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G.O. 610 & TELANGANA: History is Repeating Itself Dr. K.

Jayashankar (Former Vice-Chancellor)

The ongoing debate about the much publicised G.O. 610 has made one thing clear, i.e. the history is repeating itself. This order issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in December 1985 and required to be implemented by March 1986 is yet to be implemented. It has created a situation similar to the one created 34 years ago by G.O.36 of January 1969. If one recalls as to what had happened then, it should not be difficult to visualise as to what would happen now. The G.O. 610 will not be implemented - it is as simple as that. The 1969 Fiasco: In an attempt to sort out the issues that had contributed to the Separate Telangana Movement of 1968-69, the State Government of the time issued an order that has come to be known as G.O. 36 of January 1969. It was aimed at repatriating about twenty five thousand non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in the resultant vacancies. But, the non-Mulkies appointed in the Telangana region challenged not only G.O.36 but also the very validity of what were known as Mulki Rules. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. The political elite of Andhra and the non-Mulki employees appointed in Telangana, however, did not digest it. The result was a violent movement for a separate Andhra state. The leaders of that movement demanded either scrapping of the judgement of Supreme Court of India validating Mulki Rules, and also other safeguards, or bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Andhra and Telangana states. It should be recalled that, among others, Chandrababu Naidu and Venkaiah Naidu were in the forefront of that movement. The Government of India of the time yielded to the pressure of political might and money power of the majority region and nullified, by an act of parliament, the judgement of Supreme Court of India, besides scrapping several safeguards given to the people of Telangana as a precondition for the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Consequently, all irregular appointments were regularised, depriving local candidates of their rightful claims over those jobs. The Present Scenario: After nullifying the Mulki Rules, the so called Six-point formula - a diluted form of safeguards was foisted on the people. Even this formula has been, and continues to be, violated with impunity, robbing the people of Telangana of whatever little was left in the name of safeguards. It was estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around fifty nine thousand non locals were recruited in the Telangana region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was compelled to issue G.O. 610 to rectify the situation. The sum and substance of G.O.610 was to repatriate all non local candidates illegally appointed in the Telangana region to their native zones and appoint local candidates in the resultant vacancies. The entire process was to be completed by the end of March 1986. But, no one remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of Telangana gathered momentum in 1996. The State Government which was in

slumber for so long a time then woke up and started making promises of implementing this G.O. About three years ago, a one-man commission was appointed to work out the modalities. Even before the commission completed its work, this task was entrusted to a house committee of the state legislature. It is nearly two years since this house committee was appointed, but it is yet to complete its work. It has so far given only an interim report. It should to be noted that the number of employees recruited between 1973 and 1985, violating the statutory requirements, was estimated to be around fifty nine thousand. There could be difference of opinion about the figure. Whatever the number, it was as in December 1985. Since then, neither the G.O. has been implemented nor making illegal appointments stopped. Therefore, the first thing to be done in this regard is to work out the number of these appointments made from 1973 till now, spanning a period of nearly two decades. According to several unofficial, but reliable, surveys the figure has already crossed two Lakhs. The house committee of the state legislature has not yet done anything tangible to arrive at the number of illegal appointments made in several departments at various levels i.e. district, zone, and region. It has not, so far, looked in to the appointments made in the state level offices and organisations to ascertain whether equitable employment opportunities were provided to the people of this region. It is yet to look in to the complaints regarding the appointments made on the strength of bogus certificates of nativity. It has, as of now, identified only a few hundred positions, mostly in the capital city and a couple of small departments. The bulk of the work is yet to be done. The interim report of the house committee is, therefore, like the tip of an iceberg. Even this interim report has not been implemented so far. On the contrary, unnecessary legal cobwebs and procedural wrangles are being created. Meanwhile, the tenure of present legislative assembly itself is coming to an end. With this scenario, can any one expect that this order is going to be implemented? It is evident that what had happened to G.O.36 of 1969 is bound to happen to G.O. 610 of 1985 as well - history will repeat itself.

GOVERNMENT OF ANDHRA PRADESH ABSTRACT


SIX POINT FORMULA Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Organisation of Local Cadres & Regulation of Direct Recruitment) Order, 1975 Alleged violation in the implementation of Six Point Formula in Zones V to VI Rectification Order Issued.

GENERAL ADMINISTRATION (SPF-A) DEPARTMENT


G.O.Ms.No.610 Dated the 30-12- 1985 Read the following 1.G.O.Ms.No.674, G. A. (SPF-A) Dept., dated 20-10-1975. 2.G.O.P.No.728, G. A. (SPF-A) Dept., dated 01-11-1975. 3.G.O.P.No.729, G. A. (SPF-A) Dept., dated 01-11-1975. 4. From the President, Telangana Non-Gazetted Officers Union, letter dated 05-12-1985

*** O R D E R:
The G.O. 1st read above, which is generally known as Presidential Order contains principles regarding Organisation of Local Cadres allotment of personnel of the various Departments to the various local cadres, method of direct recruitment to the various categories, inter-local cadre in transfers etc. of the employees holding those posts. In the G.Os 2nd and 3rd read above clarificatory instructions were issued regarding procedure for implementation of the various provisions of the Presidential Order. 2. In accordance with the provisions of the Presidential Order, local cadres have been organized to the various categories of posts in all Government Departments and allotment of personnel was made as per the guidelines contained in paragraph 4 of the said order. 3. In the representation 4th cited, the President, Telangana Non-Gazetted Officers Union has represented that certain allotments have been made in violation of the provisions of the Presidential Order. 4. The Government after carefully examining the issues raised in the representation and after having wide ranging discussion with the representatives of the Union have entered into an agreement with the Telangana NonGazetted Officers Union on 07-12-1985. 5. As per the terms of agreement the following orders are issued: (1) The employees allotted after 18-10-1975 to Zones V & VI in violation of zonalisation of local cadres under the Six Point Formula will be repatriated to their respective zones by 31-03-1986 by creating supernumerary posts wherever necessary.

(2) In respect of Jurala, Srisailam Left Canal and Sriramsagar Project Stage-II, all the staff in the Non-Gazetted categories both technical and non-technical including Asst. Executive Engineers (formerly JEs) coming under zonalisation of local cadres under the Presidential Order of 1975 who were posted to the projects from outside zones V and VI after 01-03-1983, will be retransferred to their respective zones and posted either in existing vacancies in various Government Establishments in those zones or in supernumerary posts where vacancies are not available. Towards this the Government will also move the Government of India for seeking amendment to Government of Indias notification G.S.R. 525(E) dated 28-06-1985 to give retrospective effect to this order with effect from 01-03-1983. (3) (a) In respect of appeals filed against orders of allotment made under paragraph 4 of the Presidential Order of 1975 to the competent authority in time and where such appeals are still pending disposal, all such cases where details are furnished by the T.N.G.Os Union or individuals, shall be disposed of by 31-03-1986. (b) As a result of the above exercise, consequential vacancies if any, arising shall be filled up as per the procedure laid down under the Presidential Order. (4) In respect of first level Gazetted posts in certain Departments which are outside the purview of the Presidential Order, action should be taken to review the question of inclusion of such posts also in the scheme of localization and the matter should be taken up with the Government of India for suitable amendment to the said order. (5) The posts in Institutions/Establishment notified in G.S.R. No.526 (E) dated:18-101975 shall be filled up by drawing persons on tenure basis from different local cadres on an equitable basis as per the orders issued in the G.O. 3rd read above. (6) The provision in Para 5(2) (c) of the Presidential Order relating to inter-local cadre transfers shall be strictly implemented and such transfers shall be effected only under exceptional circumstances in public interest. (7) Action will be initiated in the concerned departments in cases brought to their notice regarding bogus registrations in Employment Exchanges. (8) On receipt of complaints, if any, made by the TNGOs Union relating to irregular allotments of candidates particularly to Zones V and VI in the category of Village Assistants the concerned department shall take up the matter with the A.P. Public Service Commission and take such measures as may be necessary to rectify the irregular allotments made if any. (9) The possibility of allotting persons from within the same zone/multi-zone against non-local vacancy in a particular local cadre will be examined in consultation with the APPSC. (10) The T.N.G.Os Union will furnish to Government the service/ categories where for want of trained personnel, non-local candidates are being appointed in zones V and VI so that Government can provide training facilities in respect of such services/categories with a view to providing adequate opportunities for recruitment and appointment of local candidates in zones V and VI.

(11) The Departments of Secretariat shall complete the review of appointments/promotions made under the Presidential Order as required under Para 13 of the said order, by 30-06-1986. (12) (a) Immediate action will be taken to finalise the Common Gradation List in respect of Assistant Engineers (Presently Dy. E.Es) as on 01-11-1956, following the prescribed procedure under the S.R. Act. 1956. (b) In respect of former Junior Engineers (Presently Asst.E.Es) the common gradation list published by the Government was quashed by the A.P. Administrative Tribunal and the Government had gone in appeal to the Supreme Court. Effective measures will be taken for the disposal of the matter before the Supreme Court, expeditiously. (13) The matter relating to allotment of 7 non-local personnel in the cadre of Inspector of Local Fund Audit belonging to Zones I to IV, allotted to Zones-V and VI against their options, will be examined by the Department concerned keeping in view of the provisions of the Presidential Order. (14) The question of repatriation of 13 Deputy Executive Engineers of the Public Health Department working in the city of Hyderabad to Zones I to IV will be considered by the Department concerned keeping in view the provisions of the Presidential Order. 6. The Departments of Secretariat who are concerned with the terms shall take immediate necessary steps to implement the orders in consultation with Law/General Administration Department, if necessary, about the legal implications/interpretation of the provisions of the Presidential Order. (BY ORDER AND IN THE NAME OF THE GOVERNOR OF ANDHRA PRADESH) SHRAVAN KUMAR CHIEF SECRETARY TO GOVERNMENT To All Secretaries to Govt. All Departments of Secretariat //TRUE COPY// Sd/SECTION OFFICER.

..
GIRGLANI COMMISSION REPORT

on G.O Ms 610 See report at

OVERNMENT OF ANDHRA PRADESH GENERAL ADMINISTRATION DEPARTMENT


Letter No.06/86/OMC(A.1)2002-1, FROM : J.M. GIRGLANI, IAS, (Retd.) One Man Commission (SPF) General Administration Department K Block, 2nd Floor, Room No. 327A.P. Secretariat, Hyderabad To The Secretary to Government General Administration (Services) Department A.P. Secretariat Hyderabad Sir, Dt : 01-11-2002

Sub : SPF Presidential Order (OMC) Gazetting of posts after the issue of Presidential Order - Reg.
Ref : OMC (SPF) Preliminary Report submitted to the Government in October, 2001. * * *

Kindly refer Commissions Preliminary report, Preliminary Finding Nos. 12A to 12D with particular reference to sub-Para (ii) of Para 2.28.0 of the Preliminary Finding 12A (xerox copy of the finding is enclosed for ready reference). After this Report, the Commission has had occasion to hold meetings with the Officers of the Heads of the Departments to find out about the deviations if any from the Presidential Order. One of the most important issues that has come to the notice of the Commission is that in many departments the posts which were hitherto Non-gazetted before 18-10-1975, the date of the Presidential Order, have been made Gazetted either with the same designation or with some change of designation. As Non-Gazetted posts these were zonal posts with 70% preference for local candidates. On becoming Gazetted, the posts become State-wide posts and also lose the preference for the local candidates. Thus, through this process the Presidential Order is getting diluted in respect of many important posts at the zonal level and local candidates of all the zones are losing the advantage of localisation and preference. Apart from the posts that have come to the notice of this Commission, the Commission understands that there is a demand from many Service Associations for Gazetting some of their posts and that these demands have been referred to Anomalies Commission for examination. The Anomalies Commission will

no doubt examine the administrative and other aspects of the demands for making the posts Gazetted. But the one aspect that needs to be safeguarded is that when a post is Gazetted or any change is made in a post, its original local character should be preserved so that the Presidential Order is not diluted and local candidates interests are not adversely affected. It is found that some of the posts which were gazetted after 18-10-1975 were got included by the Government in the Third Schedule of the Presidential Order in the category of Specified Gazetted Posts. One finds from the Third Schedule that even up to 1993 some posts were added to this category, but not all the posts that have been gazetted to-date have been added to this category. Adding to the Third Schedule of Presidential Order under the category of Specified Gazetted Posts only preserves the zonal character of the post, but that brings no solace to the local candidates because the preference for local candidates does not apply to all the posts which are included in this category excepting for a few posts like Tahsildars and Assistant Engineers etc., in this Schedule which were originally given the preference of 60% for local candidates. Thus inclusion to this category also does not restore the local candidate preference of 70% which is lost when a Non-Gazetted post is Gazetted. In many of the cases that have come before the Commission, the posts have not even been brought to the Specified Gazetted Category after being gazetted so that even the zonal character is lost. In two cases: one of the Forest Range Officer in the Forest Department and another of Prohibition and Excise Inspectors, the proposal for inclusion in the Third Schedule as Specified Gazetted Category Posts was even rejected by the Government of India. On the latter case this Commission has written to you already. This process of gazetting is resulting in consequences which are against the principle enunciated in the Preliminary Findings cited above. You may kindly recall that this particular finding had found favour with the Cabinet Sub-Committee in the presence of the Honble Chief Minister, who had also agreed with it in principle. This was also presented before the Cabinet. It is therefore more or less an agreed principle. The reason for the recommendations in these findings cited above is that if we do not accept the principle of immutability of the local character of the posts as it stood at the time of the Presidential Order, then the Government would find it difficult to deny the demands for expanding the scope of the Presidential Order in so many other dimensions. This is one of the demands in the G.O.Ms.No.610. It will be found in G.O.Ms.No.610, one of the demand which the Government had agreed to look into was Para 5(5) and 5(9) which reads as under: Para 5(5)The posts in Institutions/Establishment notified in G.S.R.No.526(E), dated 18-101975 shall be filled up by drawing persons on tenure basis from different local cadres on an equitable basis as per orders issued in the G.O. 3rd read above. Para 5(9)The possibility of allotting persons from within the same zone/multi-zone against non-local vacancy in a particular cadre will be examined in consultation with the APPSC. Thereafter, the Services Associations particularly of Telangana have also made demands for extending the Presidential Order to Corporations and other quasi-government organisations which are now outside the Presidential Order. To put finality to the scope of the Presidential Order this Commission had suggested that we should also accept to put a stop to the abridgement of the scope of the Presidential Order and give an assurance to the Employees Association to this effect, while not expanding its scope. The abridgement of the Presidential Order and the leakage of localized posts through this process of gazetting is against the principle that the Presidential Orders scope shall not be

mutated i.e., neither expanded nor abridged. If it is allowed to be abridged then the counter demands for expansion of the scope cannot be easily ignored. In pursuance of this principle of immutability of the local character of a post as it stood on the date of the Presidential Order the Government have taken care to ensure that the posts of the Secondary Grade Teachers were retained as district cadre posts and later on the Government took further action to ensure that the original 80% preference for local candidates was also restored even though the scale of the post had been raised by the 1994 Pay Revision Commission above the level of the LDC Scales, which would normally have made it a zonal post with 70% preference. Having accepted the principle of immutability and applied it in the case of the Secondary Grade Teachers it is but fair that the same principle be applied wherever there is any administrative action or change that mutates the original local character of a post. This will give finality and stability to the Presidential Order amidst the dynamics of a progressive and expanding administrative system. In pursuance of this principle and in view of the dimensions mentioned above, it is suggested as under :1. That all the posts that were gazetted after 18-10-1975 should be got included in the Third Schedule to the Presidential Order as Specified Gazetted Categories. This will ensure the zonal character of the posts and retain the zone as local area for the posts. 2. To retain the 70% preference for the local candidates which applied to these posts before being Gazetted as they were Non-Gazetted zonal posts. 3. In respect of the posts which are pending consideration for being gazetted, if the Gazetted status is granted on administrative grounds then ipso facto a reference to the Government of India may be made immediately on the lines mentioned above under (1) and (2) so that their local character is not mutated. 4. In cases which were referred to the Government of India and have been rejected for inclusion in the Third Schedule i.e., Specified Gazetted Category, the cases may be reopened and action taken as suggested at (1) and (2) above. A list of the posts that have come to the notice of the Commission which have been Gazetted with or without changes in designation after the Presidential Order is enclosed. This list is not exhaustive but information may be collected from all the departments so that in one single reference Government of Indias orders may be obtained. (Please see Annexure-3 herein). It is also suggested that the action on this matter may be taken expeditiously particularly in view of the pending demands for gazetting of some posts in some of the departments. Yours faithfully, Sd/-One Man Commission (SPF) Copy to

(1) Sri S.V. Prasad, IAS, Principal Secretary to Chief Minister, with reference to personal discussion in the matter.

(2) OMC(SPF-A), GAD with a request to include this under the category of General issues of Gazetting of posts after the issue of Presidential Order.

PREFACE
For effective implementation and to clarify various doubts arose in the Departments while implementing the Presidential Order, 1975 (SPF) a hand book with various clarications issued on the subject was released in 1987. It was updated in 1999. Since then several clarications / instructions were further issued by Government for effective implementation of the Presidential Order, 1975 by various Departments of State Government. Even then various issues are being referred to Government by the Departments. It is, therefore, felt necessary to update the hand book incorporating the upto-date amendments upto end of 2003 and this thought resulted in release of this updated hand book as Presidential Order, 1975 (SPF) I hope all the Departments of State Government will make use of this updated edition for effective implementation of Presidential Order, 1975 (SPF). SATISH CHANDRA,IAS Secretary to Government. Hyderabad, Dated : 18-3-2005.

Rebellion.

Map of India with the Telangana region highlighted in red.

The Telangana movement refers to a group of related political activities organized to support the creation of a new state of Telangana, from the existing state of Andhra Pradesh in South India. The proposed new state corresponds to the Telugu-speaking portions of the erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad.

Contents
[hide]

1 Background 2 Pre-2004 Telangana protests 3 2004 to 2010 4 Srikrishna Committee report 5 Non-cooperation movement and Million March 6 Mass Resignations 7 September 2011 - present o 7.1 All Peoples Strike / Sakala Janula Samme 7.1.1 Losses due to the strike 7.1.2 Efforts to end strike o 7.2 After the Strike 8 Concerns regarding the movement 9 Books on Telangana movement 10 See also 11 References 12 External links

[edit] Background
Main article: Background of the Telangana movement

When India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the Nizam of Hyderabad, a Muslim king, wanted Hyderabad State to remain independent under the special provisions given to princely states. The Hindus of the Hyderabad State who accounted for 93 per cent of its population, launched the `Join India' movement with the cooperation of a few patriotic Muslims for the integration of the State with the rest of the country. The State Congress leaders and Arya Samaj leaders invoked themselves whole-heartedly in the movement. The peasants of the state, influenced by the Communist party, had also revolted against the Nizam, who tried to suppress their armed struggle against landlords. Qasim Razvi led private Razakar Muslim army fighting for continuation of the Nizam's rule, did worst forms of atrocities on people.[1][2][3] The Government of India liberated and assimilated the Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948, in an operation by the Indian Army called Operation Polo. In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines.[4] The commission, due to public demand, recommended disintegration of Hyderabad state and to merge Marathi speaking region with Bombay state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state. The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region of Hyderabad state with Andhra state, despite their common language. Para 378 of the SRC report said "One of the principal causes of opposition of Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas." Andhra state and Telangana was merged to form Andhra Pradesh state on 1 November 1956 after providing safeguards to Telangana in the form of Gentlemen's agreement. Grievances of Telangana proponents Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment of Andhra Pradesh to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[5][6][7]

[edit] Pre-2004 Telangana protests


Main article: Pre-2004 Telangana protests

Soon after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, people of Telangana expressed dissatisfaction over how the agreements and guarantees were implemented.[8] On 19 January 1969, all party accord was reached to ensure the proper implementation of Telangana safeguards. Telangana leaders were not satisfied with the accord. Movement turned violent and army had to be called in. After

several days of talks with leaders of both regions, on 12 April 1969, Prime minister came up with Eight point plan.[9] Telangana leaders rejected the plan and protests continued under the leadership of newly formed political party Telangana Praja Samithi in 1969 asking for the formation of telangana and people continued to get killed in police firing. Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in Hyderabad for 15 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain government posts. When the Supreme Court upheld the Mulki rules at the end of 1972, the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of re-forming a separate state of Andhra, was started in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. On 21 September 1973, a political settlement was reached with the Government of India with a Six-Point Formula. It was agreed upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the future. To avoid legal problems, constitution was amended(32nd amendment) to give the legal sanctity to the Six-point formula.[10] In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the violations to six point formula, government enacted government order 610(GO 610) to correct the violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained about non implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani commission to look into violations.[11] In 1997, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) passed a resolution seeking a separate Telangana.[12] A new party called Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), led by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), was formed in 2001 with the single-point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its capital.[13] In April 2002, the home minister during the NDA government, BJP leader L.K. Advani wrote a letter to MP A. Narendra rejecting a proposal to create Telangana state explaining that regional disparities in economic development could be tackled through planning and efficient use of available resources. He said that the NDA government, therefore, does not propose creation of a separate state of Telangana [14]

[edit] 2004 to 2010


Main article: 2004-2010 Telangana protests

For the 2004 Assembly and Parliament elections, the Congress party and the TRS had an electoral alliance in the Telangana region that promised a separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the state and formed a coalition government at the centre; TRS joined the coalition and was successful in making a separate Telangana state a part of the common minimum programme of the coalition government. However, again in 2006, the then Chief Minister Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy categorically said that the state would remain united. In February 2009 the state government declared that it had no objection, in principle, to the formation of separate Telangana and that the time had come to move forward decisively on this issue. To resolve related issues, the government constituted a joint house committee.[15] In the lead-up to the 2009 General Elections in India, all the major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana.[16]

In the 2009 elections people of the Telangana region made it clear that the separate state sentiment had faded with TRS managing to win only 10 assembly seats out of the 45 it contested and only 2 MP seats.[17] On 29 November 2009 TRS president K. Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) started a fast-unto-death, demanding that the Congress party introduce a Telangana bill in Parliament.[18] Student organizations, employee unions, and various organizations joined the movement.[19] General strikes shut down Telangana on 6 and 7 December.[20] In a all party meeting on dec 7, all major Opposition parties extended their support for a separate state for Telengana.[21] Telangana State Formation process Announcement On 9 December 2009, Union Minister of Home Affairs P. Chidambaram announced that the Indian government would start the process of forming a separate Telangana state, pending the introduction and passage of a separation resolution in the Andhra Pradesh assembly after a 11day fast by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao. This again resulted in protests across both Andhra and Rayalseema as in a short time of the Home Minister's declaration, MLAs from the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions submitted their resignations in protest.[22] On 23 December, the Government of India announced that no action on Telangana will be taken until a consensus is reached by all parties.[23] Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema region MLAs started withdrawing their resignations while MLAs and ministers from Telangana started submitting their resignations, and demanded that the Centre take immediate steps to initiate the process of bifurcating Andhra Pradesh.[24] BJP leader and leader of opposition in Loka Sabha, Sushma Swaraj in 2010 said that they would have formed the Telangana State along with Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Uttarakhand in year 2000 but the Telugu Desam, which extended outside support to it, opposed the plan.[25] On 3 February the government announced the five-member committee headed by Justice SriKrishna that would look into the issue.[26]

[edit] Srikrishna Committee report


Main article: Srikrishna committee's involvement in the Telangana movement

In an all-party meeting on 6 January 2011, which was boycotted by the TRS, BJP and TDP, the Home ministry released the 505-page Srikrishna committee . The report discusses six solutions to the problem. The preferred option is Keeping the State united by simultaneously providing certain definite constitutional and statutory measures for socio-economic development and political empowerment of Telangana region through the creation of a statutorily-empowered Telangana Regional Council. The second best option is Bifurcation of the State into Telangana and Seemandhra as per existing boundaries, with Hyderabad as the capital of Telangana and Seemandhra to have a new capital.[27][28] On 23 March 2011, Justice L Narasimha Reddy of Andhra Pradesh high court ordered central government to make contents of 8th chapter of Sri Krishna Committee, so called 'secret report'.

Justice in his 60 page judgement said "The Committee travelled beyond the terms of reference in its endeavour to persuade the Union of India not to accede to the demand for Telangana". The judgement also quoted the SKC report's 8th chapter and said "The maneuver suggested by the Committee in its secret supplementary note poses an open challenge, if not threat, to the very system of democracy." On 26 April, a division bench comprising the Chief Justice of the AP high court has stayed the order of Justice L Narasimha Reddy who had directed the Centre to make public the secret Chapter.[29][30]

[edit] Non-cooperation movement and Million March


Main article: Early 2011 Telangana protests

On 17 February 2011 noncooperation movement was started which lasted for 16days with participation by 300,000 government employees. It caused Rs 8 billion per day in revenue to government.[31][32] In February and March, Assembly session was boycotted for weeks and Parliament session was disrupted for several days by Telangana representatives.[33][34] [35] Million March was organized by Telangana JAC in Hyderabad on 10 March 2010. In a move to disrupt the march, police arrested over thousand activists throughout the region and closed down entry to Hyderabad city by stopping certain transportation services and diverting traffic.[36][37][38] Around 50,000 people reached the venue of the march, Tank Bund by hoodwinking police.[39] Some Telangana activists damaged 16 statues of personalties hailed form Seema-Andhra representing Telugu culture language. They threw some of the remnants into the lake.[40] Top leaders of all political parties in the state and various cultural organizations condemned the vandalism.[41]

[edit] Mass Resignations


Main article: Mid 2011 Telangana protests

Fearing law & order problem due to violence similar to the Million March incident, State police refused to give permission to TRS to hold their formation day public meeting in Parade grounds in Hyderabad. The state government sanctioned Rs 75 lakh for repair and re-installation of statues on Tank Bund, demolished during the Million March programme. Along with installation of the 16 statues, another new statue of social activist from Telangana, Komaram Bheem, would also be installed. Both TJAC & the Telangana Congress leaders set fresh deadlines to renew their agitation. On 4 July 2011 as many as 81 of 119 Telangana MLAs in the state, 12 out of 15 Telangana ministers in state, 13 out of 17 Telangana MPs in Lok Sabha, 1 Rajyasabha MP(Congress), 20 MLCs resigned protesting delay in the formation of Telangana. On 20 July, 30-year-old Yadi Reddy was found dead 100 yards from Parliament House in Delhi. An eightpage suicide note says the young driver from greater Hyderabad region of Telangana was upset over the government not creating a new state for his homeland. The speaker of the AP assembly

on 23 July summarily rejected the resignations of all 101 MLAs citing that they were made in an emotionally surcharged atmosphere.[42]

[edit] September 2011 - present


[edit] All Peoples Strike / Sakala Janula Samme What are we demanding? We are asking you to respect the word you have given in the Parliament before the 120 crore people of this country. We are not asking any thing else. K. Chandrashekar Rao on 12 September 2011[43]

On 12 September 2011, a day before Sakala Janula Samme(All people's strike), TRS organized a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attended by over a million people including Telangana JAC leaders, BJP and New Democracy party leaders. [43] Starting 13 September, as part of 'strike by all section of people' supporting Telangana statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work affecting government offices throughout the region and vowed to continue it till the formation of Telangana state. Lawyers started boycotting courts.[44] 60,000 coal miners of Singareni Collieries(SCCL Ltd.) also joined the strike. [45][46] On 14 September and 15, nearly 450 movie Theaters in Telangana were closed at the call given by Telangana film chamber.[47] Starting 16 September, government teachers joined the strike. Private school managements declared one day holday in support of the strike.[48] On 19 September, state road transport corporation employees and state electricity board employees in Telangana joined the indefinite strike.[49]
The rail roko programe at various places in the city became a conglomeration of various facets of the Telangana culture. With music, dance, plays and a sumptuous lunch, Manoharabad railway station, one of the hotspots, wore the look of a weekly fair. The New Indian Express[50]

On a call given by JAC, road blockades on national highways throughout Telangana, the rail blockade by JAC and the strike of auto rikshaw union on 24 September and 25 disrupted transport services.[51] [52] Virtually all sections of people joined this strike.[53] On 30 September, as the strike enter 18th day, even while Congress central leadership meeting several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a bundh in Hyderabad city.[54] On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the grave situation in Telangna due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood demand.[55] The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state. On 4 October, only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both the industry and agriculture.[56] On 9 October, some workers of the Youth Congress agitated and threw chairs at each other at the Gandhi Bhavan in Hyderabad during a membership drive demanding that it be postponed until the Central Government of India made any official announcement on Telangana. They also demanded that a separate Telangana Youth Congress be formed for the youth from Telangana.[57] On October 10, Telangana activists attacked a private college in Hyderabad and threw stones at

the windows of the NRI College in Kukatpally, where majority residents are migrants from Andhra region, badly damaging the window panes. The parents of some children protested outside the college demanding that schools and colleges be excluded from the strikes and conflicts as the students have missed classes for a month already and they were worried about their future. The majority of colleges and schools remained shut in the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad.[58] Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) president criticized that KCR, Kodandaram, Harish Rao and others were encouraging the students to take active part in the ongoing agitation for Telangana, and alleged that they were not allowing their own children to take part in the stir. While demanding that the Telangana leaders disclose the details of where their children were pursuing studies, he said that children from oppressed sections of the society, were being deprived of the opportunity to pursue studies, under the influence of the T-stir, while the children from the T-leaders were being sent abroad or other areas, to pursue studies without any disturbance.[59] On 22 October, activists of the Prajasanghala (Peoples organisations) JAC protested in front of Prof. Kodandram's house alleging that the TJAC changed its stand on Sakala Janula Samme and on a separate Telangana after Kodandaram and KCR's visit to New Delhi. They alleged the TJAC had entered into a pact with the Centre and is deliberately diluting the movement.[60] On 11 October, a case was filed against KCR, under IPC section 153, for delivering instigating speeches and creating rift between people from different regions in the state. FIR said that he had tried to instigate people to attack Telangana representatives for not resigning for the cause of Telangana.[61] Later that day, Police have also added the two leaders Swami Goud and Vithal of the Telangana Joint Action Committee after they demanded that the Police of Hyderabad city would also join the struggle for a separate state.[62] The Samaikyandhra Joint Action Committee reported that KCR was behaving rudely while he was in Telangana region and wise when he was Delhi, at the Union government. They also demanded that the government should seize the properties of KCR as to recover from the losses caused by the All people's strike.[63]
There is no need to continue the strike as their opinion over Telangana is received already by Congress high command and the Centre. Nallari Kiran Kumar Reddy[64]

After being criticized by both the Congress high command as well as the Centre over how he has been handling the issue, CM N Kiran Kumar Reddy said that the government would adopt a zero-tolerance system and will initiate stern action against anyone if they try to create any law and order problem or cause any inconvenience to the people. [65] He cautioned them saying that the stir is spoiling the prospects of the youth.[66] After 22 days of strike, the APSRTC resumed plying buses after one of the unions suspended the strike.[67] Telangana union leaders condemned the decision and said that a union leader belonging to Andhra-Seema region had no right to withdraw the strike.[68] This led to split in the union and Telangana union leaders floated a separate body and decided to continue the strike. Due to this, only few buses returned to service.[69] On 13 October, the parents of most school-going children warned the TJAC that to call of the strike for the schools and colleges by 15 October after which they will chalk out their

course of action.[70] Eight Congress MPs from Telangana, who resigned in July demanding a separate state of Telangana, insisted the speaker to accept their resignations on 12 October. They also demanded that the Group-II exams, screening test for thousands of state government jobs, be postponed until the strike is over.[71]
Sakala Janula Samme launched by the TJAC has already entered the 30th day. People of Telangana are facing several hardships due to the strike. Many Telangana youths have sacrificed their lives for the cause of Telangana. Despite all this, the Congress high command is unwilling to spell out its stand on the issue. Vijayashanti[72]

As the All People's strike entered the 30th day on 14 October 2011, Medak's MP Vijayashanti criticized the Congress high command for the delay in making the decision on Telangana and said Congress wants the issue to prolong until 2014. She further said the strike should continue until the formation of Telanana state.[72] On that day, the government of Andhra Pradesh asked the employees of the Joint Action Committee to hold further discussions with their chief secretary, Pankaj Dwivedi. Also, a senior official said that the Joint Action Committee has no right to dictate to the government and they have to wait until the centre takes a decision. The Government also asked all the police to submit the details of those members of the JAC who have been arrested during the strikes and protests. The government said that only those members of the JAC who were dancing and singing at the protests were spared and they took the opinion of the advocate-general on what to do with them.[73] KT Rama Rao alleged that the CM of Andhra Pradesh was bribing the T Congress MLAs to lure them out of the agitation.[74] This was strongly refuted by the Congress leaders who demanded an apology from KTR and challenged him to reveal the names of MLAs who took bribe.[75] On the 1st day of Rail blockade on October 15, 110 trains were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted. The railways operated 12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railway tracks at various places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including eight MPs and four MLAs.[76][77] On same day, employee unions of road transport corporation called off the strike. On 16 October, JAC gave a call for Telangana Bundh(general stike) for next day to protest the police's "reign of terror to suppress" the agitation during the rail blockade and said they are cancelling the 3rd day of rail blockade on Oct 17. On same day, Teachers union also said they will attend the schools in the interest of students but they will not sign the attendance registers and will not take the salaries.[78] Some teachers donated the salary they got for the strike period. They felt that teachers have become scapegoats at the hands of the their state leaders who have a personal agenda and called off the strike as part of this.[79] Normal life was again affected as the public transport facilities, especially busses which were properly resumed after the 28-day long strike were again off the roads. Schools, colleges and offices were again shut for 17 October, as the agitation continued.[80] On October 17, Coal miners called off strike the strike.[81]

On October 17, Pocharam Srinivas Reddy, who resigned from assembly and from TDP to join TRS, re-elected to assembly by about 50 thousand majority. He got about 68% of polled votes while his opponent from congress got 27% votes. TDP did not field a candidate.[82] Afer his victory in Banswada bypoll, he warned Andhra settlers in the region with dire consequences for not voting for him. He had hoped for one lakh majority in the byelection in view of the ongoing high voltage Telangana movement. But to his dismay, Congress candidate could get a comfortable 33,356 votes. The frustrated Srinivas Reddy accused Andhra settlers of ignoring the Telangana sentiment and voting for Congress candidate. This hurt the feelings of settlers in the region.[83] After 42days, on October 24, government employees unions called off the strike. Kodandaram said that the strike had impacted the overall thinking of the Centre towards creation of separate State and the movement will continue with other protest activities.[84] [edit] Losses due to the strike

While the striking employees of RTC got their wages and bonuses for the strike period, the corporation has been hit by financial crisis. APSRTC already with a Rs. 310 crore loss in the financial year suffered another Rs. 200 crore loss due to the "Sakala Janula Samme".[85] On 19 October, Singareni staff from 3 districts who were striking for 35 days resumed their work after the management agreed to adjust leave against strike period with wages.[86] The strike resulted in a loss of Rs. 600 crore for the Singareni Collieries Co Ltd.[87] Apart from causing severe power crisis across the country. An additional Rs. 120 crores was lost towards payment of wages to employees for the strike period.[88] The state government also lost around Rs. 250 crore due to power purchases from other states.[89] It also affected the production of long steel in India.[90] The water board suffered Rs. 5 crore loss during the strike.[91] The South Central railway lost Rs. 12.63 crores till 24 September due to the rail roko programmes.[92] The Assocham estimated tangible losses in excess of Rs. 10,000 crores in only 15 days of the strike.[93] A revenue loss of Rs.50 crore every day to the government due to strike by excise employees.[94] Manufacturers of active pharmaceutical ingredients that go into medication have lost Rs.500 crore till 26 September because of the strike.[95] Northern Power Distribution Company Ltd's (NPDCL) revenues amounting to Rs 320 crores were held up[96]

In response to a lawsuit that seeks a direction that a new state shouldnt be carved out from the parent territory, the Supreme Court of India took strong exception to the prolonged agitation during which normal life gets affected, courts become paralysed and colossal damage is done to public property. It sought responses from the AP government and TRS.[97] [edit] Efforts to end strike With the agitation for statehood to Telangana intensifying, the congress has decided to speed up all the discussions and quickly solve the problem. On 30 September 2011 Ghulam Nabi Azad, Congress party's AP state in-charge, submitted to Congress president an internal party report

about Telangana issue after holding consultations with leaders from Telangana, Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra regions for over two months.[98] On 8 October, Azad said that the key leaders of the Congress and the centre have met nine leaders from Andhra Pradesh including the chief minister and are working on finding a solution to the issue as soon as possible.[99] PM Manmohan Singh indicated that resolving the Telangana statehood issue might take some time. Maintaining that there has not been any inaction by the government over the crisis, the Prime Minister said that given the complications involved in settlement, it will take some time. Dr Singh said that the government "is engaged in widespread dialogue and discussions with all the stakeholders and hopes to reach a win-win situation for all concerned through the process."[100]
[edit] After the Strike

On October 29, 2011, three Telangana Congress party MLAs resigned and joined TRS party in protest as they were diappointed with Congress leadership's delay in Telangana state formation.[101] Many Telangana activists headed by Telangana Praja Front leader Gaddar are contemplating to form a new party to take the Telangana movement forward. Dr Sangam Prithviraj, leader of the Telangana Students Joint Action Committee, who supports Gaddar in forming the new political force, also blamed KCR for the movement fizzling out. "KCR kept the students out of the agitation this time and this was an intentional ploy to ensure that the new state is not formed," he said.[102] On November 1, Congress MLA Komatireddy Venkat Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike until the Centre announced a roadmap for Telangana state.[103] On November 6, the fast was broken when Police arrested him under Section 309 of IPC (attempt to commit suicide) and shifted him to NIMS, Hyderabad where he is under intravenous fluids. He ended his fast on November 9.[104] 97-year old Freedom fighter Konda Laxman Bapuji also launched his weeklong satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding statehood to the region.[105] On November 7, 2011 Actress Shriya Saran was attacked by a mob claiming to be TRS activists during a shoot in Hyderabad. They threatened her to say 'Jai Telangana' by shouting out cuss words. The actress later tweeted, "How can they break my car, throw stones, stop shoot and threaten me to say Jai Telangana. That too in broad day light, Police staring at all of this. What about freedom and safety? Thank god the stone didn't hit me. Both the windows of my car are broken. I am disgusted, I'm born in India. I deserve my freedom and safety is my right (sic)".[106] TRS activists also attacked Parakala Prabhakar for his remarks against the Telangana movement and TRS ideologue, the late Prof. Jayashankar.[107] After the proposal by UP Chief Minister Mayawati to split Uttar Pradesh into four states, the BJP, which is a strong advocate of smaller states, demanded formation of the second State Reorganisation Commission (SRC) for restructuring and splitting big states into smaller ones.[108]
Telangana is a complicated matter and we are trying to evolve a consensus, where all shades of public opinion would agree that what is being done is in the interest of each and everyone. We cannot solve

the problem of Telangana by agreeing to Telangana state while there is disquiet and unrest in other regions of Andhra Pradesh. From the frying pan to the fire is not an appropriate solution to the national problem Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 12 November 2011[109]

[edit] Concerns regarding the movement


Maoist Influence in the movement Sri Krishna Committee said delay in the formation of Telangana will create Political crisis and the Maoist movement is likely to get a fillip in such a situation[110](page 411). Before 2009, Absence of any violent action by the extremists for long in the region made everyone believe that naxals have been wiped out.[111] The Police in 2009 said that intelligence reports indicated that Maoists had definitely infiltrated the movement.[112] Even in 2010, Security establishments have submitted an assessment to the Prime Minister that the creation of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand helped Maoists entrench better, as they took advantage of administrative problems in a new state. Similarly they said Remnants of the Maoist movement are strongest in Telangana so any break-up of the state (Andhra) will help them.[113] On January 3, 2010 Varavara rao, a Maoist Emissary gave an open call at OU students march to launch a militant fight for the statehood cause.[114] On January 6, 2010, Telangana political Joint Action committee(T-JAC) said the strikes, railblockades, various protests would not have been held peacefully if Maoists had inflitrated the pro-Telangana movement. JAC blamed some Andhra leaders for such talk who is trying to bring bad name to the Telangana movement. It questioned, how the Maoists could have joined the movement when state government claims that the naxalism had been wiped out in the State? [115] KCR who is leading the movement also promised he would implement the Maoist agenda' after formation of separate Telangana. Mr. Rao said the TRS should not have objection to toe the line of the naxalites because their struggles were aimed at fulfilment of basic needs of the poor like food and land.[116] Sambasivudu alias Konapuri Ilaiah, former Maoist, who was surrendered to goverment and served jail time, who was Maoist state secretary and held various positions in the Naxal outfit and had reportedly escaped nearly 18 police encounters in Nallamala region, joined TRS in January 2011 and was made a member of the politburo. In March 2011, he was hacked to death by assailants posing as TRS activists.[117] In 2011, according to government sources, Maoists are active in 1/3rd of districts in India.[118] Special Intelligence Branch (SIB) of Andhra Pradesh Police, which monitors the Maoists, gathered "credible information" about the outlaws carrying their activities under the banner of the TJAC. "When the agitation for a separate state began in late 2009, some Maoist elements joined ranks with the students of Osmania University and indulged in violence. Now, they seem to have 'graduated' to a higher level and started working under the so-called political JAC, though the latter as such exists only on paper," a top-ranking police official remarked.[119] Even

during the Million March in 2011 militant elements were suspected to be behind the destruction of statues on Tank Bund.[120] On Jan 11, 2011, Madhu Yaskhi, Ruling Congress party MP, said "There is police deployment in every nook of Osmania University and Telangana. Not a single Maoist has been arrested despite police having draconian powers and having searched every hostel over and over again. That proves the lie, They(Andhra political leaders and Andhra dominated state bureaucracy) are raising the Maoist bogey to defame the movement."[121] With fears of Maoists infiltrating the Telangana movement, the CM of Andhra Pradesh was provided with bullet proof podium for his speech on AP formation day on 1 November 2011.[122] In November 2011, Police in Gadchiroli district of Maharastra seized several documents from Naxals after encounters which pointed out that the Naxals have decided to actively support the separate movements for Vidarbha and Telangana. They had also undertaken resolutions to ensure that their party remains active in fuelling the division. Their motto was to give support to the proTelangana outfits and their violent activities.[123] On November 10, 2011 Andhra Pradesh state Director General of Police said there is no active involvement of Maoists in the Telangana movement.[124]

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