Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Timberg Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 29, No. 48 (Nov. 26, 1994), p. 3033 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4402068 . Accessed: 26/11/2011 06:45
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly.
http://www.jstor.org
inequality and stresses the factor of ruralurban migration as a major cause of urban imbalance. Heinz Bongartz in his inlloduction brings home the need for comprehensive planning for both urban and rural areas with equal stress. The remaining authors ot Volume 1, Sivaramakrishnan and Buch, engage themselves mainly in implementational problems of basic service projects and call for more efficient management. The perspective that emerges after reading the volumes is important. The focus is on the need to look beyond policies and projects towards the level where decisions are taken in the framework of a given political economy for which planning bypasses the informal sector or tribals in Thane living only 40 km away from Bombay die of gastroenteritis every year indicating that any inequality can be claimed to have the implicit approval of the system. Problems of financing urban service projectsorempowermentoflocal bodies need to be examined from this perspective that would help remove many ambiguities. Message of such books and other similar works of recent times [5] is self-evident:
tackling of metropolitan or urban concentration, distortion in their spaceeconomies andthe associatedinequalitiesin the quality of urbanlife calls for integrated to approaches regionalandnationalplanning in which the town and country are viewed as partsof an interactivesystem.The critical issue, however,is how manysocieties would recognisethis viewpointas legitimateas that would demand a structuraltransformation of the society itself. Notes
[1] Smith D M (1979): Where the Grass is Greetner, The Johns Hopkins University Press, USA. [2] Harvey David (1985): The Urbaniisation of Ccapital.Basil Blackwell, UK. [3] PeetRichard 1977): 'Inequality Poverty' ( and in R Peet (ed), Radical Geograplhy: Alternlative Viewpoints on Contenlpo)rary Social Issues, MaaroufaPress. USA. [4] Pahl R H (1970): Whose City. Longman, London. [5] KunduA (1993): In theNanme'fUrbanPoor: Access to Basic Amenities,Sage, New Delhi.
the openingof lettersof creditfor the import of capitalequipment overthelastfew months. To the extent developmenthas not occurred differentcommentatorsblame the lassitude of indigenous entrepreneurs (eg, their lack of the 'animal spirits' of their Indian neighbours), the apparent slow growth of rural investment and production, the remainingdead hand of regulationand the immobilisationof resourcesin publicsector corporations,etc. One dynamic development has been the considerableinflow of fundsremittedby the thousandsof soldiersnow servingon various United Nations Missions aroundthe world and receiving fantastic salaries in normal Bangladeshi terms. The politics of Bangladesh is unusualin South Asia both because of its turbulence in the 1970s and because of the relative importance of foreign aid donors. (This characteristic it shares with Nepal.) The two major leaders and the country's'Jfirst foundersof its major political partieswere both assassinated. The country has still to see one elected government hand over to another. But much of the analysis clearly applies to other countries in the region. Despite the changes of government, Kochanek characterises all of the major Bangladesh regimes as having power centralisedin the executive in a unitarystate with weak legislatures and judiciary, and government manipulationof elections and the media. The lack of business association autonomywas accentuatedby the historyof the Pakistan period when associational activitywasforciblychannelled a limited into number of state-sponsored chambers, as distinguished from the pre-existing Indian type of pluralism. Despitethecommonfeatures,thepolitical patterns describedinthisbookarenecessarily especially those of the Ershadperiod, 19821990, and may not do full justice to what has emerged since Bangladesh'sbloodless transitionto the present BNP government. The futureof that governmentis now very much in question. The two large partiesin thecountry,theBangladesh Nationalist Party founded by General ZiaurRahmanand led by his widow, and the Awami League foundedby SheikhMujibur Rahman led and by his daughter, now have manageable ideologicaldifferences.Theyhaveacommon interest in sustaining a civilian political system to avoid military coups. But the assassinationsand turmoilof the 1970s still cast strong shadow on their relations. In recentmonths,outsiderslike representatives of the Commonwealth Secretariat and insiderslike the membersof theGanoForum led by Kamal Hossain have tried to broker anaccommodation. as I indicated But earlier, this all occurs on a level largely separate from the politics dealt with in the present volume.
3033