (res publica!). But behind it was the
correct understanding that religion does not exist for its own benefit, that is to
say, a people’s relationship with a Supreme Being, and the creed, code and cult
emanating from such relations, ought to shape how they relate with and treat
each other.