'1 r<tJ f**;, A T R A H A S S

T H E

B A B Y L O N I A N O F T H E

S T O R Y

F L O O D

BY

W.

G.LAMBERT

AD N

A . R.

M I L L A R D

with THE SUMERIAN FLOOD

B Y

STORY

M. C I V I L

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON 1969 PRESS

Oxford Umvemty Press, Ely House, London W. i JZs

G^SCOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ABOIS ABABA BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO

PREFACE THE following is the history of the prsent volume. Lambert, in preparing a still [1968] unpublished corpus of Babylonian cration myths first planned to include the eariier portion of Atra-hass, and with this in view he recopied the tablet known here (see pp. 40-1) under the symbol E, and identified among the copies of the late Dr. F. W. Geers in Chicago the fragments J - N and K 8562. A t that time Miss E. Reiner made known to him her identification of K 6634 and K 13863. This material with the other then published fragment of Tablet I he prepared for publication. However, meanwhile the big Old Babylonian tablets A and C had corne to light in the British Musum, and Mllard was invited to copy them for publication i n a CT volume, to which Lambert would also contribute his copies. Dr. R. D. Barnett, Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Musum, who initiated this plan, also suggested that the two authors should co-operate on a critical dition of the epic. The CT volume, no. 46, appeared i n 1965 ; the prsent volume marks the finition of the second part of this plan. Millard made a first draft of the dition, contributing the initial decipherment of A and C . He also first worked on D, which F. R. Kraus had identified i n Istanbul. The final manuscript is largely the work of Lambert, except for the Glossary, which is largely the work of Millard. The copies and collations on pis. I - X I are the work of Lambert. A i l the original tablets have been either copied or collated for this dition, except that B has been read from photographs with the aid of collations supplied by J. J. Finkelstein; x and y have been copied from photographs since the originals cannot be located. While this is a scholarly dition, the Introduction has been written with the needs i n view of those who are not cuneiform scholars. I n doing their work the authors have enjoyed the co-operation of numerous scholars. Professor J. J. Finkelstein not only supplied collations of B, as mentioned above, but also made known to us privately the results of his work on the epic. He first read the vital sign arhu i n I 280-1 and grasped the sens of pal i n I 282. Other suggestions of his that we have adopted are mentioned i n the appropriate philological notes. Professor R. Frankena generously allowed us to see a rough copy of D that he had made. D. Kennedy collated D for us. J. Nougayrol sent us his copy of before it had appeared. Professor Benno Landsberger has been consuked on various points, and
x x

OFR U I E S Y PES I XOD N RI RS Q Q V T P I TD IN GET B I AN R E N RA RT I

suggestions of his are noted in due place. Professor O. K. Gurney read the final draft of the manuscript and suggested improvementa. Mrs. A. R. Millard and Professor J. Emerton read the Introduction and contributed to its darity. Permission to copy and publish D has been given by Mesdames Kiwlyay and i$, curators of Near Eastern antiquities in the Archaeological Musums, Istanbul, who rendered every assistance i n our work. The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft gave ita permission for the publication of x and y from the Babylon Photos. The Muse d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva, consented to the recopying and republication of C , and Mlle Dunand facilitated the work. The Trustes ofthe British Musum have allowed the publication of K 14697 and the collation of the other tablets i n their collections. For ail this help and co-operation the authors express their gratitude. Thanks are also due to the craftsmen of the Clarendon Press for a difficult but well-executed pice of printing. W. G. L A M B E R T A. R. M I L L A R D Aprit t$6S
3

P EA E RFC

C O N T E N T S Abbreviations and Rfrences Introduction Excursus: Early Human History A Quotation of Atra-hass for an Assyrian King Notes on Orthography and Grammar The Manuscripts List of Manuscripts Atra-bass, Text and Translation Tablet I Tablet I I Tablet I I I 42 72 88 106 116 iaa ta6 128 IJI 134 138 146 173 175 198 ix t 25 27 29 31 40

POSTSCRIPT Thanks are due to Professor \V\ von Soden, who sent a list of corrections and suggestions while the book was i n proofa Thse have been adopted where possible. A lengthy article by G. Pettinato, 'Die Bestrafung des Menschengcschlechts durch die Sintflut' appeared i n Orientalia^ N8. 37. 165-200, too lato to be used. Its main contention is that 'noise' (rigmum, hubnm) in the Epic means or implies 'evil conduct', so that E n l i l d i d not destroy the human race for mere noise. The idea ia not well founded philologically, and dpends too much on preconceptions about that mythological being, 'der oriental ische Mensch'. Attention is drawn to Addenda on pp. x i and 17a, Octob&t iS

S reverse x, y U 3 W The Flood Story from Ras Shamra Berossus The Sumerian Flood Story ( M . Civil) Philologieal Notes Bibliography Glossary List of Names Cuneiform Texts

PAE IHU L TS

A B B R E V I A T I O N S
h British BM Bu DT K Rm 3m Th

A N D REFER EN

TABLET SIGNATURES

Musum, L o n d o n B r i t i s h Musum Budge Daily Telcgraph Kuyunjik Rassam Smith Thompson

Vorderasiatisches Musum, Berlin B E B a b y l o n Expdition V A T Vorderasiatische Abteiiung, Tontafel O r i e n t a l Institute, University of Chicago A Asiatic U n i v e r s i t y Musum, Philadelphia C B S Catalogue of the Babylonian Section Muse d ' A r t et d'Histoire, G e n e v a : M A H L i b r a r y of J . Pierpont Morgan, N e w Y o r k M L C M o r g a n L i b r a r y Catalogue Archaeological Musums, I s t a n b u l : Ni(ppur) Muse N a t i o n a l S y r i e n , Damaacus R S Ras Shamra A s h m o l e a n Musum, Oxford W - B Weld-Blundell II. PUBLICATIONS CITED BY INITIALS

AbB ABRT AfO AHw AJSL AL AMT AnBtb ANET AnSt ARM ArOr AS BA BAM BBR BBSt

F . R . K r a u s et al, Altbabylomtcke Briefe J . A . C r a i g , Assyrian and Babylonian Religious

Texts

Archiv ft Orientfotschung W . v o n S o d e n , Ahkadischss Handwrterbueh American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures F . Delitzsch Assyriscke Lesestilcke R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , Assyrian Mdical Texts Analecta Biblica J . B . P r i t c h a r d (d.), Ancient Near Eastern lexts Anatolian Studies . Archives royales de Mari (texts tn translitra i ; Archiv Orientdlni Assyriological Studies Beirge zurAssyrologie ' F . Kcher, Die babylonisch^synscheMedtm H . Z i m m e r n , BeitrgezurKemtnuderoaoyiorni L . W . K i n g , Babylonian Boundary atones

ABBREVIATIONS AND

REFERENCES ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES si

BE BIN BiOr BRM BSGW BWL CAD CT GAG GSG JAOS JCS JNES JRAS JSS JTVI KAR KAV KBo LKA LTBA

The Babylonian Expdition of the University of Pennsylvania Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of James B. Nies Bibliotheca Orientales Babylonian Records in the Library ofj. Pierpont Morgan Berichte der Schsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften ( L e i p z i g ) W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Wisdom Literature I . J . G e l b , B . Landsberger, A . L . O p p e n h e i m , E . R e i n e r , The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Musum W . v o n Soden, Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik A . Poebel, Grundzuge der sumerischen Grammatik Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute E . E b e l i n g , Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religisen Inhalts, i , i i ( = WVDOG
28, 34) O. Schroeder,

Publications of the Joint Expdition of the British Musum and of the University Musum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, to Mesopotamia, Ur Excavations, Texts VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmler WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungender deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes YBT Yale Oriental Sries, Babylonian Texte YOR Yale Oriental Sries, Researches ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlndischen Gesellschaft
III. CITATIONS F R O M A K K A D I A N AND OTHER ANCIENT TEXTS

UET

E x c e p t w h e r e otherwise stated, quotations from the following work9 follow the line numbering o f the following ditions :

WVDOG 35)

Keilschrifttexte

aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts

(=

(=

H . H . Figulla

et ai, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkot, i - v i

WVDOG

E . E b e l i n g , Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Die lexikalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrer in den Berliner Museen, i ( L . M a t o u S ) , i i ( W . v o n S o d e n ) MAD Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary, iiii ( L J . G e l b ) MAO G Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft MBI G . A . B a r t o n , Miscellaneous Babylonian Inscriptions MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung MSL B . L a n d s b e r g e r et al., Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Or Orientalia PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University Musum, University of Pennsylvania PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology R H . C . R a w l i n s o n et al., The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia RA Revue d*Assyriologie RU. acc. F . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rituels accadiens RLA E . E b e l i n g et al., Reallexikon der Assyriologie RT Recueil de Travaux relatifs la philologie et Varchologie gyptiennes et assyriennes G . R e i s n e r , Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen wjLf I * ^ . Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms JzM E. C h i e r a , Sumerian Epies and Myths SGL A . F a l k e n s t e i n , J . J . V a n D i j k , Sumerische Gtterlieder, i , i i A . D e i m e l , Sumerisches Lexikon *] E C h i e r a , Sumerian Lexical Texts fSE |f K i n g , The Seven Tablets of Cration frrrrn 2' j ? ; . ^ Sultantepe Tablets TC ?> " Texts of Varied Contents Muse du Louvre, Dpartement des antiquits orientales, Textes cuniformes
L a n d o n
G u r n e

30, 36)

Ahiqar A . C o w l e y , Aramaic Papyri Code of Hammurabi A . D e i m e l , E . B e r g m a n n , A . P o h l , a n d R . Follet, Codex ffammurabi* Enma EUS W . G . L a m b e r t , Babylonian Cration Myths (fortheoming) ^ Erimb-u U n p u b l i s h e d dition o f B . Landsberger, quoted b y permission Erra F . Gssmann, Das Era-Epos GilgameS R . C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , The Epic of Gilgamish, supplemented from CT 4 6 . 16-35 Surpu E . R e i n e r , Surpu (AfO Beiheft n )
t

A T R the proofs h a d been corrected K 1 0 0 9 7 was identified and joined to columns FE

i i a n d i i i o f S . I t supplies the ends o f n i n e lines o f i i after a gap of about seven lines f r o m the previously k n o w n part. T h e y are so numbered i n the translitration below,

A D D E N D U M

T O TABLET

T h e

Sume

xii

ADDENDUM TO TABLET

a n d the paraliel lines from the main recension are added i n b rackets. I t appears that the A s s y r i a n Recension abbreviated this section. T h e portion of i i i o n K 10097 restores part or whole of the first eight lines of the previously k n o w n portion, a n d supplies traces of one preceding line, w h i c h i s here n u m b e r e d o to save r e n u m bering the rest. S i n c e the spitting i n line 4 i s p u t after the recitation of the i n c a n tation, whereas i n the m a i n recension it cornes twenty lines before ( I . 2 3 3 - 4 , 2 5 3 - 4 ) , it i s possible that the whole process described i n the m a i n recension w a s condensed.

I N T R O D U C T I O N THE Atra-hass epic is one literary form of Sumero-Babylonian traditions about the cration and early history of man. For some 1,500 years during which Babylonian civilisation flourished it was copied on clay tablets, but as Babylon sank under the eastward flood of Hellenism that followed Alexander the Great i t was lost. A i l that remained for two millennia were some related Hebrew traditions worked into the Book of Genesis and a synopsis of material simiiar to i t that Berossus, a Babylonian priest about the time of Alexander, had put into Greek, though this work did not survive for long, and i n Europe i t has been known only from excerpts, occasionally garbled, quoted by Greek and Latin writers at second or even third hand. Its recovery began i n the middle of the nineteenth century A.D. when European diplomats, travellers, and savants began serious exploration of the mounds covering the ancient cities of Mesopotamia. The sites of Assyria first attracted attention, since they yielded big, showy reliefs that could adorn the galleries of Western musums, and British and French interests were competing to secure prior rights to dig, which at that time automatically conferred the right to carry away anything found. The mounds yielded clay tablets inscribed in cuneiform script, which at first attracted little attention, but fortunately the decipherment of the script was proceeding apace as the early excavators were finding more of thse objects, and they were then assigned a proper importance.
1 2

ii

22

23 24
25 26 27

... BN ]

. ..] x x . . . e]n-lil (125) ] an-nu-gal (127) thazt(KA X E I ) (129) RN . . . ig-rd\-a giS.l (130) . . . b]b en-lil ( 1 3 3 ? )
d

28 29
30

N o t e : I f 25 should be restored fer I . 128-9 and 140-1 i n the m a i n recension. i i i 0 a-rt[a . . . 1 A X [ . . . . d]c- is-s-qar N 2 A x [ . . . ] X -m*~am-na-$i N f-/[ef-i/ tam\-nu Si-ip-ta 3
d me

. . . d\-bu-su (136) . . ] en-Ul (137) . . .] X [man-nu~um-ma b]el thazi, the s a m e

c o u l d be done

4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 S 6 7 8 9

tf-tu-ma tam-nu' i-pa-sa ru-t[a td\-ta-di eli ti-it-tUM 14 ki-[ir]-si tk-ri-is 7 ki-ir*d ana unsttt(zag)tai-ku-un 7 M-ir-si ana himli(giib) tas-ku-un ina be-ru-hi-nu i-ta-di libiitu tep-da-a ap-pa-ri ba-til-iq a-bu-un-na-te tep-te-H tal-si-ma er-e-te mu-te-te
[7] & 7 f-su-ra-ts"
T

To [ ... . . [ . . . . ] E a spoke . . [ . . . ] . he was prompting her. Blet-[il] recited the incantation; After she h a d recited h e r incantation [ S h e ] spat o n h e r clay. S h e n i p p e d off fourteen pices of clay, S e v e n she put o n the right, S e v e n she p u t o n the left, Between t h e m the b r i c k w a s placed. S h e . . . the hair ( ? ) , s h e . . . the cutter of the u m b i l i c a l c o r d . S h e summoned the w i s e a n d learned T w i c e seven birth-goddesses.

Kuyunjik, which covers part of ancient Nineveh, is the only site which need be mentioned here. Paul Emile Botta, French Vice-Consul at Mosul, first dug there for some weeks in 1842/3, but found few of the results then expected. British interests were furthered by Austin Henry Layard, supported at first from the private resources of the British ambassador in Istanbul, Sir Stratford Canning. Layard secured rights to dig, and this created a nice problem at Kuyunjik, which was solved by a gentlemen's agreement; the French considered one sector of the mound theirs, and the British the other sector. This arrangement lasted until Layard finally left
F o r the ditions of Berossus see p. 135. F o r further information on the beginnings of Mesopotamian archaeology and the decipherment of the cuneiform script the following are recommended: the early chapters of R . W . Rogers, History of Babylon and Assyria', . A . WaHs Budge, The Rise and Progress of Assyriology; Seton L l o y d , Foundations in the Dust; S . A. PaUts, The Antiquity
1 2

of Iraq, chs. 11 and n i .

813153

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION %

the country in 1851. Spasmodic digging had taken place, and toward the end the palace of Sennacherib and two c h a m b e r s rich in cuneiform tablet had been found. The local Arabs were on the British side. Botta, abetted by a particularly brutal local pasha, had ridden roughshod over the rights of a local gentleman who held a lease on Kuyunjik from the Turkish Government, while Layard had voluntarily paid some compensation to the man. Also, after Layafd's departure, British interests were served by Hormuzd Rassam, a Christian of local extraction, who well understood the people of the district. During the intervais i n officiai excavations thse people had conducted their own explorations of the mounds, and, as always, knew where best to dig. Thus, when i n 1852 Victor Place, who was replacing Botta, began work i n the French sector the natives were watching just where he dug. When, therefore, Place's trenches were being extended i n the direction of a particularly rich spot, they urged Rassam to act. But the place was i n the French sector, so Rassam arranged that a select group of workmen should dig there secretly by night. This was done on 20 December 1853. On the next night the diggers struck reliefs, and on the third night they began to expose a large room surrounded by the most magnificent sries of Assyrian reliefs ever found. Rassam, considering that like a prospector for gold his claim was now staked, proceeded to work openly by day. The lgal position was certainly obscure since both French and British had at various times been given permission to dig at Kuyunjik. What Rassam had dug into was the palace of the last great Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal, and i n addition to the reliefs i t yielded thousands upon thousands of broken pices of cuneiform tablets. Thse were the remains of libraries that were collected under AshurbanipaTs supervision and which had made Nineveh a forerunner of Alexandria, where another royal patron of letters, Ptolemy I , formed a library that excelled ail others i n the Hellenistic world. Thanks to Layard, Rassam, and others who worked at Kuyunjik after them, practically everything that was recovered from Ashurbanipal's libraries was taken to the British Musum. I n London the work of decipherment was forwarded when the British Musum began to publish texts. The first volume, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from Assyrian Monuments by Layard, appeared i n 1851 and consisted of Assyrian monumental inscriptions. Other scholars, especially Rawlinson, who had done sterling work i n the original decipherment, Birch, an employe of the Musum, Norris, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, and the French Orientalist Oppert, contributed much to the progress of interprtation. About 1857 the British Musum committed

itself to publishing a sries of volumes of cuneiform texts selected by Rawlinson, though others did much of the work. I t was planned to issue ultimately volumes in which the cuneiform plates would be opposite pages of translations, but the difficulties of this were underestimated and only the plates appeared, under the title The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. Large portions of the monumental inscriptions and simiiar texts on clay tablets were read with case, apart from particular obscuritics, but much of the religious and literary compositions was not understood* The man who contributed most to their understanding was George S m i t h , Born in Chelsca of humble parents, at the ge of fourteefi he was apprenticed to a firm of bank-note engravers. He soon became en grosse d in the new discoveries from Mesopotamia, and \ interest, aristng, like that of many others in his century, from an Old Testament background, was to become his life's work. At first he was just an amateur who stinted himself to buy the books from which he acquired knowledge, but by his frquent visita to the British Musum he attracted the attention of Birch, Keeper of Oriental Antiquities, and gave up his career as an engraver to enter the Museum's service i n a lowly capacity. There he was put to work, among other things, sorting the thousands of fragments of tablets from Ashurbanipal's library* I t soon became clear that his understanding of the texts was equal to anyone's, and in 1866 at the ge of twenty-six he was appointed Assistant i n the Department of Oriental Antiquities and worked on the Museum's publications of cuneiform texts. Others knew that works of mythology were preserved, but only George Smith collected and joined enough broken pices to reconstruct entire pisodes, and only he could understand the content. His lack of philological training was made up for by hard work and sheer genius. His fam was assured when, on 3 December 1872, he read a paper to the Society of Biblical Archaeology announcing his discovery of a Babylonian version of the Biblical flood story. The solemnity of the occasion is vouched for by the prsence on the platform of such Victorian worthies as W . E. Gladstone and Dean Stanley, fat 1876 his book, The Chaldean Account of Genesis, was published, in which he gave a gnerai account of ail the Babylonian literary texts he had discovered w i t h excerpts i n translation. Among them was 'the story of tarpi*, which is now known as the Epic of Atra-hass. George Smith knew only one copy of this epic, which, as we can now conclude, was made up from three broken pices. They were far from restoring the whole of the tablet and Smith mistook obverse for reverse, which did not help the matter. However, we must not blme him for this, since the correct choice of sides was only finally settled i n 1956. Also,

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
1

after his prmatur death in 1876, the three pices got separated, and though two of them were joined again by 1899, when a translitration into the Latin alphabet was published with full translation, the third pice remained unidentified for some eighty-five years, was finally published i n 1965, but was not joined to the other two until work on the prsent dition of the epic was almost complte, i n 1967. While Smith had transiated two portions with remarkable accuracy for his time, he understood nothing of the story as a whole. The next stage in the recovery of the epic seemed at first unrelated. I n 1898 V* Scheil, a French priest, published a fragment of a flood story difFering from George Smith's, and dated to the reign of king Ammi-aduqa of Babylon, some thousand years eariier than Ashurbanipal of Assyria. After Scheil had had the fragment it was acquired for the American miUionaire John Pierpont Morgan, and to this day it remains in the Morgan collection. I n the same year part 6 of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Musum appeared, and this contained a mythological fragment of roughly the same date deseribing the cration of man, copied by T . G . Pinches. T h e following year Heinrich Z i m m e m , a German of outstanding ability at comprehending Babylonian and Sumerian texts, composed an article i n which he gave the transliterated text of two of Smith's three pices (as mentioned above), proved that what Scheil and Pinches had published belonged to the same work, and that the hero's name was not to be read Atar-pi, but Atra, or Atar-hass. Zimmem had made his copy of the London fragments available to a cornpatriot, Peter Jensen, who was preparing a complte dition of ail known Babylonian myths and legends, and he too became aware of Zimmern's conclusions. T h u s i n 1900 both Zimmern's article and Jensen's book appeared. While they put the study of this epic on a firm footing, the results were scarcely epoch-making. There was an account of the gods' plagues on the human race for its sins, an allusion to the flood, and some lines about the cration of man. Jensen saw clearly that the choice of aides for obverse and reverse was in doubt, so that no firm order of the varioue preserved extracts was possible. A n d there the niatter rested for half a century. Some new small pices were published, but they did not alter the situation.
1

the correct squence, and thereby produce a story, First, man was created, but as the human race multiplied its noise disturbed the most important god, Enlil, who tried out various means of reducing the population, They ail failed for one reason or another, so finally a flood was sent to exterminate the lot. Even this, however, was frustrated, for the god Enki warned his favourite Atra-^asls, who built a boat and escaped with his family and a slection of animais, With the squence established, more text material was needed to fi 11 out the dtails, and this was soon fort h corn in g. I n 1965 the prsent writers made available a large quantity of new text in Cunei-

form Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Musum, part 46. ft
consisted of two large tablets from the same scribe who wrote the fragment that Scheil had published in 1898 (they had been in the British M u s u m since 1889I), ' smaller pices both Old Babylonian and Late Assyrian. It is this accumulation of new material that justifies the prsent work, and to it there are added in this volume still more new pices, both Old and Late Babylonian, so that some two-thirds of the complte work can now be presented.
a n c

J ust what is the Epic of Atra-hass ? With a modem literary work the question could not be put in this way. A work of Dickens, say Oliver Twist, will always be that work no mat ter how many ditions it goes through. But the ancient world had no proper titles, no sens of literary rights, and no aversion to what we call plagiarism. Succeeding ges often rewrote old texts to suit new language forms and tastes. With Atra-hass the only 'title' in use was the opening words 'When the gods like man*. At the end of each clay tablet there was usuaily a colophon giving such dtails as we expect on a title-page. O n the rare occasions when complte tablets are available the colophons usuaily seule the connections of the text. But where only small fragments survive the question of identification ia complex. What is available for Atra-fyass is discussed in dtail and iisted on pp. 31-41 below, but the following summary may be useful. T h e main dition used here, since it is the most complte, was copied out in the reign of Ammi-aduqa, great-great-grandson of the famous Hammurabi, by Ku-Aya 'the junior scribe*. There ia nothing in the tablets to suggest that K u - A y a was a mre schoolboy, or that his work is a school exercise. I t was an dition in three tablets. Of the other pices of about the same ge two agre very closely with Ku-Aya's text, but others differ considerably and probably belonged to variant ditions. Most other pices are Late Assyrian copies (c. 700-650 BC) and clearly they do not . .,
However, Sidney Smith aoticipated Laessee in 1935 by roundly asserting that coi. ii 'should be v and col. i i i 'should be reckoned col. iv {RA as, 63, and 67).
1 1 f

Only in 1956 did the Danish scholar Jorgen Laess0e finally demonstrate
For full bibliographical rfrences to this article and to the other publications mentioned i a dus and the following paragraph see the Bibliography on pp. 173-4. A list of Mesopotamian kings with dates (where possible) is given by J . B r i n k m s n i n the Appendix to A . L * Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, Since dates eariier than xooo B.c. are still not settled, we have usuaily accepted Brinferaan't as the best available.
1

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

ail belong to one dition. From this source there is the only other dition which is known to have gone under the title W h e n the gods like man'. This is George Smith's 'story of Atarpi', now associated with other pices, which we call the Assyrian Recension because i t shows Assyrian dialectal forms. The story is essentially the same as Ku-Aya's, but i t has been substantially rewritten. Corrections from paraliel passages, such as are well known i n manuscripts of the gospels, occasionally obscure the development of the story. I t was written on two tablets, not three. Of the other Assyrian fragments some adhre more or less closely to Ku-Aya's text, but are expanded by the insertion of extra lines ; others are clearly diffrent. Since there is no means of knowing i f ail such pices belong to what was called 'When the gods like man' we have adopted the practical expdient of including ail related text material except that version of the flood story which George Smith discovered and which belongs to the xith Tablet of the Epic of Gilgames'. The Late Babylonian fragments, two i n number, differ substantially from the Old Babylonian text, as do both Middle Babylonian texts. The one from Nippur is a pice about the flood. That from Ras Shamra on the Syrian coast dealt only w i t h the flood, omitting ail the eariier pisodes. A modem reader must not expect to find our translation immediately appealing or fully intelligible. Literary taste has changed over the past 3,000 years, and, i f one may use a musical analogy, to turn from the English classics to Atmrhasis will be like turning from Wagner and Chopin to plainsong. The lack of dynamism and lush harmonies may give a first impression that plainsong is just dull. The visual arts can often make an immdiate impact, but apprciation of literature and music dpends very much on acclimatization. Our text is poetry, but lacks rhyme and mtre. The basic unit is the line, which is a unit of sens, and i n this text i t consists of three or four words, with very few exceptions (certain monosyllabic particles not being counted for this purpose). I n Ku-Aya's dition the lines are grouped i n couplets (again as a matter of sens), but other recensions are not consistently so arranged. The shortness of the line was a great inhibition to style i n the modem sens, but the ancients were content with simplicity of wording. A musical analogy may help again. A simple melody may occur i n many styles of music, but Western music since the seventeenth century has developed harmony to an extent that now a musical hack can dress up a simple melody w i t h ail kinds of har1

monies each of which conveys a particular flavour to the tune. The use of elaborate literary style to dress up thoughts is of course much older than Western harmonyPlato was already a master at itbut the Western tradition, which came down from Greece and Rome, is altogether alien to the ancient Near East. Plenty of literary ability existed there, but its subtleties occur within such stark simplicity of wording that most of it is inevitably lost i n translation. There is no scope for that kind of rendering of Cicero's speeches into modem English where the thought of the passage is extracted and re-expressed i n another idiom. Apart from modifying some metaphors and putting the words in English order the translator can do little but render word for word. Anything else would not be translation. I f , then, our readers find the style of the translation bare and jejune, we must assure them that study of the original is more rewarding. However, i n the authors' judgement the literary merit of this work is not outstanding considered within its own world. The content gives i t its exceptional interest. As with the majority of works of Babylonian literature, Atra-hass is anonymous, but one must nevertheless ask what prompted its writing. Our use of 'epic' to describe the text is simply modem Assyriological convention. Simiiar texts in ancient Mesopotamia were called 'songs' and were therefore 'sung'. What style of singing, chanting, or declaiming may have been used is unknown, though most likely the music came from a stringed instrument. This information conveys nothing, however, about the atmosphre of the occasions on which the 'singing' took place. The M y t h and Ritual school has an answer to this question: that many myths sprang out of a cultic environment and served in the cuit. As far as Mesopotamia is concemed this is a hasty gnralisation from one spcifie example. The Epic of Cration is known to have been recited to the statue of the god Marduk i n the course of the New Year festival at Babylon at least from c. 700 B.c. and perhaps eariier. No other simiiar cases are known, and even with this one it must be observed that the pilogue to the epic states its purpose as being to educate mankind generally in the greatness of Marduk, with which the content wholly agres, The cultic use does not seem to have been intended by the author. The same can be concluded about Atra-hass. The advice it freely offers on marriage and midwifery was hardly intended for the loneliness of some dark cella shared only with a cuit statue. I n this epic there is no express statement of purpose, but the
1 2

English translations are available by E . A . Speiser i n J . B . Pritchard (d.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts 9 3 - 6 ; and by A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels. A detailed scientific bibliography is given in P. Garelli (d.), GilgameS et sa lgende.
1

See the concluding section of the Erra Myth (Iraq 24.125) and the last two lines of the Epic of Cration (Enma EUS) in the fortheoming dition of the first-named author, See S. H . Hooke, Myth and Ritual, and Myth, Ritual and Kingship.
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content gives the impression of having been intended for public recitation (note especially the conclusion), and the Homeric poems offer a fair paraliel. Whether a religious aura surrounded the recitation is unknown. Oral performance was necessary since the cumbrous system of cuneiform writing restricted literacy to a small lite of professional scribes, but there is no reason to suppose that only scribes sang epics such as Atra-hass to audiences, whether for dification or entertainment. No doubt there was a class of illiterate story-tellers who had memorized their stock-in-trade. We must therefore suppose that an oral tradition existed alongside the copying of texts on clay, but we can only speculate on how the two traditions may have interacted. The existence of widely difFering recensions may be accounted for as arising from oral tradition, which is much more fluid than the written. The story itself begins i n the time conceived by the Babylonians and their Sumerian predecessors when only the gods lived i n the universe, and they therefore had to toil for their daily bread. I n this particular story the three senior gods, Anu, Enlil and Enki, agreed on their sphres of influence (i. 7-16). Under their conception of the universe like a tiered wedding cake we are told that Anu went up to heaven, Enlil (we are left to infer) remained on the earth, and Enki (also called Ea) went down to the Aps, a body of water believed to lie beneath the earth, from which springs drew their water. Enlil put the junior gods to work digging the rivers and canals (Babylonian has only one word for both), on which, i n historical times the agriultural prosperity depended. However, forty years of such labour proved too much, and the junior gods decided on a showdown w i t h Enlil, set fire to their tools, and surrounded his house (the temple Ekur i n Nippur) by night. He was roused by his servants and at once convened an assembly of the major gods. A t the suggestion of A n u , EnhTs vizier Nusku was sent out to the rebels to demand an explanation of their conduct. He returned with the anawer that the hard labour was too much, so they unanimously decided to defy authority (1. 33-152). W i t h tears (whether from pity or indignation is not clear) Enlil suggested that A n u should return to heaven and there exact exemplary punishment on one of the rebels, but Anu replied that the grievances were well justified(l. 166-81). At this point the main recension breaks ofF, but i f a fragment of another recension can be taken as the continuation, namely G , column i l , then Enki spoke up and presented the same case for the rebels, but added the pratieal suggestion that man should be created w i t h the help of the mother goddess to take over the hard labour. The main recension sets i n again at % 189 as this suggestion is being made. The gods generally

accepted it with alacrity and summoned the mother goddess, variously called Mami, Marna, Nintu, and Biet-il. While not declining the suggestion she deferred to Enki's superior skill, and so the arrangement was worked out that the two would co-operate in the task. I n efFect, man was to be made from clay, like a figurine, but mixed with the flesh and blood of a slaughtered god. There is much interesting cultic and anthropological content in lines 206-30, which will be discussed in more dtail later, The god slain is called either W or W-ila, but neither name is known elsewhere. The actual stages of the work are not too clear. From line 231 it appears that the clay was at that point of time mixed, and after the gods spat on it the mother goddess talked as though everything was finished and accordingly she received congratulations and the assignation of her name Blet-il 'Mtstress-of-the-gods' (235-47). However, the work was not over, since i n line 241 Enki and the mother goddess proceed to what i i called 'the House of Destiny* and there set to work in earnest, helped by fourteen birth goddesses. First Enki trod the clay to mix it, then the mother goddess took fourteen pices from it which the birth goddesses moulded into seven maies and seven females. The latter dtail ia taken from the Assyrian Recension (obv. iii), since there is a gap in the main recension. The moulded figures were next put into two groups of seven, the maies in the one, the females in the other, separated by what is called 'a brick*. This was probably not a single builders* brick, but a brick structure referred to i n other Babylonian texts on which women performed their labour, and by bringing in this object the author related the myth to actual births in contemporary society. The next stage in the process is lost, but when the main recension sets in again (271 ff.) the various divine actors are waiting for the end of the gestation period. With the arrivai of the tenth month the womb (the formation of which is lost in the preceding gap) breaks open and mankind is born. A t this point in the main recension, and a little later i n the Assyrian Recension, the mother goddess takes the opportunity to give advice on obstetrics and marriage. After this the text is lost or so incomplte as to give no sens until line 352. We now pass from myth to legends about early times. The human race multiplied and their noise became such that Enlilstill on the earth could not sleep. He therefore resolved to reduce their numbers by plague, and Namtara, the god of plague, was commissioned to put this plan into effect. Enki, no doubt fully insulated from the noise in his subterranean abode, and in any case sympathetic to his own cration, was petitioned by Atra-hass, who, unless he was mentioned in the eariier missing section ia introduced very abruptly in line 364. To understand the narrative properly

INTRODUCTION

one needs to know that he was king. Enki gave h i m instructions for averting the plague. The normal custom of the Babylonians i n time o f need was to ptition their personal gods, just as i n the story A t r a - h a s s approached his personal god Enki. F o r most Babylonians the personal deity was very minor, but i t was his duty, i f suitably provided w i t h offerings by his client, to look after the latter as need arose. However, under the divinely sent plague spcial measures were needed, which were m e d i a t e d by Atra-hass to the city elders, and by them to the people. They were ail to direct their dvotions to Namtara i n person, who would be pleased by the unwonted attention and would relax the plague. A i l this happened and, at the beginning of Tablet n , mankind multiplied once more, Enlil again lost his sleep, and having failed w i t h plague, he now tried famine to reduce the human population. Adad, the storm god, was instructed to withhold his rain. This was done and i n the ensuing famine Atra-hass once more entreated Enki, who repeated his previous advice, which was again successful, and Adad discreetly watered the earth without attracting Enlil's attention. This second attempt of Enlil covered the first column and the top half of the second column of Tablet 11, and the gap between the preserved portions i n the main recension can be filled from the Assyrian Recension. From this point onwards to the end the difficulty arises that frquent gaps obscure the development of the story, and especially for the remainder o f Tablet H . The Assyrian Recension is as incomplte as the O l d Babylonian text, and the use of the two Late Babylonian pices does not fully restore the narrative. The following reconstruction seems reasonably sure to the prsent writers. W i t h the relaxation of the drought mankind presumably multiplied (with its noise) so that for the third time Enlil lost his sleep. The only surviving account of what he then ordered is x rev. i , which can be compared with column v of the Assyrian Recension (which contains some of this material conflated w i t h other things) and w i t h backward allusions i n later parts of the story. I t appears that Enlil was now thoroughly suspicious that some god was deliberately frustrating his plans. He d i d not, therefore, think up a third method for diminishing the numbers of the human race, but instituted a rigorous renewal of the drought. Since previously the earth had been watered without his knowledge, he set guards at each levrf of the universe to watch that no b reach of his rules occurred. Anu and Adad guarded the heavens. He himself (one Late Babylonian copy substitutes Sin and Nergal) guarded the earth while Enki supervised the rgions below. Thus the drought was resumed. T h i s much was probably contained i n the bottom half of Tablet i l , column i i ,

of the main recension, and when, in column iii, we find Atra-hass absorbed i n dvotions to Enki, we may be sure that he ia disturbed that the renewal of the drought seemed to imply that Enki no longer cared for the human race. Enki, however, did respond to his ptitions and communicated with him. T h e text is very damaged, and breaks off at this point (n. i i i and x rev. i), and when i t rsumes again in n. iv the rigours of the famine are being described. I t is possible that the gap between the preserved parts of columns i i i and iv of the main recension contained an account of Enki's interrupting the famine a second time, but this seems unlikely. For the moment Enki saw no way out and communicated only his benevolent intentions to Atra-hass. Just as column iv (and Tablet I of the Assyrian Recension) breaks off i t appears that Atra-hass is making a final desperate plea. Enki did then act, though what he did we can only surmise from his explanation when called to account by Enlil in n. v and x rev. ii. I t appears from the Late Babylonian x that a cosmic sea was conceived to exist at the very bottom of the universe, a kind of primeval monster that had been subdued and was held i n place by a cosmic bar. The lines deseribing the actual happening as explained by Enki are broken and very obscure, but perhaps there was some kind of tussle down there and as a resuit the bar was broken. Somehow i n connection with this fish were apparently caught up i n a whirlwind and released on starving humanity. Whatever the exact dtails Enki excused himself to Enlil for this escapade, but the latter was far from satisfied with the course of events and held a council of war i n which he laid down that no god must again rescue humanity. Enki's hilarious outburst at this solemn warning ( i l . vi) hardly reassured Enlil, so a new plan was formed. Enki had used water to frustrate Enlil's plan, so now water would be used to further it. The human race was to be wiped out by a flood, and Enki was bound by an oath, against his wishes, to co-operate. A t this point Tablet II ends. Tablet U i contains the flood story and the version known to George Smith from Tablet XI of the GilgameS Epic is in fact largely derived from the account i n Atra-hass. One pice of the Assyrian Recension dealing w i t h the flood also survives, and a few small pices of uncertain connections, but Ku-Aya's text is the main source. As the tablet begins Enki and Atra-hass are i n communication. Apparently the king had received a dream on which he sought more light. (Enki had already found a way around his oath 1) I n reply Enki addressed the reed hut with the instruction to pull down the house and build a boat. We are to conceive Atra-hass aa living i n a reed house such as are still found in southern Mesopotamia, where reeds grow to an enormous height. No doubt the wind might

I T O U TO NR D CI N

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sj

through the reed walls, and Enki seems to have whispered to his devotee i n the same way, since it was no longer himself but the w a l l that transmitted the message, Since reed boats were as common as reed houses, the obvious course was to pull up the bundles of reeds which composed the walls of the house and to fasten them to a wooden framework as a boat. To make it watertight it was thoroughly coated with pitch. The Old Babylonian Atra-hass does not have the midrashic laboration of Gilgames' x , where the boat is a vritable Titanic w i t h six floors. Indeed, in Atra-hass Enki gives the hero only seven days in which to prpare for the onset of the flood, and, interestingly, sets his water-clock for t h e seventh night. Atra-hass now has to explain his actions to the elders. H e told them quite truthfully that Enki and Enlil had fallen out, so he, a protg of the former, could no longer live on the Iatter's earth. H e must, then, be off in his boat to live with his own god. W i t h this explanation the boat was built and loaded with the hero's possessions, and w i t h animais and b i r d s . Before embarking w i t h his family he held a banquet, i n which he could not participate, being overcome w i t h horror at the impending destruction. Once aboard, the flood came, and save for those inside, the human race was wiped out. I n the event the gods were not pleased. Enki and the mother goddess were sorely grieved at the loss of their cration. The other gods began to find the disadvantages of a world without humans. The toil which men had taken over, digging the rivers and canals, for example, was part of the agricultural process, and, w i t h this interrupted, supplies of food and drink were eut off. The mother goddess wondered how she could have consented to such a scheme, and bitterly blamed Enlil.
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The flood lasted for seven days and seven nights, and i n the gap at the end of column i v and the beginning of column v the rain must have ceased and the boat corne to rest wherever i t did. This gap is particularly u n fortunate i n one respect, that the Gilgames Epic at this point inserts the pisode of sending out three birds to ascertain i f the waters were subsiding. This is the closest paraliel of any Mesopotamian flood story w i t h the Book of Genesis. I t would be interesting to know i f the O l d Babylonian version already contained this item, but while there is room for i t , there is no certainty that other items did not fill ail the space. On disembarking, Atra-hass promptly instituted an offering for the gods, psychologically a good move, since this would powerfully remind them of the advantages of fiving mortals, and i n this condition they would be less likely to take a severe view of the survival of this remnant from what was planned as total destruction. The mother goddess was emphatic ia her condemnation of Anu and Enlil and wished to exclude them from

partaking of the offering. Using her grief as a pretext, she appropriated some lapis lazuli Aies which had been Anu's and insisted that she would wear them as a perptuai reminder of the time when her offspring were floating on the surface of the waters like Aies. This is aetiological, to explain actual necklaces of fly-shaped beads around the necks of statues of this goddess i n the author's exprience. When Enlil discovered what had happened he was furious at yet another frustration of his plans. Of course Enki was blamed, but he excuse! himself and in the damaged portion of column vi Enlil was presumably prevailed upon to accept the continuance of the human race. He required, however, that Enki and the mother goddess organize them better, no doubt to spare him the noise. Enki accordingly set forth proposais, in which the mother goddess shared. The only preserved portion occurs at the top of column vii, and this concerna women who do not bear children, that is, certain catgories of priestesses. I t so happens that we know thse women best from Old Babylonian Sippar, where Ku-Aya probably worked. Save for the concluding pilogue the rest (perhaps nothing very essential to the plot) is missing. Purely as a work of literature the prsent writers view Atra-hass with mixed feelings. The ancient author nowhere shows any real poetic spirit, and the purple passages of Gilgames that grip the modem reader are absent. I n Tablet n i especially one has the feeling of a second-rate poet. Yet the author has his strengths. There is a simple charm about the way he tells the story of the gods on strike, and there is a real dramatic build-up throughout the story. I t opens by setting the scne i n a time well known to the first hearers, before man was created. After establishing thia common bond the author proceeds to the remarkable pisode about the gods refusing to work, which leads on to the cration of man. By insisting on the view that what happened at the first cration of man is repeated with every human birth, the author brings home the relevance of his myth. From this he turns to the main thme: Enlil's dsire to extirpate humanity and Enki's countering this plan, which is built up step by step until eventually Enlil does his worst and thereby brings the other gods around to sympathy for Enki's cause. So the story ends with the salvation of man and more about social classes and their fonctions. I t should be remembered that the first hearers of this epic were vitally concemed with many of the issues presented. The sociological system described was that which they actually knew, and they conceived that their existence was really dpendent on what Enki and Enlil did.
1

See R. Harris, Journal of the Economie and Social History of the Orient vi. 121-57 and i n Studies Presented to A. Lo Oppenheim 106-35; J . Renger, ZA 5$. n o f f .
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I 5

To appreciate Atra-hass as a work of literature a translation and a little understanding of the life and history of the author's times are the essentials for the modem reader, I t can be read just as one reads a play of Shakespeare, but for scholarly purposes something more is needed. The fullest understanding of, say, Shakespeare's Julius Caesar is only possible when the various sources for Roman history available to Shakespeare have been compared, so that one may see how he selected and modified his material, so imparting to it his own stamp. This kind of critical dissection is ail the more important with an ancient text from a milieu that knew no literary rights and had no aversion to plagiarism. The wide divergencies between the Old Babylonian copies illustrate how the scribes and editors could take a free hand in rewriting the text. Was the author of Atra-hass merely retelling a traditional story, or was he a crative artist? W i t h so much written material perished and with no surviving oral tradition there can never be a dfinitive answer to this question, but a review of related materials w i l l at least give some perspective. The Sumerian epic edited by M . Civil on pp. 138-45 cornes closest to Atra-hass. Although only about a third of the text remains, this is sufficient to show that i t has roughly the same content. The first column deals w i t h the cration of man, the second w i t h the early history of the human race, the third and fourth (which are conscutive) cover the gods' dcision to bring a flood and Enki's divulging this secret to his client, the fifth describes the end of the flood, and the sixth and last column tells how the flood hero was made immortal. Despite the similarity i n content, the size is quite diffrent (some 300 Sumerian as opposed to 1,245 Akkadian lines), and the wording nowhere agres. Furthermore, the relative dates of composition cannot be fixed. I n its prsent form the Sumerian text is hardly much older than the tablet on which i t is written (c. 1600 B.c.), and this i n ail probability is the time that the Akkadian Atra-hass was first being written down. I t is possible that the Akkadian author knew the Sumerian text, but this cannot be proved, and the various lments of the story are suflSciently well known outside thse two texts that one must say that the Akkadian author did not need to know the Sumerian text to write as he d i d . I t is unknown i f the Sumerian epic survived the fall of the First Dynasty of Babylon c. 1600 B.c. There is a small partly bilingual fragment, CT 46. 5, that cornes from Ashurbanipars libraries and might be a late dition of a missing portion of column i i i , but another possibility w i l l be mentioned below. I t contains the end of a list of antediluvian kings and mentions E n l i l and the noise, which, as we know from Atra-hass, led on to the flood. The only other closely related work of literature is Tablet x i of the

Babylonian GilgameS Epic. This, however, as already remarked, is largely dpendent on Atra-fiass, though probably on a lost Middle Babylonian dition, since i n dtail it diffra widely from the Old Babylonian text, though there ia some identity of wording. For a more comprehensive view of the background of Atra-fcasis the whole range of cuneiform texts must be combed, and the results can be grouped under three heads: (i) the cration of man, (ii) the early history of man, and (iii) anthropology and sociology. (i) The Cration of Man Since W . G . Lambert has a corpus of Babylonian cration myths i n an advanced state of prparation, dtails will not be given here, but only a summary of results. The idea that man was created to relieve the gods of hard labour by supplying them with food and drink was standard among both Sumerians and Babylonians, so the author of Atra-hass was just following a common tradition in the main thme of his opening sections. Only two aspects are new to us from his text. The first is the gods' downing of tools, and perhaps some rcent exprience in actual life suggested this, whether i t was a new composition or something borrowed from an eariier text not available to us. The other original aspect is the author's anthropology, which will be discussed under (iii). (ii) The Early History of Man
1

From Berossus i t has long been known that the Babylonians had a traditional history beginning with a line of antediluvian kings. I n cuneiform the best-known document embodying this tradition is now named the Sumerian King List, and a number of more or less complte copies dating from c. 1800 to 1600 B . have been published. It is a list of dynasties . C from the eariiest times to c. 1800. However, only some of the copies contained the antediluvian section, others lacked it. Had this section been an original part of the compilation there is no explanation of its lack from some copies. Contrariwise, had the original text commenced after the flood, there would have been every encouragement to add the antediluvian section to make the work more complte. When, furthermore, it is noted that there were copies of the antediluvian section quite separate from the King List, the conclusion becomes inescapable that thse kings were at first an independent tradition only secondarily prefixed to the King List. This conclusion is confirmed by diffrences i n the way that transference of power
F o r the literature on this topic and for extracts quoted see the excursus on pp. 2 -. 57

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from one city to another is described i n the two documents. Unfortunately no single copy of the original, short form of the King List has the opening fines preserved. I t has been suggested that it began w i t h what is now column i , line 4 1 , of the longer dition: 'After kingship had corne down from heaven, the kingship was i n Kish . . .\ T h i s is far f r o m certain, and the importance of this question is that i f this conclusion were accepted the original King List would have contained no mention of the flood. A pointer i n favour of the opposite conclusion, that the opening words were, 'After the flood had swept over the land and kingship had corne down from h e a v e n . . i s contained i n a rival king list. For some reason the kings of Lagas are omitted from the standard list. T o compensate for this, there is a list exclusively of kings of Laga, and this begins : 'After the flood had raged* (egir a.ma.ru ba.r.ra.ta). There is one reasonably certain allusion to the tradition of the flood as contained i n the King List, i n a text naming Isme-Dagan, king of Isin c. 1940 B.C.: 'after the flood had raged\ T h i s occurs in a sentence deseribing the appointment of this king, and not only is the wording identical with that of the two king lists, but the context kingshipis the same. A less certain allusion occurs i n a simiiar text naming Ur-Ninurta of Isin (c. 1900 BC) T h e copy seems corrupt, but the . .. sens can be extracted by comparing a small unidentified Sumerian fragment: In that day, [in that remote] day, In that night, [in that remote] night, In that year, [in that remote] year, When the flood ( . . . Unidentified fragment I n the primeval day, that day . . . [ . . . n i g h t . . n i g h t . remote [. . . I n the remote year, the year . . [ . . . After the flood had been brought about, Ur-Ninurta

separating strata of diffrent civilisations. Presumably at various sites and on several occasions floods did wipe out the existing culture. What we do not know is whether the tradition of a flood in this part of the world reflects one particularly bad exprience of this kind in a certain year of early times, or i f the literary tradition is more loosely connected with actual events and has telescoped memories of several disasters. (The prsent writers do not belong to that school which relates flood stories ail over the world to one prehistoric cosmic disaster.) Thse problems, however, are not of spcial concern here. T h e antediluvian section lists from eight to ten kings i n several cities ruling for vast periods of time. The best preserved copy of the Sumerian King List, the Weld Blundell prism (W-B 444), has eight kings from five cities ruling a total of 241,200 years. The small tablet W-B 62, an indpendant form of the tradition, offers ten kings from six cities ruling a total of 456,000 years. A small tablet now in California, not quite complte, had either seven or eight kings from four cities, and the seven preserved reigns add u p to somewhat over 186,000 years. The five cities of W-B 444 are also given i n column i i of the Sumerian flood story. Between this second-millennium material and Berossus only one, or two, documents of the same type survive. Ashurbanipal's libraries have yielded one pice of a related dynastie list: King, Chronicles 11, pp. 143-5. The first column is ail but gone: traces of 'reigned [ . . . years]* are visible. From the second column ail that remains are the second, third, and fourth kings of the first postdiluvian dynasty as known from the Sumerian King List Column i i i is completely gone, but iv has remains of the names of the kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon followed (apparently) by the beginning of the Sea L a n d Dynasty. What survives from column v ia a listing of the small dynasties about 1000 BC The sixth and last column has no writing pre.. served. Quite clearly this document listed kings from before the flood to nearly the time of Ashurbanipal himself, but there is mystery about the first column. I t is possible from columns iv and v to calculate that each column must have contained at least some seventy lines. The missing kings of Babylon from the First Dynasty onwards are known independently. I f the list contained more than the names and lengths of reign, then more than seventy lines a column bas to be assumed. The problem is that the first postdiluvian dynasty d i d not begin until some little way down the second column. I t follows that some eighty lines (or more) wej?e occupied with what preceded this dynasty. I t is impossible to stretch out even ten kings for this length of column space. The Ashurbanipal fragment mentioned above, CT 46. 5, may offer the solution. I t could be part of this dynastie

Thse lines merely speak of the flood as occurring i n the beginning, and though 'bring about* is used of the great flood i n Akkadian texts, nothing here connecta i t , though the allusion no doubt refers to a current version of a flood. A i l the material i n list form just described is f r o m the first half of the second millennium BC So far there is no vidence for this tradition o f .. a great flood among the Sumerians of the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m . T h i s , however, is an argument from silence, since very little Sumerian literature has corne down to us i n third-millennium copies. Most is now available only in copies from the first half of the second millennium. I t is not u n Iikely that the Sumerians d i d have traditions of destructive floods, since the country is notoriously liable to them, indeed there is some flooding o f the rivers every year. Several ancient sites have revealed flood layers

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i8

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION io

list. I t contains the end of a list of nine antediluvian kings, set out i n list form, but then suddenly breaks out into literary style mentioning Enlil and the noise. There would be no difficulty i n flling a whole column w i t h a literary version of the flood story, especially as i t is bilingual, and the Sumerian could still have been taken from the source already suggested. I t is misleading to refer to this Late Assyrian copy of the dynastie list as a copy of the Sumerian King Lt on the basis of three names only, but one can consider i t a descendant, brought up to date by the addition o f further material. Berossus, the last witness, i n the second book o f his Babyloniaka, gave a list of ten kings i n three cities reigning 432,000 years. The idea of the flood as a point of time i n world history became generally accepted in ancient Mesopotamia, at least by 1000 B.c., and allusions to i t and to the antediluvian kings are not scarce. Ashurbanipal himself professes to have read 'stone inscriptions from before the flood*. T h e Epic of GilgameS, i n its Late Babylonian recension, has a prologue stating that the hero inter alla 'brought news from before the flood*. A learned compilation of names for philological analysis (hardly eariier than 1400 BC) explains .. one group: 'Thse are postdiluvian kings, but not i n chronological order*. The names of antediluvian kings occur i n omen texts, lists of divine names, and i n litanies. T h e seventh king, according to W - B 444 and Berossus, Enmeduranna (or Enmeduranki) is named i n a ritual text w h i c h describes h i m as king of Sippar and patron saint (as i t were) o f diviners, so that ail diviners considered themselves his sons. A related bilingual text describes a king (probably one of the Second Isin Dynasty) as 'distant scion of kingship, seed preserved from before the flood'. T h e first king, Alulim, is addressed i n at least one Babylonian incantation as, ' A l u l u , k i n g from before the flood'. Also there survives part o f an apocryphal letter alleged to have been written to h i m by the sage Adapa. T h e 'sages' (apkallu) play an important part i n the Babylonian conception o f early times. F r o m Sumerian literature to Berossus i t is everywhere assumed that the human race was at first and naturally barbarous. Civilization was a gift o f the gods, and that is the way to understand kingship coming down f r o m heaven, as quoted above. The gods gave i t as an institution for regulating society. Works of Sumerian literature express this concept more precisely as the giving of me*. A me was the concept of any one of the numerous aspects of organized human life, from sexual intercourse to gold-smithery, and ail alike were given to man and had to be respected as divine ordinances. T h e Babylonians explained that i n early time the sages had taught the human
1

race what it needed to know. Berossus names eight of them and correlates them with the antediluvian kings. The first, for example, Oannes, emerged daily from the 'Red Sea' for a period. He was fish-like in appearance. I n cuneiform Van Dijk has published a list of seven sages (the more usual number) dated by the first seven antediluvian kings. A mdical text confirms this picture by stating i n the colophon that it is 'according to the old sages from before the flood'. However, the same basic idea had other expressions. A n exorcistic text offers a quite diffrent group of seven sages. Only four are named, but not one of thse occurs in the other lists. The first is attached to Enmerkar, a postdiluvian king according to the King List. T h e second was born i n Kish, of which city no antediluvian dynasty is anywhere recorded. This diversity surely proves that the sages were only fixed i n that they had to appear at the beginning of human history. I t was a tradition not specifically related to the great flood, but only secondarily and i n some cases synchronized with i t . One antediluvian king is named i n a third-millennium document. This is Suruppak, who occurs i n one copy of the King List only, W-B 62, as an extra gnration between Ubr-Tutu and Ziusudra, the flood hero. Suggestions have been made that since this is the dynasty of the town Suruppak the extra name results from a misreading or misunderstanding of an epithet 'man of Suruppak' applied to Ubr-Tutu. This view, however, is no longer acceptable, since the source of the extra gnration has been identified. A literary work, of which copies contemporary with those of the King List are extant, professes to be the teaching of Suruppak to his son Ziusudra. I t consists of admonitions of a quite gnerai kind, and throughout the ancient Near East such moral instruction was often presented as the advice o f a father to his son. Early Dynastie fragments of c. 2500 B . have been . C identified, but here the son's name is not Ziusudra, but T R I t is J. . A2 uncertain how thse two signs should be pronounced, but i t can hardly have been Ziusudra, which contains three well known Sumerian roots. There is, therefore, no certainty that Suruppak as conceived by the author of the Early Dynastie version of this text was a king (though this is not unlikely) and no assurance at ail that the son was the flood hero. GilgameS x i . 13 states that before the flood the gods were i n the city Suruppak. This no doubt reflects a local tradition, but i t was not accepted i n the Old Babylonian Atra-hass. Here only Enlil remained on earth, and he lived i n Ekur, his shrine i n Nippur. T h e .survey of traditions about early history just given is a necessary
1
2

T h e most interesting expression of this idea occurs in a Sumerian m y t h only partly translated, see RA 55. 186, no. 17.
1

H . Z i m m e r n , ZDMG 78. a i ; T . Jacobsen, M. Civil and R . D . Biggs, RA 60. 1-5.

Sumerian King List

75 .
32

zo

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION ti

background for a study of Atra-hass. The account of Berossus and what can be gleaned from Ashurbanipal's libraries might suggest that views about the beginnings of human history were fixed and rigid. I n fact there was (i) a tradition of sages unrelated to the flood (ii) another tradition of kings which may have begun after the flood, and (iii) still a t h i r d tradition of a succession of kings before the flood. I n Berossus ail three are combined. I n the third tradition as we have listed them (the order has no chronological stgntficance) one would expect the king who survived the flood, Ziusudra i n Sumerian Atra-ljass or Uta-napi5tim i n Akkadian, to be a key figure* Yet curiously i n W - B 444 he is missing, and this cannot be explained as due to scribal omission, since the list is summed up, and no king or reign is missing. There has been much spculation on this point and Atra-hass seems to offer the reason as w i l l become clear. The loss of most of lines 307-51 from Tablet 1 is most unfortunate i n this connection since they dealt w i t h the initial organisation of the human race after its cration. The only two lines nearly complte, 337-8, show that shrines were being built and canals dug. Presumably the complte text told of mankind's instruction i n the arts of civilization, and probably the building of at least one city was described. Also a king must have been appointed. The acute problems are which city or cities, and which king? D i d Atra-hass name the same five cities as the Sumerian flood story, the same in which kings reigned according to the lists ? A t prsent there is no way of finding the answers to thse questions though i t is very doubtful if a list of kings was given or alluded to. T h i s follows f r o m lines 352-5, as restored a little from the same passus at the beginning of Tablet 11. W e are tod that before the end of 1,200 years the population increased and w i t h i t the noise. I t is difficult to conceive that this could be anything b u t the initial growth of the human race, and this excludes anything like eight kings ruling for 241,200 years (as W - B 444 has i t ) , since that was plenty of time both to multiply and to make noise. Even i f i t is supposed that the gap contained a list of kings, and that during their reigns both reproduction and noise were somehow inhibited, the number 1,200 still suggests that we are not dealing with the tradition of the lists. 1200 ia neither a mystical nor a terminal number, unlike 7 or 3,600. T h e two 1,200-year intervais are part of a chronology of the reign of Atra-hass. Due to the damaged condition of Tablet n the scheme cannot be followed, b u t one could have expected another 1,200 years to be interposed at each successive reprieve of humanity. Such a scheme would probably have given a total of 4,800, which is on an altogether diffrent plane from the 36,000 years o f W - B 444 or the 64,800 of Berossus. Certainty w i l l not be reached u n t i l the gaps are

fllied, but at prsent it seems that Atra-hass had its own version of antediluvian history. One king only, Atra-fyass, reigned for a comparativery modest period and he it was who survived the flood. This is the fourth strand that was worked into a common tradition in due course.
1

(iii) Anthrapology and Socfology The Sumerian view of the world provided a stimulus for a compte hensive view of human society, which has been lacking in many civilizat ions. AU too often thinkers and poets have considered themselves above the world of pots and pans. Tbe Sumerians and their Babylonian successors, as mentioned above, conceived of the human race as originally barbarous, civilized only by the express intervention of the gods. Thus every aspect of civilized life, public or private, important or trivial, was looked on as ideally conforming to a divine pattern. With such a conception there is no such thing as the unmentionable, whether that be an effect of social snobbery or moralizing prudery. Every aspect of society was of divine origin and was worthy of study. This does not of course mean that literature lacks plenty of gods, heroes, kings, wars, and conquests, but even in the traditions of early times the kings are matched by the sages. The former are an aspect of political history, the latter of social history. Atrahasts shows more interest i n anthropology and social forms than any other Babylonian epic. This first shows i n the account of man's cration. The author used what was the generally accepted view of this matter among those who wrote in Akkadian, that man was formed from clay mixed with the blood of a slain god. T o understand what the author of Atra-hass was achieving i n his account one must know not only this fact, but also ita implications, though no ancient text formally offers a commentary on the meaning of cration. 'Clay' i n this context is the material substance of the human body. This can be learn t from a number of passages that speak of death as a returning to clay'. Exactly the same concept is shown i n the Hebrew account of man's cration where the penalty for disobedience was laid down: 'You are earth, and to earth you shall return* (Genesis 3:19). The prsent writers have not found any simiiar Mesopotamian clue explaining the blood, but this does not mean that spculation ts out of place. I t is well
< 2

A Hittite fragment, Keilsckrifturkunden aus BoghazkSi vm, 63, names an Atra-bass, son of cjamsa ('Fifty') who figure i n a story mvoviag Kumarbi. A translation ts given by H . G . Gterbock, Kumarbi 3.0-1, who rightly comments on p. 93 that there can be no assurance that this Atra-hass is the flood hero. 3 tru ana fiffix BWL xo8. 6; Erra 1. 74; Gtfe. x i . 118 and 133; SENS 117. u . 7. Note also fiftiS m/wm i n the lexica.
1

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

23

known that many catgories of Sumerian and Babylonian texts are i n themselves incomplte and need to be understood i n the light of explanat k m which in the ancient world were no doubt given by word of mouth. I n explaining the material substance of the human body one has by no means explained the phenomenon of life, and the problem is as acute today as it has ever been. What is the life lment imparted from the parent into its young, whether i n animal or human, and how did it arise in the first case? T h e Hebrew account of cration in Genesis 2 ex plains that God imparted "the breath of life into man, and so animation began. T h e iealty of this is that breathing is an essential accompaniment of life, and at death we 'expire'. N o simiiar doctrine i s known among the Babylonians or Sumerians. Instead we may prsume that the divine blood was held to supply life to matter. A Hebrew paraliel is again helpful: the Pentateuchal laws i n a number of respects work on the principle that *the life s in the blood' (Levrricus 17:11, etc.), and parallels to this idea among other peoples are well known. Hence i n ail probability the Babylonians conceived of man as matter ('clay*) activated by the addition of divine blood.
9

institutions. O n the assumption that every human b i r t h repeats what happened at the beginriing, the mother goddess lays down i n the story certain norms of ancient midwifery (1. 289-305). The Babylonian conception of society as c o n f o r m i n g to a divine blueprint means that no distinction was made between immutable physiological requirements of the human species and local customs which hardly two vilizations will share. Since there is no freedom of choice in the physiological aspects of birth, the epic concentrtes on those matters of local custom which might easily be forgotten : the need to have the birth 'brick' i n place for nine d a y s , the marriage clbration of the same length, and t h e invoking of IStar (goddess of love) under the name Ishara during t h i s period. Enlil's demand for a reorganization of the human race after the flood provided the author with his last chance, but unfortunately most of the section is lost. From what remains i t appears that there was a classification of people by marital status, and that the social structure of the author's ge is being described. I f only i t had survived i t would have been an important document of social history for the Old Babylonian period. Under this heading one may also note that the kind of city organisation prsume d for the reign of Atra-hassa king and council of eldersis not peculiar t o this text, but is found in other ancient texts, especially Sumerian. This is one constituent of Jacobsen's theory of primitive democracy i n early Mesopotamia, but i t must be stressed that he uses the term democracy i n its classical rather than modem sens.
1

T o this traditional concept the author of Atra-hass has added one item, which occurs i n a passage ( l 208-30) full of perplexing phrases. I t was a common Mesopotamian view that man had a spirit that survived death, which could, i f not properly buried and supplied with offerings, trouble the living. I t is this spirit (Bab. etemmu) that the author i s explaining in addition to the usual material aspects of life. N o other surviving cration account from Sumerians or Babylonians attempts to explain this. L i n e s 2 1 0 - n (<. 225-6) mention the slain god s flesh, as w e l l as his blood.
5

Both aie mixed i n the clay, so that i n lines 21213 this i s spoken o f as a mixing of god and man. A t first this seems a non sequitur, since m a n does not yet exist, but since 'clay* was the material substance of humanity its mixing with die divine flesh and blood could be so described. T h e statement about the drum i n 214 (cf. 227) is quite obscure, see the note ad l o c , but the following fine is abundantly clear. T h e flesh of the slain god is the source of tbe spirit of man. W e might have preferred the blood, as not being so material and soiid, but i n traditional mythology it seems that blood supplied the purely animal life, that ends at death. L i n e s 216-17 (cf. 229-30) are tantalizingly ambiguous, but they seem to say that living man is a mmorial to the slain god, and his spirit (presumably after death) likewise. T h e technique of finding a continuing aspect of myth i n human life provided the author with his first oppoitunity for dealing with social

Thus Atra-hass may be analysed as follows. The plot was traditional, though the author had to choose from variant forms of the tradition, and to blend his slection into a dramatic whole. The careful build-up of the material used, and the interest shown i n human life and society clearly compels belief i n one author rather than i n a traditional story that was worked up over a period of time by successive gnrations of story-tellers. T h e freedom of individual scribes to make their own versions does not conflict w i t h this conclusion. I t w i l l be appreciated from what has been written that no prcise date of composition can be given. AU one can ask is, when roughly was the text written down i n more or less the form we know ? The eariiest surviving copies are from the seventeenth century B.C.that they are copies is shown by the scribal note 'broken' found i n two manuscripts of 11. L 12 and from gnerai knowledge of the history of Babylonian literature the text can hardly have been written down more than one, or at the most
1

JNESz.

1 97 ; ZA 52. 90 ff. 5 -2

two centuries eariier. There is hardly a scrap of Semitic literature i n cuneiform from the third millennium BC, and this cannot b e explained .. as an accident of discovery when so many tablets of other content are known from this millennium. Babylonian literature first developed i n the early centuries of the second millennium, which are rightly considered its classical period. While Sumerian was still taught i n the schools and was used by scribes, Babylonian was the every-day language and despite some literary archaism there is reason to believe that literary idioms and popular speech were doser than at any other time. This was, then, a period comparable with fifth-century Athens, when great poets w e r e competing for the drama prises i n the public thtre. I t was an ge of much literary creativity. We have considered Atra-hass i n Mesopotamia and i t remains to look at its relationships with other literatures. T h e only certain paraliel occurs m the Book of Genesis. From at least the time o f Josephus i n the first century A . the similarity of Hebrew and Babylonian traditions of the . D early history of mankind has been noted. Josephus had to dpend on Berossus; today with large numbers of cuneiform sources at our disposai the observation is still valid. T h e first eleven chapters of Genesis begin with cration, and proceed through ten long-lived patriarchs to the flood, in which only the tenth, Noah, is saved, w i t h his family and birds and animais. As the waters were aubsiding Noah let out of the ark three birds in turn to discover how far the waters had abated. Even f r o m this brief and inadquate summary i t is obvious that the diffrences are too great to encourage belief i n direct connection between Atra-hass and Genesis, but just as obviously there ia some kind o f involvement i n the historical traditions generally of the two peoples. They were p u t i n w r i t i n g i n Babylonia first, since the O l d Babylonian period ended several hundred years before Moses, the traditional author of the Pentateuch. One possible expianation is that the origin of thse traditions is to be sought i n the Tigris-Euphrates valley, and they spread to Syria and Palestine i n the Amarna period, c. 1400 BC I t has been mentioned above that a pice o f .. a Babylonian flood story has been found at Ras Shamra, o n the coast of Syria, written about this time (see the dition on pp. 131-3). However the question ia very complex and cannot be discussed further here. T h e Graeco-Roman flood story with Deucalion and Pyrrha as ita heroes ia not certainly related at ail. Unfortunately i t is only known from late sources,
1 2

I T O U TO NR D CI N

INTRODUCTION

the fui lest form is that i n Ovid's Mtamorphoses from early i n the first century AD This portrays a succession of ges getting progressively . . worse, termed gold, silver, etc., until mankind is wiped out for its sins and the chosen pair, saved i n a boat, started off the human race again. I f one could trace back this story it might of course have antcdents more closely resembling its Mesopotamian counterpart, but in its known forms there is no certain connection.
1

EXCURSUS E A R L Y H U M A N H I S T O R Y

(i) T h e Sumerian King List THE standard dition is that of T . Jacobsen, AS 11, who suggested that it was first compiled about 2100 B . F. R . Kraus, in ZA 50.29-60, published . C a little new material and proposed that the date of compilation be in the Isin-Larsa period, c. 1900-1800 B.c. M . Rowton, i n JNES 19. 156 ff., offered arguments i n favour of a date c. 2100-2000 B . New material and . C appropriate discussions have been offered by: M . Civil, JCS 15. 79-80; J. J . Finkelstein, JCS 17. 39-51 ; W. W . Hallo, JCS 17. 52-7. The lastnamed author, loc. cit. 56, has argued that the title nam.lugal in a catalogue of texts from U r ( VET VI/I. 123.25, cf. RA 55. 171) proves that the short form of the King List began with i . 41. I t is difficult to see the logic i n the argument, and the more recently published king list of Lagas (JCS 21) begins w i t h what is i . 40 i n the Sumerian King List. (ii) T h e Sages T h e Late Babylonian tablet giving a list of seven sages correlated with the first seven antediluvian kings is published i n H . J. Lenzen, XVIII. vorlufiger Bericht ber die von dem Deutschen Archologischen Institut und der Deutschen Orient- Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka pp. 44ff.The other, quite diffrent version of the seven sages is a bilingual text edited most recently by E. Reiner i n Or. N.s. 30. 1-11. The sages are specified ME4F as antediluvian i n a colophon to a mdical text: H pi apkall la-bi-ru-ti sa la-am abubi (a.m.ru), AMT 105. 22.
t

( UM ) NN E .

(iii) Other Allusions to the Flood (a) [egi]r a.ma.ru tir.ra.ta 'After the flood had raged* (PBS x/a. 9 rev. i . 23 = TCL 15, p l . xx. 27, cf. W . H . Ph. Rmer, Sumerische See art. 'Deukalion* i n Pauly-AVissowa, Real- Encyclopdie.
1

See the extracts quoted i n tbe ditions of Berossus. T h i s view is advanced by W G . Lambert, Journal

of Theological Studies, N.s. xvi.

'Knigshytnnen' 46. 119-24 for the context). The line occurs in a sentence explaining the appointment of ISme-Dagan by Enlil. (b) and (c) l ][. an. en.li'l.bi.da ^ [ n . k i . . . u .ri.ta u .[s.r.ri.ta] gig.ri.ta gi .[s.r.ri.ta] mu.ri.ta mfu.s.r.ri.ta] u a.ma.ru X [. . . STVC
d 4 4 6 4

2 6

E C RU XU S S

87 B

u .ul.li.a.ta u . b i ba Si? la [. . . g i U ri bi ri g i ba su [. . . D mu.s.da m u ba Si [. . . egir a.ma.ru ba.gar.ra.[ta] Sumer x i , p l . x m . 1-4

4 4 6 6

(b) I n god list as names of Tammuz: am.m[e.l]u.an.na = dumu.[zi] [am.me.g]al.an.na ~ [MiN] [ am.me.si]pa.zi.an.na ~ [MiN] CT 24. 9, K 11035. 7-9 m CT 24. 19. i i ( + K 15160) 6-7 = CT 25. 7, K 7663+ 7-9 (LA)
d d d
d

E C RU XU S S

Vf

(c) I n omens ('the omen of . . . ' ) : am-me-lu-an-na MN [. . . A KAR 434 rev. (?) 14 (LA) e-me-lu-an-[na . ., CT 30. 10, K 3843+ rev. 8 (LA) (d) I n ritual text: en-me-dur-an-ki lr sippari JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters," i i 1 and 23 (LA)
kl

(b) is a fragment from the Old Babylonian period not further identified, (c) is the opening passage of a hymn mentioning U r - N i n u r t a of Isin. Both passages are saying in effect 'in the beginning', and on this thme i n Sumerian texts see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia x x v m 31 ff., where (b) is translated. One may suspect that the text of (c) is corrupt. (d) Ashurbanipal: hi-fa-ku mihilti(g.sum) ab-ni l la-am a-bu-bi l kak-ku sa-ak-ku bal-lu T study stone inscriptions from before the flood, which are obtuse, obscure and confused' (VAB v u . 256 18-19 = F. Lehmann-Haupt, Samalsumukin pl. xxxv, cf. T h . Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals 80).
y

(e) I n incantations: n a-lu-lu sarru l la-mu a-bu-bu B M 45686 = 81-7-6, 91, i . 19 and 25, i i . 12. (The continuation has nothing relevant to the king.) n a-lurlu sd-nu--um B M 45686 = 81-7-6,91, i . 21. (This is cited i n a ritual section in a broken context.) (LB) (/) I n an apocryphal letter: a-na a-lu-lu qi-bi-ma um-ma a-da-pa ap-kal-um-ma T o Alulu speak, thus says Adapa the sage (STT 176. 14, LA)
m m

(e) GilgameS: ub-la t-e-ma l la-am a-bu-bi (1. i . 6). (/) Name List: an-nu-tum L G L l U Ae a-bu-bi a-na sa-dir a-ha-mel la sad-ru (v. i? 44. i . 20). (g) Bilingual text related to BBR 24 (below iv d):

EI G R

. . . ] a.ma.ru.na.an.na.ke li-i-pu ru--qu l lar-ru-ti z[e-r]u na-as-ru l la-am a-bu-bi JCS 21, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters" i 8 (iv) Mentions of Antediluvian Kings
4

(a) I n litanies i n which they are equated w i t h Tammuz: am.me.l[.an.na . . . am.me.gal.an.na [. . . Gros, Nouvelles Fouilles de Tello 211, A O 4346. 1-2 (OB) am.i.lu.an.na am.me.ga[l.an.na] # E x x x 1. i i i . 8 = 12. i i . 15 ( = PBS x/2. 15) (OB) ^m.me.lu.an.fna. . . am.me.gal.an.n[a . . . rfam.me.sipa.fzi.an.na . | f p K 5044. s ff. ( L A )
d

Allusions to a flood brought about by Marduk occur i n the Erra Epic, I 132-48 and I V 50. However, every dtail referred to is either lacking from, or cannot be reconciled with, the various versions of the story of the great flood. Presumably, then, this is another flood.

Q U O T A T I O N O F ATRA-ffASlS ASSYRIAN K I N G

FOR

AN

ONE of the reports sent by astrologers and incantation priests to advise Late Assyrian kings cites our text. The document, K 761, was published by R. Campbell Thompson, Reports No. 243, and was compiled by a Babylonian incantation priest, Bl-l' of the Egibi family (rev. 6: ia

aS
m m

bl->A, mt e-gi-bi ^ma.ma), as advice on a drought. Its various sections are separated by rulings, ail of which were omitted by Campbell Thompson. The first two sections (obv. 1-2 and 3-5) quote astrological omens with explanatory glosses. Evidently the conditions stated i n thse omens were then prevailing, for line 6 includes the words: 'Abundant rain will fall for the king, my lord.' ( g gap-su-tu ana sarri be-U-ia il-[la-ku]). The following section (obv. 7-10) consists of instructions on 'how to make Adad send rain* ( adad g a-na xa-na-n[i])> of which the only preserved dtail is the use of 3u.fl.la prayers or incantations. The reverse, save for the last line, which gives the compilera name, is as follows:
me d

E C RU XU S S

N O T E S

O N

O R T H O G R A P H Y G R A M M A R

AND

1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4

[(l) ad]ad-ma Si--a bb-s bi-li -p[u-un-t] *}-na qu-du-mi-S lil-lih-Sum-ma ma-a[S-ha-t] ni-qu- ina se-re-e-ti im-ba-ru li-s[d\-a\z-niri\ eqlu ki-i Sar-ra-qu-tu ma-a-mu lis-s[i]
d ki

^ .

5 ki-i zu-un-nu ina mt akkad

i-te-q-ru an-na-a e[p-s\

Seek the door of Adad, bring meal I n front of it. The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, He may rain down a mist i n the morning, So that the field will furtively bear water.

is the longest preserved Old Babylonian epic, i t is of course of great value for study of orthography and grammar. This statement must be qualified, however, in that linguistically speaking the epic's extent is inadquate to provide the basis for a c o m p r e h e n s i v c study of its dialect. Serious linguistic work would have to draw on ail Old Babylonian literary compositions, and be done with a knowledge of the other contemporary and eariier speech-forms of Akkadian. This falls outside the scope of the prsent volume, but attention will be drawn to points of interest which occur. Only the Old Babylonian material will be used. A fundamental observation is that the dition of Ku-Aya is not always consistent, especially i n matters of orthography, note the following examples : Sa-ma-i 1. 19; m . i i i . 7, 48 Sa-ma-ii ni. i i . 35 ti-i-ti-iS 1. 339 te-i-tam 11. i . 9 (B)

SINCE Atra-frasis

5 When rain has become scarce i n the land of Akkad, do this. The lines quoted are Tablet n . i i . 11-13, 16, and 19 of Ku-Aya's recension with a few variants. up[untu] for e-p-ta, and ki sarrqtu for ki-ma sa-arra-qi-tu are substitutions of more common words and phrases for less common, a phenomenon also noted i n the Assyrian Recension. However, the substitution of 'water' for 'grain* (su-a) i n 4 cannot be explained i n the same way. Bl-l' may have made the change by accident, or perhaps deliberately, since his point i n the use of the line is made clearer thereby. I t is similarly uncertain i f the four missing lines were already lacking from the text then i n use, or i f the compiler omitted them to shorten the excerpt. The significance of this direct quotation is that i t reveals the Babylonian priest operating on a principle that is put forward i n the epic itself, though in other connections, namely that what was done on divine instigation i n the beginning can be repeated at intervais throughout history. T h e technique whereby Atra-fcass got Adad to send rain could be used again whenever there was a drought.
1

Normally the syllables qa and pi are written with G and BI, but examples A of the signs qa and pi occur (1. n and n i . vi. 40, see notes). Normally Anunnakku is written a-nun-na, but once a-nun-na-ku (1. 5, see note), and similarly there is one example of naSSku (the title of Ea) against several of niSSku (see note on 1. 16). Orthographically the text must be classified as Northern by the rules of A . Goetze, in Neugebauer and Sachs, Maihematical Cuneiform Texts, pp. 146-7, though the syllables ti/te are often written with the Di-sign, a Southern usage according to Goetze. I n a text internally inconsistent a few other individual 'Southern* usages are of no great importance. We have adopted sqr rather than zkr as the root 'speak' (see note on 1.63), and this crtes a variety of 'Southern* forms such as is-s-qar and si-iq*r. Since thse are particularly epic words used i n stock formulas they may well have had their own orthographie tradition unrelated to that of Sippar. Mimation throughout is optional. There are two striking sandhi-writings: bbiSatmni (1. 69) and lteddilirtaSa (11. i . 19), on which see the notes.
d d

O n m prineiple in Babylonian thought generally, see W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 104 ff.

1

xm.

Several interesting phonological phenomena occur. Twice a doubled consonant is resolved into the glottal stop followed by a single consonant: u'pur (*= uppur, 1. 284) and lti[lu] (= litt[lu]> 1.300). Examples elsewhere

ORTHOGRAPHY
d

AND

GRAMMAR

are very rare, but note ma-'-me-tum (DP v i . 37. v i . 3), normally written Mammtum. The consonant w has not completely disappeared. A t the beginning of words i t may be simply lost, note littutn i n n i . v i i . 2. I t is replaced by m i n the following forms: ilm (1. 113), i-ta-mu (1. 366), (t)umaSier (11. v . 20, vi. 29). Thse seem to be the eariiest occurrences of this m though it is normal in Middle Babylonian. tisia for Hsia is paralleled in Old Babylonian letters (see 1. 61 and note), but $anitti!![ka], for the normal tantt[ka], in m . viiL 14 could be a scribal error, see the nota I f burra ( n i . vii. 8) is a form of bukra, i t is without paraliel. I n word forms one naturally looks for 'hymno-epic' idiom, on which see W. von Soden, ZA 40. 163 ff. and 41. 90 ff. A detailed study w i l l be included i n W. G. Lambert's forthcoming Babylonian Cration Myths so the material is quoted here w i t h little or no comment :
y %

T H E

M A N U S C R I P T S

THE best-preserved dition of the epic, and so the one which is used here as the main recension, is an dition i n three tablets from the hand of K u Aya i n the reign of Ammi-saduqa. One copy of each of the three tablets survives (for dtails see the list below), and they are dated as follows:
1

iti.bra.zag.gar ud.2x.km mu am-mi-sa-du-q lugal.e alam.a.ni ms.gaba.tab.ba su X ( X ) alam.a.ni 5u.silim.ma ab.di'.a

f

Alone:

Ending -U Hkrii n i . iv. 17

Construct: bbis atmni 1. 69 ahritil m 1. 214 == 227 bubtiS niH tit [Ui] 1. 339 ptii nri 11. i i i . 26 Suffixes: qtiUa X 11 . bbiSka I. 113 trtii\ka\ n i . viii. 12 ianttii[ka] n i . viii. 14

Ending -um azolum 1. 1 kma iarrqtu I I . i i . 19 m 33 simnu Hmti 1. 305 cf. 280

M o n t h Nisan, 21 st day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, a statue of h i m s e l f . . . a kid held at the breast and a statue of himself victorious ( ? ) . . .
2

II

ba'ltuHu 1. 14

iti.as.a ud.28.kam m u am-mi-sa-du-q lugal.e dx-am-rni-sa-du-qi** ka.id.zimbir .ra.ta in.ga.an.dim.ma.a

ki

M o n t h Shebat, 28th day, the year when Ammi-saduqa, the king, con* structed Dr-Ammi-saduqa at the mouth of the Sippar canal. III iti.gud.si.s [ud. X .km] m u am-mi-sa-d[u-q lugal.e) alam.a.[ni. . . [x]x[..| M o n t h Iyyar [ x t h day], the year when Ammi-saduqa, [the king], a statue of himself [. . .
Scheil i n 1898 {RT xx. 55) proposed to read the name either Ellet-Aya or Mullil-Aya, and the former has been generally accepted. T h i s , however, as pointed out by B. Landsberger privately, has no sound basis. J . } . Stamm, i n Die akkaduche Namengebung {Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44) 301 f., commenta that the type k-f divine name ia Sumerian; and i n the period of the First Dynasty of Babylon one finds not only k u i n this type, but also k.babbar and once a phonetic writing ka-sa-apiitar ( VAS 8. 22. 4). N o writings *el-le-et-iitar have been noted. T h u s in ail probability the scribe was called Kasap-Aya, but since there is no proof, we have used the Sumerian form. * T h e meaning o f Su.silim.di i s suggested by Erimhus x. 6 ( C T 18. 47, K 214 C T 1 9 . 8 , R m i l . 587. 6 KBo 1. 44. 6 ) : su.silim.di = iit-ru-s in the context of its group and by the meaning of the lments i n Su.silim.di.
1

The only unusual thing here is the ending -um w i t h the meaning 'like', see the note on 1. 1. A less common ending is -ia (or -i$a) for -lam (or -Uam) on iamSa (1. 13, 17, see the note) meaning 'to heaven'. Also i n 111. i . 37 mHiu seems to have the ending -ht or -iiu = ana. T h e nominative case-ending i n the construct state occurs i n the following passages: nahbalu timtim 1. 15 (acc.) mr rmnika 1. 94, 96 (acc.) Hpru iiq I I . iv. 19 (nom./acc.) ina c&qullu samH 11. v i . 30 (gen.) ina birku litti 111. v i i . 5 (gen.)

A totally unexpected rvlation is that the t h i r d person fem. precative with f-prefix is not l taprus, but i taprus (see 1. 295 and note o n 1. S i i i . 16). Several difficult uses of the acc. occur, see 1. 5, n i . v i i . 8-9 (perhaps also n i . iii. 33) with notes.

3*

THE

MANUSCRIPTS

THE

MANUSCRIPTS

Tablet I was thus Written (or finished) on the 2ist day of the first month of Ammi-saduqa's I 2 t h year (c. 1635 B.c.), and Tablet n on the 28th day of the eleventh month of the preceding year. The t h i r d tablet is dated i n the second month of a year which cannot be certainly ascertained, since the 5th, i 2 t h , I 5 t h , and one other, unidentified year formula of this king begin with mention of a statue. I t could well be the same year as that of Tablet 1, since they both reached the British Musum together. The rest of the colophons of thse three tablets concerna the number of lines and the scribe: 1 dub.l.km.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum mu.sid.bi 416 Su k.4a.a dub.sar.tur dub.2.km.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum [mu.S]id.bi 439 Su k&.<*a.a dub.sar.tur m aLtil dub.3.km.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum?* *'^ *] mu.Sid.bP 390
0 1 r

su.nigin 1245 Sa 3 tup-pa-t[im] Su k. a.a dub.sar.tur

d

Tablet 1, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 416 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe

II

Tablet 11, 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 439 Written by Ku-Aya, the junior scribe

together. From the first publication of Tablet 11 in 1898 by Scheil (RT X . X 55) i t has been argued that Ku-Aya worked in Sippar. The reason, which has not changed since Scheil wrote (see Finkelstein, JCS 11. 83-4) is that the overwhelming majority of tablets from Arnmi-saduqa's reign corne from Sippar, and the two London tablets, 1 and i n , reached the British Musum in a collection mainly of such material. The Ku-Aya tablets are written in eight columns of about fifty-five lines each, save for the last one, which is shorter, and each column is numbered consecutively from the top (the wedge for 'ten' is put against each tenth line), then the total is given on the bottom edge under each column. The division of the work into tablets is purely scribal. The author wrote it as an uninterrupted squence, and other ditions divide it differently from Ku-Aya's. Another copy of Tablet 11 belonging to the same recension is now in Istanbul ( D ) . F. R. Kraus has shown that other tablets in Istanbul which, like this one, bear Nippur numbers, certainly corne from Sippar, and in view of the close resemblance of this to B, Ku-Aya's Tablet n , he has concluded that this too is from Sippar. The two have the same eight-column format, and where both are preserved they are sign for sign identical, except for i i . 18 (B has na-as-Sa, but D na-al-la) and orthographie variants i n i . 9-10, v i i . 48, and viii. 36. Other diffrences are that the text is not broken into columns at exactly the same points; that D uses ten-marks on the obverse i n the style of Ku-Aya, but neglects to do so on the reverse; and that there is no colophon preserved. I t is true that the bottom of the last column is broken away, but even i f the date was put there and is thus lost, the number of lines and the name of the scribe, which should have followed close o n the last line to conform to Ku-Aya's style, is certainly lacking.
1 2

Finis Tablet n i , 'When the gods like man' Number of lines: 390 Total: 1245 for the three tablets Written by Ku-Aya, the j u n i o r scribe

Tablet m , cited here under the symbol C (see the list below), results from the combination of two pices, one i n Geneva, the other i n L o n d o n . The way that the two pices are broken and ail other considrations suggest that they are parts of the same tablet and might just touch i f they were put

W i t h B there is a more direct pice of vidence. Scheil only wrote on its origin that it was 'parmi les dcouvertes de ma ueptiksnt campagne en Orient' (RT xx. 55 Bvue biblique 7 . 5 ) . However, at the meeting of the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists held i n Paria, 1897, he had said substantially more. T h e Actes of the Congress conta in nothing by h i m , but reports are given by two British scholars who attended, Sayce and K i n g . F i r s t , A . H . Sayce, in the Prface to his Early History ofthe Hebrews (1897), p. vii, states : At the rcent meeting of the Oriental Congress in Paris, D r . Scheil stated that among the tablets lately brought back from Sippar to the musum at Conatantinople is one w h i c h contains the . . story of the flood . . . inscribed in the reign of Ammi-zadok. . . .' L . W . K i n g ' s Babylonian Religion and Mythology (1899), p. 114 says, 'It was found during the excavations that were recently undertaken by the Turkish Government at A b u - H a b b a h , the site o f the ancient city of Sippar.' However, somehow the tablet became Scheil's property (cf. C . H . W . Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions 41), and the informative paragraph i n Sayce's book was omitted from the otherwise unchanged second dition of 1899.
1 1 a

818 16 8

F . R. Kraus,

Altbab. Rechlsurhunden aus Nippur

58;

Edikt 12-13.

34

T H E

MANUSCRIPTS

The other Old Babylonian pices, E, F, G , can be assumed to come from Sippar on the same kind of vidence, but i f so they attest the prsence of at least three widely diffrent recensions i n the one town. E has a text which is basically the same as Ku-Aya's, but w i t h many orthographie variants and one more substantial one i n i . 295. However, this tablet had six, not eight columns, also there are no ten-marks. F is a small fragment with traces from the line-ends of one column and better-preserved beginnings of a second. From thse one can see that the couplets were written on a single line i n this copy, and its columns must have been very wide. But when allowanoe has been made for the diffrait format, i t is clear that there were recensional diffrences from Ku-Aya's dition, and the traces from its first column, which should come near the beginning of Tablet 1, cannot be identified at ail. G also offers a widely diffrent recension, and again differently arranged. The tablet has only four columns, two on each side, and a ruling is put after each couplet, which is written over two Unes, as i n the majority of tablets from ail periods. T h e first line of G corresponded with I . 157 of Ku-Aya's dition, and the whole tablet must have contained much less material. I f the dition represented by G covered the same ground as the main recension, i t must have consisted of some eight tablets. However, i t may not have contained ail the same pisodes. Even the few words left i n its column i offer variation f r o m K u Aya's text I t is not clear i f its column i i is to be inserted i n a gap i n the main recension, or is something differing recensionally f r o m a preserved pisode. The traces of its column i i i are totally unidentified, which is only explicable as due to its dviation from Ku-Aya's dition. Of the two Middle Babylonian pices, one from Ras Shamra ( f t ) and one from Nippur (3), i t can only be said that they differed recensionally from Ku-Aya, and J$ covered only the flood. The fourteen Late Assyrian pices ail come from the Ashurbanipal libraries and are ail i n Late Assyrian script. Even i f some were appropriated by Ashurbanipal from other existing collections there is no reason to suppose that any one is more than a century or so older than he. They are not uniform in any other respect, and they can be divided into three groups. The first, of nine mostly very small pices (J-R), can be regarded as descendants of Ku-Aya's dition or something simiiar. T h a t is, they often agre verbally with i t , though offering many orthographie and phonetic variants. They do diverge more seriously i n places, by way of addition or omission, or in other ways. Thus L omits 1. 116-17; before 1. 241 P has some lines not in the Old Babylonian text, and the same copy transposes the coupletJ 301-2 between lines 295 and 296; Q has remains of five

lines covering 1. 413-15; P also has a correction from a paraliel passage: cf. its readings in 1. 241-3 with the main recension at IL vii. 31-3, Only four of the nine pices seem to be from the same tablets, j and K, and O and P, and in view of the small extent of thse pices generally one cannot be sure that their recensional connections have been properfy assessed. Certainly there is diversity among them, and there was no one text, as in the case of Gilgamei, that had been thoroughly worked over and was standard i n the late periods. Old Babylonian orthographies remain unchanged, e.g. the use of -sac i n 1.255 P. Also there is no standard format. M turned from obverse to reverse after 1. 181 ; L (a pice from the righthand side of the complte tablet) did the same at about I. 150 ; P did so at about 1. 275. Ku-Aya's tablet (A) does so after 1. 227. Thus P could have contained the same number of Unes as A, but M and L must have been only about two-thirds the length of A, so that if they contained ail the material from Ku-Aya's dition they probably formed a sries of four tablets. Q was no doubt Tablet 11 of such a sries, since its obverse covers the end of Ku-Aya's Tablet 1 and the beginning of Tablet n , while its reverse overlaps column i i of Tablet i l . L obverse has a ruling and some damaged signs just above i t that seem to be colophonic. I f this is a correct understanding of the traces, L is derived from a sries of which one (presumably the first) tablet ended with 1.110. The second group of Ashurbanipal fragments is formed by V and W. We lump them together because they seem to be unrelated to Ku-Aya's dition, and they may well be unrelated to each other. V, for the Uttle of i t preserved, seems to have some relationship to the Old Babylonian G. Somewhere among the eleven Ashurbanipal pices just dealt with there are no doubt remains of one Ashurbanipal recension of the epic in which i t was part of a larger whole. This merges from the colophon of K 4175+ Sm 57+80-7-19, 184, and 82-3-23, 146 (see CT 18.47 and RA 17. 189): e-tm-ma t<-& a-[me-hm] dub.2.km.ma me.me [kr.kjr i-li
4

T E M N S RP S H A UC I T

3 5

This tablet itself contains the bilingual cration myth with the Silbenalphabet alongside, and is given i n this colophon as the second in the sries which begins w i t h the Silbenalphabet itself in its bilingual version. The catch-Une is the opening phrase of Apa-ham? so the epic formed the t h i r d , and no doubt also subsquent tablets, i n this combine d sries. T h e only identified fragment of the bilingual Silbenalphabet from
1
1

See B . Landsberger,

Iraq 4- 33-4-

AfO Beiheft 1 {Festschrift von Oppenheim)

177-8; C . J . Gadd,

THE MANUSCRIPTS AshurbanipaTs libraries is T h 1905-4-9, 26 = B M 98520 (RA 17. 202), and as this could well be from the same scribe who wrote K 4175+ i t is probably from Tablet 1 of this sries. On the same basis of script one may wonder i f V also cornes from the same scribe and so belongs to the sries. The only post-OId Babylonian text of Atra-hass o f sufficient estent and of such character to be called a recension is made up by the remaining Ashurbanipal pices, S, T , and U . George Smith first made the epic known from S, which is now represented under three K-numbers. Smith knew ail three as parts of a single tablet, but after his death they got separated, and only i n 1967 was K 8562 finally joined to the other two. The small pice T is almost certainly the concluding fragment of the same tablet Script, clay, and content lead to this supposition, and the line of colophon therefore identifies i t as Tablet 1 of Atra-hass. Along w i t h the three joined pices i t covers Tablet 1 of the main recension and the first half of Tablet 11, so obviously i t was a two-tablet dition, and reason w i l l be offered shortly for taking U as the only surviving pice of the second and last tablet i n this dition. For reasons which w i l l become apparent, this can be called the Assyrian Recension. T h e format of Tablet 1 is one of six columns.
1 2

THE MANUSCRIPTS Short form of verbal suffixes iii. 12 -ka-la-la-ti-na Assyrian I I / i iv. 32 | i ka-i-la Late Assyrian prfrence for a (cf. RA 53. 125) iv. 35 kat-ra-ba-ma

3 7

Thse forms certainly resuit from Assyrianization of an underlying Babylonian text, since often the Babylonian form occurs more frequently. For example, as against the one example of the short form of the verbal suffix there are three examples of the longer -UnU (iv. 11,15,38). Assyrian influence also occurs i n orthography, and some of thse features are very curious. Single consonants are often written where most scribes would write double, and the tablet is not self-consistent. It contains some glosses, which, however, are of significance for the study of Late Assyrian rather than for Atra-hass. A few examples only are given: Unusual writings: ti-ta iv. 42, 52 ta 15

The most striking feature of this recension, as already observed by Laessoe, s the occurrence of Assyrian dialect forms (the corresponding word of the main recension, where preserved, is given i n brackets): T h i r d person fem. tS iii. 3 iii. 5 i i i . 5, 6 tam-nu-u (ittanaruti) tk-ri-is (uktarris) tas-ku-un (iikun)

rd-se-e iv. 42, 52 Single consonants: a-li-te (litte), li-na-di [linnadi) Inconsistencies:
pl

i-tm-ru/i'-ru iv. 49, 59 it-ta- - [dar]jat-ta-ar* "dar iv. 2,7

lu* instead of Ii- i n precatives iii. iv. iv. vi 19 30 48 27 lu-har-ri-s lu-sa-bu-u (lisebb) lu-ti-id lu-ri-id

Vowel harmony, etc. 33 vi. 17

1

su-hu-rat (sahurrat) e-tar-bu-ma

l

In his Chaldean Account / Genesis ( 153-6; 1880, 155-8) he refera to the epic as knownfromose copy only, and confuses obverse and reverse of the tablet. He translates the bottom half of column ir.rf K 3399+3934 and then from K 8562 as the last preserved portion. * dub.l.kam.rna ji u[m mui. '::

Three reasons support the assignment of U to the Assyrian Recension. First, U obv. 5-8 is a pair of repeated couplets like S iv. 23-6 (both are restored a little). They are of a kind not found i n any other text of the epic. Secondly, U rev. 20 and S iv. 30 both use K (g) for rigmu (as proved by A the main recensions paraliel Unes), something very unusual in Akkadian texts generally. Thirdly, U shows the same kinds of divergence from the main recension as S. For orthography note W-ta-sa-a (ittas: rev. 18), and for grammar si-qu-su siq-si-qu (rev. 7), which shows s for a, as is characteristic for many Middle Assyrian literary texts and copies. From internai vidence i t may be suspected that the Assyrian Recension goes back to a Middle Assyrian original. Such Akkadian literary texts as do survive i n Middle Assyrian copies (e.g. AS 16. 283-8) show the same mixture of Assyrian and Babylonian forms (see also BWL 334 on b) and the same orthographie features. Whether this recension had a longer history i n Assyria cannot be ascertained. The use of GI for Ai in iii. 5 is an O l d Assyrian custom, but i t is possible that the correct expianation is

38

THE MANUSCRIPTS

T H E MANUSCRIPTS

39

grammatical rather than orthographie, that the Geers L a w d i d not fully operate and the word should be read girfu or qirsu. Since i t is known that Tukulti-Ninurta I used his sack of Babylon to acquire literary and other texts (AfO 18. 44. 2-11), and that Tiglath-pileser I had a library of such material (AfO 16. 197 ff.), i t is perhaps more probable that this recension was Assyrianized i n the middle period. So far as can be told from its incomplte state, the Assyrian Recension follows the order of events i n the main recension. There is nothing to suggest that i t differed i n more than dtail. For example, its Tablet 1, column i i , offers a fragment of narrative sharing some wording w i t h the main recension, but i t is diffrent i n dtails of the events. Thse do not, however, affect the gnerai r u n of the story. I n the description of the averting of the first plague the editor has avoided the rptition of the main recension (his iv. 29-36 covers 1. 372-415 ), but conversely his account seems to conflate at each occurrence the events o f the second, t h i r d , and fourth attempts of the gods to quieten the human race, which b o t h obscures the plot and pads out the narrative. T h e biggest diffrence between the two recensions is i n wording. While there is some phraseology i n common, there is much more of the epic where the wording has been changed quite deliberately on one side or the other. Generally i t seems a reasonable conclusion that the main recension is primary and the Assyrian Recension secondary. This is particularly clear where obscure words and phrases of the Old Babylonian text have been altered: 11. t n (zumSu) li-sa-aq-qi-il = zu-un-na-su lu~td-qir (iv. 44) 11. iv. 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[i-ti] vi. 15) = i-na lu-par-ke-e napisti (v. 26 = 1

The same kind of corrections can be observed between Tablet 111 o f the main recension and GilgameS x i . Metrically too the Assyrian Recension is far less consistent than the main recension. I t s lines more commonly diverge from the accepted patterns, and some parts are not written i n couplets even though the corresponding O l d Babylonian lines are, e.g. S 12-26 = v i 1-15 compared w i t h 11. i v . 7-18. I n short, the Assyrian Recension is a reworking of Ku-Aya's text (or a simiiar one) and i t is scarcely an improvement. Whether the ditorial work was done i n Babylonia before the text was taken t o Assyria, where local dialectal forms were inserted, or whether both sets o f changes were

roughly the same content but differently worded. This is also found in S iv. 4-5. The two Late Babylonian fragments, x and y, are hardly big enough for their recensional characteristics to be drawn out. But clearly they do ditTer from the Old Babylonian dition in some places quite substantially, and they too may not always keep the Old Babylonian couplet form. However, they do not agre among themselves on who guarded the 'middle earth\ Our reconstructed text is based on Ku-Aya's tablets where they are preserved, but the text is arrange! metrically. Lines of poetry spread over two lines of script due to the narrowness of the Old Babylonian columns have been joined and spacing is used to indicate couplets. Tablet I is cited by line only (e.g. 1. 241) since, with the help of the ten-marks (those for 220 and 320 are omitted i n CT 46. 1) and the total number of lines given i n the colophon i t is possible to give a conscutive n umbering throughout. I n Tablets i l and 111 the gaps between the preserved portions of the columns cannot be estimated accurately, so thse tablets have to be cited by tablet, column, and line number, e.g. m . iv. 17. Where the ten-marks enable i t , the ancient line numbers are used; otherwise the preserved lines are numbered from 1. So far as possible, ail other tablets, both Old Babylonian and later, are cited i n the apparatus. However, where Ku-Aya's dition is dficient, i t has been restored from other Old Babylonian texts without any spcial indication of this fact when it is reasonably certain that they can properly be so used. This applies almost exclusively to E i n Tablet 1 and D i n Tablet 11. Where the Late Assyrian fragments that are descended from Ku-Aya's text, or something simiiar, alone are preserved, they are used to restore the Old Babylonian text, but distinguished by smaller type. T h i s occurs only i n Tablet I, 171 ff. and 251 ft With the divergent texts, the smaller pices have been inserted, where possible, in opportune gaps i n the main recension. Thus of the first tablet of the Assyrian Recension, the small surviving portions of the obverse are inserted i n the course of Tablet I, but the larger portions of the columns on the reverse are given on their own after the end of Tablet IIL And so with the other divergent pices. The location of each can be found from the following list o f manuscripts.

rian is at prsent an unanswerable question. There is one passage h shows that tfae other Late Assyrian copies could have connections | P b the Assyrian Recension: for 11. i . 5-6, Q has substituted a couplet of

LIST

OF MANUSCRIPTS

41

LIST Symbol

O F

M A N U S C R I P T S Copy CT 46. 1*
ZtiVse* preserved1

Symbol Musum number K K 6235

L K6831

Copy CT 46.

Musum number

10'
1

identified

Lines preserved I. 68-80; 168-77; unT I06-22; 169-75 . I. l63-8l I. 72-9

I. 226-33

OLD BBL NN AYO I A

A = B M 78941+78943 (Bu 89-4-26, 234+236) I. 1-50, 52; 57-114; 115-30 39-7o; 20927; 228-51; 281-308, 319-20, 322, 324-5 3^7-33; 334-89; 39o~ 416
1

(J and K are probably parts of the same tablet) M * K 7 1 0 9 + 9 9 7 9

N ~ Bu 8 9 - 4 - 2 6 , 97 O K 14697 P K 7816+13863

CT 46. 1a CT 46. 11 CT 46. 8

Pl. 5 BA v. 688 (7816 only)

I. 237-60; 288-306

fi M L C

1889

C * C i B M 78942+78971+80385 ( B u 89-4-26, 235 + 266+ B u 91-5-9 524) and C M A H 16064 (see JCS 5.18)
2

RT x x . 56-8 YOR v/3, pis. 1, 11 BRM i v . 1 CT 46. 3

2

II. i . 1-20; i i . 8-9, 1324; vit. 37-54 viii. 33-7

CT 46. 13 292

(complte) (O a n d P are probably parts o f the same tablet) Q *= S m

m . i. 28-50; ii. 28-55; iii. 3-54; iv. 3-28, 3948; v. 8-14, 28-52; vi. 1-27, 38-51; vii. 1-27; viii. 3-19 m . i . 11-26; i i . 9-21; vii. 36-41 n. i . 2-23; i i . 8-36; i i i . i-35 ; i v . 1-25 ;v. 1-33; vi. 1-32; vii. 30-535 viii. 31-7 1. 123-46; 188-220; 271-300; traces c. 340

R K 4539 S = K 3399+3934+8562

JSS v. 123 07*46. 14 BWL pl. 65

1

(l. 410-n.i. 13) ; (n. i-ii) m . vii. 10-18?

(1. 18-40); (1. 170 ft);

CT 15. 49

Pis.

D N i 2552+2560+2564

RA 28. 92, 94 7-8 P i s . 1-6

T = K 12000c U = B M 98977+99231 ( K i 1904-10-9, 6 + 263) V = K 6634 W = D T 42

(3399+3934) (1.253 #.);(* 352-n.iV, CT 46. 6(8562) (11. ii-iii);(n. iv). Pp. 106-14 CT 13. 31 (11. iv). P. 114 JSSv. CT 46. 101,
iv.

(T is probably the e n d of the same tablet as S)

116
9 Al?
1

( m - i); ( n i . P p . 122-4

iii).

B M 92608 (Bu 91-5-9 269)

CT 6. 5 PBS x / i , p i s . n i , i v = Le Pome p l . X CT 46. 4 CT 46.

CT a

Delitesch,

JR 50,

(1. 189-91); (1. 360 ff.) (m. i). P. 128

iv. R? Additions p. 9, Haupt,

F G

B M 17596a (94-1-15, 310a) B M 78257 ( B u 88-5-12, 113)

* RS

1. u n i d e n t i f i e d ; 103-24 1.
2

Nimrodepos p. 131, CT 46.

N OL T BBL N N E - A E AYO I A
x = B E 39099
(Photo B a b y l o n 1804)

X5

44- 20

158-66;

(182-97);

Pis.

4, 9-10

Unidentified;

(11.

ii

unidentified

m
(n. v-vi). Pp. Pl.

MD L BBL N N I DE AYO I A
$

22. 421 3 C B S 13532

y = B E 36669/243 Ugaritica
BE v.

167

(ii-ni). P.

132
(ni. i).

(Photo B a b y l o n

1601)

116-20

( i l . i i - i i i ) , P. 116

Ser. D v / i

unidentified; P . 126

L T ASR N (ail from AE SYI A

| K 10082
1

B:

Ashurbanipars library)

CT46. 7

(r. 49-52); 109-11 ?

v

RT x x , p l . w i t h 55-9; Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Frontispie and p . 11 ; YOR v/3 p i s . v - v i ; BRM i v , p l . 11; Clay, Origin of the Biblical Traditions
223 (enlargements of some signs) RA 2 8 , p l . w i t h p p . 9 1 - 7

P OORP S HTGAH

T h e semicolons separate the material of the preserved columns in squence of each tablet or fragment, Where a recension widely difering from K u - A y a ' s is offered, the corresponding line- and column-numbers o f his recension are given i n bracketa. Where the lines concemed have not been used for our main text and are not given adjacent to the corresponding passage, they can be located from the page rfrences given i n the above list. * Collations are given on pl. 11.

3:
S:

BE

S e r . D v/x

Bezold,

W : E.

Catalogue v , p l . v m (part only) Sollberger, The Babylonian Legend of the Flood,

1

p.

37

Collations are given on p l . u .

(42) (43)
T A B L E T
A

I TABLET I

1 i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum 2 ub-lu du-ul-la iz-bi-lu

fu-up-H-[i]k-ka

1 When the goda like men 2 Bore the work and sufTcred the toil 3 The toil of the gods was great, 4 The work was heavy, the distress was much 5 The Seven great Anunnaki 6 Were making the Igigi suffer the work. 7 Anu, their father, was the king; 8 Their counsellor was the warrior Enlil; 9 Their Chamberlain was Ninurta; 10 A n d their sheriff Enitugi. 11 The gods had clasped hands together, 12 Had east lots and had divided. 13 Anu had gone up to heaven, 14 [ . . ] . . . the earth to his subjects. 15 [The boit], the bar of the sea, 16 (They had given] to Enki, the prince. 17 [After Anu] had gone up to heaven 18 [ A n d Enki] had gone down to the Aps, * * * * I The Assyrian Recension of Unes 19 ff. is offered by K 8562 (S), column i : 1 2 3 4 5 . . . ] ^e^-tar-du . . . ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e . . . -rfi-du-ma . . .] X ud #(idim)
d

3 lu-up-U-ik i-li ra-bi-[rri\a 4 du-ul-lu-um ka-bi-it ma-a-ad la-ap-Sa-qum 5 ra-bu-tum a-nun-na-ku si-bi-it-tam 6 du-ul-lam -la-az-ba-lu H- gi-gP
d r

7 a-nu a-bu-lu-nu ia[r-r]u 8 \ni\a-li-ik-Su-nu q-ra-d[u\ en-lil

d

9 [gu -u]z-za-lu-lu-n[u]
5

[ni]n-urta

10 [] gal-lu-lu-nu

[en]-nu-gi

11 [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-ti-la 12 is-qd-am id-du- i-lu iz-zu-zu 13 ^a-nu i-te-li\a-m\- e^-Sa
1 x

14 [X x ] x x X W-se-tam

ba--la-W-ul-hi

15 [H-ga-ra n]a-ak-ba-lu ti-a-am-tirn 16 [it-ta-a]d-nu a-na en-ki na-ai-H- W

d T

17 [ii-tu a-nu-u]m i-lu- ta^-me-e-la 18 [ *en-ki a-na a]p-si- P [t]-ta-ar-du

r r

19 20 21 22 23 24 25

' ' . ] X []a-ma-i .] x [e]-lu H-gi~gi '] i-fye-er-ru-nhn ' . . . n]a-pi-it~ti ma-tim . i]-fye-er-ru-nim na-p]i-il-ti ma-tim . idtjglat na-ra-am . . . ] X-di/ki-tam ' ^ * I K

. . . ] . . the heavens . . . ] . upon the I g i g i . . . ] they were digging . . . ] the life of the land . . .] they were digging . , . ] the life of the land

] went down rulerjship of the Aps went] down ] Ea I I ] ] ] ] ] were digging the river the life of the land . the Euphrates after it from the deep their [. . . ] they set up

, - i~her]-ru-i nra

6 . . . n]a-pl-ti mti 7 . . . ] X pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-ld 8 . . .] i-na naq-bi 9 ^ .]-fu-nu il-tk-nu

7-xo
cf.

4 8

4175+

(see p.

35).

Gilg.

a.

ATRA-rJASlS
44

j k
28

.. . i-na n]a-aq-bi ... S-i\a-ak-nu .. . ajp-tsa^-a . . . ] X-at ma-tim ' ' J " * qi-ri-ib-iu u!-\u- re-H-su

from] the deep ] they set up ] the Aps J . . of the land J . within i t ] they raised its head

*T-S*;Si O~l ; 1 ^
S f

29

3
3
32

14 ..] sum'-i/-im*-iikakbu?la 15 traces

5

J . they surrounded

. . . ] 33 [santim m-nu-\ f n

sa-di-i iu-up-H-ik-ki

* * * * *
J3 ] ail the mountains, 34 [They counted the years] of the toit 35 . . .] . the great rnarsh, 36 [They] counted [the years] of the toil 37 Excessive [ ] for 4 0 years

] X s-si-a ra-bi-a |35 36 [s'antim im]-nu- ia iu-up-H-ik-ki . . . ] x 40 itfm&tm(mu.hi.a) at-ra-am 37 [ X X db]-iiMeai iz-bi-lu mu-si ur-ri 3
8

38 [. .] they sufered the work night and day. 39 T h e y [were mplaining], backbiting, 40 Grumbling in the excavation: 41 ' L e t us confront our [. .] ., the Chamberlain, 42 T h a t he may relieve us of our hezvy work. 43 [ ] counsellor of the gods, the hero, 44 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling! 45 [Bolil], counsellor of the gods, the hero, 46 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling!' 47 [ ] opened his mouth 48 [ A n d addressed] the gods, his brothers,

39 [i-da-bu\-bu-ma i-ik-ka-lu ka-ar-n > [ut-ta-az]-za-mu i-na ka-la-ak-kz

4
1

[ X x ] X - m guzzal i [ka-a]b-tam du-ul-la-m

ni-im-hu-ur-ma li-sa-d-ik el-ni

43 [ X X m]a-H-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 44 [al-k)/BMdm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su 45 [**-& m]a-ti-ik i-li qu-ra-dam 46 [al-k]a-mm i ni-is-H-a i-na su-ub-ti-su 47 [ X ] X pi-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 48 [is-$-qa]r a-na i-U ah-U-su
4

49
50

- ] X GVJA.l Ia-bP-ru-tm
r

49 ' . . . . ] . the Chamberlain of old time

M4* ] KH1

_ _ J E

*
1

T h e last four lines of Column i , 53-6, are broken away, b u t K 10082 ( J ) probably belongs at this point:

K 10082 ( J )
. . . ] . let us kiU [him] # . ] . let us break tbe yokeP

j 2
d

, . J - a i nir^na-ra^-a [i-tu\ & ] X i ni-ii-bi-ir m-ra

3 [ . . . p-su] i-pu-ia-am-ma 4 [is-sa-aq-qa-r\a ana Us ah-he-e-iu 5 - - J X gazait kt-bi-ru-tim

3 [ - ] opened pus mouth] 4 [ A n d addressed) the gods his brothers, % * J the Chamberlain of old rime

ATRA-tJASS 46

6 7 8

. . .] i-sa-ak-ka-na en-lil . . . ia]-n-e i-Sa-ka-an . . .] X X iq-q- X X X X

d

57-84;J 6-8

6 7
8

. . .] Enlil will appoint . . .] will appoint another

. . ]

57 tna-li-\ik] q-ra-dam 58 al-k[a]-(nim} V ni-is-H-a i-na hi-ub-ti-su 59 en-lil [ma-li-i]k i-li q-ra-dam 60 al-[ka]-(nim) i ni--H-a i-na Hs-ub-ti-Su
d

ii 57 The counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 58 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling! 59 Enlil, counsellor o f the gods, the hero, 60 Come, let us unnerve him in his dwelling 1 61 Now, proclaim war, 62 Let us mingle hostilities and battle/ 63 The gods heeded his words: 64 They set fire to their tools, 65 Fire to their spades they put 66 A n d flame to their hods. 68 They held them as they went 69 T o the gte of the shrine of the hero Enlil. 70 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 71 The temple was surrounded, but the god did not know. 72 I t was night, half-way through the watch, 73 Ekur was surrounded, but Enlil did not know. 74 Kalkal observed it and was disturbed. 75 He slid the boit and watched [. .] 76 Kalkal roused [Nusku], 77 A n d they listened to the noise of [. . . ] 78 Nusku roused [his] lord, 79 He got [him] out of his bed, 80 ' M y lord, [your] temple is surrounded, 81 Battle has come right up [to your gte]. 82 Enlil, your temple is surrounded, 83 Battle has come right up to your gte.* 84 Enlil to his dwelling.

61 a-nu-um-ma ti-H-a tu-^qtP-um-tam 62 ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qd-ab-la-am 63 i-lu is-mu- H-qi-ir-Su 64 i-a-tam ne-pi-H-su-nu id-du--ma 65 ma-ar-ri-su-nu i-sa-ta-am 66 hi-up-H-ik-ki-hi-nu girra
d

6 7

it-ta-ak-su

68 i-ta-ah-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nim 69 ba-bi-sa-at-ma-ni q-ra-di en-lil

d

70 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti 71 fta

/a-w i-fti

M/ M

mu-um i-ba-as-H

72 mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti mu-sum i-ba-as-H 73 -kur la-wi en-lil -ul i-di

74 -te-eq-qi kal-kal -te-[H] 75 il-pu-ut si-k-ku-ra i-hi-it [ x

d

X]

76 kai-kal id-de-ki [nusku] 77 ri-ig-ma i-h-em-mu- s [a . . .]

d d

78 nusku id-de-ki be-[el-hi\ 79 i-na ma-ia-li -k-et-[bi-h\ 80 be-li la-wi bi-[it-ka] 81 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a)-\na ba-bi-ka]
{

82 dtft-fiZ fa-fp[f bi-i]t-ka 83 qd-ab-l[um i-ru]-^ 84 <^-#/ X X X a-na [b]a-bi-ka

-a-ar-di a-na su-ub-ti-u

7 1 K :

g K . [/]f-ift^u-r[a S! i S f i * 75

70 K : m]a.a-a-a/ [

I*"*

73 K :

4* *

A R - A T AH SS
85 Enlil opened his mouth 86 And addressed the vizier Nusku, 87 'Nusku, bar your gte, 88 Take your weapons and stand before me.' 89 Nusku barred his gte, 90 Took his weapons and stood before Enlil. 91 Nusku opened his mouth 92 A n d addressed the hero Enlil, 93 ' M y lord, sons are your . . . 94 W h y do you fear your own sons? 95 Enlil, sons are your . . . 96 Why do you fear your own sons? 97 Send that A n u be fetched down 98 A n d that Enki be brought to your prsence.' 99 He sent and Anu was fetched down, 00 Enki was brought also to his prsence. 01 A n u , king of heaven, was prsent, 02 K i n g of the Aps, Enki, was in attendance. 03 W i t h the great Anunnaki prsent 04 Enlil arose . [ . . . ] . . 05 Enlil opened his mouth 06 A n d addressed the great [gods], 07 'Is i t against me that it is being done? 08 Must I engage i n hostilities ? 09 What d i d my very own eyes see? 10 That battle has come right up to my gateP 11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the hero Enlil, ba-bi-is-ka 13 'The reason why the Igigi have surrounded your gte 15 L e t Nusku go out and [ascertain (?)]. 16 A command . [. 17 T o [your] sons [ . . / ^-sl835 113
116-17
d d

85 ffien-Hlpa-a-su i-pu-sa-am-ma 86 a-na sukkalU <huisku is-s-qar ma-ah-ri-ia ma-har en-Ul

87 mtsku e-di-U ba-ab-ka 88 ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi i-zi-iz

89 <htusku i-di-il ba-ab-iu 90 ha-ak-ki-su U-qi it-ta-zi-iz 91 nusku pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 92 is-s-qar a-na q-ra-di en-Ul
d

93 be-K bi-nu bu-nu-ka 94 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka

nd-m-su ta-du-ur

95 ^en-lil bi-nu bu-nu-ka 96 ma-ru ra-ma-m-ka mi-in-su ta-du-ur 97 su-pu-ur a-na[m] ti-ie-ri-du- [nim-m]a 98 en-ki\ H-ib-bi-ku-mm a-na m[a-ah-ri-k]a

99 ik-pu-ur a-nam -se-ri-[du-m-i]s-su 00 *en-ki ib-bi-kti-nim a-na ma-a[h-ri\-hi 01 wa-si-ib a-nu 02 sar-ri ap-si-i

sar-ri \ia\-me-e en- ki A-[me-re-\k- kP

r r

03 ra-bu-tum a-mm-\na(-ku)

w]a-ai-bu

04 %B-JSF it-bi-ma ia [. . ,]-dijM-rm 05 en-Ulpi-a-su i-[pu-sa-a]m-ma 06 is-s-qar a-n[a i-li ra-b]u-tim 07 ia-a-H-im-ma-a it-te-ne-e[p-pu-us] 08 ta-ha-zae-ep-pu-uiia X X X [(x)] 09 *'-* mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]a-ku 10 qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na ba-bi-ia 11 a-nu pi-a-iu i-pu-sa-am-ma 12 is-s-qar a-na qu-ra-di en-Ul

13 rf^ra fa m W-ntu- 15 U'si-ma *nusku x [ . . . 16 te-er-ta X [. . I l W ma-[ri-ka .'.*,>. I X07 F r ^ ^ ^ f

108 L : ] x x x t i [

100 F :

om. L

ATRA-tfASlS 50 %!$ *m-Ulpi-a-hi i-\pu-ia-am-ma] 119 is-s-qar a-na [iukkalli nusku] 120 *nuskupi-te [ba-ab-ka] 121 ka-ak-ki-ka l[i-qi. - 122 i-na pu-uh-ri [ka-la i-li-ma] 123 kz-mi-is i-zi4[z
d

I 11 S-150

118 Enlil opened his mouth 119 And addressed [vizier Nusku],
120 ' N u s k u ,

open [your gte], 121 Take your weapons [. . . 122 I n the assembly of [ail the gods] 123 Bow down, stand up, [and repeat to them] our [words] 124 " A n u , [your father], 125 Your counsellor, [the warrior] Enlil, 126 Your Chamberlain Ninurta, 127 And your shenff Ennugi, have sent me (to say), 128 'Who is [the instigator of] battis? 129 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities? 130 Who [declared] war 131 [And battle] ?' 132 [ I n 133 [Bring ] .. ] .. . Enlil."'

*r

124 ii-pu-ra-an-ni [a-bu-ku-nu] a-nu 125 ma-li-ik-ku-nu [qu-ra-du en-l]il 126 gu^-uz-za-lu-kur[nu *nw\-urta 127 gal-lu-ku-n[u en]-nu-gi
d

128 ma-an-nu-um-nd [

qd]-ab-Um

129 ma-an-nu-um[mi... . . ta-h]-zi 130 ma-m-nuru\mrn ig-ra-am {\u-qu-um-tatn 131 [q-ab-lam 132 \irna 133 [ib-ba

j X X X .] X X ] X X X X en-Ul

134 \il-U4k nusku a-na pur4thrti k]a-la U-ma 135 . . . ] X X X ip-hsrur 136 [ii-pu-ra-an-ni a]-bu-ku-nu a-nu 137 [morUrih-ktirnu qii-rd\-du
5 d d

134 [Nusku went to the assembly of] ail the gods, 135 . . . ] . . . he explained, 136 'Anu, your father, 137 [Your counsellor, the] warrior Enlil, 138 [Your Chamberlain] Ninurta, 139 And [your sheriff] Ennugi, [have sent me (to say)], 140 "Who is [the instigator of] battle? 141 Who is [the provoker of] hostilities? 142 Who [declared] war 143 [ A n d . . . . . . . . ] battle?" 144 I [ 145 Bring [. .
n

m-[tt]l

138 [gu -uz-za-lu-ku-nu r)fn-urta 139 W \gah-bi-ku-nu ^fanm-gi 140 -[an-nu-um-mi. ..j^ . 141 ma-[an-nu-um-mi.,. , . , .
m

qd\-ab-lim .;.ta-ha]-zi
t

142 ma- [an-nu-um-mi ig-ra-am tu-q-u]m-tam 143 qd-a[b-lam . . . . . ] x X 144 i-na [ . 145 ft-&a-[.. .......
# >

,,

J | , , .]x . <V-/]tf ni4g-ra-am tu-qu-um-td\m k[a-la-ak-ki]

%
v

3 *.. .] Enlil.'

146 ku-uLla-a\t ka-la li*ma 147 ni4i-ku~u[n x x - w ] ^

146 'Every single [one of us gods has declared] war; 147 We have . . . our [.] . in the [excavation]. 149 [Excessive] toil [has killed us], 150 [Our] work was heavy, [the distress much].

1 4 9 tu-up-$S~ik-[ku ai-ru id-du-uk-ni-a-ti] *&> ka-bi-it du^[ul-la-m-ma ma-a-ad ia-ap-ia-qum] M * FL'pa-a-fu L : )-n* n J U < z * a i-x [ 146 E : *-TJO
9

uo L:jrf-le

ATRA-tfASlS

151 ti ku-ul-l[a-at ka-la i-li-ma] 152 ub-lapi-i-ni [na-X-X-am

1

it-ti

en-lil]

153 ^nusku il-q[i ka-ak-ki-Su (. . .)] 154 il-U-ik -X [. . . 155 be-lia-n[a 156 al-l[i-ik
G

1 151-181 151 Now, cvcry single [one of us gods] 152 Has spoken in favour of . . . with Enlil.' 153 Nusku took [his weapons . . . 154 He went, he . [. . .

1 3

ta-ai-pu-ray^an-ni ] X X

157 ap-su-u[r 158 na-ab-[

] X ra-bi-tam ] X X zi
160 r

155 ' M y lord to the [ 156 I went [ 157 I explained [ tu-q-unfl-ta-am 158 [

you sent] me ] . . ] great [ ] . . . ] .

159 k[u-ul-la-at ka-la i-l]i-ma-mi ni-ig-ra-am 161 n[i-ii-ku-un x ] x-ni i&a ka-la-ak-ki
r

162 *-ra W-du-uk-ni-a-ti M 163 [fcz-W-t du-u\l-la-ni-ma ma-a-ad Sa-ap-Sa-qum 164 [d ku-ul-l\a-at ka-la i-li-ma 165 pi-i-ni na-X-X-am
1

159 ["Every single one of us] gods has declared war; 161 We [have ] our [. . ] . in the excavation. 162 Excessive [toil] has killed us; 163 Our work [was heavy], the distress much. 164 [Now, every] single one of us gods 165 Has spoken i n favour o f . . . . with Enlil.'" 166 When Enlil heard that speech 167 His tears flowed. 168 E n l i l . . . his words 169 A n d addressed the warrior Anu, 170 'Noble one, with you to heaven i v 171 Carry your authority, take your power, 172 While the Anunnaki are prsent before you 173 Summon one god and have him done to death.' 174 A n u opened his mouth 175 And addressed the gods his brothers, 176 'What are we accusing them of ? 177 Their work was heavy, their distress was much! 178 [Every d a y ] . [ ] 179 [The lamentation was] heavy, [we could] hear the noise. 180 181 ||.].todo . . . assigned] tasks i

it-ti

en-lil

166 a-wa-tam su-a-ti 167 en-Ul [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu

d

[K
II

168 en-Ul i- x -ar a-wa-assu 169 -rd-g[ar a-na q]-ra-di a-nim

d

170 e-te-el'U i-ti-ka a-na a-ma-i 171 par-sa-atn ta-ba-al-ma li-ql id-ka
N

172 a-6u a-nun-na-ki ma-frar-ka

d

173 t-fe tf-fe-i Jwi-m[a

t]i-id-du-M tam-ta

174 da-HM pa-a-su i-pu--[am-ma\ 175 [tt-*]-ag-0ar amz x-tf aJ}-hi-M 176 mt-fwm kar-si-t-nu n[i-ik]-ka-al 177 *a-6# duUla-t-un
r

m[a-a-a]d a-ap-Saq-hi-un
tt

178 K-wi-fam.m^^.^-x (. . .)]X-na-a-/ 179 [te^te Ao-ft]iW[(

1 8 0

ni}-h-e]mwn-ig-ma . . .] X **Jf

wm

* 163 M : fa-ap* 166 M : Ai-tf-W M : ] X : is-s-aq*

I M:

qar ana a-tf-su a-nu 169 K: en~Ul t-to- X L: ] x x x mu x x [ [ ijs-W-aq-qar ana a-bi-tu a~m 17 K: e-toi-a M: -nijfi-mi 177 K:

ATRA-rJASlS S i i ; G ii 1-10

The last eleven lines, obtained from the Late Assyrian fragments, have been numbered and organized as continuing the O U Babylonian A , since they overlap i t where i t is preserved at the bottom of column i i i . Column ii of the Old Babylonian G has a speech assigned to Ea which begins like 176 ff., but then diverges. The diffrences are recensional, but i t is q u i possible that in the main recension Ea spoke after A n u and repeated some of his words before making the suggestion about the cration of man
te

^ n f \ P - * ' where the main recension sels !V * " ) ^ i ] " * Assyrian V substantially duplicates the latter part of Ea s speech on the Old Babylonian G, so thse two portion! are given here. Firtt, however, column i i of the Assyrian Recension S is mterposed, smce this offera a third recension, by which the proposai to slaughter a god is followed by a further trip of Nusku to the rebels
I f E r a W v b t h e 8 T e e S e t h e

K 8562 ( S ) , C o l u m n i i 1 trace 2 IK-X K 8562 ( S ) , Column i i

[. -.
3 You [. . . 4 Take [. . . 5 [While the Anunnaki] are prsent [before you], 6 And while Blet-il, [the birth-goddess], is prsent, 7 Summon one and do [him to death]. 8 9 10 11 12 13 Anu opened his mouth to speak, addressing [ . . . 'Nusku, open your gte, [take] your weapons [ . . . I n the assembly of the great gods bow down [. . . Speak to them [ . . . " A n u [your father] has sent me, Also your counsellor, [the warrior Enlil],
adk

3 * K -

4 K-q[i... 5 s-bii-ma [a-nun-na-ki ma-har-ka] 6 s-bat be-let-i\W s-as-su-ru\ 7 isHn H-si-ma i-d[i-su tam-ta] 8 a-nu p-su tpusa** i-qab-bi izzakar ( U [ana . . . M) 9 nusku pi-U bb-ka: ^ kakJ -ka [li-qi . . . 10 i-napuhri sa item* * rabti : ki-m[is . . . n qi-ba-su-nu-ti [. . . 12 is-pu-ra-an-ni a-[num ab-hi-mt] 13 ma-Uk-ku-nu q[u-ra-du en-IS] 14 traces
u tne5 0 mei d

B M 78257 ( G ) , C o l u m n i i 1 -apa-a-su P-[pu-ia-am-ma] 2 is-s-qar a-na t S a[h-ki-su]

r 1

B M 78257 ( G ) , Column i i 1 Ea [opened] his mouth 2 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers], 3 'What are we [accusing] them of ? 4 Their work was heavy, [the distress was much]! 5 Every d a y . . . [ . . . 6 The lamentation was heavy [. . . 7 There is/was . [. . . 8 While [Blet-il, the birth-goddess, is prsent], 9 Let her create Lull-[mas] . 10 Let h i m bear the yoke [.

3 mi-nom kar-si-su-nu n^i[k-ka-aT\ 4 ka Mt du-ul-la-hi-u[n ma-a-ad sa-ap-sa-qum] 5 u^-mi-ia-am-ma ir-si- x [. . . 6 tu-uk-kum ka-b[i-it. /. 7 i-ba-as-H x [. 8 tca-ai-ba-at [be-U-et-i-U i-as-su-ru] 9 U-b-ni-ma lu-u[l-la-a 10 ab-ia-nam H-bi-i[l a-wi-lam]

B I B U O T H E Q U E BiLHjUfc

wm

ATRA-tf ASlS
56

[ab-S\a-n[am

l]i*U4[l... [*-*~ X [
1 7 - 1 8 lum

I 188-207j O i i u - i S j V obv.

i a [iu-up-U\-h* * [X X ] x x *. a]W*-*[<w*

*****
1 4

broken

away.

is

11 Let him bear the yoke [. . . 12 [Let man carry the] toil of the gods.
t r a c e

traces.

*
1

K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
g

t-bat *be-fa*t-i-U sa-as-[su-ru] sa-as-su-ru l.u .l[u-a U-ib-ni-ma] tu-up-8-ik-ku i-U W-[me-lu lii-H] U-ib-ni-ma lJu \\hi-a a-me-lu] fb-i-a?-nam U-bi-i[l. . . [aWtf-a-]am K-bt4[l. .. trace
x x

K 6634 ( V ) , Obverse a 3 4 5 6 While Biet-il, the birth-goddess, is prsent, Let the birth-goddess [create] LuU. [Let man carry] the toil of the gods, Let her create Lu/M- [man]. Let him bear the yoke [ . . . Let him bear the yoke [ . . .

188 189 wa-af- ba-af

r

. . .] X X b[e-le-et-i-U i-as-s]-ru

189 While [Blet-il, the birth-goddess], is prsent, 190 Let the birth-goddess create offspring (?), 191 And let man bear the toil of the gods.' 192 They summoned and asked the goddess, 193 The midwife of the gods, wise Mami, 194 'You are the birth-goddess, creatress of mankind, 195 Create LuU that he may bear the yoke, 196 Let him bear the yoke assigned by Enlil, 197 Let man carry the toil of the gods/ 198 Nintu opened her mouth 199 And addressed the great gods, 200 T t is not possible for me to make things, aoi Skill lies with Enki. aoa Since he can cleanse everything ;. ^ 203 Let him give me the clay so that I can make h /
:

190 [f]d-o^Mi-ni U-gimi-mai-a HiMb-ni-tna 191 s'u-up-H-ik itim a-wi-lum li-ii-H 192 il-ta-am is-s- i-ia-hi 193 tai-xii-irt ttf * e-rii-tam
m 1

ma-mi

194 at-ti-i-ma i-as-s-ru 195 U-ni^ma hi-ul-la-a 196 ab-ia-nam li-bi-il 197 su-up-H-ik itim

ba-ni-a-^af a-wi-lu-ti li-bi-il ab-ita-nam

6 d

H-pi-ir en-Ul a-wi-lum li-ii-H

198 mn-tu pi-a-ia te-pu-[S]a-am-ma 199 is-s-qar a-na iU ra-bu-ti

miA

200 it-H-ia-ma 2

a-na e-p-H

201 t M I ^n-fe-ma i-ba-ai-H H-ip-ru 202 fn-ti-ma ^-T-i-fa]/ ka-la-ma 203 fi-it-fa-am li-id-di-nam-ma 204 **n-ki pi-a-fu i-pu-ia-am-ma 205 is-s-qar a-na *& * ra-bu-H
me

a-na-ku lu-pu-u

204 Enki opened his mouth 205 And addressed the great gods, 206 'On the first, seventh, and fifteenth day of the m 207 I will make a purifying bath.

206 i-na a r - # w-6ti-f a-pa-at-H

207 te-ti-il-tam lu-fa-al-ki-in

ri-im-ka

ATRA-HASlS

2 0 8 im B*4e-m K-if bm km ma 2 0 9 h-t^-fc-h sim^ i-na i^P-hi 210 i-na n-ri-su da-mi-sn 211 ^nzn-tu b'-ha-al~li-il ti-if-fa Swk ta al B-bt pm-ku-ur i-na fs-it-ti

I aat-Sfi

208 Let one god be slaughtered 209 So that ail the gods may be ckansed in a dipping. 210 From his flesh aod blood 211 Let Nntu mix day, 2 1 2 That god and man 213 M a y be thoroughfy mixed i n the day, 214 So that we may hear tfae drum for the rest of time 2 1 5 L e t there be a spirit from the god*s flesh. 216 Let it prociaira living (man) as its sign, 217 So that tins be not for goten let there be s wpkaJ 218 I n the assembly answered Tes' 219 T h e great Anunnaki, who admmster desdniefc. 221 O n the farst, seventh, and fifteenth day of the month 222 H e made a purifying both. 223 W-Da, who had penooshty, 224 H i e r slaughtered i n their assembly. 225 F r o m fais flesh and blood 226 N i n t a mixed day.
r

214 mk-ri-a-ti-S u^-mi 215 H Jt-t-r -fi M 216 bmml m it-ta-m

217
*$-J* It

mp-pa 1 mi iT bm

e-t-rm mm H-sb-U K-se-s^su^ma e-te-em-mu fcib-si si-ma-fi

mu-vs-s-s

22.1 *r-J* se-bm-ii m sa-pa-at-ti 222 te-U-U-tam m-sa-as- kf-in rti

T

219

218 HM pm-mk-ri i-pm-Im a-an-na pa-qi-u

HM

ra-Av-im

4N S

223 %e - * i a IM r - - i P te^-e-tma
r

224 HM pat-wA-ri-im-mm d-fa-ah-hu fo^S H M g-f*-Jg I226 ^f^baNS-S

227
MiM ntt-SM

ti-ii-a

fl-f**^[t-f?

W /J *-MH*]-if /X K
JO T
4*-i-s[m-ma] e-te-em-mu [ib-n\

227 For tiie rest [of time they heard the drum], T 228 From the esh o f tfae god [there was] a spirit. 2 2 9 I t proclaied fiving ( n ) as te sign, 2 3 0 A n d so that ds was not forgottea [there was] a spirit. 231 After she had mixed that day 2 3 2 She summoned the Anunnaki, tbe great gods. 2 3 3 T h e Igigi, the great gods, 2 3 4 Spat upon the cby. 2 3 5 M a m i opened her mouth 2 3 6 A n d addressed the great gods,

1228 HM J*-MT ihB

229 ba-a-ta it-ta-ht
230

o-!a Je

K-uf-i-f

231

-tu-ma ib-bi-la

232 ifrsr

4 - HM MM H

p-f^Ba^M^-

S-JI

ra-ii- l!p
r

233 H-gi-ps. i-iu

ra-bu-twn fi-if-fi

am td-du- e-u

HBB^HM" p*-o-$&

te-pu-ia-om-ma 2 3 6 [is-s]a-qor a-na i-b ra-bu-iim -ia-ak-b-il

3TJ7 W*jhrm ta-aq-bi-a-t-im-ma 239 irlam ta-af-bu-ka qd-du fe -im-su

t

237 'You commanded me a task, I kave mpked k ; 239 Y o u have sfcrngktraed a god together with h persoaali 240 I have removed your heavy work, 241 I have imposed your to on man. 215 B : * * *
8

1740 Mtha&-tamt tu-ui-Latcu-nu u-sa-as ss-tk pgl h*-up-U-ik~ka-ku-r.u Ni a-wi-[l\am e-mi-id

a i l EiBhm&M mm IsfnHM **7 * ; W9r^m-mm0k- a r t O: aay O t f c rfwffi 228 Ozom,

6 o

ATRA-tfASS 1 242-260; s iii i-^7 242 You raised a cry for mankind, 243 I have loosed the yoke, I have established freedom.' 244 They heard this speech of hers, 245 They ran together and kissed her feet, (saying,) S[u-utn]-ki 246 'Forrnerly we used to call you Mami, 247 Now let your name be Mistress-of-AU-the-Goda (Blet-kla4H).' 249 They entered the house of destiny 250 D i d prince Ea and the wise Mami. 251 W i t h the birth-goddesses assembled 252 He trod the clay i n her prsence. 253 She kept reciting the incantation, 254 Ea, seated before her, was prompting her. 255 After she had finished her incantation 256 She nipped off fourteen pices of clay. 257 Seven she put on the right, 258 Seven on the left. 259 Between them she placed the brick 260 . . . ] . . the umbilical c o r d . . .

f 242 ta-ai-ia-i-fari-ig-ma a-na ^a-wi-luMi 243 ap-f-ur ul-la an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n 244 ii-mu-ma an-ni-a-am qd-ba-a 245 id-da-ar-ru-tna -na-ai-i-q i-pi-fa 246 pa-na-mi ma-mi ni-ia-si-ki 247 i-na-an-na be-k~[et] ka-la i-li
d 248

lu-

249 i-te-er-bu a-na bit i-im-ti 250 fWW[f-A] -a e-ril-tu ma-ma

d d

251 i[-a]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-b-bu-ra-ma 252 [fwQ'"' i-kab-ba-sa-am ma-ab-ri-ia

a

253 [J]- f H-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-di 254 iP-am-na-H -a a-H-ib ma-ab-ri-ia

r 1 x d

255 ii-tu-ma ig-mu-ru H-pa-as-s[a^\ 256 [A]tr-<f 14 a*-to-ar-n-t[f] 257 *7*1 ki-ir~si a-na i-mi-it-t[i] 258 ki-ir-si a-na u-me-li i-k\un\ 259 ]i'-n-iftt -ww it-ta-di li-bit-t[t\ [W 260 . . .] X X a-bu-un-na~ti u[] X ( x )
r 1

There is a gap i n the main recension and the related late copies, but the Assyrian Recension fills this gap and overlaps a little at beginning and end. K 3 3 9 9 + 3934 (S), Obverse i i i K 3399+3934 (S), Obverse iii 1 [^nin-H-k ]-a is-s-qar 2 ...]x -lnh' -na-H 3 . . . tatn]~nu U-ip-ta ii-tu-ma tam-nu- U-pa-sa 4 [qd-sa ta-at]-ta-di eli tl-i\-\i-i 5 [14 M4r]-fi tk-rUq 7 kUir-fi ana imittifag) tai-ku-un 6 [7 M]-ir-fi ana iumlli(gixb) tai-ku-un i-na be-ru-iu-nu i-ta-di libitta
d am

1 [Prince] Ea spoke 2 . . ] he was prompting her 3 she] recited the incantation After she had recited her incantation 4 [She] put [her hand out] to her clay. 5 She nipped off [fourteen] pices of clay, Seven she put on the right, 6 [Seven] she put on the left, Between them she placed the brick. 7 [. . ] . . hair ( ?), she . . . the cutter of the umbilical cord.

7 [. p -d]a-a ap-pa-ri ba-ti\-iq a-bu-un-na-te l l ^

p P

tep-te-H

^ * # ; Q-d]H-um f-mi-su 244 P: qa-ba-ia 246 P: *47> 248 P: Ijetp lu fum-hi 250 P: [ nin]-Ji-k 7 T a b l e t : ba^i-iq

ATRA-HASS

8 [pah-r]a-ma er-Se-te mu-e-ti 9 [7] ^ 7 f-sit+m-ti 7 -ba-na-a zikar^niti"**) 10 [7] m-ba-na-a sinni$ti 11 [s]-su-ru bc-na-at si-im-tu 12 n-na-ionr**-** -ka-la-a-H-na 13 B-na-snt^' -ka-la-la mah-ru-s 14 m~n*-ra-te sa nis ^^-tna -sa-ar ma-mi
r me 90 d

8 The wise and leamed 9 Twice seven birth-goddesses had assembled, Seven produce d maies,
10 [Seven] produced females.

I 212 2 S iii S-21 7- 9 ;

6g

15 i-na bH a-li-e ha-ris-ti 7 n** li-na-di tibittu 16 f tuk-ia-bii blet-i^dmgii.mh) e-ris-ta 17 ab-su-tu-um-ma ina Mt ha~rU-H li-h-du 18 ak-k a-li-it-tu -la-dii-ma 19 ummdsr-ri bt-har-ririd ra-ma-an-[hi] 20 \x\^ka-n ^a-na [ordat] 21 [ x ] x d fi x [ . . .
1

11 12 13 14

The birth-goddess, crtress of destiny They completed them in pairs, They completed them in pairs in her prsence, Since Mami conceived the rgulations for the human race.

ma-mi

15 I n the house of the pregnant woman in confinement Let the brick be i n place for seven days, 16 That Blet-il, the wise Mami, may be honoured. 17 Let the midwife rejoice in the house of the woman in confinement, 18 And when the pregnant woman gives birth 19 Let the mother of the babe sever herself. 20 The man to [the young lady] 21 [ . ] . . . . [ . . .

271 . X x [x 272 . . .] i-ir-ti-sa

x] 272 273 274 275 276

. . . ] her breasts . . . ] . beard . . . ] . the cheek of the young man . . . ] open air shrine and street . . . ] . . wife and her husband.

273 ...J-3f ? zi-iq-nu 274 . . j X B- et-b'

*75 276 277

b}-ra-ti su-li-i

]-4I-I as-sa-tum i

mu-us-s
m

a-s-sj-ra-tn pu-uh-hu-ra-ma 278 [M-al-Aa]-tf/ nsn-tu \i-ma\-an-nu is-s- es-ra arha 281 es-ru arku il-li-ka-am-ma 282 [ $ ] * - & M f p pa-le-e si-U-tam ip-te
280

[ IJ - W H-ma-ti J- MJ ]

ar-H

277 The birth-goddesses were aasembled 278 A n d Nintu [sat] counting the months. 280 [ A t the] destined [moment] the tenth month was summoned. v i 281 The tenth month arrived 282 A n d the elapse of rhe period opened the womb. 283 W i t h a beaming, joyful face 284 A n d covered head she performed the midwifery. 286 She girded her loins as she pronounced rhe blessing, 288 She drew a pattern i n meal and placed the brick, 289 ' I have created, my hands have made it* 290 Let the midwife rejoice i n the prosotute's house. 291 Where the pregnant woman gives birth 292 A n d the mother of the babe severs herself,
1

283 [Jtf-am-rtt-nw ha-du- pa-nu-la 284 ii-p&m ka-aq-q-as-s fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-us

2 $ s

P286 \g}a-ab-li-ia i-te-zi-ih * irha-ar-rarob 288 a-fMr 9?-j!uz K-bi-it-ta id-di

2 7

289 a-na-ku-mi a6~m

i-pUrta q-ta-ia

290 ia-[ab]-s-tum I-M fa'- q-di-is-ti li-ih-du 291 a-ti OrU-it-tum -ul-la-du-ma 992 um-m se-er-ri -k\a-ar\-ru~u nhma-an-ia 14 cf. R | 2S5 B: *tf(error far iyeb^e^'ta\-am 289 P : qd-to-e-'* & E ; U~$~twn . S 1 P: }-ta<Ju~-m[a] 293 B: ~ba[r}-ru~ P : ra-ma-an-I 9

64 AEP 294 9 f]i-9-H42-di li-hi-it-tum 295 1 tm-*k-t[m) i it mm-tu sa-a$-$-ru

4

A R - A T H SS
1

**f-3jS

296 mthm[i x ] X -of-** i-ta-ab-bi 397 i-t[++d sje-ass-ra i-ta-ad ke-$a

298

294 Let the brick be in place for nine days, 295 That Nintu, the birth-goddess, may be honoured.' 2 9 6 Without ceasing proclaim Mami their [.] . 297 Without ceasing praise the birth-goddess, praise Kesh ! 2 9 9 When [ . . . . ] . the bed is laid 300 Let the wife and her husband lie together. 301 When, to institute marriage, 3 0 2 They heed lltar in the house of [the father-in-law], 3 0 3 L e t there be rejoicing for nine days, 304 L e t them call IStar Ishara. 305 . . [ . . . . ] . . at the destined moment

299 H [. i i %] X HM A e e-er-$i M [301 i-r-w! <M-a> f i [ - t ] 302 H Infr [HMI m - i e J - V M 303 9 * -w 304 tfcar
4

1}

mu-tu-ti i-ia-i-duif-tar

[li-ti-sja-kwi ki-du-tum fait iJ-fuj-ra . ] x - / i H i d - i w h'-im-t . . . ~]a-ab-bi-x . . ] X ir x X [. . .

305 H M [ 306
37

308 trace
3 9 x i . . .

3 322 333
3*4

ff& ., * x IM

s x
3*7
r

' H * 328 W*-M 3 2 9 sru-uk-ki mu-sa-[ab . . . ;

33 33

w-mO-JM
X giS x

a-in-[iu....

A man [ . . . 329 Cleanse the dwelling ( ? ) [ . . . 330 The son to [his] father [.
328

333
334
1

a-Js x
Mi-imr [.

l*k

335 ^oMB X x X]-r | | m ^ ^ l a q d - t i x X [{X)]X 337 ~ ma-nr-ri &-** et-[re]-*i g p B -fc* ibmm m ra-bu-t[im]
296B:infidM
298 P : *#HP-*I^A: Jt T * b k t ( A ) :

33* > 332 They sat and . [. . ' 333 H e was carrying . [. v i i 334 He saw and [. 335 E n l f l . ( . . ] - . [ . . . 336 Were becoming stiff |L.[.] . 337 W i t h picks and spades they buih the shrines,
r

338 They built the big canal bardes.

301-a P :

9 B : -t}ak iHe-U-et-i-U

(-*)--t, -d\* itiwprmib) ^

bttwem *95

3*3 P*

IM*

JMs : mm?*****

*- [ ] ID5 *TA- W- I IWC - PZ

209 E P : g * - * *

2* oo A

ATRA-tfASlS

339 bu-bu-ti-U ni-H ti-i-ti-ii 340 . . .] X H [

[i-li] ]

3 93 9V rev. 3-6;

339

F o r f o o d for the people*, for the sustenance of [the gods]

6 7

341 a-[. . . 342 . . .] X X [ 343 .. 344 . . .] 345 346 347 348 349 350 350a 351

] pa X .]iu-X-[t]im iu-[(x)]-nu

. . .] H X X j . . ] x X Si d]ijk]i-il . . . ] Ii X X [X ( X ) ] X-am-na . . . ] X ka-an [x ( x ) ] X-Sa . . ,]-na-an-na . . . ] x la x ... s]e-er-ra

352 [-ul il-li-ik-ma 600].600 mu.hi.a 353 [ftia-tum ir-ta-pi-if\ ni-$u im-ti-da 354 m[a-tum M-ma li]- i i-Sa^-ab-bu 355 t-na [hu-bu-ri-M-na] i-lu tP~ta^a'-da~*-ar
r r

352 Twelve hundred years [had not yet passed] 353 [When the land extended] and the peoples multiplied. 354 The [land] was bellowing [like a bull], 355 The god got disturbed with [their uproar]. 356 [Enlil heard] their noise 357 [And addressed] the great gods, 358 'The noise of mankind [has become too intense for me], 359 [With their uproar] I am deprived of sleep. 360 361 . . . ] let there be plague -..]

356 [ en-Ul ti-te-me] ri^gi-im^-H-in 357 [is-s-qar a]-na i-li ra~*-bu-tim

d r

358 [ik-ta-ab-ta] fri-gi-m* a-wi-lu-ti 359 [i-na hu-bu-ri-H]-na -za-^am^-ma ii-it-ta 360 361
362
X [.

. . . Su-r]u-up-pu- U-ib-^iP . . . ] X X H-n[a]

.] X X X [. . . ]

XXX

. J | . 363 H-X [. ...

l

362 [ ]...[..-] 363 . . [ . . . ' 364 Now [Atra-hass] 365 Was informing his god Enki. 366 He spoke [with his god] 367 And his god [spoke] with him.

364 Su-[ at-ra-am-ffa-si-is] 365 U-hi en-ki -ba-[as-sa-ar]

d

366 i-ta-mu i[t-ti i-li-Su] 367 hi- il-iu it-t[i-$u i-ta-mu] 368 at-ra-am-fu2-si-is pi-a^-[iu 1369 is-s-qar a-na be-[li-u]
l [
1

i-pu-ia-am-ma]

368 Atra-hasis [opened] his mouth 369 And addressed [his] lord,
a t n i 1-8 A diflering recension from this point onwarda ia offered 352-9: restored from 11.1. 1-8. * * f ^hup^u [; n-fjwsby S , see pp. 106-14. 3 *'
m e n y r c V > : W 1 1 v

Note: the remains at the right of the column between lines 340 and 350 show one more line than the ten-marks at the left of the column permit, so that one of thse 'lines' must be an overrun. Since the overrun cannot be identified, the numbering is conscutive' and 350a accounts for the extra 'line'

[; ] &*X --

H-na ki-m[a\ ]u-rH*up-pu-u [

68

ATRA-rJASS I 370-406

1370 a-di-nta-nu w - l . . 371 mu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti a-[na da-ri] 372 en-ki pi-a-hi i-pu-Sa-a[m-ma] 373 is-s-qar a-na ar-di-[$u]
d

370 '9o long as . [. . . 371 Will they impose disease on us [for ever] ?' 372 Enki opened his mouth 373 And addressed his slave, 374 'The e l d e r s . . . . 375 . . . . counsel in the house,

374 i\i]'bu-ti 375 W?-[r]ai

st-[m]a-m- P ni-a qi-ri-Hb bi-ti mil-k[a]

r 1 r 1

376 [qi-b]a-ma-mi li-i[s-s]u- na-gi-ru 377 ri-[ig]-ma li-[$e]-eb-bu- i-na ma-tim 378 e t[a]-ap-la-ha 379 e tu-[sa]-al-li-a
r 1 r r

f-li-ku-un [i]S-ta-ar-ku-un
1

376 "[Command] that heralds proclaim, 377 And make a loud noise in the land, 378 'Do not rvrence your gods, 379 Do not pray to your goddesses, 380 But seek the door of Namtara 381 And bring a baked (loaf) in front of i t

380 nam-ta -r[a] si-a ba-ab-Su 381 bi- la e-pi-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-Su 382 U-il-li-tk-hi ma-as-ha-tum ni-q[-] 383 li-ba-al-ma i-na ka-af-[re-e]
r Y

3 8 4

li-sa- aq-qi-il qd-as^-s

v

385 at-ra-am-ha-si-is il- qi-a? te-er-tam 386 si-bu-ti -pa-ah-hi-ir a^na ba-bi-hi
1

382 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 383 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and will lift his hand/ " 385 Atra-hass received the command 386 And gathered the elders to his gte. 387 Atra-hass opened his mouth 388 And addressed the elders, 389 'Elders . . . . 390 [ . . . . ] counsel [in] the house, 391 [Command] that heralds proclaim, 392 And make a loud [noise] i n the land, 393 " [ D o not rvrence] your gods, 394 [Do not] pray to your [goddesses], 395 [But seek] the door of [Namtara], 396 [And bring a baked (loaf)] in front of it.

387 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-su [i]-p[u-$a-am-ma] 388 [wj-jd-^ar fl-a -&tt-[r]

I 1

389 H-bu-tt' si-[m]a-ni- P 390 [ii ? a-ni-a qi-ri-ib bi]-ti

r 1 v

mil-ka

39 [qi"ba-ma li-is]- su?- na-gi-ru 392 [ri-ig-ma li-e-e]b-bu- i-na ma-tim 393 [* ta-ap-la-hd] *i-Urk)-un 394 [g tu-sa-al-T\i-a i[-tar-k]u-un 395 [nam-ta-ra si-a] ba- aP-su 396 [it-Za e-pi-ta a-na q]-ud-mi-a
r

397 [li'i]l'li-ik-hi ma-as-ha-tum n{i-q-] 398 [li]-ba-aS-ma i-na ka-at-re-e [li-S]a-aq-qi-il

399

q- as-su)
x

397 The offering of sesame-meal may be pleasing to him, 398 Then he will be put to shame by the gift and wiB lift his hand/' 400 The elders hearkened to [his] words, 401 They built a temple for Namtara in the city. 403 They commanded and [heralds] proclaimed, 404 They made a loud noise [in the land], 405 They did [not] rvrence their gods, ^ 406 They did [not] pray to [their goddesses],

400 [ & - % - t a m ii-mu-

si-q[i-ir-hi] 402 {jb. ^

nu

401 [n]am-ta-ra t-na a-[#

bi-[is-s]

403 [iq]-bu-ma is-su- [na-gi-ru] 404 [ri-t]g-ma -te-eb-b[u- i-na ma-tim] 4^5 [406 [-ui]ip-la-hui-[li-iu-un] \-ul]-se-el-lu-[ii-tar-hi-un]

ATRA-rJASS 70

I 407-416

A 407 [nam-ta]-ra H^-si-^ [ba-ab-Su] 408 [ub-h] V-pi-tam a-na q-ud-m[i-su]

1

47 Y ought [the door] of Namtara 408 And [brought] a baked (loaf) in front of [it].
B u t t h e

409 [i-il-li-\k-su ma-as-ha-tum ni-[q-] 410 [i-ba-a$-m]a i-na ka-at-r[e-e -sa-aq-q]i-U q-as-su
4 1 1

409 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him 410 [He was put to shame] by the gift and lifted his hand. 412 [Plague] left them 413 . . . ] . they returned. 414 ...]... 415. . . . [ . . . ] . [ . . . ] 416 Twelve hundred years had not yet
passed

412 [ht-ru-up-pu- i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-ti 413 . . ,]-na it^tu-ru

1

414 . . .] X r u X 415 X am k u X [.. .] X [. . .] 416 []-ul il-(U)-ik-[ma]

411

600.600 m[u.hi.a]
413-15 Q : ] * J - . l M D 416 Q : ] x f-na-a-tim
y

Qi yqilqa-as-su n-gtm-h-na; J tt-tu-ru;

4 Q : -z]i-ib-Si-na-a-ti ] u ne-e-ii; ] x - m ir-rt.

731 T A B L E T I I
T A B L E T I I

C o l u m n i : B i-ao D 2 - 2 3 , Q 1-13 1 -wl 0JV^k-m$*]

r

6oo.6oo u~hLa
1

Column i 1 T w c h e htmdred years had not y et passed 2 When the land extended and the propfcs niuMpaed.
r

4 r*-r* *4-#t-&-M

-<**-

3 The Und was b e u o m g like a bull, 4 The god got chsturbed with their uproar. 5 E r i i l beard their noise 6 A n d addressed the great gods, 7 T b e noise of mankind has become too intense for sac

4 ns^nw < M t-Jf M-fcMMI M 7 AV t n i *t g* An *

M t

8 Wrth their uproar I M deprried of sleep. S 9 C u t ofi suppbes fer the prnpics 1 0 L e t there be a s u a u t j of phnf hfe M sansry their huncr l I ^ M # H U ^ i 14 f - J 4 M l i - f
g u

MKAI M mm**f-i M

11 Adad should wrthhold his rain. i a A n d below, the flood should aot corne up from the abyss. 14 L e t tbe wind biow and parch the g r e i d . 16 L e t tke douds thckec bn* not release a downpOM, 18 L e t tbe fields dirnnsh ther yiekis,

Jb f

ft mB-**r-ri

1 *Bt*iP>ir m mmAUi

mm ^mmm

19 L e t X k a b a stop up her breast. ao T h e r e m e t be no roicing among Aem, 21 [. . .] must be ni|l|ni HT rt 22 May there net t .

m S11 i l f [ ]

tr

-ir -

Sr

T i r i r a * s n fines o f C o h a n s B are a b o HMiiif, firxm tike O B tabkts, M d fc. | %rfCoi^ m Mttfe wfecwfae O B crkaoe n s i i H ^
mi Q . jj. j i f k
2 1 1

Ji'J*******

, T w i i : r i

1S-19 c S r-

f r r t ^ w ^

SQ i w *

te

i mm

74

A R - A T AH SS
Column i i : B 8-9, 13*$$
D 8

-3 ^ Q
6

f**M Column i i % 1 , 5
5

* * ^
3 3

ff Y g' 9'

Io'
II' 12'

mm . . . ] x rMM" .. .] ~^ ~k* . . .] be-U-su . , . - j ana ha-la-qi . . . ] X 8p-r&-na - . .] X -ri-im-ma X * . . \i-ia-si - ] X -^-ata - -ifa p}u-uh-ru 1 a-*-*
r mxk a a

3 -] to go - . ] his lord .] to disappear '..** -] . their work g - . . ] I shouted -..].. ''] assembly

1 1

13 ' p t l -Wia\m-e 14' [*?-? i l ?"*?-*? *-n& &*-**] !$* Jf*-A*-*** IHV-W-S] na-gi-ru 8 ri-[ig-ma b-it-eb-bu-u] m ma-ti 9 e ta-ap4[a~hd\ .f-ii~ku-zm 10 e J*-a^-4-&-[<z is-ta)r-ku-un
r r

13' [ - . ] . . [elders] *4' [ ] counsel [in the house]. 15' '[Command that] heralds [proclaim], 8 [And make a loud] noise in the land, 9 " D o not rvrence your goda, 10 Do not pray to your [goddesses], 11 But seek [the door of] Adad 12 A n d bring a baked (loaf) pn front of it]. H-ia-aq-qi-[iI] li-a-az-fd-m qd-as-su na-al-la 13 [The offering of sesame-meal] may be pleasing to him, 14 Then he will be put to shame [by the] gift and will hft Us hand. 16 H e may rain down a mist i n the morning 17 A n d may furrively rain down a dew in the night, 19 So that the fields wii furtxveiy bear grain.*** 20 They built a temple for Adad i n tbe dry. 21 They commanded, and the heralds proclaimed 22 And made a loud noise in the land. 23 They did not rvrence their gods, 24 They did [not] pray to their goddesses, 25 But they [sought] the door [of Adad], 26 [And brought] a baked (loaf) in front of it.

11 12

if-tf ba-ab]-i e-pi-ta [a-na q-ud-mi-s\

13 b-il-b-ik-iu \ma-m-ha-tum m-q-u] 14 B-ha-a-ma [i-na ka-djjt-re-

1 1 5

.%$ ima se-re-ti ib-ba-ra U-sa-az-m-in 17 b-S-ia-ar-ri-iq i-na mu-H-im-ma 19 fia fc-m a-ar-ra-qi-tu 20 i s adad i-na a-ti

1 8

iu-a fi-d-Ji

ib-nu- U--su

21 iq-bu-ma -su- na-gi-ru 22 ri-ig-ma u-h-t-u- i-na ma-tim 23 ~t ip~la~fei -k-w\-un 24 [*d\ ^-se-eT-h-U-tar-iul-m H [ adad i4%-u ba-ab-su
4 r 1

26 [MB] e -pi-ta a-na q-ud-mi-hi

ATRA-tfASS

I I U 27-iii 22

27 [i-iI-U-i]k-$u ma-as-ha-tum ni-q- 28 [i-a]-aS- ma i-na ka-at-re-e [-$]a-aq-qi-il qd-as-su

r ] 2 9

27 The offering of sesame-meal was pleasing to him, 28 He was put to shame by the gift and lifted hit hand. 30 I n the morning he rained down a mist, 31 And furtively rained down a dew in the night. 33 [The fields] furtively bore grain, 34 . . . the famine ( ?)] left them. 35 . . . ] their [. .] they returned.

30 [i-n]a fsei-re-tiib-ba-ra -ia-az-ni-in 31 fiS-ta-ar-ri-iq i-na tnu-H-im-ma

1

3 2

[-/]a-a [ar-in-*]* na-al-Sa

33 [eqlu ki-ma 34 35 36

fa-ar-r]a-qt-tu iu-ati-h ... i-t]e-zi-ib-si-na-ti . . it-tu-ru . . . ] X ri X X X Remainder o f column lost Column iii ( D )

* Column iii

. . .] X i ki/di

. . . ] i-li-Su

2 . . .] of his god 3 [ . . ] . . he set his foot. 4 Every day he wept, 5 Bringing oblations i n the morning. 7 He swore by [.] . . of the god, 8 Giving [attention] to dreams. 9 He swore by [. . .] of Enki, 10 Giving [attention] to dreams. 11 ia 13 14 15 . [ 16 I n [ . . .] the temple of his god . . . ] seated, he wept. ...].. . . . ] seated, he wept. ] . was still ] . . . finished

3 [t-na] X -U ie-ep-hi i-ku-un 4 [u*\~mi-sa-am-ma ib-ta-na-ak-ki 5 [m]u-ul-$a-ak-ki i-za-ab-bi-il [i-n]a e-re-ti

6

7 [ x ] x-a i-li ta-mi-ma 8 [inr-fia] i-Sa-ak-ka-na i-na 9 [ X X - n ] en-ki ta-mi-ma 10 [uz-na i-f\a-ak-ka-na i-na
d

hi-na-a-ti hi-na-a-ti

12
1

IJ&L * ] i W - a 6

ib-ta-ak-ki
r

. . . ] X X *-<"i

*4
l

. . . ui-i]a-ab

ib-W-ak-^kP la-hu-ut-ra-at

5 *-[ p | - | f . . . ] X 17 A-if*/?- . 18 -id-^for a-na 19 # - # f [ t ? 20 g ^ j ? - , . . , _

. . ] x -am-rw ] na-ri . li-b)i-il na-ru

17 . . [ ] . seen 18 Addressed [. . . .] of the river, 19 'Let the river take (?) [ . . . ] and bear away, 20 Let i t . [ ] ] ]

21 a-iw * ^ a * - [ . . . . . . . . . . . ] x - f a
17-33 -

21 T o . . [ ] my [ 22 May he see [

33, x rev. i . 15 Y *3

c f

ATRA-tfASS

as [ i f e * - / -3 24 a-na-ku mu-tfi... a s -tu-ma i[S-... a6 />*-**** na-ri [...

a7 t - * * AiMfr-n X [ . . .

11 i 3-iv 16 23 May he [. . . 24 I n the night I [. . 25 After he [. . . 26 Facing the river [. . . 27 On the bank [. . . 28 T o the Aps he [. . . 29 Enki heard [his
words]

a 8 a-na ap-si-i -[ .. 29 ii-me-r-ma *m~k[i a-toa-as-su] 3 0 a - M la-ah-mi -[. . . 31 a-wi-lum a X [. . .

3 a - f w * - i t - w &-/-[. . .

30 And [instructed] the water-monsters [as follows], 31 'The man who . [. . . 32 Let this being . [ . . . 33 Go, the order [ . . . 34 Ask . [. . .

33 al-ka-ma
34

te-er-t[a...

x [. . . Remainder of column missing * * Column iv ( D )

* Column i v

1 e-le-nu-um mi-[. . . 2 ia-ap-ti-iJ -ul i[l-U-ka]

3

mi-lu i-na

na-aq-b[i]

1 Above . [ . . . 2 Below, the flood did not [rise] from the abyss. 4 The womb of earth did not bear, 5 Vgtation did not sprout [ . . ] 6 People were not seen [. . ] 7 The black fields became white, 8 The broad plain was choked with sait 9 For one year they ate couch-grass (?); 10 For the second year they suffered the itch. 11 The third year came 12 [And] their features [were altered] by hunger. 13 [Their faces] were encrusted, like malt, 14 [And they were living] on the verge of death. 15 [Their] faces appeared green, 16 They walked hunched [in the street].

4 -ul ul-da er-fe-tum re-e[m-ia] 5 ia-am-mu -ul -p-a [. .] 6 ni-fu -ul am-ra-[(a)-ma] 7 $a-al-mu-tum ip-u- -g[a-ru] 8 se-ru pa-ar-ku ma-li id-r[a-na] 9 i-ti-ta ia-at-tam 10 a-ni-ta ia-at-tam i-ku-la la-a[r }-da ?] -na-ak-ki-ma ! n a - a A - & 2 - a m - * [ a ]

i t ia-h-ul-tum la-at-tum il-li-k[a-am-ma] 12 i-na bu-bu-tim xi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-rt^\ 13 A M bu-uq-li ka^-at-[mu pa-nu-H-in] M 14 i-na U-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[-U ba-al-fa]
{

i f ar-q-tum am-rw /w-w [ - M ] MJ W t 6 q&-ai-&4i

T
3

i-il-la-ka P-[na
r

su-q{] 10 Tablet ( D ) ; -na-ak-ki~ X [

4-* cf. 8 I * . 5 8 b - 5 9 *

*1*VL L^7- cf. S iv. 57b-58a

* v. 6b~7

10-12 cf. S

t* 7^-8

ATRA-rJASS U i iv 17-v a i

17 ra-ap-iu-tum bu-da-H-na [is-si-qd] 18 ar^ku^tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni] 19 H-ip-ru Hl-q- [ ( x ) ] X X [. . . 20 qi-ud-mi-ii ta X [ x ] i X [. . . 21 iz-za-az-zu-ma pa/ [ x ] an [. . .
1

17 Their broad shoulders [became narrowl 18 Their long legs [became short]. 19 20 21 22 23 The command which they received r 1 r Before . . [ . ] . . [ . . . " ' They were prsent and . . . [ . . . The decree [. . . Before [. . .
J L

22 23 24 25

te-re-et X X [. . . [fl]ii-</-if-f [/. . . X at? X [. . . [x] x x [... Remainder of column missing * * * * * Column v (D) About the first 25 Unes of the column missing

Column v

1 x za? X [. . . 2 iq-bu- X [ . . . 3 ed-lu-tum if-fo?-[. . . 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 13 -X [ x ] X X X [. . . i-na 5 [ x ] X X X [. . . x x [x] X x [... ed-lu-[t]i[m] i-za- x [ . . . sa-a[b-4*] x [. . . ed-l[u- . .. i-ba-a-ar x [ . , . x-la-te -[. , v " ar-ma-na i-te- x [ . . . li-ib-ba-ti ma-l[i ia H-gi-g\

2 They commanded . [. . . 3 Barred . . [ . . .

4

..[.]...[...

5 I n the fifth/five [ . ] . . . [ . . . 6 ..[.]..[... 7 Barred...[... 8 ..[..][.. 9 Barred [. . . 10 Was firm/Rebelled . [. . . " l i l 12 A pomegranate ( ? ) . . . [ . . . 13 He was filled with anger [at the Igigi]. 14 ' [ A i l we] great Anunnaki 15 Decided together [on a rule]. 16 A n u and [Adad] guarded [the upper rgions], ia-ap-li-tam] 17 I guarded the [lower] earth. 18 Where Enki [went] 19 He loosed the yoke [and established freedom]. 20 He let loose [abundance for the peoples], 21 He established . [ . . in/from the . , & o f the sun]. ia-am-H] 886 113 O

14 ra-bu-tum-mi a-n[un-na 15 ub-la pi-i-ni ii-ti-[ni-ii

d

ka-lu-ni] ur-tam]

16 if-f-ur a-nu [adad e-le-e-nu] 17 a-na-ku as-s-ur er-[e-tam

r 1

18 -fo-ar # - & [iMi-Au-ma]

d

19 ip-fii-ur ul-l[a

an-du-ra-ra

ii-ku-un]

20 -[m]a-ai-[e-er a-na ni-H mi-ie-er-tam] 21 ii- [k]u-un x [ x -taro iv *-na ai-qu-la-lu

19-22

cf. S vi.

16-18

ATRA-tfASS
r

22 *en-tilpi-a- iu p*{pu-ia-am-ma] 23 a-na Htkkalli *nusku [is-s-qar] 24 J c ? n a X [ma-r]i U-ib-[M-ku-nim] as U-[ie-ri4i]u-ni a-na ma-ah-r[i-ia] 26 se? na X $na-ri ib-bi-ku-n[i-iS-iu] 27 is-s-qar-hs-nu-H q-ra-du [en-U]
d

I I v aa-vi 18

22 Enhl [opened] his mouth 23 [And addressed] the vizier Nusku, 24 Let them bring [to m e ] . . . [ . ] .
4

25 L e t them [send] them into [my] prsence.' 26 T h e y brought [to him] 27 And the warrior [Enlil] addressed them, 28 '[AH we] great Anunnaki 29 Decided together on a rule.

28 ra-bu-tum-mi *a-nun-na 2 9 ub-lapi-i-m

1

k[a-lu-m] ur-[ta-am]

i-ti-ni-ii
d

3 0 i$-s-ur a-nu adad 31 a-na^ku af-$-ur

e-le-[e-nu] er-se-tam

W-afy-H-tam] ta-ai-ku-un] !a-am-H]

30 Anu and Adad guarded the upper [rgions], 31 I guarded the lower earth. 32 Where you [went] 1' [You loosed the yoke and established freedom]. 2' [You let loose abundance for the peoples], 3' [You established . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun].'

32 a-ia-ar a[t]-ta ta-a[l-ti-ku-ma] 1' [ta-ap-f-ur ul-la an-du-ra-ra 2' [tu-ma-ai-ie-er a-na ni-H 3' [ta-ai-ku-un X X -tam

mi-ie-er-tam] i-na a-q-la-lu

Column vi (D) About the 1 2 3 4 5 6

7
first

Column vi

25 Unes of the column missing 1

2

8 9 10
1 1

. . . ] ti-a-am-tim . . . ] x Si a-na un-[x] . . . ] X hi-nu-ti . . .] X ir x X X . . . ] ur-ri x X X W-nu-H . . . j X mu X X X ur-tu . . ] X pa W X X X r [ i ] . . . ] u5 x x x am-ma * . .] X i X [ X X ( X ) ] r a [-Sa-az-rri-i]n adad zu^-un-ni-hi
d [

. . . ] sea
. . . ] . . to . [.)

3 4
5

P * *1 ]
. . ]

t n e m

. . . ] . . Jr. . them

6 g 9 g

...J.....
. ] . - } -M

"de

M - -

f|t.] im-hP- -ga-ra 12 [? er-p]l-tum -ka-la-la X X X 13 [la tu-k^-ka-la-nim 14 [ la t]e-ep-pi-ra-nim 15 [i-k]-ma i-ta-hi-ui 16 [i-n] pu-ty-ri
a 1

10 Adad [sent down] his rain n . . . ] filled the fields 12 [And] t h e c l o u d s ( ? ) covered. ^

te-m-ie-hi nu-hu-ui ni-H

13 [Do not] feed his peoples, 14 [And do not] supply corn rations, on which the

nisaba

a-a-ba-am &ifatum si-ih-tum i-tm-ul-ht i-ku-ul-hi a-ia-ba-am

15 [The god] got fed up with sitting, 16 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him. 17 [Enki] got fed up with sitting, 18 [In] the assembly of the gods laughter overcame him.

ia i>H ia i-li

17 [<**-&] i-ta-hi-ui 18 \i-na pu-tfft-ri

ATRA-y

SlS n vi 19-vii 47

21

r * -I

fa

X x ud

9 20
x

1 slander in his hand . . .] . ] of the gods . . . . . . ] . Enki and Enlil,

rule].

M [ra-bu-tmm *a-nun-n]a \h-b^m\ 24 [*-&] ^pi-i-m a-tP-[m-a 5 fHt&' * ^ ^ 26 [a-n}a- lm s-m ur

2 ur a nu a r L

ai aa

ur-ta-am] Iv-tam

e-le-e-nu er-fe-tam a-ap an-du-ra-ra

23 ' [ A i l we great Anunnaki] 24 [Decided] together [on a

J

25 A n u and Adad guarded the upper rgions, 26 I guarded the lower earth. 27 Where you went 28 [You] loosed the yoke and established freedom. 29 [You] let loose abundance for the peoples 3 0 [You established] . . . in/from the . . . . of the sun.' 3* 32 !>.] . . . ] the warrior Enlil

2$ [ta~a)p-t-uT ul-la

ta-ai-ku-un

20 \tu-m\a-a-le~er a-na m-H mi-ie-er-tam to [ta-al-ku-un] X X -Usm HM a-qu-la-tu * la-am '--H

Mw- #

12

q]-ra-[du]

f:i

eti~' hl

*
D :

*
3^53

C o h i m n vii : B : 37-54,

T h e first 29 lines of the column are missing 30 31 $? 33 34 35 36 17 |u.] x x I * . * [&-up-H~i\k-ka-ku-fm [a-m-lam e-mi-id) [la-ai-fyh'i-fa ri-ig-m[a a-na a-vn-lu-ti) (/o! t]a-at-bu-ha qd-d[u fe -mi-fu} { r ^ ^ ^ a i - t e - ^ ta-ar-x [ X ] X JW-*w 1 ( M } * * * k - i b - b a - k u - n u u [ r - t a * * ' U-tu-ur a-na ufc\*. .

C o l u m n vii

31 [She( ?) imposcd] your toil [on man], 32 [You] raised a cry [for mankind], 33 You slaughtered [a god] together with [his personality],
34 [You] sat and * [ . . .

35 36 37 38

[.] bring [. Y o u determined on a [rule . . . Let i t t u r n to . [. . V Let us birtd prince E n k i . . [ . . ] by an oath.'

40 *m-*pt-*hiip+ i k-i^F ana i~[h 0

[ia-am-ma] afy^iu) . .]

40 E n k i opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the gods [his brothers], 42 *Why w i l l you bind me with an oath [ . . . ] ? 43 A m I to lay my hands on [my own peoples] ? 44 T h e flood that you are commanding [me], 45 Who is it? I [do not know]. 46 A m I to give b i r t h to [a flood] ? 47 T h a t is the task of [Enlil].

0^:mHm tu-ta-am-mu-n[i,

43 -*b-ba-al q-ti M w [ i H ma] 44 a-huim la ta-q-ab-b[a-m-t*-m] 41 47

H N fa i:';;:, MWW
* - * # - J *

-sa A

.aWiw

4 8 B4b-te-ru fu- [. . . 4 9 su-ul-la-at A [ha-tii-i$]

6

8 6

ATRA-tfASlS

5 0

li-il-U-ku i-na

[ma-ah-ri]

4 8 Let him [and . . . . .] choosc, 4 9 Let Sullat and [Hani] go [in front],

11 vii 48-viii 3 7

* 7

51 ta-ar-ku-ul-U ^-[ra-kal 5 2 U-il-li-i[k mn-urta]

d

5 3

li-na-si-ih] *-tr-[<# mi-ih-ra]

51 Let Errakal [tear up] the mooring ples, 52 Let [Ninurta] go and make [the dykes] overflow.

54

[...

One or two lines missing t o the end o f the column * * * * Column v i i i : B : 33-7, D : 31-7 Column v i i i

The first 30 lines of the column missing

31 X X X [...

3 2 pu-uh-ra X X [. . 3 3 e ta-ai-mi-a a-na f r - K U -

[...

32 The Assembly . . [ . . . 33 D o not obey . . . [ . . . ' 34 T h e gods commanded total destruction, 35 Enlil d i d an evil deed on the peoples. 36 Atra-hass opened his mouth 37 A n d addressed his lord, Gilg. x i .
99-102 36 B :

3 4 i-lu iq-bu- ga-tne-er-t[am] 3 5 H-tp-ra le-em-na a-na m-H i-pu-uS 3 6 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi 3 7 is-s-qar a-na be-U-su
l

e[n-li]

i-pu-sa-ma

48 D : h-ib-te-e-r[u fa-a[m}-ma]

4 9 - 5 3 cf. U rev. 14-15,

i-pu

(88) (89)

T A B L E T

III T A B L E T III

C t h r o u g h o u t unless o t h e r w i s e s t a t e d ; i 1 - 2 f r o m B D i 1 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-hi

l

i-pu-ia-ma i

2 is-s-qar a-na be-li-hi

. ] X X

1 A t r a - h a s s opened his mouth 2 And addressed his lord,

10 11 [ ai-ra-am-ka-si-is]
l

pi-a-su

i~ pu-sa)-am-ma

* *
11 12 13 14

12 [is-s-qar] a-na be-li-hi 13 [la hi-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa 14 [X X X ] X -di lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-s 15 [ en-ki p]i-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 16 [is]-s-qar a-na ar-di-iu
d

Atra-hass opened his mouth A n d addressed his lord, 'Teach me the meaning [ofthe dream], [ . . . ] . . that I may seek its outcome/

15 [Enki] opened his mouth 16 A n d addressed his slave, hi-us-si-ir at-ta 17 'You say, "What am I to seek?** 18 Observe the message that I will speak to you: 20 Wall, listen to me ! 21 Reed wall, observe ail my words t bu-ul-li-it 22 Destroy your house, build a boat, 23 Spurn property and save life. 25 The boat which you build 26 . . . ] be equal [(. .)]

17 [m]a-hi-um-ma lu-ui-te-i 18 H-ip-ra ia a-qd-ab-bu-ku

ta-qd-ab-bi
1 9

20 i-ga-ru si- ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 21 ki-H-su su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-ri \-ia 22 -bu-ut bi-ta bi-m e-le-ep-pa
2 4

23 ma-ak-ku-ra z-e-er-ma
2

na-pi-ii-ta

[]-le-ep-pu ia ta-ba-an-nu- - [H]

T 1

26

. , . ] mi-U-h[u-ra-at

*
u

(. .)]

*
mm

lt-J

a ? t i

X X

29 [k]i-ma ap-si-i hi-a-ti 30 a-U-i-mu-ur samai

d

s-ul-li-il-H qi-ri-ib-sa ia-ap-li-ii

29 Roof i t over like the Aps. 30 So that the sun shall not see inside it 31 Let it be roofed over above and below. 32 The tackle should be very strong, 33 Let the pitch be tough, and so give (the boat) strcngth. 34 I w i l l rain down upon you here 35 A n abundance of birds, a profusion of fishes/
3 3 cf. W 3 34-

31 bi- f-ui-bs-la-at e-U-ii 32 lu- du-un-nu-na -ni-a-tum 33 ku-up-ru lu- da-a-an 34 a-na-ku ul-li-ii 35 (u-ts-at $-su-ri
Gifr cf.

e-mu-qd hi-ur-U

-ia-az-na-na-ak-ku bu-du-ri nu-ni

21 T a b l e t ( C ) :

Gilg. X i . 21-31 g. AI. ^gjj

si-iq-zi-ia

9 0

ATRA-HASS

36 ip-U ma-al-ta-ak-ta

hi-a-ti

-ma-al-li

111 i 36-it 29

37 ba-a-a* a-bu-bi 7 mu-H-Ht iq-bi-iu 38 at-ra-am-lta-si-is il-qi-a te-er-tam 39 i-bu-ti -pa-ah-hi-ir a-na ba-H-Su
l

36 He opened the water-clock and filled i t ; 37 He announced to him the coming of the flood for the seventh 38 Atra-ljass received the command, 39 He assembled the elders to his gte. 40 Atra-hass opened his mouth 41 A n d addressed the elders, 42 ' M y god [does not agre] with your god, 43 Enki and [Enlil] are angry with one another. 44 They have expelled me from [my house ( ?)], 45 Since I rvrence [Enki], 46 [He told me] of this matter. ie-pi-ia] 47 I can[not] live in [your . . . ] , 48 I cannot [set my feet on] the earth of Enlil. 49 W i t h the gods . . [ . . . 50 [This] is what he told me [ . . ' Four or five lines missing to end of column

4 0 at-ra-am-ha-si-is pi-a-Su i-pu-Sa-^'am-tna

l

41 [i]$-$-qar a-na H-bu-[H] 42 [ t j M i i-H-ku-nu i-K iP-|W ma-gi-ir]

r

44 [if]-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni

i-na [ X X X ]
d

45 [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a[l-la-hu 46 [a-w]a-tam mi-ni-[tain iq-bi]

en-ki]

47 i^nl] -ul-la-ab i-na ![a-. , . 48 [i-na] ir-fe-et en-Hl -ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an

d

49 [it]-tii-K-x l.. 50 [an-ni-ta]m iq-bi- -a[m

r ]

... * * *

Four or five lines missing to end o f column * ii 9 i[k-, J? 10 fi-bu-[tum. na-ga- [ru na-H pa-as-su] 12 at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-hi] 13 ku-up-ra [it-ta-H ie-er-ru] 14 la-ap-nu [fyi-HIt-ta ub-la] *

i i 1 0 The elders [ . . , n The carpenter [carried his axe], 12 The reed-worker [carried his stone]. 13 [The child carried] the pitch, 14 The poor man [brought what was needed].
1
5

. [. . .

16 He/They . . [ . . i . [ . . . 18 Atra-hass [ . . v
7

*
28 me? [. >1|| 29 H^uJhb[a-al,
47-8

*
29 Bringing [. 13-14 ci

02

ATRA-tfASlS
1 1 1
v

30 mi-im-ma P-[iu- . . . 31 mi-m-ma i-i[u- . .. 32 el-lu-Hit-[ 33 ka-ab-ru-H [.

30-iii 10

30 Whatever he [had . . . 31 Whatever he had [. . . H 32 Clean (animais). [ 33 Fat (animais) [ i i

34 i-bi4r-[ma ui-te-r]i-ib 35 mu-up-pa-a[r-ia i$-$-ur\ ia-ma-U 36 6-W-[r? 37 na-[ma-ai-ie-e (?) 38 X [. 39 40 41 42

r

34 He caught [and put on board] 35 The winged [birds of] the heavens. ] X ] X fwt 36 The cattle (?) [ 37 The wild [cratures (?) 38 [ 39 40 41 j j
#

ul]-te-ri-ib , . . ib-ba-b]i-il ar-hu . . .] fd-H-iu iq-ri . .] V - i w q-re-H

] he put on board ] the moon disappeared. . . . ] he invited his people . . . ] to a banquet.

. . . ] X kP-im-ta-hi
4 4

ui-te-ri-ib i-!a-at-ti ti-u/ -ui-ia-ab -ul i-ka-am-n-is i-ma-d ma-ar-ta-am

4 3 [fl-fe'-/]t* i-ik-ka-al 45 i-ir-m-ub -us-d 47 he-pi-i-ma ti-ib-ba-hi

4

42 . . . ] . he sent his family on board, 43 They ate and they drank. 45 But he was i n and out: he could not sit, could not crouch, 47 For his heart was broken and he was vomiting gall. 48 The appearance of the weather changed, 49 Adad roared i n the clouds. 50 As soon as he heard Adad's voice 51 Pitch was brought for him to close his door. 52 After he had bolted his door 53 Adad was roaring i n the clouds, 54 The winds became savage as he arose, 55 He severed the hawser and set the boat adrift. * * * Three lines missing ii 4
5
JI

4 6

48 M -mti ii-nu- pa-nu--iu 4 9 ii-ta-ag-na adad i-na er-p-H

50 *-4a ii-mu- ri-gi-im-iu 51 [}i!-fg>-n* ba-bi-il i-p-efe-ki ba-ab-hi 52 ii-tu-ma i-di-lu ba-ab-iu 53 adad i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na er-p-H
d

54 fa-ru fur-su-* i-na te-bi-iu 55 tp-m-it ma-ar-ka-$a

e-le-ep-pa ip-t-ur

T w o lines missing 3 4 5
d

x x x ..]

[. . .

.*.]...
w e r e ea

pu-ra-i

. . . ] x-en me-hu-
8

* * & e stonn ? 6 Ss& yk * 7 [Z with] his talons [rent] the heavens. 9 [He ] the land 10 A n d shattered its noise [like a pot].

7 [ * u - t i i-na f]ii-w/)-n-fu

[ti-fa-ar-rtW/] Sa-ma-i ih-pi

rev. 16-19 9 - 1 0 cf. Gtfe. xi.
1 0

1 0 [fe'-ma

ka-ar-pa-H r]i-gi-im-ia

ATRA-tfASS 94

n 11 [ . . . . ] the flood [set out],

iti n - 5 0

11 r . . . -ta-$a-a] a-bu-bu 1 [ki-ma qd-ab-l]i Wi ni-H i-ba-a> ka-Su-Su

2

12 I t s might came upon the peoples [like a battle array]. 13 One person did [not] see another, 14 They were [not] recognizable in the destruction.

13 [-ul] V-fM-ur a-hu a-ha-Su 14 [-ul] -te-ed-du- i-na ka-ra-H 15 [a-bu-b]u ki-ma li-i i-Sa-ab-bu 16 [ki-ma p]a-ri-ina-e-ri
d 17

[X X (x)-ni]m

Sa-ru

15 [The flood] bellowed like a bull, 16 [Like] a whinnying wild ass the winds [howled]. 18 The darkness [was dense], there was no sun 19 . . . ] like . . . 20 . . .] . of the flood 21 ...].[.].. 22 . . .]. 23 . . . ] the noise of the [flood] 24 I t was trying [ . . . . ] . of the gods. 25 [Enki] was beside himself, 26 [Seeing that] his sons were thrown down before him. 28 N i n t u , the great lady, 29 Her lips were covered with feverishness. 30 The Anunnaki, the great gods, 31 Were sitting i n thirst and hunger. 32 The goddess saw i t as she wept, 33 The midwife of the gods, the wise Mami. 34 (She spoke,) 'Let the day become dark, 35 Let i t become gloom again.

18 [Sa-pa-at e]-t-tu samas la-aS-Su j . . . ] x -Su ki-ma su-ub-bi 20 . . . -i]n*? a-bu-bi

21 ] X [(X )]-*--*
b u

22 23 24
d

ai* - ] " . . . ] ri-gi-im a-[bu-b]i . . .]-W i-" uS-ta^ka-an

1 27

25 [ *n-& t^-ta-M te^^-em-Su 26 [ x ] ma-ru-Su ub^bu^-ku [a-n]a ma-ah-ri-Su 28 [WJn-fci be-el-tum ra-bi-tum 29 [&tt-u]/-$j-ta -ka-la-la Sa-ap-ta-Sa 30 [ ]a-ntm-#ta i-6* ra-bu-tum 31 [a;a-a]-A[i*] i-na fii-mt bu-bu-H
d

32 i -mu-Kr-ma il-turn i-ba-ak-k[] 33 ta-ab-su-ut i-li e-ri-iS-ta ma-m[i]

r n d

34 u -mt*-ttm &-tt* -da- -[fm] 35 ti-tu-ur li-ki-[il]

4 7 r 1

36 a-na-ku i-na pu-h-ri Sa * - [ f i ] 37 fo'-iaj-fW] it-H-Su-nu ga-me-er-ta-a[m]

r n 38

36 I n the assembly of the gods 37 How did I , with them, command total destruction? 39 Enlil has had enough of bringing about an evil command, 40 Like that T i r u r u , he uttered abominable evil. 42 As a resuit of my own choice 43 And to my own hurt I have listened to their noise. 44 M y offspringeut off from mehave become like Aies! 46 A n d as for me, like the occupant of a house of lamentation M y cry has died away. 48 Shall I go up to heaven 49 As i f I were to live in a treasure house?
36-7

39 en-lil id-pi-ra 40 &-ma ri-m-rw

d

-Sa-aq-bi bi-i-[Sa] fa-a-*[i] -Sa-as-hi bi-i-S[a]

4 1

42 a-na ra-ma-r-ia pa-ag-ri-i[d\ 43 i-na se-ri-ia-ma ri-gi-im-H-na eS-me 44 e-le-nu-ia ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-aw-ti li-il-li-du 46 a-na-fe* fe-i a-ia-W ? ^ -i* di-im-ma-ti sa-hu-ur-ru ri-ig-mi
4 5 4

48 e-te-el-li-i-ma a-na sa-ma-i 49 to-fa wa-aS-ba-a-ku s ^

11*14 cf. Gife. . 1 0 9 - i a

|||

na-ak^ma)-H

2 3 - 7 cf. U rev. 2 0 - 2

ATRA-rJASIS

I I I iii 51-iv 42

51 e-Sa-a a-nu il-U-kam be-el fe^mi 52 i-lu ma-ru-Su ii-mu- d-qi-ir-iu 53 ia la im-ta-al-ku-ma ii-ku-^nu a~*-[bu-ba] 54 m-K ^ik-tnisu a-na ka-[ra-H] One line missing to end of column * * *
1

c i Where has Anu the prsident gone, 52 Whose divine sons obeyed his command? 53 He who did not consider but brought about a flood 54 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction?' One line missing to end of column * * * * First three lines of column missing iv
6

First two lines of column missing iv 3 . . J X X [. . . 4 -na-ab-ba ^[tn-tu . .. 5 a-bu-ma-an ul^da g[al-la-ta ( ? ) ] ti-a-am-ta ki-ma ku-li-li itn-la-a-nim na-ra-am
1 7

4 N i n t u was wailing [. . . 5 'What? Have they given birth to the [rolling (?)] sea? 6 They have filled the river like dragon Aies! 8 Like a raft they have put i n to the edge, 9 Like a r a f t . . . . they have put in to the bankl 1 0 I have seen and wept over them; 11 I have ended my lamentation for them.' 12 She wept and eased her feelings; 13 N i n t u wailed and spent her motion. 15 The gods wept w i t h her for the land, 16 She was surfeited w i t h grief and thirsted for beer. 18 Where she sat, they sat weeping, 20 Like sheep, they filled the trough. 21 Their lips were feverishly athirst, 22 They were suffering cramp from hunger. 24 For seven days and seven nights 25 Came the dluge, the storm, [the flood]. 26 Where i t . [. . . 27 Was thrown down [. . . Twenty-five or twenty-six lines missing to end of

8 ki-ma a-mi-im i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n-[nt] 9 ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri i-mi-da a-na 10 a-mu-ur-ma e-K-H-na ab-ki 11 -qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti i-na se-ri-H-in 12 ib-H-i-ma li-ib-ba-ia -na-ap-pi-ii 13 -na-ab-ba *nm-tu la-la-la is-ru-up
1 4

ki-ib-ri

15 i-hi it-ti-ia ib-ku- a-na ma-tim 16 ii-bi td-is-s-tam sa-mi-a-at H-ik-ri-iS

1 7

18 H-i a-sar ui-bu ki-ma im-me-ri

2 0

i-na bi-ki-H ui-bu-ma im-lu-nim ra-fa-am

10

21 sa-mi-a ia-ap-ta-Su-nu bu-ul-hi-ta 22 H-na bu-bu-ti i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru

1 2 3

24 7 u -mi 7 mu-i[i-a-tim\ 25 04nk ra- du? me-ku-W [a-bu-bu]

r

26 a-iar is-r\i27 sa-ki-i\p . | | f 28 fa-x pf; M 39 $ f . , y 40 - x 42 <a[i?

.Otfr.x1.t26 2 4 - 5 cf. G * , x i .
x a 7

818168

98

ATRA-rJASS III

iv 4 - 51 3v

99

43 44 45 46 47
4 8

X [ ' H- i-n[a . .. ftf-X [ '

X

Five or six lines missing to end of column * * * * First seven lines of column missing

8 X [. . . 9 X [.. . 10 -[. .. 11 *-[ 12-14 traces 28 29 30 31 32 33 x [... i-raJsi-[,.. a-na ia-a-f[i.. [i\t-ta-di [... i-za-an-nu-un

[...

*
First twenty-nine lines of column missing v 3 0 T o the [four] winds [ . . . 31 He put [. . . 32 Providing food [ . . .

. . . ]X

33

...]..

34 [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-a 35 [ki-ma zu-ub-b]i e-lu ni-qi-i pa-ah-ru 36 ['tu-m]a i-ku-lu ni-ql-a-am 37 [ nin]-tu it-b-e-ma na-ap^-ha-ar-Su-nu
d 38 [

34 [The gods sniffed] the smell, 35 They gathered [like Aies] over the offering. ut-ta-az-za-am 36 [After] they had eaten the offering 37 N i n t u arose to complain against ail of them, 39 'Where has A n u the prsident gone? 41 Has E n l i l come to the incense ? 42 They, who d i d not consider but brought about a flood 43 A n d consigned the peoples to destruction? 44 You decided on total destruction, 45 N o w their clean faces have become dark.' 46 Then she approached the big Aies 47 Which A n u had made (?) and was carrying, 48 (She said), 'His grief is mine! Now dtermine my destiny! 50 Let h i m get me out of this distress and relieve (?) me.

39 e-ia-a a-nu il-li-ka-am be-el fe^-e-mi 41 en-lil if-fei-a a-na qu-ut-ri-ni

40

42 ia la im~ta-al*ku~ii-ma is-ku-nu a-bu-ba 43 ni-H ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-H 44 ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tam 45 el-lurtu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na V-a-ad-ru 46 H4 if-fe-e-ma a-na su-b-e ra-bu-ti 47 ia a-nu i-(pu)-iu-ma pa-an-qd-l[u]fa[l] 4S ia-a-at-tum nU$-$-$\\ lu- H-im-ti i-ba-[a] 50 li-ie-fa-an-ni-ma i-na ni-el-m[e-n\ pa-ni-ia li-ip-t[t]
49

^5^.,

X I

46-7 cf. Gtfe.

s&^s

'55

3 4 - 5 cf.

Gilg.xi. 139-61

4 2 - 3 cf.

GUg.

too

ATRA-tfASS [Xjmu? X X X X [X X ]

nv

5 2

- v i 42

52&-*2ziiaMALX
vi i

(Probably no Une missing) i-na ma- X [ . . \ , gu-ub-bu- a[n-nu-tum] hs- uq-ni ki-sa-di-i[a-a-m\ 4 lu-uh-su-s-m u -mi [...][.. .]
2 3 A

52 Verily
vi 1

[.]

[. .] (Probably no line missing)

In 2 Let [thse] Aies be the lapis around my neck

4

That I may remember it [every (?)] day [and for ever (?)].'

5 ma-qu-ra i-ta-ma-ar q[-ra-du en-lil]

6 H-ib-ba-ti ma-U sa ^P-gp-g] 7 ra-bu-tum ^nun^-na rkd*-h-n[\ 8 ub~la pi-i-fd ii-ti-ni-ii ma-mi-tam 9 a-ia-a-nu -si na\-pil-ii-tum 10 ki-itb-bi-ut a-wP-lum i-na ka -[r]a-H
r r 1

5 [The warrior Enlil] saw the vessel, 6 And was filled with anger at the Igigi, 7 ' A i l we great Anunnaki 8 Decided together on an oath. 9 Where did life escape? 10 How did man survive i n the destruction?* 11 A n u opened his mouth 12 A n d addressed the warrior Enlil,

11 a-nu pi-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 12 is-s-qar a-na q-ra- dP en-Ul

r

13 ma-an-nu an-m-tam ia la en-ki 15 [ x ( x ) ] ul? -ia-ap-ta si-iq-r[d\

1 4 r 1 d

i-ip-pu-us

13 'Who but Enki could do this? 15 [. . . ] I did not (?) reveal the command,' 16 [Enki] opened his mouth 17 [ A n d addressed] the great gods, 18 ' I d i d i t [indeed] i n front of you! 19 p am responsible] for saving life [ . ] [ . . ] 20 21 22 24 25 26 27 38 39 40 . . . ] . gods [ . . . ] . . . . . ] the flood . . . ] your heart . . . ] and relax Impose your penalty [on the aiminal] [And] whoever disregards your command . . . ] . the assembly [. About ten lines missing . . . ] her/it jjj - ] he/she/they put [ I have] eased my feelings.
9

16 [^en-kilpi-a-iu i-*pu -ia-am-[ma\ 17 [ff-s-gor] a-na i-U ra-bu-ti

{

18 [lu- e]-pu-us i-na pa-ni^hP-uln] 19 [-us-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[s-tam [ ( - . ) ] 20

2 1

[X

X ]

| J

X bi?

22
2

. . . a-H\fSrba | | . . ] x-ku-un

3 ^.-dwW-*^ 24 j w | - ] ru-um-mi 25 [be-el ar-n\tm hi-ku-un ie-re-et-ka 26 [ i ] V-t-if & i^fa-a [r] -x-Ai< a-zca-at-ka 2Tj . ,]^nupu-h-ra [.. About tel lines missing

41 l^en-Ulpy-a-su i-pu-ia-am-ma 42 [i*-s}-qar a-na *m-H m-ig-Si-l *~4 < r j % ,

41 [Enlil] opened his mouth 42 A n d addressed Enki the prince,

X 164 L

ATRA-tfASlS

102 43 [ga-na sa-a]s-s-ra *nin-tu H-si-ma 44 [at-t]a H-i mi-it-li-ka i-na pu-uh-ri 45 [ en-ki pi]-a-hi i-pu-ia-am-ma 46 [is-s-qar] a-na nin-tu sa-as-s-ri
d d

I I I vi 43-vii 3 5
tes

43 44 45 46

'[Come], 8ummon Nintu, the birth-goddess, [You] and she, confer in the assembly.' [Enki] opened his mouth And [addressed] Nintu, the birth-goddess,

47 [at-ti sa-a]s-su-ru ba-ni-a-at si-ma-ti 48 . . . ] a-na ni-H 49 . . . -l]i-ti 50 . . . l]i-ib-H 51 . . .] X Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * 1 [a]p-pu-na ia-lu-uS-tum li-i[b]-H i-na ni-H 2 i-na ni-H a-li-it-tum-ma la a-li-it-tum 3 li-ib-H-ma i-na ni-H pa-H-it-tu 4 K-is-ba-at ie-er-ra i-na bi-ir-ku
5

47 '[You], birth-goddess, creatress of destinies, 48 ] for the peoples 49 50 ] . . . ] let there be Probably one line missing to end of column * * * * * vii 1 I n addition let there be a third category among the peoples, 2 (Let there be) among the peoples women who bear and women who do not bear. 3 Let there be among the peoples the PHttu-dtmon 4 T o snatch the baby from the lap of her who bore it. 6 Establish Ugbabtu-vjomen, Entu-womm, and igtfflu-women, 8 A n d let them be taboo and so stop childbirth.
10 [. ]

a-li-it-ti
7

6 Su-uk-ni -uk-ba-ak-ka-H 8 lu- ik-ki-bu H-na-ma

e-ne-H e-gi-si- a-ti a^-la-da-^am pu-ur*si

1

10 [ x ( x ) ] ni s[i?] x X X X X-tam 11 [ ] [na-pt]-i$-tam 12 . . . ] ra ma [ x X ] X na 13 . . . j b i l i ? [. .]-H-in 14 . . . ] X [ . . . , . ] x-mi-iu *5 . . .]-tum [. . . ] x *6 X [ ] x 17 .. 18 i l 19 x X [. . . 20 a-l[i- . .. 21 r < W - t f [ / . . . aa x x [ . . . 23 x [ . . . . 24 ma-x [,.. 25 me-bu-x [.. . 26 ma-to [. ^. 27 X { . . . 28-35 nus8ing

11 [

] and life (?)

ATRA-HASlS

104 36 X [. . 37 b ~ * h f> 38 ma- [

u

I f I vii

yiii

I O

j n

es

39 i-l - 40 urflU"l* 4.1 /fa * A late recension of the above damaged section is probably contained in K 4539 (R), cf. it 9-10 with 17-18 above: t
2

A late recension of the above damaged and untranslated sectior contained in K 4539 (R) :

3
r

K*)J
]

.j x ra a i ba li a X 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Oil [ . . . Rgulations for the human race [ . . . The maie [, . T o the young lady [. . . The young lady [ . . . The young man to the young [lady . . . Let the young [lady] take [.

4 !a -am-ni [*$M 5 -pi-ta-at ni-H X [< zi-ka-ru [.. 7 a-na ar-da-ti [. 8 ar-da-tutn [.,, 0 a-na ar-d[a-tt .. o ^IP-U-qi a[r~da-tum.
vm

3 4 S
6 [

..*] X * \-da

7 [

'\nu a-bu-b\a /[w z-na ka-ta-H 12 t-te%

viii

9 That we brought about [the flood], 10 But man survived [the destruction]. 11 You, the counsellor of the [great] go 12 A t [your] decree I set battle m mou 14 For your praise let the Igigi hear 16 This song and extol your greatneas 1 18 I have sung of the flood to ail the p< Hear it

bu-tt] ab-H qd-a[b-la] na\ an-m-a-am za-ma-\r\ gi~g[u] li-is-H-ru na-ar-bi-ka

m 17

18 a-bu-ba a-na ku^uUla-at ni-H

19

u-za-ant-me-er H-tn-a
9

( io6)

( 107)

THE

A S S Y R I A N

R E C E N S I O N

T H E

A S S Y R I A N

R E C E N S I O N

K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ( )> Reverse iv
s

Reverse iv 1 [Twelve hundred years had not yet passed] When the land extended [and the peoples multiplied]. 2 He got disturbed [with] their noise, 3 [With] their uproar [sleep] did not overcome him. 4 Enlil convened his assembly 5 A n d addressed the gods his sons, 6 'The noise of mankind has become too intense for me, X . , |S Z

i [ul il-li-ka 1200 Santu) * mtu ir-ta-pi[S ni-Su im-ti-da]

me 1

2 [i-na] rif'^-me-H-na it-ta- -[dar] 3 [i-na] fyu-bu-ri-H-na la i-a-ba-su [H-tu]

rn

4 [ e]n-lil il-ta-kan pu-hur-S[u] 5 [iz-z]a-ka-ra a-na ilni * mr^-Su

d me

6 [ik]-tab-ta-tn[a r]i-gi-im a-me-lu-te 7 [i-na r]if' \;]-me-[H-n]a at-ta-a- " dar 8 [i-na h]u~[bu]-ri-H-na la i-fa-ba-ta-ni H-tu
g di ir

7 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 8 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me. 9 Command that there be plague, 10 Let Namtar diminish their noise. 11 Let disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 12 Blow upon them like a tornado. ' 13 They commanded and there was plague, 14 Namtar diminished their noise. 15 Disease, sickness, plague and pestilence 16 Blew upon them like a tornado. 17 The discerning one, the man Atra-hass, 18 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea. 19 [He] spoke w i t h his god, 20 [And] Ea spoke with him.

9 [qi-b]a-ma hi-ru-pu-u lib-H io [li-S]ak-B-fi ri-gim-H-na nam-tar 11 [H-m]a me-he-e li-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 12 [mur]-$u di-u hi-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku 13 [iq-b]u-ma Su-ru-pu-u ib-H 14 [tf-riS*** f-ft ri-gim-H-na nam-tar 15 [ki-m]a me-ffe-e i-zi-qa-H-na-ti-ma 16 [mwr]-ftt di-u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku 17 [bel t]a-Si-im-H a-tar-fiasts(ge$tu) amlu 18 [a-na te#]-fe <V-a uzun-Su pi-ta-at
m

19 [i-t]a-mu it-ti ili-Su 20 [f]*4tf-a it-ti-Su i-ta-mu ZI [ ]a-tar-bass(g&tu) p-S ipuSa' 22 [izzakar] a-na -a bli-Su
m d 4

i-qab-bi

21 Atra-frass opened his mouth to speak 22 [And addressed] Ea his lord, 23 ' L o r d , the human race is groaning, 24 Your [disease] is consuming the land. 25 Ea, lord, the human race is groaning, . . . 26 [The disease] from the gods is consuming the lan.

23 [ma] 6# ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 24 [mur-f]i-ku-nu-ma e-kal matu

tu

25 [^- te/ ut-ta-za-ma ta-ni-Se-ti 26 [ffwr~f] & Uni *ma e-kal mtu
tDtl tu

10S

ATRA-riASlS

27 [iS-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-H-ma 28 [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-fa aH-a hi-ru-pu-u

i

a-sa-ku

29 [*-a p-su ipusa i]-qab-bi a-na a-tar-hass(gst\x)-me izzakar(mu)-Su

m

27 Since you created us 28 [ W i l l you] remove the disease, sickness, plague and pestilence ?' 29 [Ea opened his mouth to] speak And addressed Atra-hass, 30 '[Command that] heralds [proclaim] A n d make a loud noise i n the land,
d

8 iv 2-3 75

I00

30 [qi-ba-ma li-is-su- ng]iru rigma(KA) lu-Sd-bu- i-na mti

mdk

31 [e ta-ap-la-ha ilni -ku-un] V tu-sa-pa-a istar(u.dar)-ku-un 32 . . . ] X X ka-i-la pr-si-Su 33 . . . mas-$\a-tu m^(siskur) 34 . . . a-n]a qud-me-s 35 . . , ] X kat-ra-ba-ma 36 . . . ] x -m/ ka-at-r[e-e iU-t]a}-kdn ' qat-su
ha an

31 " [ D o not rvrence your gods], do not pray to your goddesses, 32 . . . ] . . observe his rites 33 . . .] the offering of sesame-meal 34 . . .] in front of it 35 . . . ] . speak a bndiction 36 . . . ] . . gift [ . . ] . his hand."' 37 [Enlil] convened his assembly A n d addressed the gods his sons,

37

il-ta-kdn pu-hur-su izzakar{va\i) a-na ilni * mr -su

[ #-#/]
d

me

me&

38 X -ra-me e ta-S-ku-na-H-na-H 39 [ni-S]u la im-ta-a a-na l pa-na i-ta-at-ra

38 'Do not them, 39 The peoples are not diminished, but have become more numerous than before ! 40 I have got disturbed [with] their noise, 41 [With] their uproar sleep does not overcome me. 42 Cut off food supplies from the peoples, 43 Let plant life be i n short supply in their stomachs, 44 L e t Adad above make his rain scarce, 45 Below, let (the river) be blocked up and let it not raise the flood from the Abyss. 46 Let the fields diminish their yields, 47 Let Nisaba t u r n aside her breast, Let the black fields become white, 48 Let the broad plain produce sait, 49 Let the earth's womb rebel, Let no vegetables shoot up, no cereals grow, 50 Let pestilence be laid on the peoples, 51 That the womb may be constricted and give birth to no child/ 52 They cut off food supplies from the peoples, 53 Vegetables were i n short supply in their stomachs,

40 [i-/w] rig-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar 41 [z-a h]u-bu-ri-H-na la i-sa-ba-ta-ni H-tu 42 p[ur]-sa-ma a-na ni-e-e ti-ta 43 '-iw kar-H-H-na M-me-su Sam-mu
1

44 ^e^-liS adad zu-un-na-hi lu-Sd-qir 45 HP-sa-kir Sap-liS ia iS-Sd-a me-lu i-na na-aq-bi
d

46 HP-Sur eqlu iS-pi-ke-e-Su 47 HP-n-' irta-S nisaba

d

salmti lip-su- ugru 48 sru paJ-ku- lu-li-id id-ra-nu

me

49 HP-bal-kat ersetu re-em-Sd Sam-mu ia -fa-a Su- ia i-im-ru 50 l[U]-Sd-kln-ma a-na niS"** a-sa-ku 51 ri!*i(arhuS)
r

ku-$ur-ma

ia -Se-Sr Sr-ra

52 ip-t[ar-s]u a-na nirSe-e ti-ta 53 i-na kar-H-Si-na e-me-su Sam-mu

BIBLIOTHEQUE

BiBUQUE

ATRA-tfASlS lie S rr 54-7 16

d

e-Us adad xu-un-na-iu -sd-qir 55 is-sa-kir sap-Us ul is-sd-a mi-bs ina na-aq-M
5 4

m
54 Adad above made his rain acarce, 55 Below, (the river) was blocked up and did not raise the flood from the Abyss.
U I U

56 H-sur eqlu ii-fn-ke-su 57 i-n- iria-sd *nisaba

y

56 T h e fields diminished their yields, 57 Nisaba turned aside her breast, T h e black fields became white, 58 T h e broad plain produced sait, Earth's womb rebelled, 59 N o vegetables shot up, no cereals grew, 60 Pestilence was laid upon the peoples, 61 S o that the womb was constricted and gave birth to no child.

udmti*** ip-su-u ugru 58 sru pal-ku- -U-id id-ra-na ib-bal-kat erseiu re-em-sd 59 sam-mu ul -sa-a iu- ul -ru 60 S-U-kin-ma a-na we * a-sa-ku 61 rmu m-sur-ma ul -ie-Ur Ur-ra
me

* Reverse v

*
Reverse v

1 si-g[a-ra na-ab-bal tam-tim} a h-ptr qa-du sam-me-iu] 3 e4S [adad zu-un-na-iu u-id-qir] 4 is-sa-kir iap-[Bs ul ii-id-a mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi]

1 T h e boit, [the bar of the sea], 2 [ E a ] guarded [together with his plants], 3 [Adad] above [made his rain scarce], 4 Below, (the river) was blocked up [and did not raise the flood from the Abyss],

5 fii-sur eq{u ii-pi-ke-su] 6 [i-m- irta-id\ msaa

1 9

5 T h e fields diminished [their yields], 6 Nisaba [turned aside her breast], ( T h e black fields became white], 7 [ T h e broad plain] produced sait, [Earth's womb rebelled], 8 [No vegetables] shot up, no cereals [grew], 9 [Pestilence was laid on the peoples], | [So that the womb was constricted and gave] birth [to no child],

[sabnti* ip-su-u ugru] 7 [sru pal-ku- ]-ti-id id-[ra-na] [ib-bal-kat ersetu re-em-fd] 8 [sam-mu ul -sa}-^ iu- iF
1 r

[ul i ' - n i ]

9 [-id-kin-ma a-na mi** a-sa-ku] [rmu ku-asr-ma

1 0

ul -s\e-[ir Ur-ra] -J J t
: :

10 11 [

[ . . . . . . . - * 3 n

11 [ ~ . ^ . . . . . t ] u ? X { ( X ) ]

12 [2 lorxtt(mu) i-mz ka-id-di] [-na-ak-ki-ma] na-km*t\a] 13 3 * # M m i L a n . n a ) i*a] ka-id-di H [**~iu i-na bu-bu-te zi-mu-H-na] 15 [4 iatuimu) i-na ka-id-di] \pr-ku-tu ma-za-z^-su-nu ik-ru-ni 10 [rap-ia-tu bu-da-H-na] is-n-qa

1 2 [When the second year arrived] [ T h e y suffered] the itch. 1 3 [When the third year] arrived 14 [ T h e peoples's features] were disterted [by hungerj. 15 [When the fourth year arrived] T h e i r [long] legs became short, 1 6 [ T h e i r broad shoulders] became narrow.

frtak-ru

ATRA-tfASlS

S v 17-vi u

,7 [gardai* it-ta-na-la-ka

ni-S]u i-na su-qi

18 [5 sattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [e-reb] ummi mrtu i-da-gal 19 [ummu a-na marte ul i-p]*-te bb-M 20 [zi-ba-ni-it ummi mrt]u i-na-fal 21 [zi-ba-ni-it marte] W-na-tal ummu 22 [6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di] [U-tk-nu] a-na nap-ta-ni tnrta 23 [a-na kurummate(SvK) bu-na] U-tk-nu
te

24 [im-la-ni ma- X J [btu i]l-ta-nu ian* i-re-ha-ma 25 [ki-i itffi(se.DiM ) me-te pa-nu-i]i-na 26 [ni-hi i-na su-par-k]e-e napiiti bal-fa-at
4

kat-mu

17 [They walked hunched] in the street. 18 [When the fifth year arrived] Daughter watched the mother's [going in], 19 [But the mother would not] open her door [to the daughter! [The daughter] watched [the scales (at the sale) of the motherl 21 The mother watched [the scales (at the sale) of the daughter! 22 [When the sixth year arrived] [They served up] the daughter for dinner, 23 They served up [the son for food]. 24 [. . . were filled ] One [house] consumed another, 25 Their [faces] were overlaid [like dead malt]. 26 [The peoples] were living [on the edge] of death.
2 0

27 [bel ta-H-im-t]i a-tar-hass{gestu) amlu 28 [a-na bli-U *]-a uzun-hi pi-ta-at

m

27 [The discerning one], the man Atra-hass, 28 Kept an open ear [to his lord], Ea. 29 [He spoke] w i t h his god, 30 [And] Ea spoke w i t h him. 31 [He sought] the gte of his god, 32 He placed his bed facing the river. 33 The stream was quiet Reverse v i

29 [i-ta-m]u it-ti ili-iu 30 [ Su ]-a it-ti-M

d

i-ta-mu

31 [i-ie] bab ili-iu 32 [i-n]a pu-ut nri il-ta-kdn 33 ty me-ed-ra-tu Su-hu-rat

1

ma-a-a-al-hi

Reverse v i

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 to n

[2] fatt(mu].an.n[a) [irna ka-id-di -na-ak-ki-ma na-kdm-ta] 3 &i#(mu.an.na) [i-na ka-id-di] ni-hi i-na [bu-bu-te zi-m]u-H-na it-tak-ru 4 iattu(mu) i-na k[a-id-dt] [ar-ku-t]u ma-za-zi-Su-nu ik-ru-ni rap-id-tu [bu-da]-Si-na is-si-qa qa-da-nii i[t-ta-n]a-la-ka ni-iu i-na su-qi s iattu{m\x) i-na ka-id-[di] e-reb ummi mrtu i-da-gal ummu a-na marte ul i-pa-te bb-S[d] zi-ba-ni-it ummi mrtu i-n[a-faf] zi-ba-ni-it marte i-na-fal [ummu] 6 iattu(mu) i-na ka-id-di U-tk-nu ana nap-t[a-ni mrta]
n

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

[When the second] year [arrived they suffered the itch]. [When] the third year [arrived] The peoples' [features] were distorted by [hunger]. When the fourth year [arrived] Their [long] legs became short, Their broad [shoulders] became narrow, They walked hunched i n the street. When the fifth year arrived Daughter watched the mother's going i n , But the mother would not open her door to the daughter. The daughter watched the scales (at the sale) of the mother, [The mother] w atched the scales (at the sale) of the daughter. When the sixth year arrived They served up [the daughter] for dinner, I

885 113

l f 4

ATRA-tfASlS
t

S vi 12-23; T 12 They served up the son for food. . . [.] were filled [. . . 13 One house consumed another. 14 Their faces [were ovcrlaid] like dead malt. 15 The peoples [were living] on the edge of [deathl. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 The command which they received [ . . . They entered and [. . . The message of Atra-[hass . . . 'Lord, the land [. . . A sign . . [ . . . ...[.. . [.]..[... " "5

12 a-na kurummate(Sv%) bu-na U-tk-nu im-la-ni ma- X [. . . 13 btu il-ta-nu iamf i-[re-ha-ma] 14 M-i buqU($e.T>m ) me-te pa-nu-H-n[a kat-mu] 15 ni-iu i-na ht-par-ke-e [napiiH bal-fa-at]
A

HpruQun) U-qu-[ . .. e-tar-bu-ma [... te-er-ti ^a-tar^-hla-si-is ma bel mtu^". .. [it]-ta ia-a [... 21 X ma X [. . . 22 [ ( x ) ] X ma [ . . . n 24 25 26 27 [(x) X [ . . .

16 17 18 19 20

...

(Probable continuation, on K 12000c) X kii-mai X [. . . ia-e M bi-la x [. . . ii-tu-ma x [ . . . lu-ri-ii a\p- . ..

23 u . t . . . (Probable continuation, on K 12000c (T)) 24 [... 25 t n 26 After . [. . . 27 Let me go down [to the Aps . . .

28 1 &ifttt(mu.an.na) [ . . .

28 One/The first year [ . . .

(n6)

("7)

BE 3 9 0 9 9

F R O M

P H O T O Reverse i

B A B Y L O N

1804 <

BE

3 9 0 9 9 (x) Reverse i

[ en-lil pa-a-t i-pu-u-ma i-qab-bi]

d

1 2 3 4 5

iz-z[a-kar a-na . . . k-t[ab-ta ri-gim a-me-lu-H] ina }?u-bu-[r]i-Hn W-[za-am-ma Ht-t] qi-bal-ma W-if-su-ru [ a-num u adad e-le-nu] <%m(3o) u nergal(u.guT) li~i-[u-ru er-se-tim qab-li-tim]
1 d

[Enlil opened his mouth to speak], 1 A n d addressed [. . . 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 ' [ T h e noise of mankind] has become [too intense for me], W i t h their uproar I [am deprived of sleep]. Command that [Anu and Adad] guard [the upper rgions], That Sin and Nergal guard [the middle earth], That the boit, the bar [of the sea], Ea may guard together with [his plants]/ He commanded, and Anu and [Adad] guarded [the upper rgions], Sin and Nergal guarded the [middle] earth, T h e boit, the bar of the sea, Ea guarded together with [his] plants. N o w Atra-hass, [whose god was Ea], Every day he wept [ . . . He used to bring offerings . [, When the river [(. .) was quiet], T h e night was still [ . . .

6 H-ga-ru na-afyJbi-l\u ta-am-H] 7 *-a li-is-$ur qd-d[u iam-nd-h] 8 iq-bi-ma is-su-ru *a- nunfl u [adad e-le-nu] 9 ^ ( 3 0 ) u nergal(u.gut) if-fu-ru er-e-titn q[ab-li-titn] 10 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu ta-am-[ti] BE 36669/24^1, Photo Bab. 1601 1 H-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu [. . . 11 -a if-pir qd-da tam-m\Uh] 2 ^ - a HP-is^siP-ru [. . . 12 at-ra-f}a~ri~i[s .. . 3 ^-[*-m]a [. . . 13 u^-nii-iam-ma ib-ta-a[k-ki. , . 4 adad [. . . 14 mal-lak-ka^i-zab^-bi-X X [. 5 en-lil [. . . 15 e-nu-ma mid-ra-tum ? X [.. . 16 mu-hi i-zuruz-ma [... 6 is-s-ru [. . . 7 H-ga-ru na-afy-[b]a-l[u . . . 17 5[i] X X X | . . 18 iz-zak-kar a-na [.. . 8 -a i$--ru [... 19 lil-q-e-ma X [. # 9 # I t f ^ at-ra-fy[a-si-is . . . 20 Ui-id-km tu-pu-ul [. 10 H-a-ma [. . . 21 li-mur -a x [ . . 11 [u -m]i-tam-ma [... 22 a-na-ku ia 'rrturH x [ 12 [ma-f]ak-ka i-za-ab- [... 23 il-tu-m\a . 13 ^^-nu-ma tn$-id-r[a-. . .
T d d d r 1 d r d d d d A

17..-..[... 18 He spoke to [. . . 19 M a y [. . . ] take [. . . 20 May i t be established under [ . . . 21 L e t Ea see . [. . . 22 I n the night I . [. . . 23 After [ . . . 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 3
2

||^v

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 |i
32

*-na ^tt-tt* w [ 5 r t j , . ; i-na pu-ut {<,. a-na a/vf [ , . U-[m]-e-ma [-a f-bMkl[Ji~mi(?). ., am/w U n a x X [.. v an-nu- [. g<**na\\x x K x ab f . , ,
d

Facing the [river . . . Facing [. T o the Aps [. . -, [Ea] heard [. A n d brought the [water monsters (?) * T h e man who . . . [. * . [Let] this being [ . . . Come . . [ . . . M E- *

34 *'X pM 35 x [... 36 li-X [. . . 37 at-ta x X [ . . . 38 a-na apst x [. . . 39 -m-ma [-a . .. 40 an-na-a x [. . . 41 X X X A N X [ . . . 42 mi-nom i-na x [. . . 43 / X x x [... 44 a-na x x [...
d

35 36 37 38 39 40

[ L e t . [. . . You . . [. . . T o the Aps . [. . . [Ea] heard [. . . A n d this being . [.

41 [ 42 What in . [. . . 43 . . . . [ 44 T o j . [. . . Reverse i i Reverse ii

1
2

] X AN X X X X [. . . ]
d

[( ) aq-bi-ma Y<i-nu u adad i-na-as-sa-ru ^-[le-nu] 3 [ (3) ^^^/(u.gur) i-n]a-as-sa-ru er$etim qab-^lP-t 4 [H-ga-ru na-ah]-ba-lu tam-H 5 [at-ta ta-na-a]s-sa-ra qd-du sam-mi-ka 6 [tu-ma-dl-$]r a-na ni$t * mi-Sr-t 7 . . . ] ta-ma-t ra-pa-dl-t 8 [ter-ti en]-lil a-na -a -Sd-an-nu- 9 [ . . aq-bi-m]a fy-nu u adad i\-na\-as l-sa l-ru e-le-nu 10 [ sin($o) u nergal(u.giir)] ty-na-sa-ru er-se-tim qa-ab-li-tim 11 [H-ga-ru na]-ah-ba-lu ta-am-ta 12 [at-ta ta]-na-as-$a-ru qd-du Sam-mi-ka 13 [tu-tna-df\-Sr ana t S me-lr-t 14 \H-a pa-a]-Hi puS-ma i-qab-bi 15 [iz-za-kar] ana mr Hp-ri 16 [..] X taq-bi-ma (^a-nu u) adad is-sur e-le-nu l [ ^ ( 3 ) nerga]^VLgv]r) if-sur ertu* qab-li-tum 18 [H-ga-ru n]a-ah-ba-lu tam-t 19 [a-na-ku af]-sur qd-du Sam-me-id 20 [...] ki-i -sa-an-ni 21 [ . . KjUe"** 1 Sdr nn" * 1 ter*** i d hu x 22 [ . . K ] u -gap-pi-Sam-ma h-liq-Ma 23 [Sd H-ga-r]u il-bi-ru mi-Hl-Su
d u Um me d d d d d me d l d d 1
6 m c

2 ' [ ( . . ) I commanded that] Anu and Adad should guard [the upper rgions^ 3 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 4 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 5 [You should] guard together with your plants. 6 [But you let loose] abundance for the peoples!' 7 . . . ] the wide sea 8 Repeated [the message of] Enlil to Ea, 9 l [ . . I commanded] that Anu and Adad should guard the upper rgions, 10 [That Sin and Nergal] should guard the middle earth, 11 [That the boit], the bar of the sea, 12 [You should] guard together with your plants. 13 [But you let] loose abundance for the peoples F 14 [Ea] opened his [mouth] to speak 15 A n d [addressed] the messenger, 16 ' [ . . ] . you commanded and <Anu and) Adad did guard the upper rgions 17 [Sin and Nergal] did guard the middle earth, 18 [The boit], the bar of the sea, 19 [ I did] guard together with my plants. 20 When [. . . ] escaped from me 21 [. . ] 'M a myriad of fish, one myriad *' 22 [. . ] . . . ' I got together and i t disappeared, 23 A n d they broke half of [the boit]. 24 [After ( ?)] I had killed the guards of the sea

24 [ . . .d\d-du- hi> ma-af-fa-ru tam-ti

x

9 Tablet:

if-f-ru

 2 C

ATRA-fJASS [ X X X df\-kun-$u-nu-ti-ma [ii-tu-ma] e-ni-nu-su-nu-ti [-tir-ram]-ma sr-ta e-mi-id [ X X X ] il-qu- ter-ta e-(te)-nin-iu-nu-ti
2 rev. ii aj~ g
4

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

25 26 27 28

I laid [. . .] on them and punished them. [After] I had punished them [ I repeated i t ] and imposed a penalty.' [. . ] took the message ~ " "

[ . . .] ta-ma-t ra-pa-di-t [il-li-k]u-ma -sd-an-nu- [ter-ti ]- a d}-na qu-ra-di en-lil [. . .] X taq-bi-ma a-nu u adad is-su-ru e-le-nu [^#(30) u n]ergal(n].gar) is-su-ru er-se-t qab-[l]i-t [H-ga-ru n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-am-ti [a-n]- } i-ku as-su-ra qd-du iam-mi-ia [. . .] ki-i -sa-an-ni [. . ] K U 1 dr nn" '* I dr"-*" id? p i x M E 6 -gap-pi-iam-tna ih-liq-ma p i i H-ga]-ru U-bi-ru mi-Ul-bi [. . .] ad-du-ka ma-as-sa-ru tam-ti
d r d d d d T

29 [. . ] the wide sea 30 [Went] and repeated 31 [The message of] Ea to Enlil, 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

[. .] KU

me5

41 [x x ] X d$-kun-$u-nu-ti-[m]a e-te-nin-S-nu-ti 42 [if\-tu-ma e-ni-nu-hi- (nu)-ti 43 [u]-tir-ram-ma Ur-ta e-mi-id 44 45 46 47 48 [ en]-lil pa-a-su i-pu-us-ma i-qab-bi [a]-na pu-hur ka-la ilf ** iz-za-kr [a]l-ka-ni ka-la-ni a-na ma-mi-t a-bu-bi a-nam i-na pa-ni Hcfi-mu-ni en-Ul it-ta-mi mr^-s it-ti-H ta-mu-ni
d 0

' [ . . . ] . you commanded and Anu and Adad did guard theupper rgions [Sin and] Nergal did guard the middle earth, [The boit], the bar of the sea, [ I ] did guard together with my plants. When [. . . ] escaped from me [ . . ] . . a myriad of fish, one myriad . . . [ . . ] . . I got together and i t disappeared A n d they broke half of [the boit]. [After (?)] I had killed the guards of the sea I laid [. .] . on them and punished them. After I had punished them [1] repeated it and imposed a penalty.' Enlil opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed the assembly of ail the gods, 'Come, ail of us, and take an oath to bring a flood.' A n u swore first; Enlil swore, his sons swore with him.

(i*a)

T H E

A S S Y R I A N

R E C E N S I O N

T H E
B

ASSYRIAN
M

RECENSION

B M 98977+99231 ( U ) , O b v e r s e 1 [ y a bele-re-ba-ka [di-me-ma] 2 [-t]e-qi-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin !p[ *-ka]

d f l lj

98977 + 99^31 ( U ) , Obverse

ggg

1 Ea, lord, [I heard] your entry, 2 [ I ] noticed steps like [yourj footsteps.' 3 [Atra-bass] bowed down, he prostrated himself, he stood 4 H e opened [his mouth] and said, 5 ' [ L o r d ] , I heard your entry,

3 [ a-tar-ltas] ik-mis ut-kin i-ta-zi-iz 4 [p-Hi] ipulat'-ma izzakar(mu)

m ar

X [X (x)]

5 [ma bel] e-re-ba-ka di-me-ma 6 [-te-q(]-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin

$p -k[a]
llmti

6 [I noticed] steps like your footsteps. 7 [ E a , lord], I heard your entry, 8 [ I noticed] steps like your footsteps. 9 [. .] . like seven years 10 11 12 13 . . .] your . . has made the feeble thirsty . . .] . (
n c w b r e f t k

7 [-a b]l e-re-ba-ka d-me-m[] 8 [-te-q]i-ma Hkna ki-ma Hkin lp -[ka]

lme&

9 [x X ] X ki-i 7 SanH(mu) [^] 10 *, .] X -ma-ka -se-mi kai-ha-[d]

m

11

, . , ] X**"* *~**-ka
1

a-ta-marpa-ni-k[a]

) . I have seen your face

12

. . . ] X -ru-ku-nu qi-ba-a ia-a-S[i]

ia

. . .] tell me your (pl.) . . { . . ] * [ E a ] opened his mouth to speak

13 [*i-ap]-ht puia i-qab-bi 14 [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-H 15 16

1

14 [And addressed) the reed-hut, 15 16 \ . .] Reed-hut! Reed-hut! . . .] pay attention to met

, .] ki-kii
v

ki-k[H]

4 ; . H]-ta-ma-ni | ] X biS x [. .] I f * ] X ia .] l i l . ] X i ta [. .] . . .] X X X [. .]

1 8

19 20

*
Rev

Reverse
1 traces

2 [Mit\-ta-di ri*x [ x (x)3 3 [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-fra-a ^eleppa] 4 [i]a-ru**< ^ -a-ma ib-bak me-h[u-]

2 [. . . he] put . . [ ] 3 [He] entered and shut up the [boat]. 4 T h e wind (

w b r e a k

) . and brought the

5 adadi-na lr ertem'(im.limmu.ba) ir-ta-kab 6 Su--tu il-ta-nu Sadtf a-mur-[ru]

d

pa-re-V^ht]

5 Adad rode on the four ttinds, [his] as 6 T h e south wind, the north winu, tne

*4

ATRA-tfASS

7 8 9 10 11

ri-qu-bi siq-si-qu me-hu- r/(aga[rj) im-hul-lu ad ma hu lu te-bu- JtriT^*] ur&^-q-da tt-ba-a id-S su-tu [i]-zi-qu a-na idi-l a-mur-ru [ x ] X [ X ] X i-ba- k i Si X
me

U rev. 7-aj

7 8 9 10 11 X]

The The The The [.] .

storm, the gale, the tempest blew for him Evil Wind . . . . the winds arose. south wind . ( ) . . arose at his side, west wind blew at his side, [.] . reached . . .
break

12 [ x x]&E-ri fu-ku-ub ilni * muS-Su- X [X 13 [i-r]a>-ri-i$ i-da-ak i-da-di [ x X X ] 14 [U]-lak nin-urta mi-ih-ra [-Sar-di] 15 r-ra-kal -na-sa-ha t[ar-kul-li]
d d

12 [ ] the chariot of the gods . . . [ . . ] 13 [ I t ] sweeps forward, it kills, it threshes [. . .] 14 Ninurta went on and [made] the dykes [overflow], 15 Errakal tore up [the mooring ples]. 16 [Z] with his talons [rent] the heavens, 17 [He . .] the land like a pot, he scattered its counsel 18 [. . . ] the flood set out, 19 Its might came [upon] the peoples [like a battle array]. 20 21 22 23 . . .] Anu ( ? ) [ . . .] the noise of the flood, . . .] set the [gods] atremble. . . .] . her sons were thrown down at her own command. .] . spent her motion

16 [ z]u i-na su-up-ri-hi $am ^-[iar-rif] 17 [X X m]ta ki-ma karpati mi-lik-sd is-p[u-uh]
e

18 [x X X ] V-ta-sa-a a-bu-bu 19 [ki-ma qab-li e\i ni-ie i-ba-a ka-su-hi 20 21 22 23 24 25 . . . ]a }-nu rtgim(KA) a-bu-bi
d

. . . ilm\

mQl

ul-ta-dar
m<A

. . .] X mr -Sd ub-bu-ku a-na pi-ld . . .] X la-hi-id i[s-ru-u]p . . .] ma li" [. . . ...] X [. . .

r 1 m e l

(ia6)

(27)

CBS

13532 Obverse

CBS

13532

(3)

i . ] X - W 3 ] X i-ba-as-su- 5. i-b]a-aS-bi- Reverse

1 S . ] x ? B x i ? [x X ] X-ka

2 . . .] a-pa-aS-ar 3 | ^ . ] fai-fo m-&" -te-nti i-sa-bat 4 ., la-am a-bu-bi wa-se-e 5 . . .] X --m ma-fa i-ba-aS-hi- lu kin ub-bu-ku lu pu-ut-tu hu-ru-hi 6 . . . ] **eleppa ra-bi-tam bi-ni-ma 7 . , .] qd-ne-e gdb-bi lu M-nu-us-s 8 . . . ] j t - i l u ^m<2^^urruffr(m.gur.gur)-ma hm-Ia lu na-si^rat na-pii-tim 9 . . . ] x pi-lu-la dan-na s-ul-lil 0 . . .] te-ep-pu-hi x . >] x -ma-am st-rim is-ptr la-me-e 2 | | | | . ] ku-um-nd-ir{\ tablet -m) 3 * . - ] X u kin? ta X 4 (trace)
T h e Middle, not Old, Babylonian date of this fragment has been argued by G . A . irton, JAOS 31. 37-46, and E . L Gordon, Journal of Biblical Literature 75, 336.
1

2 . . .] I will explain 3 . . . a flood] will seize ail the peoples together 4 . . . ] . before the flood sets out 5 . . . ] . . . ail that there are 6 . . . ] build a big boat* 7 Let its structure be [ . . . . . ] entirely of reeds. 8 . . . ] let it be a maqurqurrum-bozt with the name, The Life Saver. 9 . . . ] roof it over with a strong covering. 10 [Into the boat which] you will make 11 [Send . . . ] . wild cratures of the steppe, birds of the heavens 12 . . ] heap up

( 129)

DT

42

(W) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

DT

42

(W)

1
2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9

[ x x x ] x tu-u x [ . . . [ X X X ] X ki-ma kip-pa-ti [. . . [ku-up-ru] ht da-an e-lis u i[ap-lif} [ X ( X ) ] X tpi-b* *[eleppa] [-sur] a-dan-na Sa a-lap-pa-rak- [ka] f^eleppa] e-ru-um-ma bb **eleppi tir~[ra] [su-liana]lib-M~sduttat(se.bar)-ka bu$(nig.su)-kaumakkr(nig.g3,)-[ka] [a$sat-k]a ki-mat-ka sa-lat-ka u mari*** um-m[a-ni] [bu-ul\ sri -ma-am srima-la urqtu(.sim) me-er-['i-sun]
g

10 [a-sapj-pa-rak-kum-ma i-na-as-sa-ru bb-k[a] 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 [ at-r]a-ha-si$pa-a-hb ipu$(du)-ma gaife*(dug .g[a]) [i-zak\-kar ana -a be-i-[su] [ma-t]i-ma-a ^eleppa ul e-pu-us X [ x ] [ina qaq]~qa-ri e-sir -\jur-tii] [-sur]-tu lu-mur-ma **eleppa [lu-pu-uQ [yj-V ma qaq-qa-ri e-[&r -sur-tu] [ X X ( X ) b]e-U taq-ba-W [. ..
m 4

[ . . . ] . let i t . [ . . . [ ] li^e a circle [. . . Let [the pitch] be strong above and below, [ . . ] . . caulk the [boat]. [Observe] the appointed time of which I will inform you, Enter [the boat] and close the boat's door. [Send up into] i t your barley, your goods, your property, [Your wife], your kith, your kin, and the skilled workers! [Cratures] of the steppe, ail the wild cratures of the steppe that eat grass, 0 [ I ] w i l l send to you and they will wait at your door/ Atra-hass opened his mouth to speak A n d addressed Ea, [his] lord, ' I have never built a boat. [.] Draw the design on the ground That I may see [the design] and [build] the boat Ea drew [the design] on die ground. ' [ . . ] my lord, what you commanded [ . . .

1 2 3 4 5 [6 ij

835 113

( I3i )

T H E

F L O O D

S T O R Y

FROM R A S
2 2

SHAMRA

Ugaritica

v. 167 RS

THIS small fragment,

b y f T

that was announced by Noueavrol in a des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes RendJ , r X T ! ? Him in : v psent. J ^ ^ X S S C .H , .tory found outtide Mesopotamia so far. Unlike Atr asl, it covered only the flood itself, not the cration of man and Enlil's attempts Z diminish their numbera. I t was written on a single tablet, of which the beginning and end only survive, and it dates from about the fourteenth century BC .. Atra-hass himself begins to speak in obverse 6, and it sounds as though he is going to tell the story, as happens in Gilgamel xi, where the immortal flood hero explains to Gilgames how he escaped death. The first five lines contain no simiiar explanation for use of the first person here. The orthography and grammar of the tablet mark i t out as having been written i n the West, but what little of the text remains suggests a good Babylonian work of literature, not a Syrian composition.
H 1

J.

I 3 2

T H E FLOOD

STORY

FROM

R A S S H A M R A ($) *33

Obverse i V-nu-mailnu * im-ta$-ku mil-kd i-na a-bu-ba is-ku-nu i-na ki-ib-ra-ti

m< 2 3

Obverse mtti
mtAti

1 When the gods took counsel i n the lands 3 And brought about a flood in the rgions of the world, 4 . . . . hears [. . ] 5 ....[] i n his heart.

4 X X X X i-se[m]-me [(. .)] 5 t- X X X [ ]-bit-ti -a ina libbi-f[u]

d

6 at-ra-am-ha-si-sum-me a-na-ku- [ma] 7 i-na Ht -a bli-ia a$-ba- [ku] 8 -X-X-ma i-X [x]
m d

6 ' I am Atra-hass, 7 I lived in the temple of Ea, my lord, 8 [J o I knew the counsel of the great gods, 10 I knew of their oath, though they did not reveal i t to me. 12 He repeated their words to the wall, 14 " W a l l , hear [. . .

9 i-de mil-kd
i A

a ilni *
me

ra-ab-bu-ti
n

10 i-de ma-me-et-Su-nu

-ul i-pa-at-tu-
13

a-na ia-a-si

12 a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na ki-ik-ki-[H] 14 [i]-ga-ru-ma si-m[e- . .. 15 [ x ] ki? ma i-[. . .

i-sa-an-[ni]

Reverse

Reverse 1 2 3 4 5 6 [ . . . . ] . the gods life [. . . [ . . . ] . . your wife . [. . . [. . ] . help and . [. . . Life like the gods [you will] indeed [possess]/ Written by Mudammiq-Nergal Property ( ?) of

1 [ . . . . ] X ilni?*] ba-l[a-fd . . . 2 [x X ( X ) ] X-taclsat-ka X [. . . 3 [ X ] X-atuk-la-at X [. . . 4 ki-i ilni* ba-la-td lu- [. . . 5 6 Su sig . n.iri .gal X ( X ) an.Su.S.ku?.na
m s d x

( 134)

BEROSSUS

BEROSSUS who, at some time i n his life, settled on the island of Cos and opened a school. He calls himself a contemporary of Alexander the Great, but since the latter died young Berossus outlived him and his work i n Greek, Babyloniaka, was dedicated to Antiochus I , who reigned either as co-regent or as sole monarch from 292 to 261 B . . C The purpose of this book was to prsent Babylonian history, w i t h its vast antiquity, to the Greeks. Despite the considrable interest i n that kind of material i n the Hellenistic world, incredibly few people read the book, and i t is now lost. For the flood (and most other things) we have to dpend on Alexander Polyhistor, a Greek of the first century B.c., who quoted Berossus extensively. This work too is lost, but i t was i n t u r n quoted by Eusebius, especially i n his Chronicles, which survives i n an Armenian translation. However, the passage relating to the flood is quoted from Eusebius i n Greek by the Byzantine chronicler Syncellus. Another writer who gives a briefer account of the flood ultimately derived from Berossus is Abydenus. His date is uncertain, but since he seems to dpend on Polyhistor and is quoted in turn by Eusebius (his work is no longer extant) the limits between which he must be put are fixed. T h e relevant section is quoted by Eusebius twice, i n his Chronicles and i n his Praeparatio Evangelica. With such a devious tradition one must ask how reliable it is. There are diffrences between Polyhistor and Abydenus. According to the former the second group of birds returned to the ark i n a muddy condition, but the third group according to the latter. T h e former states that pitch from the remains of the ark i n Armenia was used for amulets, but the latter asserts that wood served this purpose. I f i t is accepted that Abydenus depended on Polyhistor (the vidence is plausible), then obviously the excerpts from Polyhistor are to be preferred. However, Abydenus records that the first group of birds were let out three days after the rain stopped. No simiiar time period is given by Polyhistor as we know his version. This raises the question of whether Eusebius quotes Polyhistor i n full, or is using a digest. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 1. i i i . 6, also quotes the sentence about use of the pitch (not wood !) as amulets, and there is a considrable amount of verbal agreement between his and Eusebius' version, especially if one allows that Josephus literary helpers may have touched up Berossus style. However, a more serious problem is raised i n the account of cration where Eusebius, professing to quote Polyhistor, gives a con9 9

B R SU was a priest of Babylon, E OS S

flated version made up of two separate accounts, the one undoubtedly Berossus, the other a combination of Babylonian and Hebrew lments. Dtails will be given i n the first-named author's forthcoming Babylonian Cration Myths. At whatever stage in the line of transmission this conflation took place, it throws doubt on the integrity of the whole tradition. Fortunately there is no simiiar objection to any major part of the story of the flood. The Greek text of Berossus, with a German version of excerpts from the Armenian, can be read both in P. Schnabel, Berossus und die babylonischhellenistische Literatur, and in F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (FGH) 111 C, pp. 364 ff. The only English translation of at least the major fragments is that of I . P. Cory, Ancient Fragments (best dition, 1832). The flood came i n the second book of Berossus Babyloniaka after the ten kings and the related sages. The last two of the kings are given as Otiartes (or Ardtes), a corruption of Ubr-Tutu, and Xisuthros, i.e. Ziusudra. They are said to have reigned in Larak.
9 y

B R SU, AC R I G T P LHT R E OS S CO D N O OY I O S
The same Alexander, going still further down from the ninth king Ardtes as far as the tenth, called by them Xisuthros, reports on the authority of the Chaldean writings as follows: After the death of Ardtes his son Xisuthros ruled for eighteen sars and in his time a great flood occurred, of which this account is on record: Kronos appeared to him i n the course of a dream and said that on the fifteenth day of the month Daisios mankind would be destroyed by a flood. So he ordered him to dig a hole and to bury the beginnings, middles, and ends of ail writings in Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god); and after building a boat, to embark with his kinsfolk and close friends. He was to stow food and drink and put both birds and animais on board and then sail away when he had got everything ready. I f asked where he was sailing, he was to reply, T o the gods, to pray for blessings on men.* He d i d not disobey, but got a boat built, five stades long and two stades wide, and when everything was properly arranged he sent his wife and children and closest friends on board. When the flood had occurred and as soon as it had subsided, Xisuthros let out some of the birds, which, finding no food or place to rest, came back to the vessel. After a few days Xisuthros again let out the birds, and they again returned to the ship, this time with their feet covered in mud. When

BEROSSUS BEROSSUS

i_* t f the third time they failed to return to the boat, and they were l e t " a r e d . Thereupon he prized open Xisuthros m f e r ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ portion of the sea ^ his daughter, and his on some mountain n ^ aitar and sacrificed
o r u d h a d a p p e h h a d r u n a g r o u n d a w i t h h i s s e t w i f e ) u p d >

!lTk^ When Xisuthros and his party d i d not come back, those who S d s ^ y e d b t h e boat disembarked and looked for h i m , calling him by nam Xisuthros himself d i d not appear to them any more but thare ZIvoie* out o f t h e air instructing them on the need to worship the Ids seeing that he was going to dwell w i t h the gods because of his S S and that his wife, daughter, and pilot shared m the same honour. S e t l d them to return to Babylon, and, as was destined for them, to "escue the writings from Sippar and dissmina* them to m a n k i n d Also L told them that they were i n the country of Armenia They heard this, sacrificed to the gods, and journeyed on foot to Babylon A part of the boat which came to rest i n the Gordyaean mountains of Armenia, still remains, and some people scrape pitch off the boat and use i t as charms. So when they came to Babylon they dug u p the writings from S.ppar, and, after founding many cities and setting up shrines, they once more established Babylon. Jacoby, FHG m C, pp. 378-82
BEROSSUS, A C C O R D I N G TO ABYDENUS

Daisios is a Macedonian month correspondis with the R K , the second month of the year. I t is not clear if t h k V 7 % cise chronology of the flood, like that in Genesis I f ! " " ^ * P " with some other, perhaps cultic, significance. 8eCH^TA ail writings i n Sippar is known from Berossu!, Z ^"V* ginnings, middles and ends', meaning simply 'air L *
a a b y l o m a n a r f re e T h c a n

a Babylonian text which prescribes'the saying 'the beginning of the inscription and the end o f T
T h n e n t I o n o f S a r

r l ^ ^ t t ^

* % l W " this connection surely implies a local tradition of Sippar, which is interesting because Berossus' list of the ten kings is plainly altered, as compared with second millennium examples in favour of Babylon. The ten kings are spread over three cities, the first Babylon, replacing the eariier Eridu, the second and third being Badtibra and Larak, both completely unimportant places in the first mulemum. Evidently there was no version of the flood which set the scne in Babylon, so a Sipparian version was employed, though this is not used either m Atra-hass or GilgameS x i . The apotheosis of the flood hero could have been contained i n the damaged ending of Atra-hass. I n addition to Berossus and GilgameS x i , another attestation of this item occurs on the Babylonian Mappa Mundi, where under the name Ut-napiistim the flood hero is described as living i n a remote corner of the universe [CT 22. 48 obv. 10).
u

After whom others ruled, and Sisithros, to whom Kronos revealed that there would be a dluge on the fifteenth day of Daisios, and ordered him to conceal i n Sippar, the city of the Sun(-god), every available writing. Sisithros accomplished ail thse things, immediately sailed to Armenia, and thereupon what the god had announced happened. O n the third day, after the rain abated, he let loose birds i n the attempt to ascertain i f they would see land not covered with water. N o t knowing where to alight, bemg confronted with a boundless sea, they returned to Sisithros. And similarly with others. When he succeeded w i t h a t h i r d groupthey returned with muddy feathersthe gods took h i m away from mankind. However, the boat i n Armenia supplied the local inhabitants w i t h wooden amulets as charms. Jacoby, FHG 111 C, pp. ' 401-2 Berossus dparts from ail known cuneiform sources i n only two respects.
h e g l v e 8 a

Particular month and day for the beginning of the flood.

(138)

SUMERIAN

FLOOD

STORY

139

THE

S U M E R I A N

F L O O D

S T O R Y

by M. CIVIL
THE Sumerian flood story is preserved i n CBS 10673, the bottom third, approximately, of the complte tablet, apparently from Nippur. I t was published by Arno Poebel in 1914 (PBS v, no. 1, and pis. [photos]). Poebel himself gave a complte study of the text i n PBS IV/I. 7-70. The text aroused considrable interest and a certain number of studies, most of which by now offer little except historical interest, followed PoebePs publication. The only serious attempt to bring Poebel's work up to date can be found in S. N . Kramer's translation i n ANET 42 ff. I n the philological notes, rfrences to Poebel and Kramer without further spcification are to PBS iv/1.7 ff. and ANET 42 ff. respectively. So far no duplicates of CBS 10673 have turned up. A few isolated fragments might belong to the same text: the bilingual G T 4 6 . 5 (see pp. 14 and 17) could belong to the missing part of column i i i ; STVC 87 B (see pp. 16 and 26) also could well belong to this story. However, nothing more positive than a similarity of content recommends their attribution to this text. The prsent dition follows Kramer's line numbering, which gives a good idea of the extent of the gaps, though i t does not take indented Unes into account. I n the absence of a colophon, a tablet can be dated only by palaeographic, orthographie, linguistic, and other internai criteria. Cuneiform palaeography, i t is sad to say, has hardly made any progress i n the last forty years, and little could be added to PoebePs conclusions (PBS IV/I. 69), which are still valid. I t must be stressed, however, that generally a literary tablet cannot be dated by a simple comparison of its sign forms w i t h those of tbe administrative texts. Diffrent calligraphie styles coexisted, and served for diffrent genres of tablets. I n any case CBS 10673 is not eariier than Late Old Babylonian.
1 2
1

L X V- X X I X X IL X V

Since PoebePs initial publication knowledge of the standard Sumerian literary corpus, mainly from the Nippur school, secondarily from that of Ur, has increased so much that the grammatical and lexical irregularities of this text, some of which were already pointed out by Poebel m PBS xvf 1. 68, are much more obvious. Most of the verbal forms, for example, do not fit into the paradigms of standard Sumerian. Unless one can trace a Sumerian model (see, e.g., the note on 100) or an Akkadian construction (e.g. i n 202 r with ugu renders the phrase bau eU), then a translation cannot be offered with much assurance. Some of the more doubtful passages have been italicized in the translation. However, it would be unwise to start building conclusions on the prcise wording of still others. For example, the text begins with allusions to the destruction of man, although he is at this point newly created. Lines 38 and 39 are not quite complte, and the preceding lines are missing. With what is preserved the translation given seems the only one possible. Was there, then, a first destruction of the human race prior to the one recorded in Atra-faons} I n the prsent state of knowledge i t would be incautious positively to affirm i t . The thme of a flood which destroys mankind does not seem to belong to the main body of Sumerian traditions. Allusions to it are lacking ia the texts which are presumed to go back to older originals, and so best represent Sumerian literary thmes. When a primeval cosmic storm seems to be referred to (see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 37), it has quite diffrent implications and the destruction of the human race is not associated with i t . The original short form of the Sumerian King List may or may not have contained an opening rfrence to the flood, but it certainly included no antediluvian kings. The oldest datable occurrences of the standard phrase egir a-ma-ru ba-r-ra-ta 'after the storm had swept. . (lise 40 of the longer form of the Sumerian King List) and its variants are in a hymn of Isme-Dagan (1953-1935 BC) and in a text which mentions .. Ur-Ninurta (1923-1896 B . , see pp. 16 and 26.* Judging from the . ) C information available at prsent, the thme of the flood which wiped out ail but a handful of the human race became popular during the Isin dynasty. I n view of the large number of artificial grammatical forms and lexical peculiarities i n CBS 1 0 6 7 3 , i t was very likely composed at a later date.
1

Pbel'g hand-copy is reproduced i n S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology,fig.2, and From the Tablets of Sumer 178,fig.60. * A . T . Clay, YOR v/3 (1922); C . J . Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 130 ff. (1924), reproduces foies 145-2*1 of the text; H . Gressmann (d.), AltorientaUsche Texte zum alten Testament* 198 ff. (1926); L . W . K i n g , Legends of Babylon and Egypt (Schweich Lectures 1916) 41 ff.; A . Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels 102 ff. (194^; S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ff. (1944), From the TableU of Sumer 176 C (1956). Remarks on parts of the text are given by T . Jacobsen, AS and by Laessoe, BiOr 13, 90 ff. 11. 58 f., 64 f.;

N o r the storm associated with Inanna {Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 572ff.; 10 ff.) or E n l i l (Hoe and Plate Contest 168ff.);the storm as a metaphor in the lamentations is also a case apart. Duplicates : S . N . Kramer, Sumerian Literary Texts from Nippur 137; VAS 10. 204, i i i ; and unpublished texts.
1

Enmesarra
2

SUMERIAN

FLOOD

STORY

SUMERIAN

FLOOD

STORY

(0 37 t ] -t*-g[* ] 38 nMn- l-u XGiSGAL)-mu ha-lam-ma-bi a ga-ba-n[i- . . . ] 39 nin-tu-ra nfg-dim-di'm-ma-mu sl-[ ] ga-ba-ni-ib-gi -g
f x d 4

(i) 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 ' I want to [. , .] the destruction of my human race, For Nintu, I want to stop the annihilation of] my cratures, I want the people to come back to their dwelling grounds. Let ail their cities be built, I want their shade to be restful. Let the bricks of aU cities be laid on holy places, Let a i l . rest on holy places, The pure water which quenches the fire I will put conveniently there. I perfected the divine rules and the lofty me, The land w i l l be irrigated, I want there to be peace.' After A n , EnhV(and) Ninhursag f+*M Had created the black-headed people, Animais multiplied everywhere, Animais of ail sizes, the quadrupeds, were placed as a fitting ornament of the plains (gap)

4 0 un ki-r-bi-ta ga-ba-ni-ib-gur-ru-nc 41 uru^-me-a-bi h-im-mi-in-d gissu-bi n i ga-ba-ab-db-bu 42 uru ?-me-a sig -bi ki-k-ga h-im-mi-in-ub 43 ki?-e-me-a ki-k-ga h-im-mi-ni-ib-ri 4 4 k ?-a nig-izi-te-na si mi-ni-in-si-s 45 garza me-mah Su mi-ni-ib-Su-du? 46 ki a im-ma-*b-dug silim ga-mu-ni-in-gar 47 an ^en-lfl ^en-tri nin-^ur>sag-g-ke 48 sag-gi|-ga mu-un-dfm-e-a- ba 49 nig-ge ki-ta ki-ta mu-Iu-Iu 50 m-ane nig-r-4 edin-na me-te-a-aS bWb-gl
4 4 d 4 16

(ii) 84 I M 85 86 87 88
r 1

() 3 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 I want to consider their pfainstaking efforts]. [. . . ] bricklayer of the country, let him d [ig] a solid foundation. [When the . . . ] of kingship had come down from heaven, After the lofty crown and the throne of kingship had come down from heaven, [. . . ] perfected [ . . . ] , Founded [. . . ] cities in [. . . ] , Gave them their names, apportioned the capitals; The first of thse cities, Eridu, he gave to the leader Nudimmud, The second, Badtibira, he gave to the 'nugig', The third, Larag, he gave to Pabilsag, The fourth, Sippar, he gave to the hero Utu, The fifth, Suruppak, he gave to Sud. He gave the names to thse cities, apportioned the capitals. He d i d not stop the (yearly) flood, (but) dug the ground (and) brought the water, ditches. (gp)

] * m [

[X x] x ri-g[t]ga-bt-iii--in-[. ] [du-I]um-bi ^ ga-ba-ni-ib-dug-dfug-x] X idim-kalam-ma-ke us-gi Tia^-ba-ab-ba-[al] [ u ( X ) j X ^nam-lugal-la an-ta e -d[]-a-ba

1 4 4 r u u 5

89 men^mah ^g[u-*]a-nam-lugal-la an-ta e -a-ba

r

9 { ' . ^ ^ ^ p ^ ^ n-ni-ib-Su-du 01 [ X X X j-ga u [ r u . . 2jL .b]a-an-da-ub 9 2 mu-bi ba-an-sa^ KAB^-dug^gfa ba-hai~fa]aHa 9 3 (ni)sag -uni4tt-e*ne eridu m-sag n u - d i m - m u d mi-ni-in-sum 9 4 2-kam-rna-S nu-gig-ra bad-tibira mi-ni-in-sum 0 5 3-kam-ma la-ra-ag pa-bfl^(^ur))-sag mi-ni-in-sum 96 4-kam-ma zimbir** ul-%tu mi-ni-in-sum 97 5-kam-ma Suruppak %d -ra mi-ni-in-sum 98 uru-bi-e-ne mu-bi ba-an-sa -a KAB-dug -ga ba-hai-hal-la 99 a-gi la-ba-an-fei-ra i m ba-aHa a im-ma- an -tu m 100 id-tur-tur-rc su-Iuh-bi gar hur-hur mi-ni-ib-gar-gar
7 r z d d ki 4 4 4

100 He established the cleaning of the small csnals and the irrigation

(g*P)

12 4
r

SUMERIAN

FLOOD

STORY SUMERIAN FLOOD (m) STORY

(iii)
n

135 ki-tuS? an-na X [

13
6
e

H 3

'J 137 a-ma-ru [ J 138 (traces) 139 ^rg-gin^ bf-in-ak [ ] 140 u -bi-a nin-t[u X X ] D i M a [. . . ] 141 k- inanna-ke un-K~5 a-nir mu-[un-g-g] 142 ^en-ki -ni-te-na-ke ad i - n i - i [ n - g i - g i j 143 an den-Ml ten-ki nin-hur-sag-g-[keJ 144 dingir-an-ki-ke mu-an- en-lil m u - X - [ p ] 145 u -ba zi-u -sud-r lugal-m g u d u X [ . ] 146 an-sag-NiGiN mu-un-dim-dfm en [ ] 147 nam-du -na inim-si-si-ge nf-te-g [. . . . . ] 148 u --u-e sag-tis gub-ba [ ] 149 ma-m nu-me-a -d inim-ba[l ] 150 mu-an-ki-bi-ta p-p-d [ ]
f
1 4 d d 4 4 4 d 4 d r n 4 4 4
r 1

140 141 142 143

Then N i n [ t u . . . her] creaftures? . . .] Holy Inanna we[pt] because of the people, Enki bethought himself (of the situation even though) A n , Enlil, Enki (and) Ninhursag,

144 The gods of the universe, had [taken an oath by] the names of An and Enlil. 145 A t that time, the king Ziusudra, the anointed [. . . ] , 146 He made . . . [ . . . ] 147 148 149 150 W i t h humility (and) well chosen words, in rvrence [. . . ] Every day he stood constantly prsent at [ . . . ] . I t was not a dream, coming out and speajking . . . ] Conjured by heaven and underworld [ . . . ] (iv) 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 I n the ki-ur (?), the gods, a wall [ . . . ] Ziusudra hea[rd], standing by its side, He stood at the left of the side-wall[. . . ] 'Side-wall, I want to talk to you, [hold on] my word, [Pay attenjtion to my instructions: O n ail dwellings (?), over the capitals the storm will [sweep]. T h e destruction of the descent of mankind [. . . ] , The final sentence, the word of the assembly [ . . . ] T h e word spoken by A n and En [lil and Ninhursag], Now [. . . ] (gap) (v)

| 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158

r 1

(iv)
8

ki? -r-8 dingir-re-e-ne e-ga[r . . . . ] zi-u -sud-ra da-b gub-ba gi mu- [un-tuk] iz-zi-da -gb-bu mu-gub ba-[ ] iz-zi-da inim ga-ra-ab-dug i n i m - [ m u h-dab] na-de -ga-mu gizz[al h-im-si-ak] DAG?-me-a a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-d [ug -ga . . ] ba-[r . . numun-nam-l-u ha-lam-e X [ ] di-tikla inim pu-h-ru- [um % . .]
4 4 5 4 x r 1 4 r n

159 inim-dug -ga an <*en-|lfl toin-hur-sag-g-kej 160 nam-lugal-bi bal-bi x [ 1 161 e-ne -s [ . . . . . . . . . ]
r 1

160 The overthrowing of the kingship [. . . ] .

162 x - n a mu x
r 1 r

[ . , /..

. . . . .] (gap)

201 im-hul-im-hul im-si-si-ig d-a-bi tS.bi i-su -ge-e a-ma-ru ugu-KAB-dug4-ga ba-an-da-ab-r-e m 4-7-m gi -7-m

201 202 203

AU the destructive winds (and) gales were prsent, T h e storm swept over the capitals. After the storm had swept the country for seven oay nights

202

204 a-ma-ru kalam-ma ba-r-ra-ta

144

SUMERIAN
ga 4 4

FLOOD
4

STORY SUMERIAN PLOQD STOKY

4

205 206 207 208 209

mi-gur -gur a-gal-la im-hul tuk -tuk -a-ta utu i-im-ma-ra- an-ki-a u g-g zi-u -sud-ra m-gur -gur ab -BrR mu-un-da-buru ? utu gt-nu (SiR)-ni-da * m-gur -gur - ba-an-ku -re-en zi-u -sud-r lugal-m
d 4 4 gl5 4 4 r 1 a d x l8 4 4 4 4 d

205 And the destructive w i n d had rocked th,. k ~

4S

210 igi- utu- K ki-su-ub ba-gub A 211 lugal-e gud im-ma-ab-gaz-e udu im-ma-ab-sr-re 212 [ X X ] X si-gal [. si]kil-la-da 213 [. ] X mu-un-na- x - X "'-ba
r 1 r 1 r

** i t r r 807 Ziusudra made an opening in the huge boat ? , ". ^ " tered the huge beat 209 The king Ziusudra 210 Prostrated himself before the Sun-god 211 The king slaughtered a large number of butta and sheep (gap)
s c a , , , 2 0 8 d t h e S n h i t s

214

215 216 217

[ f. f

] bf-in-si Yx tab-ba
1

Ja^x (g P)
a

(vi) 251 252 253 254 255 255a 256 257 258 259 260 261 zi-an-na zi-ki-a 1-p-d-en-z-en za-zu-da h-im-da-l an den-lil zi-an-na zi-ki-a i-p-d-z-en za-da-ne-ne im-da-l nig-ge ki-^a e - d im-ma-ra-e -d zi-u -sud-r lugal-m igi-an- en-lfl-l-s K ki-su-ub ba-gub A an den-lil zi-u -sud-r S L x [. . . .] Ae ti dingir-gin mu-un-na-sum-mu zi-da-ri dingir-gin mu-un-ab-e -d u -ba zi-u -sud-r lugal-m mu-nig-ge -ma numun-nam-l-u uri -ak kur-bal kur-ditmun-na ki- utu-- mu-un-tU-e za-e x [ |i, ...] (rest broken)
16 1 u 11 4 d 4 r 1 x x n 4 4 16 x 3 d r 1

(vi) 251 Be conjured by heaven and underworld, let. . . 252 A n (and) Enlil, be conjured by heaven and underworld,.. 253 He/they made come up the animais which merge from the earth. 254 The king Ziusudra 255 Prostrated himself before An (and) Enlil 255a (see note) 256 (Who) gave him life, like a god, 257 Elevated him to eternal life, like a god 258 At that time, the king Ziusudra 259 Who protected the seed of mankind at the time (?) of destruction, 260 They settled in an overseas country, in the orient, in Dilmun. (end broken)

(146)
P H I L O L O G I C A L TABLET I a-wi-lum has the locative -m with the meaning of the comparative -if, as in k -ma a-ar-ra-qi-tu ( n . i i . 19, 33, see note), where kma i s u s e d pleon asti cal ly like ina i n ina balm i n the Code of Hammurabi. Thse are the first examples to be
i noted of comparative -um, b u t they need cause n o difficulty as - u m a n d - i f interchange freely before suffixes, so i t i s fully conceivable that they might do the same without suffixes also. T h e occurrence of comparative - i f as early as the O l d B a b ylonian period has been denied b y v o n Soden (ZA 4 1 . 1 2 8 - 9 ) , b u t i t i s not clear w h y ew was disregarded, since i t can be construed w i t h either kma or - i f already i n the O l d Babylonian period. 5 Rcent literature on the A n u n n a k i a n d Igigi i s plentiful : v o n S o d e n , Compte rendu de Vonzime rencontre assyriologique internationale 102 ff. ; A . Falkenstein and B . Kienast i n AS 16. 127 ff. and 141 ff. respectively ; v o n S o d e n , Iraq 28. 140 ff. T h e opinion of K i e n a s t , that the two terms are m o s t l y synonymous, we accept for the O l d Babylonian period generally (though n o t n e a r l y so m u c h as he for the later periods). T w i c e i n Atra-hass (1. 2 3 2 - 3 , 111. v i . 6-^7) the author has juxtaposed the two terms, as i n Enma Elis* v i . 2 0 - 7 , so as to identify t h e m . T h i s line under discussion, however, contains the ony example i n t h e O l d Babylonian copies oAa-nun-na-ku. Elsewhere (1. 219, 2 3 2 ; u . v. 2 8 ; m . i i i . 3 0 , v i . 7) a-nun-na, the traditional orthography, i s written. A s i m i l a r l y ' m o d e m ' orthography i n the opening lines is the sign qa in 11 below. ( E l s e w h e r e t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n copies write this syllable w i t h the G sign.) T h e S e v e n great A n u n n a k i are certainly those A referred to as gods of the destinies i n the following three passages : dingir.nam.tar.ra imin.na.ne.ne Bnhl and Ninlil, Barton, dim.me.er.nam.tar.ra imin.ne.ne
mci

N O T E S

I down to seven particular ones. V o n Soden in JNES ff. has collected the examples of s u c h phrases as damqam ni, seen also i n the name watram-fyasis, w h i c h are remarkable both for the ending on what would normally be in the construct state and for the regularity with which the ending seems to be an accusative. A U the occurrences are descriptive phrases, since with the name one must understand '(the man) abounding i n wisdom*. Perhaps here too we are to understand the accusatives as limiting a noun, whether expressed or not. 9 N e i t h e r CAD n o r AHto attempts to define the meaning of guzal precisely. T h e r e is certainly no proof that the officiai who no doubt originally carried his lord's chair still performed this menial duty i n the Old Babylonian period, any more than the L o r d Chamberlain in twentieth -century Britain supervises the monarch's bedroom. F r o m line 49 below and the related J it may be suspected that as conceived b y the author of Atra-faass the guzal supervised the forced labour. 10 C f . 127. gall here is certainly not 'dmon', but is explained in a group w i t h two other ci vie officiais : 18 19 li.bi.ir = dub.s = ab.ba.uru =

11 -0

1 . 13 9 6

H 7

Erimbu vr in

20

ga-lu-u gu-za-lu-u si-i-ib a-li

A semantic paraliel is offered b y maskim == rbisu, which also means both 's dmon' and ' a n officiai'. W h i l e thse two examples of this meaning of gall seem to be the only ones, it m a y be noted that the dmons called gal ,l act as the constabulary o f Erekigal i n the Sumerian Descent oflnnin. Ennugi is first mentioned, it seems, i n the U r I I I offering list TCL 5.6053 i i (1 udu en.nu.gi ) in a section dealing with the m i n o r gods of E n l i l ' s court. H e appears again i n the same context i n the Old Babylonian forerunner to AN = Aman (TCL 15, pl. xxix. 324), and this is taken over a n d elaborated i n AN = Anunt 1 as follows :
5 d 4 d

MBI4.

i i . 14 =

SEM

77. i i . 6

d .ru.ma.
B M A
d

en.mt.g

ilni H-ma-a-ti si-bit-ti-H-nu SBH p. 135. iii. 27-8 = p. 92. 23, cf. p. ilni &mt sibitti-M-nu Enma Elit vi. 8 1
mtA m

nisaba

87. 34;

SBP

164. 34

gu.2a.le en.lil.l.ke en.nu.gi dam.bi gu.za.l nin.lil.l.ke CT 24.10.7-9 and dug.

d 4 d d

status quo, cf.

T h e gods of the destinies are those w h o fixed, a n d w h o alone c o u l d change, the 219, below; thus i f the gods h a d to toil i t w a s certainly this group that had so otdained, even though the text only alludes to t h e i r n u m b e r rather than their full title. T h e accusative sibittam i s unexpected b u t p e r h a p s explicable. T h e function o f this case i n Akkadian i s always l i m i t i n g . I f one says imfias 'he struck', the meaning is so gnerai as to be incomprhensible, b u t imfeas awlam 'he struck the m a n ' so limits the action o f the v e r b b y the addition o f the accusative that meaning results. T h i s can occur w i t h a stative v e r b too, as s h o w n i n the example igpu libba 'he became great as to h i s h e a r t ' (quoted i n a v e r y fine section of the z n d and 3rd ditions of A . U n g n a d ' s Babylonisch-Assyrische Grammatik, 19, unfortunately dropped from the 4th dition). T h e t e r m ' a d v e r b i a l accusative' has n used to describe other kinds of limiting a c h i e v e d b y u s e o f this case. A i l le, however, limit verbs, b u t here sibittam limita t h e n o u n anunnakku. W i t h o u t ttam it would mean ail the great gods generally. T h e accusative l i m i t s the group

H i s connection w i t h E n l i l is further confirmed by the litany that names en.nu.gi dumu. en.lil.l.ra (SBH p. 137. 36, dup. K 5148: 'to Ennugi, son of ErihT), and b y the exorcistic text ABRT 1. 57 rev. 2-5 that names htm among ilm9* U ~[kur] i/5m m e 8 fd -su-me-Sa^ ('gods of E k u r , gods of ESumesa', cf. Zimmem, ZA 32. 6 6 ) . H e is n o doubt meant i n Surpu vm* 14: *en*m-gi gu.za.l dM.KUD, U ET v\j 2 . 4 0 8 . 4 , b u t the context i s unhelpful, and it is not clear to which of thse two the title belongs, since both can bear it. A completely dnrent god appears i n AN = Anum v . 2 2 3 - 5 , e n , [nu]. gi4 .gi , one of the two doorkeepers of EieSkigal (CT 25. 5. 37, restored). I n KAR 142, iv. 12-15 den-nu-giA-gii is given as the last of the seven doorkeepers of Ereskigal, and i n the myth Nergal and EreSkigal he appears i n charge of the seventh gte leading to the shades ( n-im-g[i -^J t STT 28. i i i . 4 7 ' = AnSt x . 116). T h e r e is a mass of vidence showing that single and reduplicated roots freely interchange i n Sumerian, so that by name alone one cannot distinguish between the ' Chamberlain of E n l i l ' and the keeper of the seventh gte i n the u n d e r w o r l d . Indeed, an etymological god list, CT 25.49 rev. 3 explains d en-nu-gi as bel ersetsm**** bel la ta-[a~ri\, ( T h e similarity of en.nvig and kur.nu.g
d d 8 d r 1

could hardly be missed !) Y e t a third E n n u g i figure c a n be identified. T h e third of seven gods listed i n T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Rit. acc. 5. 3 ff. is :
d

1* 4

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

I 10-66; S i

49

^eg .rwjm.girn .gimjne a.s.mar.ra.ke

*im-nu-gi i-kin eq-i

T h i s list occurs also i n RA 16. 145 obv. 1112, a n d i n unilingual form only i n AN Anum 1. 139 r. ( C T 24. 4. 29 ff.), where they are expressly called the seven sons of Enmesarra. E n n u g i i s not one o f them, b u t i s identified w i t h one, and must therefore have had some at least of the same characteristics. H e is also named as one o f the ' E n h l s ' o n a brick inscription from U r : [.( x )].gu.k.ga [ki.tul gub] en.nu.gi.ket (UET 1. 182, cf. 173-81), a n d h e appears i n a simiiar context i n RA 41. 32. 23. Thse groups o f seven are ail somewhat demonic in character and are usuaily represented as divine malefactors. I t i s certain therefore that the Chamberlain of E n l i l m u s t be distinguished from the other t w o E n n u g i s , and doubtful i f thse two can be identified. Gilg. 18 instead o f gall, w h i c h fits the context very well, offers gti-gal-la-s-nu, w h i c h i s quite in appropriate for an orficer i n a divine assembly. M o s t likely i t i s a scribal e r r o r influenced b y the pieceding line. However, i t is curious that Surpu TV. 103 n a m e s den-nu-gi bel iki() u palgi (pas). Perhaps that line or something simiiar elsewhere contributed to the corruption i n Gilg. I t is u n certain w h i c h E n n u g i i s m e a n t i n the temple list that calls both .rab.riji and .rab.AG.AG the temple o f E n n u g i ( den-mi-gi: PSBA a a . 362, K 43744-8377. i . 9 - 1 0 ) . A mere curiosity is that i n AN = Anum m . 86, where *ga-a-a~ii sipa en.zu.na.ke i s mentioned, a variant gives sipa en.nu.gi.ke (CT 2 4 . 4 8 . 1 9 ) , though S i n is equated w i t h E n n u g i i n RA 1 6 . 1 4 5 obv. 12 i n a late syncretistic text.
d

themselves o n k i n nam.k.zu == nmequ. T h e meaning and etymology of miliku are not dfinitely known. T h e proposai to connect it with ensi = iisakku (Zimmem, BSGW 68/1, p. 33) and with nu.s nefakkum (see von Soden, ZA 41. 166 ; E d z a r d , ZA 55. 9 3 - 5 ; Jacobsen, AnBib x n / . 138-9) can be discounted on formai and semantic grounds. A possibility is that rtisHku s another form of nasiku 'chieftain i n L a t e A s s y r i a n , also found i n Biblical and later Hebrew and in the Aramaic Ahiqar 119 (see the lexica) as nsk. T h i s is plausible since in Sumerian religious texts n u n i s a c o m m o n epithet of E n k i , and i n some Akkadian texts E s is referred
e 1

to as ea arru,

22, 24 T h e E u p h r a t e s is referred to as

na-pis-ti ma-a-ti

in JNES 15. 134. 49.

XI.

25 C f . i-di-ig-lat nota in J RAS 1927.536.7. T h e placing of a kind of determinative as description after a name is not usual. S i 7 C f . {pu-ra-na-ti (KAR 360. 7) and purantum in the Mari letters (ARM xv. 131). S i n c e the S u m e r i a n is buranun, and i n view of this vidence, Borger's correction o f KAR 360 to ipu-ra-dt( ?)-** (Asarhaddon, p. 91) is unnecessary.

li-a-si-ik (cf. 240 below) ArOr 17/2. 3 6 6 - 7 .

42

i s taken for

lisassik,

from

nasku,

with von Soden,

is-sab-tu-ma qa-tu qa-tu-us-su-un.

LiteraHy: 'they took h a n d i n its hand*,

qa-ti-sa = qtissa,

cf.

Gilg. ni.

i . 19:

13, 17 W i t h Jfa-me-e-a cf. im-ta-qut ap-si-sa (MIO 5 4 . 4 ) . Thse are the only tHD cases k n o w n to the writers, so one cannot tell i f the e n d i n g i s -&z(m) or -is~a(m)t b u t i t is certainly quivalent to ana. 15 T h e restoration i s from X rev. L 6, etc., w h e r e rhe m y t h o l o g y i s also discussed in the note. 16 naSfiku, i f correctJy restored here, seems to be a hapax legomenon, b u t h can hardly be separated from the w e l l - k n o w n title o f E a , ntsBkji. T h i s occurs most cnfimwsily i n Agusaya (VAS 214 = Z i m m e r n , BSGW 6 8 / 1 , i v . 12, v . 16 and 2 8 ; RA 15. 159 ff. vffi* 17) written m-{is)~s-i-kufki. In Atra-hass i t occurs ( i n addition to II. vL 3 9 a n d n i . v i . 4 2 ) b e l o w line 250, w h e r e the O l d Babylonian copy offers m J and m e L a t e A s s y r i a n ]-si-foi. T h i s proves that t h e title of E s cornmoniy read 'hn-igi-k s h o u l d in fact be read ra-ft-&i, a n d i s another writing of niBku. Confirmation and explanation o f this fact b e c o m e s apparent when it is noted that **#i-$-fei has not yet been found i n a n y S u m e r i a n o r Akkadian text from the O l d Babylonian period. I t o n l y o c c u r s i n later sources a n d i n later Akkadian copies. nilBku, on the other h a n d , o c c u r s i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n Akkadian literary texts, w i t h one exception, *m$-H~ku i n tXAR 3 8 ( d u p . K 8863) rev. 21. T h u s it appears that Amn^k is a spurious Sumerianization o f a p r o b a b l y S e m i t i c fffhu invented s a the Cassite period. T h e Cassite-period god lists CT 24. 4 2 . 113 (aod dup.) and CT 25. 4 8 . 6 both explain i t as d-a la ni-me-qt\ n o d o u b t basing

XII.

44 4 6 , 5 8 , 60 T h e most obvious drivation of i ni-ti-H-a, from nas% 'let us carry', gives so poor a sens that it can hardly be right. T h e view provisionally adopted here i s that the verb i s sasu, the same as appears i n Gilg. iii. 11 and 14, where s-s-ku i s u s e d b y GilgameS to describe himself on awaking from a frightening d r e a m , a n d s-s-t to describe the dream. Thse forma could be either from hi or from $a$. C a m p b e l l Thompson's citation of the Syriac Samces* 'turbavir* (ad loc.) i s quite inconclusive, and the vidence from Atra-hass can be used in favour of the other alternative. A n objection could be raised from the statement in S. M o s c a t i , An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p . 7 4 : ' I n n o S e m i t i c language can two identical consonants . . . appear next to e a c h other i n first a n d second position; a n d i t i s rare for such consonants to be found as first a n d t h i r d radicals.' I n Akkadian there is hah, a verb, and dadnuy a n o u n , to quo te two obvious exceptions, and the scribes who wrote derivatives of the root tobl w i t h the radicals bbl obviously did not know this rule. There is, therefore, every possibility of a verb sasu meaning 'to disturb'.

V *

Z.

61

tsi-a is taken for ti-si-ma a n d Hsi-i-ma

t

Juta, w i t h von Soden, BiOr x x m . 52, who quotes -nt from O l d Babylonian letters, where the contexts clearly c o m p e l a drivation from Sas. 63 I n O l d Babylonian literature generally the root is saqru, not xakru. I n addition to passages cited b y v o n Soden, ZA 41. 168 note m*qa-ra~an (BWL i$6. 2 ; JNES 16. 256 obv. 13 (i-sa\-qa\-ra\-am\ collated) and rev. 22); *-qra-am-ma (AfO 13. 47. 13); also passages quoted by Sonnek, ZA 46. 226-31. T h i s does not of course prove that sqr is right for the reign of Ammi-aduqa and S i p p a r , w h e r e K u - A y a probably worked, but a better case cannot be made for xkr.
1

6 4 - 6 I n MSL n . 127. 2 8 - 9 the same Sumerian word (restored as ku-u xu) is explained b y na-du-u^ and na-ka-a-btm. Landsberger translates both '(Eier) legen\ b u t i n the note ad l o c . cites only na-du-u [id\ issri (without Sumerian quivalent)

PHIL0L0GICAL N 0 T K 8 i$o and the pair na-du-u m/~Av/-l// (with quivalent, apparently restored, gti) in CT is. ai, BM 374*5* While the existence ni mul May eggs' is not in question (tho Latin /tofto could be compare!), the vidence cited does not prove this meaning for nad atiociated with nakfu and in the context of Atra-lutsis we have nad followed by ittakht, which must have roughly the same meaning. The obvious conclusion is thtt nakd9u means 'put , the common meaning of muli).
t 1

I 64-179 the Assyrian recension, 8 v. 33 vi. 12, bunu occurs alto with ma meaning 'son' (see the note ad loc), but this line is lacking from the Old Babyloniantest,ami here a rendering 'your sons are sons hardly gives sente, No other known meaning of bnu or bunnu is more certain for this passage, but if the phrase is proverbial one need not be over concemed : proverbe often dpend on cttehing a sens not full y expressed in the words but suggested by the context in which it it used, Here Enlil is probably being encouraged to trust thtt hit tons will not be altogether pitiless to their father.
1

69 e*W*flesf tfM - ni is a sandhi-writing for bahis' atmni, 70-2 i.e. 'rnidnight'; the watch referred to must be the mafsartunt qablitum* 74 Kalkal ia the door-keeper of Ekur, see the literature cited by A. Sjberg, Nanna-Suen 156, and in addition Ebeling, Stiftungen a6. x, Kol. 3 with note, and K 5148 obv. 13*14, a bilingual duplicit of Langdon, S BP 154. 34, which, with the other duplicates given by Langdon in Babylonian Liturgies, p. 138, sub voci kalkalag, now rends :
d

98, 100 Elsewhere abku it an a/u class verb, though in C T 15, 3. to and 11 a preterite ibbuk occurs, which sharea the petuliarity of the doubled t found here and i n the tame form i n u. v. 24 and 26. Cf. alto the preterite ubiih in x rev. i. 28 (Late Babylonian) and the prtent ibbak in U rev. 4 ( Late Assyrian). 1 2 T h e tentative restoration from mmerk is based on the view that many of the 0 passages are as well suited with 'be prsent' at with the usuel 'rematn behind*. For example, the earliett exempte : ia i^ma-gar^ra-hi bit i-mit-titerriblM la im-mer ku-ma nm-gar-ra-hi uh-tiMa (BBSt p. 32. 26 f. and 36 f.) 'whose chariot was not prsent at the right hand of the king, bis lord, but his chariot wat held back'. The translation of I le idel ( A S ' 77), 'whose chariot did not remain behind the right of the king', is just playing with wordt, since 'romain behind' (wben others have patted on) is something quite diffrent from 'remain behind' in the sente of following closely.

MtN a-an-qn ni- [<n* l-i?u| /1 -kur Comoly Kalkal, chief door-keeper of Ekur
d H

kn1.kul Sn .gt ni,du .gol.c.kur.ra

0 H

Another example is CT 46. 51 rev. 24: kal-hal dan*dan-mi (i-f.u ta-nu-eli ^H tO ni-rib x [ where the etymology implied in dandannu need not be taken too seriously.
A ia

1. 3

78 In the tablets of Ku-Aya, and alto in the two other Old Babylonian tablets of Atra~liasfs in which the name Nusku occurs, D and F, it is written P A + L U , not M + T $ o ta most commonly. However, pA-f-LU is found elsewhere in Old Babylonian tablets: STVC 37 (see Van Dijk, SGL u . 149) and UET vin. 85. 17. Also the unpubliahed Old Babylonian god list from Nippur ( D m vu ?) ofTers both ^PA+Ttto and DPA-r-xju with the glosa nu-th-ka (courtety T . Jacobsen). The etymological god list CT 25. 49 rev. 4 also shows knowledge of this writing, since il expiai m DPA+TT)o: ft-'-li ( P A + L U ) , a-kil f-e-mi (ugula umul), mu-!*pu- [...]
d

104 One might restore fa*[fam u]-ki-nu 'they bowed down to him', but there seems not enough room forfa-[pa-al~$uu\~km 'they bowed beneath him'. xo8 The remains of L are consistent with a restoration ia ni*su*4~ti4a: *(Am I to make war) out of my own ktth and kin V 109 Note how, with the first person verb, a part of the person is expressed at the subject. The same occura in Ludlul m m : muutwtu am-ma-Hdab-bu-ut-tum ap~paHr (BWL 54). Thit it the 'whole and part' construction, 113-15 Since siqru ia often an explanatory speech, the liberty has been taken of translating i t reason', and the verb of which it b the object it presumably lost at the end of 115.
1

(pa [ UL ], K / U)

81, 83, etc. For rsti as a verb of motion, like the Hebrew rs 'run', see BWL 310 note on 288, and STC 11, pl. ucxiv. v, 13 (restored) -ra-su di-ma-ta 'they made tears flow'. 85-6 The grammar of 3$'' . plu puamma . . . is-t-qat is not clear. I n this and tr cases in this epic one might easily explain issaqar as I / i perfect following , the preterite with ~wa as in normal Old Babylonian squence of tenses. This, however, it not possible without further explanation in the Pennsylvania and Yale stt of Gilg. which use is^s-qat-am. I f this is a I / i perfect, why does it not une issaqram ? This question i t reinforced by those texts, including Old ytonian ones, which write a doubled middle radical, e.g. CT 15. 3. 7 : . . i-pu!a-am-ma ., . is-s-aq-qd-ctr. Kienast accordingly in ZA 54. 9a construct the form ts a IV/1 prtent in an ingrestive tente. Thtt may suffi ce for the last and simiiar exemples, but in rhe Gilg* tablets quoted the tame form fo-j-ar-am occurs without any preceding verb in the sentence (e.g. Penn. 1. 16), where it must be either 0 preterite or perfect. By the normal forme of verbt there i t no solution to this problem.
% 9

149, 162 Other examplea of a metaphorical use of dku are quoted under CAD dku 1 c. 173 This tam-ta is the tame at thtt in YBT 35. iti. 1 i~pu-uk, ditcutsed by Goetse in AnOr xxi. 185 fT. A further exemple is KAR 88 fragment 5 rev, 7 (and dupt.) ArOr ai. 42a: bit qabli u ta-ma+tIta^amtu. Further vidence cornes from the commentary on Enma Mis* vu. xt6 128, 132, where erim it equated with tmtim (Tiamat), though mis involves a play on words.

U L

: DM I A-S J O

93, 95 bin bnka has the ring of a proverbial taying, and binu it certainly ton lu view of mr its the paraliel Une. The real problem is the meaning of bnu* In
4 1

178-9 The reconstruction of the text is in some doubt, as one cannot formaUy prove that N , which supplies the middle of the Unes in our text, really belongs to thit recension rather than to, say, that known from G* With $79 the restoration based on N and G ii. 6 produces a very plausible Une, and since 176-7 do correspond with O B 3-4, it hst been assumed that 178 must be the same ts G & 5, though

thing either from nat 'be sui table' o r the homophone 'strike'. I f 180 agreed with G i i . 7 one might restore i t : i-ba-ai-st s[i-ip-ru a-n]a e-pe-si there is work to be doue*, but since 181 does not correspond w i t h G i i . S t h i s m u s t r e m a i n doubtful. tukku here, as i n the lexical texts (see K u p p e r , RA 4 5 . 120 fT.), i s clearly 'lamentation*. Other examples occur i n incantations : mar^sa tuk-ka-ka i-a-at-ia-di e/[?-ta] ( K 7641. 9 ) ; ma fam* id-du- tuk-ku ( B M 4 5 6 3 7 4 - rev. 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; also i n a m y t h : a-na n tup-sar -sag-il su-ktm tuk-ka ( A 7882. 13).
1 d

52 5 a complte restoration has not been acbieved. A t the e n d one m i g h t restore some-

PHILOLOGCAL

NOTES

I 178-259; G ii ; V obv. ; S iii 4

153

219 T h e A n u n n a k i w h o dtermine the dsunies are the Seven mentioned in line 5 above. O n l y they h a d the power to authorize so great a change in the constitution of the universe. See the note to that Une. 223 O n e m a y read either d Pi-e i-la or d?i-e-i-la. StylisticaUy the former it unlikely. ' S o - a n d - s o , the god w h o . . .' reads peculiarly for an Akkadian text, and especially here since so far gods are the only beings in existence. T h e strongest argument m favour of this first alternative is that one could expect the god named in 47 above, w h o persuaded the others to take direct action against Enlil instead of approaching the vizier, to be the one here who was made to pay the penalty. And i n 4 7 there is room for a two-sign name, and the trace that remains, while it is too small to c o m m e n d a restoration [ Pi]- e\ at least permits it. For the second alternative one m a y quote the divine name dsa-al-i-a, which occurs among Marduk names i n a late list w h i c h seems to concentra te on the rare and unusual ( C T 25. 35 obv. 4 = 36 obv. 3, see RLA art. Gtterlisten, 9). I f one does read Pl-e-i4o, i t is p r e s u m a b l y a W e s t Semitic name, and the first lment will be toe-e. The -e w i l l m a r k vowel length a n d i n principle could be omitted. T h e sign P has exactiy I the same n u m b e r of wedges as s A, and i n some scripts very little displacement of L wedges converts the one to the other. I t ts, therefore, quite possible that an original d Pl-t-Za, because i t was unknown to the scribes, got corrupted to D A -- g and mis S L*Z , was t h e n w r i t t e n o u t as sa-al-i-la. T h a t it occurs among Marduk names is no p r o b l e m , since i n the lists Q i n g u , the counterpart of Pt-e(-)f4a in Enma Elis*, is also a n a m e o f M a r d u k . A further considration against reading i-la as the common n o u n i s the difficulty o f finding an acceptable reading for Pie. A Semitic name W ( o r P ?) a n d indclinable seems improbable, and while one might think of gestug.e as S u m e r i a n , the .e s inexplicable and geltu(g) is not usuaily written w i t h the Pi-sign alone. A n etymological play on gestu and {mu is not impossible, b u t t h e n o r m a l quivalent of gestu i s kassu, A further objection is the meaning of tmu i n this portion of the e p i c
d r

G ii. 9 cf. V obv. 2 W h i l e it is n o w certain that hdi s a loan f r o m the Sumerian l.Ux.lu and means ' m a n ' , some still cling to overtones s u c h as 'savage* o r ' p r i m i tive', but Atra-hass offers no support to s u c h a v i e w , w h i c h i s a false generalization based on E n k i d u . See JSS 12. 105. V obv. 1 A full discussion o f sassuru, sassuru, etc. w i l l appear i n the hrst-named authors forthcoming Babylonian Cration Myths. 190 T h e reading K-gim-ma-a, suggested b y J . J . F i n k e l s t e i n , does not appear to be quite certain and the paraliel lines i n G i i . 9 a n d V o b v . 2 w o u l d suggest hdl, which* however, i s impossible w i t h the clear initial &*-. A reading li-il-la-a i s e p i graphically improbable, though there is a litde late vidence for lill as well as

lull (KAR 162 rev. 4).

193 F o r sabstu, tabstu, see v o n S o d e n , AfO sab-sn-tum (Malku 1. 127, JAOS 83. 427).

1 8 . 1 1 9 - 2 1 , a n d note

mu--lit-\p\ ~

15. 2. v i i i . 4 : it-mu--su ftor(ms) w e r e g o i n g (it-mu-su = a-la-a-kui CT 18. 6 obv. 5 a ) , together they w e n t d o w n / I t also o c c u r s i n the M a r i letters (see ARM xv. 239). 213 T h e adverbial
d

puhur occurs again i n CT su- pv-hu-ur ur-du-m-i-im ' I s t a r a n d h e

214 Although the prcise allusion to the d r u m uppu is o b s c u r e , there i s n o better alternative. T h e d r u m called uppu h a d a c u l t i c u s e , a n d w a s ' h e a r d ' , whereas n o other object called uppu could b e so described. P e r h a p s at t h e t i m e of the c o m position o f m i s epic the daily meals of the gods w e r e i n t r o d u c e d i n the sanctum to a bearing a f the d r u m . 215 S i n c e m e first vowel of etemmu i s always e o r s, the w r i t i n g of E , pi-te-em-mu, requtes a new value, ex S i n c e this sign occurs passim for ica/tvi/tce/tcu i n O l d Babylonian texts generaJry, a n d for i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n literary texts (see von Soden, Akkadische Syllabar1), there is nothing i m p r o b a b l e i n i t s o c c u r r i n g for v o w e h other than a, though it could be argued, w i t h E . R e i n e r , Studies Presented to A. Lo Oppenk&m 167-80, that phonernically t h e stands f o r *e.

= PI.

T h e importance o f tmu is shown not only by its mention here, but also in 239 (cf. 243 P a n d u . v i i . 3 3 ) the god i s said to have been killed 'with his (mu1. It is difficult to believe that ' w i t h h i s intelligence' is right, and here the gnerai drift of the narrative is that something spcial was passed on to man from the slain god. A s preserved the epic says nothing about man's intelligence. What it passed on is the etemmu, a n d one m u s t therefore adopt the sens of (mu when it parallels rmnu (see the passages cited i n BWL 293 on 83), namely 'self or 'personaliy*. Q u i t e possibly the t e r m w a s suggested by a play of words on etemmu and fmu. S e e further p . 2 2 . 2 3 3 - 4 T h e r e h a s been widespread belief i n a supernstnral power in spitue, see H a s t i n g s , Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, art, 'Saliva', and it is probably mis that w a s foremost i n the author's m i n d , though the considration mat city needs to be moistened for a potter's use may also have been prsent. 2 4 6 - 7 Enma Elil v . 109-10 seem to have been modelled after this couplet or something simiiar. 259 T h e ' b r i c k ' is the b r i c k structure on w h i c h a woman lay for her labour. See further the first n a m e d author's forthming Babylonian Cration Myths. S i i i . 4 Restored after Enki andNinmah : nin.mah.e imu4m.abzu.asu.ni mu.ni.in.ti ' N i n m a h laid h e r h a n d o n rhe clay above rhe Aps' (TCL 16, pl. cxxxvu. O ) O '.
d

PI

2 1 6 , 2 2 9 Thse are extraordmary i m p o r t a n t b u t v e r y p e r p i e x i n g l i n e s . W h i l e there is no problem i n an adjectxve c o m i n g before i t s n o u n i n p o e t r y , i t i s very doubtful indeed i f balfa ittasu cm be taken together, s i n c e the adjecive i s mate, while the noun i s fem. T h u s balfa c a n o n l y be i n apposition to t h e suffis - J v - o n m e verb. T h e subject of the v e r b is naturally etemmu after 2 1 5 b a n d 2 2 8 b . T h e identification o f the verb's object ts n o t s o s i m p l e . I n t h e immdiate context fnr and ih seem unhkeiy, since they are other aspects o f the efemrnu. S i n c e the fundamental oontrast i n this section is that stated i n 2 1 2 , g o d a n d m a n , i t i s a s s u m e d here that since the subject of the verb ts etemmu, the object i s m a n . S e e f u r t h e r p . 2 2 .

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

S lis 7-19; I 282-384

S iii. 7 ba-m-iq is corrected after Gilg. Perttl. iv. 36-7 : i-na bi-ti-iq a-hn-iw-n(i-fi~$u H-ma-as-sm, and BM 34208 rev. 11 : uJ.dur.kud.da ba-ti-iq a-lm-un-na-t.
U!U

285 As suggested by J . J . Finkelstein, labttan is tbstract,fortabMtam, toavoid the ugly succession of the full form, No other examples of mitfrurrhave been noted, but the meaning can be gueased.
293

S iii,

mxi'tc-ti is taken as queer orthography for tndti.

S iii. r t The title o f the mother goddess bnt ilmti also occurs in m. vi. 47 and Gilg. x. vi, 37. S iii. i 2 , 13 Von Soden (ZA 41. 113 ) took the gloss seriouely and treated Hftalfan as a reduplicated form. We are not inclined t o attach too much importance to thse glosses (cf. sv ~ -me-H-na, iv. 2) and regard the -farn as the same ending seen in mifam etc. The value San for m needs better support, kullulu in the context of thse lines must be taken as having the meaning of uklulu, apparently a unique phenomenon, but it is not known i f i t also occurred i n thit form in the Old Babylonian text. Elsewhere in the Old Babylonian copies kullulu occurs twice (H. vi. 12 and in. iii. 29), and in the latter instance it hat the tente 'be covered', and probably either 'cover' or 'be covered in the former case. Outside the epic 'cover' is well attested, since the verb serves as a denominstive of both kallatu '(veiled) bride' and kiltlu/kullu 'crown', but there seems to be no other example of the I I / i having a passive meaning.
6 ri 8l t 9

301-4 This brings to mind the passage in Gilg. Penn. tv-v, where, mfatbit emtim the bed i t laid for Ilbara, mut confirming what tt prefumed here, that Ifttar during the marriage rites was called libers. It also suggests the restoration of 302, since entu rab occurs in lists (see CAD sub voetbus), while the trace cannot be restored to bit emtim.
)

336 i-ta~as-s-la i t read because the I/3 of eslu is well documented, but until the rest of the line can be completed it must rcmain a little uncertain. There are other ways of reading the signa,
370

The paraliel Une in S, iv. 27, suggests that a part of ban must be restored.

S iii. 16 This line and 295 below reveal a previously untuspected item of grammar. The third person precative is normally liprus for both genders in Babylonian, and the same for mate, in Assyrian, but l taprus for the fem. Since the fem. with U in Babylonian occurs only rarely in literary texts (apart from late examples in letters under the influence of A ramai c) hitherto no attention has been devoted to what its precative would be. Thit line and its paraliel in the main recension show that the i normally found with the first person plural i t also used for the third person fem. with t-. Other examples occur in the ikribs : 35 36 3 7 38 39 40 35 36 37 38 39 40 ni$aba elletft -ru-ulj-t sir-t mrat a-nim l-sa-at ilmP** rahti* -sa-at ilnfi** dainl* mu?pttfr~bi-rat ilni * rabti** mu^afcfyi-rat ilttiP*** daini" ** i tu-pa*bi~ra-ma iuM* ** rabti[ *] i tu-pa~bi-ra-ma U&nP ** daini[ *] ti-if-ba-nim-ma ina niqi (siskur ) i ta-pul d[i?-na?] Zimmem, BBR 89-90, now joined to K 3654 + as rev. iii Nisaba the pure, exalted, lofty, daughter of Anu, Who fummons the great gods, who summont the divine judges, Who convenes the great gods, who convenes the divine judges, May she convene the great gods, May she convene the divine judges, Sit (SamaS and Adad) in the offering, may she answer the [case (?)].
1 1 1 ttu 1 m x

374-5 * 3 8 9 - 9 0 = 11. ii. 13'-14' This couplet it perpiexing. Thefirsttime itfitan instruction from Enki to Atra-rjasls, apparently temg htm to advise the elders, The second time it follows a formula which normally introduce* direct speech to that it appears to be addressed to the elders by Atra-basls. The last time the preceding lines are too broken for the context to be clear. nua , , . mU~k\p) it t conceivable phrase meaning 'dispense ad vice', but the uncertstitry about the meaning of rimant (the reading seems sure) and the reading of tf?-fr}0? obscures the rest of the couplet.

377 For thit Subb (or jfupp) see BWL 285 on 71-2, 381 While a fem, noun epitu from ep 'balte' is not otherwise attested, tt tt a very plausible derivative. 382 alku eli - be pleasant to' (CAD alku, p, 321. 10% and a dative sufhx on a verb can take the place of eli with sufhx,
l

384

S iti. 19 A comparison with 293 below suggests that Jyurruu here (see CAD ftaru A ; AIlzv harlu I ) may be originally a mittake derived from frurr, perhaps occasioned by the rarity of the latter,
,

2 [fy\a-lu-up seems the only possible restoration, but to far no other occurrence a nounfyalpuis known. However, balpu 'to slip i n ' , with the cogntes in Hebrew 'pats on' and Arabie 'succeed', supplies s very suitable meaning, and the fsrity of other words in this epic cautiont us against dismtssing the possibility of s hapax legomenon.

The I I stem of aqlu occurs here (and in the paraliel line 399,410, B* IL 1$, 29) with qtu as object, and in iv i* i l Wtlb zumrn at object, Whtk the latter with aqlu it well known in omens (see CAD sub voce zunnu), mre has been some doubt as to whether the meaning is 'scarce' or 'moderate' (MSL 1.228; Oppenhesn, Interprtation of Dreams 282 *), but now the context of 11, L i t establishes the former. This is confirmed by the paraliel line in the Assyrian recension (S iv. 44) whleh replaces zunnsu. *. litaqqU with zunnahi liiqxr. h it, however, quite another question whether a 'hand* can be 'scarce*. The background of thtt use of 'hand* is that when men are afflicted the gods' 'hand* is heavy on them, cf. Ludhd lh 1 kab-ta-at qt-su (BWL 48), and the divine name su.ni.dugud ( C T 2 5 . 1. 0 Thus uqqulu must in some way indicate the lifting of Namtsrs's han<t The primary meaning of aqlu is 'suspend' and so 'weigh', and 'suspend' is found in Akkadian (BWL 3x9 on 22) as well as in the cognate languages. By a semantic development what is weighcd is limited and so scanty. In Hebrew m*t m^dr 'rnen of number' are men who can be counted, and so few. Thus zvnnu iaqfu 'weighcd rain' and so 'scanty*. I n this way the active 'weigh* developed a starive meaning 'be scanty' and
10 4

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

I 384-II v 20

T5 7

so a I I stem 'make scarce'. O n l y i n Atra-hass, apparently, i t there a m t k e to suspend', as i n the line u n d e r discussion.
i

11 stem

meaning

iv. 4 T h i s l i n e confirma Lsndsberger's construction of S i r . 49, 58, in 56. 113". iv.

WZKM

396 T h e fem. suffis here, contrasting w i t h the m a s c . i n 3 8 1 , suggests that the door and not Namtara is meant, since bbu i s o f c o m m o n gender.

9 A boundary stone curte included : titfalf(se.bar) la-ar-da ki-mu- m id-ra-na 'couch-grass ( ? ) instead of barley, sait instead of water* iBBSt p. 6 2 , i i . 11-13). C l e a r l y lardu was coarse grass that would grow even in times of
me

/W M [-W W ]

TABLET II
i . 11 See the note o n 1. 384. i , 1417 T h i s couplet, w h i c h i s lacking f r o m b e t w e e n S i v . 45-6, sa.zi.ga incantations: ia related to

drought, so that i t ftta the context here very well, though ita restoration it not quite sure. iv. 10 F o r the root nkm referring to a disette see BWL 54 f and the passages quoted i n the commente o n pp. 299-300. T h e meaning, or meaning if there is more than one root, i s still uncertain. iv. 13 T h e paraliel line i n S, v . 25 ~- vi. 14, has buqli me-te, and the two versions are explained f r o m : [k\i<4 se 4 er-rt e-Sa-af-fu-u S-lam- tu (Bauer, Das Imckriften* toerk Assurbanipals 1. 3 9 , K 4443. 8 ) , 'they tcattered the corpses like dried malt*. T h e sirnile arises from the brewing process in which barley was first encouraged to s p r o u t b u t w a s then prevented from growing by spreading and drytng. 'Dead' a n d ' d r i e d ' malt are clearly the same, and the appearance of humant in t n advanced state o f starvation might well be compared to grain in that state.

n Hl-Uk Sru M-nu-uS kim iis~tak-sir er-pe-tumt-ma ti-ku lit-tuk R . D . Biggs, Sa.zi.ga 35. 12-13 n li-Hk Sru SadS* l\t-nu-f\u Uh-ta-sir vr-pa-turn^-ma ti-ku lit-tuk [n Fji-uk Sru erptu ( [ i M ] . D U U
R R , D . Biggs, op. cit. 3 2 - 3 . 1-2
m

.I DM

a-a i-nu-u[S kiru\ *) tik-ta-ap-p-r[a t]i-ik-ki a-a i[t-tuk]

D . Biggs, op. cit. 37. no. 17. 6 ' - 8 '

M o s t probably the e p i c has borrowed a m a g i e f o r m u l a , h'erri i s t h e same as i n BAM 240. 14: gui-gui namiu.U3-.lu tna isti li-er-ri-ma 'let h i m p a r c h a h u m a n skull with fire', a n d there i s n o n e e d to e m e n d b o t h passages to H'errir s o as to assign them to the root urruru ' d r y ' , o n w h i c h see Kcher, AS 16. 3235. T h e r e i s also, i n thse two passages, an urr ' d r y ' , handbu ' g r o w l u x u r i a n d y ' i n the I / 3 (cf. Barra I I . 2 8 6 : gu.me.er.me.er = t-tan-nu-bu) h a s t h e sens o f getting matted together a n d thick, like kissurii jkiitassuru i n t h e i n c a n t a t i o n s , tku i s n o doubt derived from natku. i . 19 T h e first t w o w o r d s ,

i v . 14 T h e r e seem to be no other examples of ntkukuiitququ, and S turned it into Supark ' l a c k of ' ( v . 26 = v i . 15). However, the context suggests die meaning, and a metaphorical development from Sakku 'harrow* i t quite possible. iv. 17 P a r t s o f the b o d y , ncluding bdu, are so regularly fem. that one may suspect that rapStum i s an error. S v. 16 = v i . 5 has raptu. i v . 18 mazzzu as a p a r t o f the body seems to occur only here and in the paraliel lines of S , b u t s i n c e i t i s a rumen Ion i n form, and i n view of nie context, it must m e a n 'leg*. v . 17, 31 a n d v i . 2 6 ' L o w e r earth* here presumably means lower' in relation to the rgions n a m e d i n t h e previous line, rather than 'lower* of two earths. Enlil lived on the e a r t h p r o p e r a n d w o u l d guard that, just as A n u was appointed to guard heaven, h i s d w e l l i n g . S e e the note o n x rev. i . 4 - 7 . v . 2 0 T h i s l i n e , restored from v i . 29 below, cf. x rev. i i . 6 and 13, reopens the question o f ndhirtu Imisertu discussed b y Landsberger tfi JNES 8. 259 . Due to the u s e o f the EZEN-sign m a n y o f the examples are smbiguous, and individual w r i t i n g s o f rr-hi-vr-, miSe-er- a n d me-Se-er- prove mat both words do exist L a n d s b e r g e r i s n o w o f a diffrent opinion, which he expounds i n an excursus to MSL r x , 2 2 2 . ( H i s help i n this note is gratefully acknowkdged, though he i s n o t responsible for the o r n i o n s . ) T h e important question here concems the m a n y passages p u t b y v o n S o d e n i n AHzo under mehertu d). T h e y use tbe word of fishes, the sea a n d the (cosmic) river, rv 2 ? 20. 21-2 and Erra i l . c. 26 are part i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t , since rhe concept i n t h e m is clearly that of a mme cornucopia. A U thse passages are written ambiguousiy, but they cannot be separated from miSertu i n Atra-fiass, since here it i s clearly some kind of cornucopia, aod in x especially i t s m a r i n e connection i s transparent. T h u s the ambiguous writings referred to m u s t b e taken as miSertu* and it may be noted that me-U-er^tun^K^R
e4

lteddil irtasa,

are c o u p l e d b y a s a n d M - w r i t i n g .

i . 21 A verb qutturu connected w i t h smoke exista, b u t h e r e a n d i n o t h e r passages (see E. E b e l i n g , Die Weli des Orients 1. 4 7 9 ) the m e a n i n g i s 'destroy* o r ' p u t a n e n d to' w i t h no smoky associations. L 17-19 T h e root rq 'steal' s h o w s the same setnantic d e v e l o p m e n t a s i n t h e L a t i n furfurtive 'thiefstealthily*. F o x example KAR 9 2 r e v . 2 9 = LKA 144 obv. 1 4 - 1 5 : Su-nu Sar-qiS e-pu-su-td a-na-ku su-pis [\-pu-us-su-nu-ti ' t h e y secretly bewitched m e , I have p u b l i c l y bewitched t h e m ' . T h u s liStarriq... liSazmn i s a h e n d i sdys, as translated. E n k i wants the r a i n to fall w i t h o u t E n l i l ' s n o t i c i n g i t . kma Sarrqtu i s a n adverbial phrase, iarrqu-\-u> a n d f e m . t o agre w i t h eqht: 'like a thieving one'. T h e -u e n d i n g i s locative, s e e t h e note o n 1. 1. iti. 5 T h e suggestion o f A . L . O p p e n h e i m {Interprtation of Dreams 2 2 2 ) , that muISakku s a k i n d o f incense f r o m the s m o k e o f w h i c h o m e n s w e r e d e r i v e d , s neither proved n o r disproved b y this line a n d those r e l a t e d to i t i n x a n d y , b u t the use of zbi does perhaps favour some k i n d o f prsent b e i n g b r o u g h t along for the god. a i . 30 T h e fifty la.rja.ma engur.ra s e t as the c o n s t a b u l a r y o f E n k i i n S u m e r i a n epic, t t e , , see Falkenstein's note o n line 184 o f Enki und die Weltordnung: ZA 5 6 . 71.

300, obv. 6, occurs i n the apodosis o f o n e o f a g r o u p o f o m e n s c o n c e r n i n g fish. T h e eryrnology o f the w o r d is u n k n o w n . I n the p h r a s e tnusTuru mierta it m a y have been employed as a cognate accusative, b u t i f so this i s p r o b a b l y o n l y folk-etymology, since a I stem of the root i s u n k n o w n . T h e S u m e r i a n quivalent i n i v R* 2 0 . 21 (za.ba.lam) i s irrelevant, since the S u m e r i a n o f that text i s late a n d , so far as the sens is c o n c e m e d , secondary. T h i s i s h a r d l y t h e s a m e w o r d as g i i . s a . t u r mser/stum, since that i s ' s m a l l n e t ' a n d to be d e r i v e d f r o m eht ' c a t c h i n a net'. T h e root msr 'sweep along' seems u n l i k e l y , as does mtlertu ' r e g u l a r m e a s u r e ' fromy^r. v. 24, 26 See note on 1. 98. vi. 12 F o r kullulu see the note o n I S i i i . 12, 13. vi.

18 5

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

I I V 20-111 i 48
i . 13 S e e BWL 291 o n 48 for a.zu qirba landau, of which qirba idizi variant. G u d e a , Cylinder A (TCL 8) t. 28 and iv. 21 use sa.zu of understanding me meaning of d r e a m s , a n d t h i s , w i t h the fem. sufhx o n qiriba here, suggests the restoration. i . 14 zibbatu ' t s i l ' h a s figurative meanings and an O l d Babylonian form tibbatum (see CAD sub voce). H o w e v e r , there is so far no exact paraliel for the meaning guessed h e r e f r o m the context. i . 17

T BE III ALT

\rn\a-u-um-yna s e e m s

quite certain, but it is unexplained from other paiwage*,

I t i s a s s u m e d to be a n interrogative ' m e n * ; cf.

*manfum~ma,

cf.

mium

'why?*.

13 T h i s line seems to [ U = ni-i-su, te-ni-fu. L]

attest a m a s c . p l .

tnisu

MSL

n i . 60. 19-20

i . 31 I t i s n o t c l e a r h o w the boat could be roofed over both 'above' and 'below*. i . 3 4 O n e m a y s u s p e c t a w o r d - p l a y i n ufaznanakku: zannu 'rain' and ' p r o v i s i o n ' . W h i l e E n l i l does the former, E n k i will do the latter.

zannu

vi. 19 tqitu i s apparently d e r i v e d f r o m eq ' p a i n t ' a n d m e a n s ' s l a n d e r ' . F o r passages i n context see ARM 1. 130 r e v . 5 - 6 a n d AbB 11. 117. 1 3 - 1 4 . 1rs u s e here w i t h ' h a n d ' i s n o t easy, b u t u n t i l the w h o l e o f t h e l i n e i s k n o w n i t c a n n o t be properly considered. T h e sens ' c o m p l a i n t ' i s s u g g e s t e d i n JCS 12. 2 3 .
1 3

i . 35 T h i s l i n e , a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d e g Gilg. XI. 44, is par aile led m an Ur-Nammu text, JCS 2 0 . 139. 2 5 - 6 w i t h a variant form i n UET m. 76 rev. 10-12 and 77. 4 - : uru.m a.ra.a.bi ku .m dirLbi musenJun (JCS) uruki.m a.r.bi ku,um Jji.libi mu.te.na (VET) u r i m . m a a.ra.a.bi ku .m diri.bi muien.m (JCS) . . . a.r.bi ku.um hi Libi rnu.se.na/mu.sigg (UET) T h e increase of my city i t fish, its surplus fow, T h e increase of U r is fish, its surplus fowl.
6 kl t

vii. 45 I t is n o t clear w h y the p e r s o n a l interrogative i s u s e d , u n l e s s p e r h a p s E n k i is represented as pretending to take abbu as a p e r s o n a l n a m e . vii 49 T h e occurrences o f S u l l a t a n d H a n i s , w i t h d i s c u s s i o n o f s o m e o f the problems, are collected b y G e l b i n ArOr x v i i l / i 2 . 1 8 9 - 9 8 . T h e o n l y additions are a few m o r e examples o f H a n i S i n A k k a d i a n p e r s o n a l n a m e s f r o m t h e U r I I I period (MAD n i sub voce), T h e identity a n d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s divine d u o are still n o t really clear. F r o m the line u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n a n d t h e r e l a t e d Gilg, XI. 99 they seem gods of the s t o r m , b u t t h e r e i s n o c e r t a i n t y t h a t Gilg, x i . 100 further alludes to t h e m as guzal. T h e o m e n passages (CT 31.9. 1-2, 4, 6) s p e a k o f t h e m as accornpanying an a r m y to grant i t s v i c t o r y . T h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h 3amas' a n d A d a d is o n l y attested after the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , i n AN = Anum, "^APIN and other texts o f n o eariier date, b u t G e l b i s i n c o r r e c t to s p e a k o f t h e m a s ' b e l o n g i n g to the ciree* o f S a m a s a n d A d a d ( p . 192). T h e l i s t s s a y , n o t t h a t t h e y b e l o n g to the circle of, b u t that t h e y are Samas' a n d A d a d . A c e r t a i n a b s u r d i t y r e s u l t s , i t is true. A d a d i s clearly a separate deity i n t h e flood s t o r y , a n d Sama i s altogether inappropriate i n that context. T h e p r o b l e m i s e x p l a i n e d b y t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f identification. E v e n a single c o m m o n n o u n i s r a r e l y e q u a t e a b l e w i t h a n o t h e r i n a i l its shades a n d areas o f m e a n i n g . W i t h d i v i n e d u o s t h e r e w e r e s o f e w a v a i l a b l e that congruence cannot be expected. Samas' a n d A d a d n o r m a l l y o c c u r t o g e t h e r i n the giving of oracles, see La Divination en Msopotamie ancienne, XIVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 1 1 9 - 2 3 , a n d A d a d i n o t h e r r e s p e c t s w a s r o u g h l y quivalent w i t h S u l l a t a n d r j a n i s s o that h e w i t h Sama w a s t h e b e s t d u o the ancient scholars c o u l d find.

W e take a.r h e r e i n t h e mathematical sens of multiplication, with Hallo, J C S 20. i 3 4 u . C l e a r l y w e are d e a l i n g w i t h a literary clich, a n d i t is possible that x rev. i i 21-2 = 37-8 also reflect i t , b u t they are too damaged for certainty. T h e word with ' b i r d s ' , d i r i , h i . l i , frisbu, i s clear i n every case, but not the word with 'fishes*. T h e S u m e r i a n a.r c a n be e x p l a i n e d , b u t it i s not a usual usage. Both form and meaning ( e x c e p t i n a gnerai w a y ) o f the A k k a d i a n are i n doubt. F o r bu-du-ri here Ctfe x i . 44 offers bu-zu-ur. CAD identifie* the word with budduru (qjt.ybundurul buffuru, w h i c h i s o n l y lexically attested, a n d i s explained i n ffargud: x bu-un-du-ru = bil-ti l c i (v R 32 no. 4 ; 52 = MSL m. 68. t$h). I f i t i s c o r r e c t l y r e n d e r e d as ' a load of reeds' one m a y doubt its relevance. b i t also u n c e r t a i n i f it i s t h e s a m e w o r d i n A l/z, 87 (CT 12. 25. i , eighth from bottom): la-gab bu-ut-tu~rum. T h e S u m e r i a n lagab commonly indicates ttoutnest o r s o l i d i t y . A f u r t h e r p r o b l e m of using the lexical item for Atra~basis is that in the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i t c h a n g e d f r o m bud(d)uru (or perhaps butfj)uru) to buz(z)uruy w h i l e i n t h e l e x i c a l t r a d i t i o n the dental was preserved to the end. Assuming the e p i c w o r d t o be u n r e l a t e d t o t h i t other one, one might compare the Arabie badara ' s c a t t e r ' a n d a s s u m e a qutl form, noting that i n Ugaritic the proto-Semitic d r e m a i n s d, t h o u g h i n A k k a d i a n i t n o r m a l l y becomes x.

r-- S jfA

[ i. A A gj G B L

m e 4

LGB = AA

viii.

34 gamertu i n the sens 'total d e s t r u c t i o n ' s e e m s to o c c u r o n l y h e r e a n d i n lit, i t i . 38 a n d v . 4 4 below. B u t the I , I I , a n d I V s t e m s o f t h e v e r b a r e w e l l attested i n the sens 'annihilt!*/. A s a k t t l e - k n o w n w o r d Gilg. x i . 1 1 9 - 2 0 r e p l a c e s the occurrence i n m . i i i . 37 w i t h lemuttu.

i . 37 A r e a d i n g ba-a-as ' s a n d * i s also possible, but does not give so good a sens. T h e c o u p l e t c o r r e s p o n d s roughly to Gilg. xi. 86 and W 5 . Ju on rmlstht is for

-sum ana.

i. 48

C o l l a t i o n o f Gilg. xi. 41 s h o w s traces of g i r " o n K 85171 a^d while on S m 2 1 3 1 + t h e r e m a i r u n g s i g n c o u l d be i]gi (mpnu) or - p ] i , the spacing on this

i6o

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES I n a n y case

tablet requires a restoration a-ak-ka-na ' dtermine ' is no sui table sens. i i . 11-12 Restored from

[&-p]i-ia-a-ma.

pana aknu

iii. 18 R e s t o r e d from

Gilg.

i x . v. 36.

Gilg.

iii. 19 S e e note o n v . 4 6 - v i . 6 below. xi. 50-1: iii. 26 R e s t o r e [] or [ta] ?

. . . rija-jfipa-as-[ X ] . , . n)a-& a-b[alz[u(collated) Elsewhere the naggru a n d atkuppu are associated as s h i p b u i l d e r s : S a l o n e n , Wasserfahrzeuge 1 3 4 - 7 ; AHw atkuppu. T h e pu is also g i v e n as t h e b a s i c tool of the naggru i n Erra t. 155-6. T h e tool o f the r e e d - w o r k e r i s g i v e n i n ffargud (LTBA 1. 86. vi. 21): na Jak?-ka-ru-u = (vacat) = bnu ^atkuppi
A

XX]

iii. 29 F o r kullulu see the note o n S iii. 12. bulhtu is restored here from iv. 21 below: b o t h lines c o n c e r n lips. O t h e r occurrences are lexical:

[ X X ].te.KA.KA fap-tan bul~he~e<rti U-qa-a B [ X ] X .te.gar.gar C M le-qa-a M I N

4

R . D . Biggs writes on this point (privately), ' J u d g i n g f r o m m o d e m p r a c t i c e s , the atkuppu needs only two basic i m p l e m e n t s : a knife to c u t t h e r e e d s a n d s o m e t h i n g to flatten them'. T h e latter w a s h i s 'stone'. ii. 13-14 Restored from Gilg. x i . 5 4 - 5 . A p p a r e n t l y 55 h a d a n e x t r a w o r d , b u t of the traces on K 2 2 5 2 + only the first horizontal i s r e a l l y s u r e . i l . 34 T h e preterite of bru 'catch b i r d s ' i s elsewhere ibr, b u t t h e r e a r e parallels to a verb belonging to more than one class, see the note o n 1. 9 8 . E q u a l l y possible is a drivation from eblu 'snare b i r d s ' , since / a n d r c a n i n t e r c h a n g e , cf. n . iv. 8

K X A [A ...]== K [A . . ] X = K

Nabnitu (CT 19. 37, R m n . 40 rev. 14-15) . . ].gi = bu-ul-fyi-tu . . . ].S* = KLM IN List of Diseases (CT 19. 45, K 264 obv. 23-4 = MSL I . 96.165-0) X [x.m]ud = bu-ul-fye-e-tum Erimbu v i , 233 (prcde! by laqlaqqu, as in the List of Diseases) bu-ul-bi*tum Su-ur-pi-tum ('burning') Kagal D Frag. 8. 4 ( O B , SLT 248. i) f-km-mu-u bu~ul-hi-t Malku iv. 81 (LTBA I I . 1. xii. u o = CT 18. 20, K 8312. n )

(se-ru pa-ar-ku) and S iv. 58 (sru pal-ku-).

i i . 36 A restoration

bu-W-u[l la-d[k}-ha-an

deserves m e n t i o n . disappearance

i i . 39 S i n c e the n o u n bibbulu/bubbulu m e a n s the d a y o f t h e m o o n ' s at the e n d o f the m o n t h , this time i s p r o b a b l y m e a n t h e r e .

T h e e x p l i c i t c o n n e c t i o n w i t h lips i n Nbntu shows that this is the word> and its o c c u r r e n c e i n t h e List of Diseases indicates that it is something physiological. As to m e a n i n g , ' h e a t ' i s i n d i c a t e d b y the vidence already quoted.fakummis a b a n from the S u m e r i a n s ' s t o m a c h ' a n d km 'hot' (for which see Landsberger, JNES 8. 2 4 8 . 1 4 ; i b i d . 2 8 6 ; E . I . G o r d o n , Sumerian Proverbs, p. 116). T h i s meaning is c o n f i r m e d i n that it c a n be established that bulhtu is a phonetic variant of bufartu, f r o m bu^huru 'to heat'. T h e ciearest vidence on this point cornes from Gilg. x i . 126, w h i c h i s t h e quivalent of Atra-hass m. iv. 21 :
1 2 1

ab-ba/kt-ma fap-ta-f-nu le-qa-a bu-uf^re^e-ti

T h e r e a d i n g leq n e e d s explanation (its connection with the line of Nabnitu does not). C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n gave only X with a note that it was not sure that the trace b e l o n g e d to t h e w o r d ending -a. B u t a glance at any photograph of K 3375 s h o w s r o o m for o n l y x - x - a , a n d traces of the first two signs are still on the tablet, t h o u g h C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n d i d not copy them. I n the riineteenth c e n t u r y t h e tablet w a s better preserved, as shown on the older photographs, e.g. R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform Parallels2, p l . 12, and the first sign ends in two uprights a n d the m i d d l e o n e i s -qa-. A l r e a d y i n 1885 Delitzsch had read He^Pha (AL3 i#. 120), a n d H a u p t i n 1891 (Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 ) read it Xqa-a and had c o r r e c t l y identified the f o r m as t h i r d person fem. p l . of a third weak verb (BA I. 133). I n P i n c h e s ' s c o p y o f H a u p t ' s Nimrodepos (now i n the possession of the first-named a u t h o r ) , P i n c h e s has copied i n the margin the latter half of a U md has written :

ii. 49 A I / i perfect o r I / 2 preterite o f ahnuitaknagives n o sens h e r e , a n d , w i t h an eye o n 53 below, a drivation f r o m agmu s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . T h e change of m to n after g does not s e e m to o c c u r e l s e w h e r e i n A k k a d i a n , t h o u g h after a sibilant i t is well attested: lismujlisnu (AHw); ihn-karb/ihi-karb ( E . E b e l i n g ,

[(.)]-#,

Tod und Leben, p. 21 11); aJhnjan (ZA 41. 169).

i i . 50 T h a t ila is a conjunction (otherwise unattested) m e a n i n g ' a s s o o n a s ' i s m e r e conjecture. B u t no better alternative h a s o c c u r r e d to t h e prsent w r i t e r s . O n e c o u l d emend the text to i-lul 'the gods ( h e a r d e t c . ) ' , b u t that crtes a n e e d l e s s i n t r u s i o n i n the context, w h i c h states h o w Atra-frass a c t e d as the flood b e g a n . iii. 5 O n e might restore u^-ma i n the spirit of U rev. 13. iii. 9 - 1 0 C f .

28

i-t]e-en f r o m Gilg.

x i . xo8, o r

u\\e^en ' i t

grinds'

107 (collated): [ x ] gis mata kma karp[ati . . . ] X p[u-u][-p[i], T h e incomplte sign i n the m i d d l e i s n o t f\ o r ]a, b u t , e.g., t]i; t h u s rigtma cannot be restored. T h e restoration ify-p[u-u] w a s a l r e a d y suggested by H a u p t , Das bob. Nimrodepos 139 as ' n i c h t u n w a h r s c h e i n l i c h ' . U r e v . 17 i s also based o n this O l d B a b y l o n i a n couplet, a n d a c o m p a r i s o n o f aU t h r e e forms suggests that the later editors c o u l d not s t o m a c h the m e t a p h o r ' s h a t t e r e d the noise of the land', a n d so they modified tt.
6

Gilg. XI.

sbbajkatma apta-unu i( ?)-/t( })-qa-a pubrti

T h e o n l y r e a l e r r o r h e r e i s the i(}), for the traces (on K 7 7 5 2 + ) are, on collation, t[u o r l[i. C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n ' s c o p y is badly proportioned. T h u s the combiip^ tion o f the l[e- o f K 7 7 5 2 + w i t h the \f\e-qa-a on K 3375 gives the complte word. T h e w o r d also o c c u r s i n AMT 4 9 . 6 rev. 5 : bu-uh-ri-ta JW**^, where the context proves t h a t i t m e a n s ' h e w i l l eat hot food"., Another occurrence i n a mdical text, but i n a b r o k e n c o n t e x t , i s BE 31. 26. 12: [b]u-ub-ri-ta [ (courtesy F . Kcher).

886 113

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

I I I iii 29~vi 6

163

A mdical problem remains. W h a t is the complaint bulfytu/bul/rtu? That akumm involves &k/libbu i l no dtrhcuhy, since the List of Diseases has two Sumerian quivalents for bulfjttu, the second o f which ends ].B. The first, then presumably refers to lips. I n the line under discussion it is not clear i f N i n t u ' s lips are suffering due to gnerai agitation or from lack o f drink, but in iv. a i the latter is explicitly the cause. I n the modem Western world we would not describe a thirsty person as having hot lips, but clearly the Babylonians did. abba in Gilg. xi means 'bum' (not 'dry', as v o n S o d e n , Or 25. 242*), see the lexica; and note te.te = sur-ru-pu ('burn'), bul-lu-fau (CT 19. 3. iii. 12-13 = MSL ix. 9 5 . 1 3 2 - 3 ) .

surface of the water and then get pushed to the side by the current. We do not venture to guess what ina seri means in this context. The second of thse two figures is suppressed al together in Gilg. XI, and the first is modified to: 'like young fish they fill the sea' (k mari nn umall tmtamtna) in line 123, This is certainly easier wording, but i t misses the point that the bodies werefloating,when ce the honor o f the scne. S e e also the note on v. 46-7 below. iv. 74 I n CAD the occurrences of sarpu l / i are so stranged that it appears that it is transitive i n the meaninga 'refine (metals)' and 'fire (bricks)', but in transitive in figurative uses. However, of the five examples cited for the latter, one is indecisive, being a stative, a secondif correctly restoreds also stative and so indeciaive; a third is an infinitive in a list, and so no more helpful ; a fourth occurs in a phrase grammatically peculiar in both words (is-rip ka-bat-su : should be isrup kabtatiu) ; this leaves one example only, Tukulti* Ninurta Epic iii. 28. But among the bilingual passages there is one active example: if-lu np4$*sa~t zu-mur~$ is-ru-pu (JTVI26. 153. i. 10) 'a man whose body grief buroed'. lala isrup is another active example. iv. 1 8 - 1 9 0 This clumsy line is corrupted in Gilg. XI. 125. K 3375 ofTers nanti** a-ru d-bi i-na bi-ki-ti 'the gods humbly sat weeping*, and K 77524- has: A S nu-ru-ub ni-is-sa-ti s[i ? 'in the moistness of grief.'(??). Probably this latter results from ditorial work on a corruption of a-ru -bu ina nissati. Von Soden'* emendation of $*ru to ina libbi (ZA 53. 232) cannot be sustained. iv. 196 The picture is of sheep standing crowded together in a dry trough waiting for water. iv. 24 In Gilg. xi. 127 collation of K 2252-f reveals that 7 is as possible as 6, at the beginning of the line. iv. 25 This agres better with the reading of K 7752-f in Gilg. XI. 128 (J&fl-fW ra-a-du mi-fpu- a-b[u-bu]), than with that of K 3375 (a-a-ru a-bu-bu me-hu-). v.
39-43

N. . S

iii. 33 One expects eritu(m), not the accusative here, and curiously the Assyrian Recension (1. S iii. 16) has a n exactly simiiar case with criUa mami. However, this is a late copy, and the Old Babylonien text i n this case (r. 295) has a nominative (sassuru), so probably one must take erita here as n o more than an error.
<l

iii. 34-5 The day becomes dark when one expriences calamity. See also the Sumerian 'Poem of the Righteous SufTerer' (Vtus Testamentum, Supplments m. 170 ff. 6 8 ) : dingir.mu kalam.e ud ba.zalag m.ar ud m a . k u . k u 'My god, the day shines bright over the land, for me the day is dark'.
1 0 1 0

iii. 3 9 - 4 0 bhi is used specifically of speech, but this seems to be the first example in an Old Babylonian text. In lists Tiruru is a name of IStar: Hi-ru-ru = H-tar Bi-SuL-fr" (CT 24. 41. 78), and in three other lists of IStar names it occurs immediately before S/Siduri: CT 25. 30 rev. i . 18 ; KA F 48. n ; KA V 173. 15. Her form is described in the Gttertypentext (MIO1. 8 0 - 2 ) , but this is ail that is known of her. Perhaps Tiruru had a rputation like that of LamaStu, who, 'for her distasteful ideas and her abominable counsel' (a-na f-mi-a l dam-qi-im ma-al-ki-a pd-ru-tm(s-afj-i-im) was kicked by Anu from heaven to earth (BIN iv. 126, Or N.S. 25. 142-3)'

iii. 42 M pa-ag-ri-ia merely emphasizes ra-ma-nd-ia, see other examples apud F. R. Kraus, Edikt 169, and Finkelstein, JCS 11. 84. iii. 15. ana is taken as 'at the discrtion of', cf. Code of Hammurabi, 132: a-na mu-ti-a nram i-a-aUli 'at her husband's discrtion she must undergo the river-ordeaP.
d

Gilg. xi. 167-9 puts the blme on Enlil alone.

m e i mei

iii. 49 For tifa cf. Malku vin (STT 394) 114 : tu-u- = ki-i ; Held, JCS 15. 22 ; von Soden, ZA 49. 187-90. While potentiality is certainly one nuance of ta, there is no need to exclude others, and the quations in the lists with appna, minde, plqa, piqat, and uqa need not be discounted. As a whole, the couplet seems to prsume that Anu had gone up to heaven and was staying there as though he were in a state of prosperity, when in fact the source of supplies had been cut off with the loss of the human race. Yet he as prsident (bel timionly occurring here and v. 40 below in O B ) was in part responsible. So Blet-ili sarcastically suggests that she might do the same. iv. 5-9 Cf. a^ba/a-bu in Gilg. vi. 89 and CAD aba. The two lines of this couplet express in diffrent and somewhat clashing figures that the waters were covered with floating bodies. If ul- da^ is correctly read and understood, Nintu, eeeing only bodies where the sea should be, dclares that the human race has begotten it. The figure of (dead) dragon-fliee floating on the surface of a river occurs also in Gilg. x. vi. 30 : ku-li-li <Sqy-q-lep~pa-a ina nri 'dragon-flies drift on the river', and here lines 8-9 develop thie figure: the dead, like insecte, have matted together on the
r

v. 4 6 - v i . 6 The pisode of the Aies corresponds to Gfc. xi. 162-5, and su--e ra-bu-ti here to n i m gal there. Essentialy the pisode is aetiological, explaining manufactured Aies in the jewellery of the goddess Blt^if and no doubt other deities. A gold fly is specifically mentioned in s necklace in the Qatns inventories, as well as part of a breast ornament (RA 43.168.315 and 170.337:1 nim guikin). The gold fly also appears in tfarra xn. 349: nim guSkin zu-um-bu (MSL vn. 169). Flies of lapis appear in ffarra xyi: in the Aklafj forerunner, Wiseman no. 447. 11. 15 (na4.rum.2a.gln), of which the bilingual version is: [na^.riimjEal.^n zu-um-bu (TCL 6. 36, rev. 43). ffargud on Tablet xiv of ffarra also lists: mm.za. gin.na (blank) nim [ (CT 14. 8 rev. 17 m MSL viu/2. 47) but the corresponding line of ffarra is not known. Actual lapis beads in y-shape are known (E. D. Van Buren, Fauna 108), and their triangular shape made them particularly suitable for necklaces, i f indeed their funcrional shape did not suggest the fly in the first place. The idea that Gilg. xi refers to Aies in amber is clearly untenable. Granting that the author is explaining an item of cultic jewellery, the next question is how the Aies come into the story of the flood. In Gilg* xi the ny other occur* rence of the word is in 161, only two lines above, where the gods gather 'like nies',

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES vi. 40

111

vi 6 viii 17; S iv i, 14

165 is the only example

as in Atra-basis vu. v. 35 (restored). But psychologically it is quite unsutisfying to have Blct-il seite upon some jewellery tlies as a reminder of the disaster, when they only speak of the hungry gods* first meal. The truncation of the story in Gilg, xi has removed the eariier passages about flies in Atra-hass, see the note on iv* 5-9 above, and tn addition iii. 4 4 : ki-ma xu-ub-bi. The orthography is bewildcring: xu-ub-bi, su-b-e, xu-ub-bu-. The Semitic root is </o6, and xubbu is therefore the primary form in Akkadian, but in view of the variants xakrulsaqaru and xibbatuIsibbattt, etc., it is quite possible that iii. 19 above, ki-tna su-ub-bi, is the same simile, and that ail the other passages should be corrected from that to fit. Since the context of iii. 19 is not complte we have left the various writings in their simplest form. Thus the ftes in the story are a mmorial of the drowned orspring of Blet-ii, and the idea may have been suggested to ita originator by a proverb or clich about dragon-flies drifting down the river. Line 47 is crowded, and under thse circumstances one cannot be sure if the sign is t*suma or t-KU*ma. The latter suggests no meaning at aU, and the former could he taken from es*: "which Anu in his confusion . . but we prefer to think that Gilg. xi. 163 is in this case correct : M *a-nu-um t-pu-M* and that the one sign is omitted from Atra-^asis by a scribal error. The immediately following ipangal(u) can be explained from Erim(tu$ v. 1 9 5 - 7
:

tablets

unappis* ia restored after iv. 12, but if correct it of Ku-Aya o f the sign with the same value.

PI

in the

vii. 3 For the ptit tu dmon see von Soden, BiOr xvm, 72. vii. 6 - 7 ukbakkti has been identified by J. J . Finkelstein as a plural of ugbabtu. This is most probably a Sumerian loan-word, and the change from g to b is well known, especially in Emesal. Cf. gig ** kibtu, and the examples apud A. Falkenstein, Das Sumerische, p. 3 0 . I n lists entu and ugbabtu both equate nin.dingir.ra (K 10194 ( C T 18. 4 7 ) f K 4328 ( C T 19. 41) i. 2 - 3 ; M / O G xin/a. 38.6-7), and they equate each other in Malku 1,134 (JAOS 83, 427). Apart from the line under discussion i/egistu only occurs lexically : MAOG XU1/2, 38,18, also the forerunner to this entry apud CAD sub voce igistu. She was some kind of high-ranking lady in a religions order, vii.
8 - 9 The last s i g n can be either r ra 1 or 1 ri 1 , and the reading pu-ur-si has been suggested b y B . Landsberger. I t is known that thse women did not marry or bear children. This helps to explain the b i r t h legend of Sargon of Akkad ( C T 13.42). His mother was an ntu (e-n-tutn), who, on his birth, put him on the river like

ir ~ ba-ba-lum Dutu.um. .m.^ DudiiiDU s ba-qa-a-lu TCL 6. 35, rev, i i ,

ma

This is marked off as a section, and since elsewhere equates ablu and ar (SL ao6. 66-7) one is at a loss to understand how CAD and AHw connect this baqtu with buqht 'malt* and render i t 'to sprout' and 'm&ltzen respectively. Such a verb may exist, but this one means 'bring or 'carry*. Since b and p may interchange one must certainly connect this verb with ipangal(u), but i t must remain an open question if i$-H in Gilg, XI. 163 is a rerlection of ipangal(u), I t is also possible that ki-i su-bi-h was used to replace i t i n quite another sens. (This phrase involves a sens not yet understood, cf. BAM 310. 8-9: e-gir-t 37 abnt * fti-|tt **uqn.) Certainly v. 48-vi. 1 are omitted in Gilg. x i , and to us their incompleteness obscures them, but it appears that Blet-il, exploiting her grief as some women would, uses the occasion to get some spcial dispensation out of Anu. Whether this was only the rights to the flies is not now clear. The close parallelism of vi. 2 - 4 with Gilg. xi. 163-5 bas suggested the restoration a[n-nu-tum]. The peculiarity of Uni an-nu-ti in Gilg. as a vocative, and the rptition of ayamjfi at the ends of both 164 and 165 suggest that our restoration of Atra-hass vi. 2-3 lies behind Gilg. XI. 164. But the sufhx on luhsussu in v i . 4 precludes u^mi being its object* es in QUg. xx. X65. One might restore u^-mi-[$a-am-ma ] si-[a-ti-i], *every day and for ever*.
9 1 6 n m&

DD UU .

1-3

Moses. I n view of the rules of her order she had to conceal his birth. Literature on this subject is cited in footnote 1 on page 13. I f the last sign is read r* the line must be taken as : l ikkibuHnma aldam burra 'let it be taboo for them to bear a son'. The difficulties here are (i) that the acc. aldam cannot be explained, though other difBcult uses of this case occur here, see p. 29, and (ii) burra for bukra is without paraliel.
T

viii. 9 - 1 9 The damaged state of the pilogue is most unfortunate since apparently it contained an ascription of authorship. Note the first person pl. in 9, and while ulabi and uxammer (12, 19) could be first or third person in isolation, in the context only the first fits. Thus a deity who confesses to participating in the bringing of the flood at Enlil's command daims to have sung this 'song*, which is quivalent to authorship. The Mother Goddess is a possible candidate. viii. 14 The question with sA-nt-ft-tf-[kd\ is whether it is a scribal error for ta-, or a phonetic variant of tanttu. Some of the omet examples of a simiiar interchange are foreign words, e.g. hpsikku, tupSikktt and Ubstu, tabstu; but there are purely Akkadian examples. Von Soden in BiOr xxm. 52 quotes tah-lu-uq-ti (instead of afiluqti, from Boghazky) and U-si-a (for Jtsta) from Atra-hass 1.61 (see above and JNES 27. 2 1 8 - 1 9 ) . Thus the phonetic explanaon seems prfrable. viii, 17 H-i$-s4-ru is from ptrru, a reflexive II/a: 'make famoua to one another'. K. 3399+3934 ( )> Reverse iv
s

vi. 9 The textes rteeptus of Gilg. x i . 173a is curious in the lack of gender concord between ayyumma and napiti, but a new duplicate, V A T 1 1 0 8 7 , has ]-nu-um-ma -su <t-, which suggests that a -nu- has dropped out of the received text due to a scrihai omission. This confirmation of the identity of the line under discussion with GUg. xi. 173a encourages the view that Bl-ri-tT-him in Atra-bass is an error. Restoration conjectural. vi. 25 The reading of K t z $ % + m Gilg. xi. 180 (be-el drm) K 3375 M supplies the restoration here.
h

rather than that of

S iv. 10, 14 The gloss in the second of thse lines shows that copyist or editor wanted us to read [li-r\i fi-f* in the first. However while the context demands a meaning 'diminish*, no interprtation of thse two forms will provide this. The first could be 'ask' or 'plant* (erfa), ot rejoce* (rs*u). The second, if from msu, would mean 'be little , and a I I or I I I stem would be needed to give 'diminish'. Furthermore, in 43 and 53 below where this verb certainly occurs, tt is written nuf$u, not $u. Thus the most satisfactory explanation is that U-Hak-h-si is correct in 10, and in 14 the text has been altered to fit a misconception about 10. kalsu is 'contract and a metaphorical sens must be assumed.
1 1

BB I T E U i| I LO H Q E B.OV&EB!

i66

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

iv 45 ; U ; Sum. Flood Story

38-40

167

S iv. 45 Since naf means 'raise* not 'rise' an ellipsis of nru has been assume!. S v. 1-2 See the note on x rev. i . 4-7. S v. 18-24 ( = vi. 7-13) With thse signs of famine see generally A. L. Oppenheim, ' "Sige Documents" from Nippur', Iraq xvrr. 6 9 - 8 9 . In 1 8 - 1 9 the mother has driven the daughter out of the house to reduce the number of mouths, as in aprophecy: ummu eli mrti bb-Sd id-dil (JCS 18. 20. 15). In 20-1 the picture is of wives and children being sold so that the father can buy food at famine-inflated pries. In 22-4 the horrors of cannibalism are reached. Note Explicit Malku r. 174b : bu--nu = ma-a-ru (JAOS 83. 436). S v. 33 Cf. Malku 11.41 : mid-ra-tum na-a-ru (ZA 43. 235). I n view of 11. iii. 15 and x rev. i. 15 hi-hu-rat is clearly an Assyrian form of ahurrat.

if the word were mu. Of course, it could have been handed down without change from an eariier period when ii- in mu was normal, but this remains an objection none the less, The reading ammu can be justified on the ancient view that plants had their origin in the underworld, from which they shoot up, and an incantation states Enki's connection with plants: n fu-uti'du a*num ir-lyu-u larruft -a ina ersetim *kin-nu Sam-mu AMT 42. 4 rev. restored from BM 98584+ After Anu had begotten the heavens And Ea had established plants in the underworld
a tim

Thus Enki was required to stop plants from growing at this time. BM 98977+99231 (U)

BE 39099 (x) x rev. i . 4-7 This oft-repeated section may have occurred in some form at this point in the main recension since the contextthe command to reinforce the droughtis lost between 11. ii and iii, I t is referred back to in 11. v. 16-21 and 3 0 - 3 ' , according to which the upper level was guarded by Anu and Adad, and the 'lower' by Enlil himself. Presumably Enki guarded the bottom level, though in the end he failed to co-operate. S also prserves the end of a statement that this arrangement was put into efect, v. 1-2. The Babylonian exercise tablet y probably prserves what the main recension had, orthography apart. But x has put Sin and Nergal in place of Enlil. Thse gods occur again as a pair on a Middle Assyrian tablet of incantations: 3o u u.gur e-pi-ru-tu (AS 16. 286 rev. 21, 27). I f more were known of thse two as a pair it might be possible to dtermine the location of *the middle earth' more certainly. By elnu one suspects that ail the cosmos above the earth is meant, and the god of heaven and the storm god are appropriate as guardians of this area. 'Middle earth' seems to occur elsewhere only in KAR 307 obv. 34-7, where there is a full squence : ersetum eltum, qabltum, and apltum. The first of thse is the abode of men, the second Enki's realm, and the third the underworld proper. However, Atra-bass gives no sign of subscribing to so complex a scheme. At the very beginning, 1. 1118, a three-decker universe is explained, one level each for Anu, Enlil, and Enki in descending order. There too sigaru nahbalu tVmtim is used for Enki's realm. By mis one is forced to take ersetum qabltum not as 'the middle earth' (of other earths), but as 'the earth which is central' (in the cosmos). The phrase 'the boit, the bar of the sea' has not yet been found outside this epic, but the idea it enshrines is well known in Babylonian and other mythologies. The primeval sea, usuaily after a battle, was thrust down below at the time of cration and a cosmic bar was laid upon it to keep it down there out of the way, I f x rev. ii. 23 and 39 have been correctly restored, when the drought was broken through Enki's machinations he somehow got half of this bar broken so that water reached parched mankind. The phrase qd-du /Iam-fm-Iu is ambiguoug. Were thse things being guarded along with Sigaru nafabalu tmthn, or were they helping Enki to guard the latter? I f the second alternative is taken one must read -mi-Su, and assume that m can refer to the Seven Apkallus or some other group in Enki's court. Certainly mu would bear this meaning, but there ia npfriculty mat x, which alone has the word, despite an extraordinarily incon ffc orthography, writes this word always -lam-, not u - as would be expected
d d

U obv. 2, 6, 8 For Hkin p 'placing of the feet' see S. Langdon, SBP 92*; F. R. Kraus, Or. N . 16. 199 ; and R. Borger BiOr 14. 191. . S
2

U rev. 7 si-qu- siq-si-qu zqJfu ziqziqqu. For agar see Diri iv. 117 : a-gir ~
x

IM

x = [im.min.na.bi gi]-K-mu* = ra-a-du (MSL m. 98. 40 and v. 192. 40). rdu occurs in Gilg. xi. 128 in K 7752+, but not in K 3375. U rev. 9 One might restore ur-taq-q-da 'danced'. U rev. 15 I n Gilg. xi. 101 K 2252+ reads r-ra-kal n[a-, but K 3375 has ]-gal i-na-as-saf}.
d

U rev. 16 -[sar-rif] is restored by conjecture alone, as is [ z]u. The latter is of course normally written AN.aau-ii, but U has other unusual orthographies (see p. 37). As a flying crature Z (for this reading see Or N.S.. 36 130) is very suitable for rending the heavens. Note also AfO 13. 46 rev. ii, 3: im.dugud su-up*ra-ka, and the drug name su-pur sd-i (BAM 307. 25).
6 d d

T H E S U M E R I A N F L O O D STORY (by M . C M ) 38 The a can be taken as a locative sumx to be joined to the preceding -bi, and this interprtation is supported by the prsence of the in&t -ni- in the verbal chain, but due to the inconsistency of the grammar in the prsent text, the possibility of a compound verb a[ x ] cannot be dismissed completely. 39 sl-[sl-ga-bi], with si in the sens of sapnu, would be a likely paraliel to fcaIam-ma-bi. 40 ki-r means, in addition to other, probably secondary, meanings such as cultic spaces in Nippur and Erel, the land assigned to someone to live there, but still as an 'undeveloped plot* (for rfrences, see Van Dijk, Acta Orientalia 28. 488 ff.); a close paraliel to our line can be found in Letter 7 of collection B, line 24 (quoted

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

from Fadhil A. Ali's unpublished dition [Philadelphia, 1964]): the aender finds himself in a foreign city and concludes his ptition to the king by eaying: lugal-mu n-mu h-cn-tar-re ki-r-mu-S b-im-mi-ib-gi -gi -in ' ( I wish) that my King could investigate my case, (and) that I could go back to my land.' The fact that in late Sumerian the contrast between -ta, -t, and -a is often lost, makes the interprtation of this line somewhat doubtful. If the original sens of -ta is to be retained, the line implies that mankind will leave the grounds where they live now, and where there are no buildings (i.e. nomadic life ?), to move to the cities ; if -ta is for -Se, it means that people will go back to their terri tories, which they left after a destruction, and where cities will now be (re)built. Without the missing part preceding line 37, it is not possible to reach a conclusion. The incorrect use of the sufhx -e-ne, which can be only an object suffix referring to un 'people', is a Semitism.
4 4 1

Sum. Flood Story 46 The usual meaning of a~dug is 'to irrigate' (see H . Sauren Topographie der Provinu Umma I. 74 f., 197 ff.) and 'toflood'and hence 'to destroy' (rv. R 28*, 4, 33 f. and duplicates). If one takes the last meaning, thefirstclause must be considered relative: 'In the place which had been destroyed, I want there to be peace (or: well-being)' ; even if the nominal izi n g -a is missing, the infix -ni- in the second clause authorizes the translation of thefirstone as relative. The translation given in the text is a perfectly acceptable alternative; the choice between the two dpends once again on the missing links in the plot.
4

4 -9 08

169

48 The line shows that sag-gi is a dsignation of human beings in contrast with animais (see commentary to the following line), as in the parallels mentioned by W . Leslau, Lexique Soqotri 193, and W . Vycichl, AfO 20. 96, and not an ethnie dsignation.
0

41 In lines 41-4 the sufhx -me-a-(bi) is hardly the first person plural possessive (Kramer), because the juxtaposition of the first person possessive and the third person collective -bi (referring to un) is impossible. It is prfrable to take -me-a as a plural mark used in late texts to remedy the lack of plural morphmes in standard Sumerian, s lack which seems to have run against the linguistic feelings of the authors of such late texts. An example of this use of -me-a is: [iM].dal-hamun edinfouian-ta X na-ba-gi -gi -d udug(!)-hul-a-me-m 1-gl, UET vi. 184. 3 ff. in a hemerological text (probably of Cassite origin) ; -me-m obviously takes here the place of -me. The plural function of me-a is derived from me-a 'how many' in standard Sumerian. The meaning 'how many' is particularly clear when me-a goes with the verb lu 'to be numerous' as in: me-a lu ab me-a lu-lu Sjberg, Nanna-Suen 1. 13. 1 (modified reading) or e nanna b-zu me-a mu-u -lu 'oh, Nanna, how great have you made the number of your cowsl' (PBSx/4.7.17). A typical passage for me-a 'how many' is Lafiar-Asnan 130 ff. :
4 4 2 d 8

49 The translation 'animais' for nig-oiLiM (the sign which appeared doubtful to Poebel is reasonably certain according to my own collation) is based on one hand on the assumption that stands for gilim ( ) for which the meaning 'animais' P5 is given in Ea 1. 199ff.:

GLM II

p kilim = nammaitu gilim, = gilili = natnmaf and on the other hand on the word nig-ki equated in tjarra xiv. 401a, 402 with nammaitu and zrmandu. In the meaning 'destruction' (Akk. tahluqtu) the word is normally written with a final -ma; cf. line 259 and JCS 19. 6. 73 f. ki-ta Iti-ta does not mean 'from the earth', but is rather an adverbial 'everywhere' (for ki-a ki-a).
1 1

u -5-u-e nig-kas(SiD)-zu i-ak-e giS-Sid-ma-zu ki 1-tag-tag-ge na-gada-su U|-me-a sila -tur-tur-me-a z-me-a mS-tur-tur-me-a l- mu-un-na-ab-b Every day an account of you is made, the tally sticks are planted in the ground, your shepherd tells the owner, how many ewes and how many little lambs, how many goats and how many little kids (there are).
4 x 4

86 There seems to be enough space at the beginning of the line for [du-lu]rn-bi * their painstaking efforts'; [si]g -bi 'their /its brickwork' is palaeographicauy more difficult.
4

87 A single unidentifiable half-broken sign is preserved before bisf. For ul 'foundation' see A. Falkenstein, Or N . 35. 229 ff. Neither the verb ba-al nor its . S Akkadian counterpart her is used elsewhere for 'to dig a foundation'. us bal seems to have something to do with modifying the location of the long side of a field, see Deimel, SL 211. 45. The meaning of the line remains highly doubtful. 88 The words gidru 'sceptre' and aga 'crown' are possible restorations for the gap before nam-lugal-la. 89 The reading men -mab follows Kramer; the traces do not point to gidru (see preceding line); sibir (Jacobsen, AS 11. 56) is palaeographicsHy unlikely; furthermore, this word does not mean sceptre.
r 1 gis

The same me-a is found in a-na-me-a-bi (cf. Poebel, GSG 264 ff.) 'as many of them as there are.' 42 Thefirstsign is not clear, it can be uni or . 43 I am unable to ofTer any suggestion for translating ki(Di is also p08sible)-es, except that perhaps we must read ki-e$-<bar>. 44 One has the impression that Poebel thought that he was copying x -me-a at the beginning of the line, although he translitrtes k-a. My translation, which follows Kramer, is perfectly admissible in itself (only the place of k before a is abnormal), but it it somewhat startling in this context. Perhaps we must consider as one of the sub-themes of the taie a contrast between the orderly use of water (cf. i. 46 and ii. 99 f.) against the destructive flood of the storm. The verb du in some instances may be tran&lated by 'rebuild*. * Corresponds to the Akk. aSamitu ina fri la ulamfjar (KAR 177 rev. iii. 8; ii. 48; 78 i v . 34).
1

nig.ki is found in context in: nfg-zi-gal nig-ki u -a zi-dg-ga i-im-da-pa-an-pa-an 'the living beings, the animais in heat, they breathe with pleasure' (EntU Hymn 150, Falkenstein, SGL 1. 18, restored by unpublished duplicates). Cf. also p-nig-guim-ma = atikissu (a small rodent), Jf&rm xtv. 196 and xi. 65. There is a possibility that some connection exista between nig-gilim/kilimx and ninkilim/gilimx (written nm-Pss^"-B* in Urukagina, Cone C v. t; cf, Sollberger, ZA 54. 13, no. 43). The nig-gilim-ma which appears as a descriptive lment in a certain number of expressions, mostly designating manufactured objects (ffarra v. 243; vm. 350; Forerunner vui-rx. 178; x. 208; cf. H 289) seems to mean some kind of lattice-work, . and does not help in translating nfg-gilim in our context.
1 6 a d d

PHILOLOGICAL

NOTES

Sum. Flood Story 91-207

Q The sign after -ga is u[ru] according to Poebel. In any case, the word uni must I be restored somewhere in this line because of the -bi of line 92. Restored from line 98. The term KAB-dug -ga has been the object of the most 4 diverse interprtations: 'Kultort' Deimel, Orientalia 17 (1925) 35, followed by Jacobsen, AS n . 5 9 and Kramer; an epithet of the 'deluge-demon' and the 'gods', Poebel; 'divine rulers* King, Legends of Babylon and Egypt 5 8ff.;'surface of the earth' Kramer, Sumerian Mythology 97 ; etc. The term KAB-dug appears -ga 4 in YBT 4. 1. 1 f., a lgal record dating from the 4 4 t h year of Sulgi : someone had indulged in the illgal use of irrigation waters and ensi -ke -gal-la di-da KB A in-na-an-dug 'the governor presided over the trial in the palace'. If 'presided', which seems the most Iogical translation, is correct, the term refers in our context to the rights of the cities to the successive hegemony of the country, a meaning which would suit perfectly the fact that the cities listed here are the dynastie cities of the ante-diluvian period according to the King List and the fragment C T 46. 5. The only other occurrence of KAB-dug known to the prsent writer is CBS -ga 4 14233: kas KAB-dug -ga fb -nag, sd um-ta-, - sd-ka izi ba-ra-il 'he drank the beer of the "prsident" (or "presidency"), Sud came out, and then the house of Sud burned down'; the passage, which could belong to the Enlil-Ninlil-Sud taie discussed in JNES 26. 200ff.,is too badly broken to enable one to draw any useful conclusions.
92
111 2 4 4
4

'digging' (in the restricted sens of dredging and widening the canal), but H A R barru, the only basis for it, is a problematical entry (CAD vi. 92a harru C). Although the correct technical term for 'to clean a canal' is u-lufyak, Su-lurj-gar is also attested (but not for a canal) in standard Sumerian: ki-uz-ga u-luh-e gar-ra-zu, Curse of Agade 258 (cf. Falkenstein, ZA 57. 63).
146 a n - s a g Ni GIN r e m a i n s unexplained ;

is it sag for zag sa tamtui

8 t

147 C f . inim-sl-sl-ga kiri. Su mar-r[a-ta] bar-zu b-en-ed -e-[d]: ina te-me-eq u la-ban ap-pi [ka-bit-t]a l[i-pa-aS-H]-ib Bit. Acc. 109 (AO 6461 rev. 11 f.), but tmequ elsewhere translates inim-ag -Sag (ASKT14. 115. 5 f.); the sens '(prayer with) well chosen words' is confirmed by the occurrences of the verb inim si-(g) (Falkenstein, ZA 4 9 . 138; Jacobsen, ZA 52. 127 ; Van Dijk, JCS 19. 12).
6 5 80

The form n u - m e - a means 'it is not, without being' everywhere except in a very localized scribal peculiarity of the Larsa texts (TCL 10.5. 10,18.12,26.15, etc.) where, as pointed out b y Poebel (GSG 265 f.), -nu-me stands for -na-me. The normal meaning 'it was not a dream' su its the context better.
149

151 ki -r-S was already suggested by Poebel, but must be considered doubtful.
r 1

93 The reading sag or nisag of the first sign is correctly given by Van Dijk in JCS 19. 20; cf., eariier, C. J. Gadd in Studies G. R. Driver 68, commentary to line 30.
x x

94 It is better to consider the sign following -ma as a superfluous -S (as read by Poebel), than to read tg (Kramer) which hopelessly complicates the line. The nu-gig must be here Inanna, entitled to Bad-Tibira because of her relationship with Dumuzi. 95 Since Pabilsag is well attested as the god of Larag: pa-bil-sag -mu-un la-raag (CT 42, no. 3. v. 20 and duplicates, see E . Bergmann, ZA 56. 33), there is no need to introduce a hypothetical deity Iendurbilbursag, and the insertion of the bur before sag has to be considered as a scribal mistake, perhaps due to a partial confusion with the name of rjiendursaga.
d kl

153 O n e c a n cut -gub-bu-mu (for -g) gub-ba (participle or imperative), or as m the text. The passage, deseribing how the divine secrets about the incoming flood are transmitted to Ziusudra through a wall, is an obvious paraliel to the reed but pisode in GilgameS xi. 20ff.and Atra-faass ni. Since one expects a vocative before inim ga-ra-ab-dug , and Ziusudra is not a vocative in line 152 (because of the verbal form gis" mu-[un-tuk] which is not an imperative) the vocative must be iz-zi-da and the conclusion that, starting in line 154, the words are directed by Enki first to the wall seems most likely in the prsent state of prservation of the text.
4

99 The translation given is inspired by the fact that the following line has to do with irrigation waters. a-gi is considered here as an irregular writing for a-gi (cf. CAD I / i . 157 f- ag B). The meaning 'to stop the flow of water' of the verb Su is clearly needed in k-gl id-da -su-guix 'like an irrigation chief stopping the flow of the water* (UET vi/2. 144. 26), and is confirmed by the fragmentary lexical entry l/S-l = edl[u Sa mi (?)] (Antagal 5 . iv. 8 ' ) to which we must probably relate [...]== [(edlu) S]a A (Nabnitu G 11).
4 6

201 The reduplicated plural of im-l>ul is found also in CT 16. 19. 38 f. The im before si-si-ig is in ail probability a determinative. The word si-si-ig (with variants si-si-ga, sig-sig, slg-slg, and slg-si-ga) is translated by ru, meh and zaqqu (most of the lexical rfrences can be found in CAD xxi. 58), butin Sumerian the meaning 'ghost' seems restricted to lil (cf., however, E. I. Gordon, BiOr 17. lao* ). sug-g is the plural mar-form of gub 'to stand up, to be prsent at work', not of gin/du 'to come', so that one can translate 'arose' or 'were prsent (at the destructive task)', but not 'came'.
y 7

202 The ugu, superfluous from the Sumerian point of view, is due to the underlying Akkadian model which had b*u (translated by r, cf. Angim U. 13 and SBH p. 38. 8 ; 73. 19 f. for r with a-ma-ru) with eli as in G%. xi. no or KAH
1. 3 0 . 10.

100 This line goes back to: [id-tu]r-tur-ra Su-lurj ba-an-ak sr-sr (var. sur-sur) mi-ni-ib-gar-gar The smalleat canals were cleaned by him, he put there irrigation ditches Bird-Fish Contest 8. The comparison with the text of PBS v. 1 shows perfectly the problems the philoogist faces in the interprtation of the Flood taie : ba-an-ak has been changed to gar, and replaces sr-sr (barru). The usual interprtation (Falkenstein, ZA 57. 121) reads su-iub-bi nfg-HAR-tfAR . . . and has the mconvenience of giving an unlikely nfg-^AR-ffAR for which one could suggest

205 The boat's name is written **m-gur-gur = *(ma)qurqurru in liarra iv. 204, and as a logogram in 3f rev. 8. The only thing we know about this type of boat is its large size, according to the latter rfrence. For etymological parallels see A. Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge 51 ; the suggestion there that the word cornes from gur-gur 'to impregnate with bitumen* cannot be taken seriously.
B

HBA A- R

207 As seen already by C. J. Gadd, Sumerian Reading Book 133, and pardy suggested by Poebel, 'to open a window' is to be taken in the sens of 'making the opening' (br = palSu), not of 'opening a closed window*, which would be bad = pet or the like. The "a^-br window is otherwise unknown; for a list of types of window see CAD 1/2 aptu. For the -en of the third person, see J. Krecher, ZA 56. 29 ff.

12 7 208
r

Sum. Flood Story 208-259; Addenda

1

is doubtful; Poebel a n d K r a m e r prefer Sul.

211 A stock phrase often found i n S u m e r i a n literature: ZA 5 0 . 6 8 . 5 2 ; 5 2 . 18. 3 9 ; PBS V iv. 45 ; KAR . 16. rev. 24 f. ; etc. ; literally slaughtered b u l l s , made sheep numerous' (hendiadys).
1

BIBLIOGRAPHY
(i) E D I T I O N S O F W H O L E OR P A R T x874 G . S m i t h , Transactions of the Society of Biblkal Archaeology m. 540-2 (W). 1880 F . L e n o r m a n t , Les Origines de Vhistoire 604-5 (W). 1883 P . H a u p t , apud E . Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament* 58, 61 ( W ) . 1890 P . J e n s e n , Die Kosmologie der Babylonier 370-3 (W). 1892 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinsckriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament1 84-5 (W). 1898 V . S c h e i l , RTvx. 5 5 - 9 ( B ) . 1898 V . S c h e i l , Revue biblique 7. 5 - 9 (B: text i n cuneiform type). 1900 H . Z i m m e r n , ZA 14. 2 7 7 - 9 2 ( E , K 3399+3934)1900 P . J e n s e n , Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen (Kdlinschrifiche Btblio-

255 K r a m e r ' s suggestion to insert here the line from t h e left edge o f the tablet is i n ail probability correct, b u t the reconstruction o f the v e r b as a f o r m o f m i - d u g * is open to doubt; a translation '[provided] Z i u s u d r a w i t h a w i f e ' i s also possible. 256 T h e translation assumes that the v e r b a l f o r m stands for m u - u n - n a - s u m mu-uS. 259 W h i l e the second part o f t h e line i s reasonably clear (cf. already Poebel's remarks o n this line as w e l l as [z]e-ru na-as-ru d la-Sam a-bu-bi, JCS 21, " E n m e d u r a n k i " i . 8), the first part o f the line r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . T h e translation assumes that m u means here 'year', 'time', rather t h a n ' s i n c e ' .

ADDENDA
I J 1 B . Landsberger w o u l d like to r e a d ni-rba-ra1-a[$-u] ' l e t u s r e b e l against h i m ' . B y O B standards this i s better g r a m m a r t h a n ninrasu ' l e t u s k i l l h i m ' , b u t the traces c a n only be read ba b y emendation. A s to sens, i f t h e rebels a r e threatening to kill E n l i l , this i s something remarkable, i f not d o w n r i g h t i m p r o b a b l e . H o w e v e r , they m a y be threatening to k i l l t h e task master. W h a t r e m a i n s o f lines 5 - 7 c a n be interpreted to agre w i t h this latter sens. T h e p r o p o s a i t o k i l l t h e task m a s t e r i s met w i t h the answer that E n l i l w o u l d s i m p l y appoint a n o t h e r . I 63 A n unambiguous w r i t i n g o f t h e root sqr/zkr o c c u r s i n a n O B text probably from S i p p a r a n d the reign o f A m m i - s a d u q a : Sa pa-qi-dam sa-tyi-ra-am la i-Su- (cultic text, JCS 20. 96. 38). T h i s implies a f o r m skr, s i n c e b a n d k interchange i n O B , as i s w e l l k n o w n . H o w e v e r , this h a r d l y serties t h e f o r m i n Atra-hass. I 242 T h e form ta-aS-ta-AH-fa has been taken as a I /3 s i n c e i n t h e context there is no reason for its being a I / i perfect o r I / 2 . T h i s i n v o l v e s a c c e p t i n g t h e value 't, w h i c h i s not otherwise attested so early. H o w e v e r , i n I 3 0 2 t h e v e r b c a n o n l y be a I / 2 prsent, so that one m u s t read i-ta-i-du w i t h this v a l u e . I I i , 16 W . v o n S o d e n reads

thek 2 7 4 - 9 1 a n d 539-48 ( K 3399+3934, B , E ) . 1903 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 94-5 (W). 1907 E . D h o r m e , Choix de textes religieux Assyro-baby Ioniens 128-39 ( K 3399+
3934)1909 H . W i n c k l e r , Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament? 88 (W). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , BE ser. D v / i (3). 1910 H . V . H i l p r e c h t , Der neue Fund zur Sintflutgeschichte aus der Tempel1910 1910 1911 1912 1915 1919 1922 364-9 (3: added comments by F . Hommel). J . D . P r i n c e a n d F . A . Vandenburgh, AJSL 26. 303-8 (3). G . A . B a r t o n , JAOS 31. 3 0 - 4 8 (3). R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels to the Old Testament}- 103-9, 113-21 ( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , PBS x / i . 2 4 - 6 ( E ) . S . H . L a n g d o n , Le Pome Sumrien du Paradis 34-9 (JE). A . T . C l a y , A Hebrew dluge story in Cuneiform (YOR v/3) 58-69, 81-2

VI/I)

bibliothek von Nippur (3). T . G . P i n c h e s , Expository Times 21.

( B , K 3 3 9 9 + 3934, W , 3). 1926 R . W . R o g e r s , Cuneiform parallels 1931 1931 1956 1957 i960
a

to the Old Testament

103-9, 113-21

li-ih-ta-an-ni-ma (AHw hannum).

I I v i i . 38 I n view o f line 4 2 one suspects that the text m u s t have a p a r t o f tumm, but i f i nutammi as translated i s correct, the text as i t s t a n d s m u s t b e c o r r u p t . I I vii 4 9 Sullat and IJani further o c c u r i n a n O B seal i n s c r i p t i o n s o m e w h a t m i s r e a d by M . L a m b e r t i n Cahiers de Byrsa v u . 6 9 . 107. I t reads : fiu-na-ba-tum, d a m e n . Zii-fra-zi-ir, gem P A dLUGAL. A n o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e o f JJaniS alone, a n d o n e w h i c h confirms his character as a god of dvastation, i s f o u n d i n E r r a i v . 145 : ki-i afr-ra LUOAL i-ti-qu e-me qf-i-Sum-ma 'the reed beds became as after rjEaniS has p a s s e d b y (beginning of line from I B 212, collated, a n d e n d f r o m K 2 6 1 9 ) .
d d d

( W , B , 3, K 3 3 9 9 + 3 9 3 4 ) . A . B o i s s i e r , RA 28. 9 1 - 7 ( C ) . E . E b e l i n g , Tod und Leben 172-7 ( E , K 7816 with S iii). J . L a e s s o e , BiOr x u i . 9 0 - 1 0 2 (excerpts and discussion). W . v o n S o d e n , O r N . 26. 306-15 ( E ) . . S W . G . L a m b e r t , JSS 5. 113-23 ( U , Q ) . (ii) TRANSLATIONS WITHOUT TEXT (M0STLY PARTIAL)

S rev. iv. 10, 14 T h e reading o f J e n s e n i n KB v i , [sur-r]iS li/i-se f r o m t h e A s s y r i a n s'u (OLZ 1964 35) is perhaps prfrable, as suggested b y W . v o n S o d e n .

1875 G . S m i t h , Assyrian discoveries 186 ( W ) . 1876, 1880 G . S m i t h , The Chaldean account of Genesis1 153-6, 265-6; ^155-8, 281 ( S , W ) . 1876 G . S m i t h , Chaldaische Genesis 127-30, 224-5 ( S , W ) . 1879 J - O p p e r t , apud E . L e d r a i n , Histoire di Isral, premire partie 426 (W). 1901 W . M u s s - A r n o l t , apud R . F . Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian literature 3 6 9 - 7 1 (B).

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1902, 1903, 1908 T . G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the light of the historical records and legends of Assyria and Babylonia * > 117 ( W ) . 1904, 1906, 1918, 1930 A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients 130, 2 , i 2 S ( W ) , 120 (3), i 6 ( W ) . 1909 A. Ungnad, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente 57-8 (W, B). 1911 A. Ungnad, Das Gilgamesch-Epos 6 9 - 7 0 ( W , B). 1921 A. Ungnad, Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer 122-7 ( W , S ) . 1923 A. T . Clay, The origin of Biblical traditions 1 7 3 - 8 6 (B). 1923 C.-F. Jean, Le Milieu biblique H. 33-5 (3). 1924 C.-F. Jean, La Littrature des Babyloniens et Assyriens 2 4 - 5 (3). 1925 G. Hilion, Le Dluge dans la Bible et les inscriptions akkadiennes et sumriennes 34-5 (W, 3 : thesis done under J. Plessis). 1926 E. Ebeling, apud H. Gressmann, Altorientalischc Texte zum Alten Testament 199-206 (3, W , B, S ) . 1942, 1951 (1954, 1963) A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis 5 4 - 6 , 6 6 - 7 (E). 1946, 1949 (1963) A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic * 1 0 6 - 1 6 (B, C , W , S , P). 1950, 1955 E. A. Speiser, apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern texts *
1 2 3 1
2 3 3 3 4 3

GLOSSARY THE glossary contains aU words found in Atra-hass arrange! by consonants, and by root consonants for Semitic words. Where the script writes an initial vowel, the glottal stop has been posited. Similarly with the so-called hollow roots, an lephsign is used to indicate the middle consonant. Since the purpose is nearer that of a concordance than a dictionary, only a brief, and often incomplte, attempt at meaning is given. The glossary is intended not only to help thefindingof words and passages, but also to indicate the source of restorations. Many rptitions occur in this epic, and the various recensions and copies offer variant forms of the same pisodes. Thus restorations may be purely conjectural, plausible if taken from simiiar passages, or virtually certain if from exactly paraliel passages. Only in spcial cases are notes given on particular passages indicating the source of the restoration, if any exista. For ail other cases the glossary should be consulted, where the Une-numbers of restored occurrences are put within square b rackets, e.g. [25], alongside the line-numbers of surviving examples. Trivial orthographie variants, especially of words in the context, are not noted, norarehalf-bracketsused. The glossary is intended to aid study of the text, not to dispense with it. Words only found in the late copies are indicated by the appropriate manuscript symbol; otherwise the words are Old Babylonian. The letter 'n' is appended to the linenumbers of words discussed in the philological notes. s 'where?': e-la-a a-nu il-li-kam III iii i cohortative particle: t ni-im-fju-ur-ma 51 39 I 41 ; cf. 44 46 58 60 62 214 II vii 38 999 J 1 2; ? tu-uk-t[a]-bi-it I 295 S iii i6n atm 'to speak': i-ta-mu ifati I 366 [367] cf. S iv 19 20 (i-ta-mu) v 29 30 9 u 'and': mu-H u ur-ri I 38; cf. I [10] [18] awfttu 'speech': ii-[tn] a-wa-tam fu-a-ti 127 139 151 [164] 206 210 212 221 225 I 166; [a-w\a-tam an-ni-[tam] III i 46; 275 276 288 300 301 364 367 II vi [12] la -$a-a[s}~s-ku a-wa-at-ka M vi 26; [14] 22 vii 49 III i 31 43 ii 45 iii $1 i-x-ar a-tva-as-su I 168; it-me-e-ma DN 42 46 v 46 vi 24 [26] 44 vii 7 n S [] II iii [ 9 ; a~ma-te-$u-nu a-na ki-ik2] ki-[fi] i-sa-an-[ni\ $ obv. 12 obv. 10 rev. 3 S iii 9 iv [20] v [30] 999 33 W 3 7 8 x rev. i [4] 5 8 9 12 40 ew 'to become like': ki-ma zu-ub-bi ii 2 [3] 9 [10] <i6> [17] 32 [33] y 49 i-vm- III iii 45 "1 y' 'mine': ia-a-at-tum ni-is-s-s[] III v 48 lu 'city/: i-na a-U ib-m- bi-is-s I 401 ysi 'to me' : -ul i-pa-at-tu- a-na ia-a-H II ii 20 3$ obv. 11; qi-ba-a ia-a-S[i] U obv. 12; "1 ia-a-st-im-ma-a (F ia-H-im-ma) it-teawilu 'nian(kind)': lu-up-s%ik itim a-win-e[p-pu-ul] I 107 lum U-iS^B 1191 197; cf. 2x2 328 II iii 31 III vi lavai 10 Gii[ia] I 26 2 (O <Mt-/ttwi]); a-[me-lu} V obv. 3 [4]; ay/ ngative: a-ii-il-li-ka II i 12; cf. PN l S iv 17 v 27; x rev. i 29; i-nu-ma II i 17 20 III i 30; ia ii-Sd-a S iv 45; cf. S iv 49 51; II i 22; e t[\-ap-la-ba I i-lu a-wi-lum I In; fu-up-h-ik-ka-ku-nu a-toi-[l]am e-mi-id I 241 II vii [31]; 378; cf. I 379 [393] [394] II ii 9 10 lu-u[l-la-a a-wi-lam] Q H [9] viii 33 S iv 31 38 awltu 'mankind': ba-ni-a-at a-toi-lu-ti 99 I 194; cf. I 242 II vii [32]; ri-gk*im ayyu 'who, which?': a-iu- fo III vi 26; I 358 II i 7 S iv 6 (a-me-lu-te) x rev. ? ia-a S vi 20; ? ia-e S vi 25 4 ayynu 'where?': a-ia-a-nu u*& naf-pi!- i [2] ([-m#4Mi}h a-me-lu-Hm 1 22 (P)a o(P) U-tum III vi 9
v

1952

G. Contenau, Le Dluge babylonien?

(ii) GENERAL DISCUSSIONS,

99-100, 104-6 (E, S, P, B, C , 3, W , S). 97-9

2

(B, C

W , K 3399+3934). NOTES, ETC.

PARTICULAR

1875 G. Smith, Assyrian discoveries 97 (finding of W). 1889 P. Haupt, BA 1. 122, 151 (W not part of GilgameS xi). 1903 H. Zimmern, apud E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament
551-4-

1906 P. Jensen, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur 5 5 - 6 (argues that there must have been seven plagues !). 1906 B. Meissner, OLZ 9. 549 (identification of K 7 8 1 6 ) . 1907 O. Weber, Die Literatur der Babylonier und Assyrer 9 4 - 6 . 1908 A. Ungnad, OLZ 11. 5 3 6 - 7 (qa-da-ni3fin S vi 6 haplography for qa-da-da-ni). 1914 M . Jastrow, Hebrew and Babylonian traditions 3 4 0 - 4 (B, 3 , W). 1922 C. F ossey, Journal Asiatique, Onzime srie xix. 18-23 (S viii. 12; iv. 47b, 49b;
1. 191).

1922 R. Campbell Thompson, The Times Literary Supplment, Oct. 12. 646 (review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1023 D, D. Luckenbill, AJSL 39. 153-60 (critical review of Clay, YOR v/3). 1925 S. Smith, RA 2 2 . 6 3 - 4 (S iv. 4 7 D - 4 8 m 5 7 0 - 5 8 ) and 6 7 - 8 (11. i. 8 and S iv. 8). 1931 S. H. Langdon, apud J. A. MacCulloch (d.), Mythology of ail races v, Semitic 270-6. 1933 B. Landsberger, ZA 41. 3 1 5 - 1 6 (translation of S iv. 4 2 - 5 1 ) . 1947 F. R. Kraus, JCS 1. 115 (identification of D). 1956 R. Borger, AfO 17. 293 (identification of T ) . 1959 P. Garelli and M. Leibovici, apud Sources orientales, La Naissance du monde 129-30. 1061 S . N . Kramer, Mythologies of the ancient world 1 2 6 - 7 . 1967 J. Aro, Teologinen Aikakauskirja 72. 7 0 - 8 3 . 1967 H. Hirsch, ZA 58. 3 3 3 - 4 (review of C T 4 6 ) . 1967 L . Matous, ArOr 35. 1-16 (review article on CT 46). 1967 A. R. Millard, Tyndale bulletin 18. 1-18. 967 J. J. Finkelstein, RA 61. 133 (note on I 2 9 9 - 3 0 4 ) .

17$

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY
m

'm 'day, weather': u -mu-um h-ni-d^inu [,m] III iii 34 Pa-"'*'* III ii 48; ali-ri-a-ti-i**-mt I 214 l 7 J i
A 4
2 2

(udjneS);

9/7 -mi 294 303

4 n

UI vi4n;see k m m /
T T

UI iv 4

mis

and x rev. i 7 misarn 'dally': [u^mi-Sa-am-ma II in x rev. i 13 (-Sam-) Y ( " " ) ta-ba-al-ma I 171 ( K L ) ; ? os-fa S vi 2* O u S I fi7] 'bl "n eblu see b'r i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 'bn ixiu *eyc' iv 53 abunnatu 'umbilical cord': a-bu-un-na-ti iv 43 I 260 (P); ba-m-iq a-bu-un-na-te S iii 7 su 'to l *bn abnu 'atone': at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-ansti] III ii [ i 2 n ] a'ru "grow Bt- ia i-im-ru b iv 49 cf. *br J N * 59 P] ibratu 'outdoor shrine' : I 275 rtu "order*; ub-la pi-i-ni . . . ur-[ta-am] 'bs* II v (is] 29 vi [24] cf. viite-er-ta I 6 36; II vi 116 absnu 'yoke': ab-sa-nam li-bi-il I 196 trru cf. 195 G ii 10 11 16 V obv. 5 6 I385 III i 38; 8; te-rt-et II iv 'ht cf. x rev. ii [8] ab ru 'to destroy*: sf-ou-uf bi-ta III i 22 'gbb ugbabtu 'a kind of priestess': -uk-ba-akka-ti III vii 6n um
4 I X a m

ku-nu u[r-ta] II vii 36; la-ap- \hi o-fa] m ii [ i ] ; M f &c . JT . I a; [ub-lu] e-pi-tam I [ 0 ] 48 H ij [ . -ub-ba-al q-t a-na n[i-Si-ia-ma] II vi* 43; II vii 35; III ii 29; 61-/0 e-pi-ta I 381 [39] II ii 12; a6-/a-Ham I 195 196 li-bi-il G i i i o n V obv 5 6; II iii 19; [k]u-up-ruba-bi-il III ii cj[fo-ba-b]i-il ar-hu III ii 39; pa-ar-sa-am
4 rfM tt a 6 ]

/I-DI-I,

'dr r . adru 'to become afraid : mt-tn-tu ta-du-ur I 94 96; ul-ta-dar U rev. 21 ^ ] i L f > na'duru 'to be disturbed, become dark': kl j./is it-ta-a*-da-ar I 355 II i 4 (Q ittar-du) S iv 2 (it-ta-*-[dar])\ at-ta-a- eklu 'to be dark'- i^dar S iv 7 4" el-lu-tu[m\ z[i]-mu &-na i*-a-ad-ru III v 45 'dr ul 'not': -ul i-di I 71 f I r. 1 r [406] 416 II i , i P ' ^^14051 idrnu 'sait': se-ru . . . ma-li id-r[a-na] v " [45] H l i f ^ ^ / ^ S II iv 8 cf. S iv 48 58 v 7 ds essu 'new' : bi-pl eS-S U obv. 11 rev. 4 , r e v X V f ) 'ab .jf % ezbu 'to leave': s-ss-so II ii 2' (Q); [1-*]*j ( )-'-^ &mu- III ii son zi-ib-H-na-ti I 412 II ii 34
u 3 ; n ( M m
7 V c C ? [ 8 1 [ 9 ] [ l 9 l V i 8

<as 9 0 0 1 1 as>

abu

11 [124]
a-os-[fis]

abu *bb abl

[46]; il-ku-nu a* cf. IQ vi 21 viii o

egistu 'a kind of priestess': e-gi-si-a-ti III vii 7n *gr ugru 'field' : sa-al-mu-tum ip-sti- -g[aru] II iv 7 cf. S iv 47 57 v [6] (a.gr); im-lu- -ga-ra I I vi 11 M i-Sa- 'gr a-bu-bu] igru 'wall' : i-ga-ru fi-ta-am-mi-a-an-ni 'j III iii III i 20; [i]-ga-ru-maH-m[e] S obv. 14 ta-an-nu *d *a] II vii a d i *so long as': a-di-tna-nti I 370 w-ba.,. i d u 'side': it-ba-a id-fii Su-tu U rev. 9; * a-bu-bi [i]-zi-q a-na idi-$u U rev. 10: li-qi 23 U id-ka I 171 ( M ) 46; III id 'to know : t-fa -ul i-di I 71 73 cf* II vu [45] ; i-de mil-kd H obv. 9 cf. 10; [w\u-ud-di-a I I I i 13; M-ul] -te-ed-du-
9 4

1 ab

*zz allu 'hoe': al-U ma-ar-ri I 337 ezzu 'to be savage': la-ru uz-zu-zu III ii 54 [i]-te-te-zi-zu DN [DN] III i 43 flu 'god': i-lu -ul i-di I 71; cf. I 173 (K) ezbu 'to gird : [q]a-ab-lt-la i-te-zi-ih 355 II i 4; [i'lu]-ma II vi 15; i~lu-umma a-wi-lum I 212 (E dingir-^); I 286 s-fam ta-at-bu-ba I 239 II vii [33]; 'zn cf. I 208 (dngir); fi-t-t> I 215 uznu 'ear': [uz-na] i-Sa-ak-ka-na II iii (E dingir) 228; cf. I iii 7 V obv. 3; [8] [10]; getu-i pi-ta-at S iv 18 v 28 dingir I 191 197 G ii 12; it-ti i-li-kxt-nu % i-U -[ul ma-gi-ir] III i 42 cf. 49; a^u 'brother': [-ul] i-mu-ur a-ffu a-ha-fu s7-fa I 367 cf. 365 y 10 (dingir-/i<); III iii 13; ana a-hi-Su I 168 169 (M); i[t-ti i-li-iu] I [366] ; cf. II iii 211 S iv t-/s ah-bi-Su I 48 175 (M) G ii 2 II 19 v 29 31 (dingir-iu); t'-Ja . ^ ub-lu vii [41] J 4 (ab-ke-e-Su) cf. I 106 du-ul-la I 1; cf. I 12 63 233 I vttt 112 (L) 34 III iii 30 52 iv 15 v 34; dingir.mei afyzu 'to seize' : [q]a-tam i-liu-zu qa-ti-ia I 209 p| obv. 1; a-na i-U ab~V& I 48; cf. I 3 43 45 57 59 [106} [122] 134 I 11 ; i-ta-ali-zu-nim i-il-la-ku-nhn I 68 [146] [151] [159] 164 17s (MN) 232 236 tiazu 'battle': ta-ba-za i ni-ib-lu-la 247 (P) [339] 357 l i o yi 16 18 21 q-ab-la-am I 62; e-ep-pu-ul I 108; [41] III iii 2 4 ; | F [ta-b]a-zi I 129 141 vu 199 cf. J 4 (*-&); dihgirjneS 3 ^ obv. 9 v. 1 4 S ii 205 G ii 2 1 r> ri fii x rev. 7 *v abritis 'for ever*: ab-ri-a-ti-ii u -mi 10 IV 5 2 < I 214 227 1 45 1 *r II ii 23; eftu 'darkness': [Sa-pa-at ]-t-tu III iii 18 393; - e|lu 'young man': et-lu a-na ar-d[a-t] dingir jne Uni 'goddes R 9; ti-it e$-li I 274 'tm il-ta-am I e t e m m u 'ghost': e-te-em-mu li-ib-st I 215 *I la-du-ma ali 'where : 217 ( E Pi-te-em-mu I 2 i 5 n ) 228 230 I 291 i k u 'canal': i-ki ib-nu- ra-bu-t[im] I 338 el 'over*: * 'kb i k k i b u 'taboo': hi- ik-ki-bu E-na-ma I I I ei 'over': e vii 8

*kl aklu

*to eat': si-ifo-tum i-ku-ul-su II vi 16 18; i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am III v 36; i-ku-la fa-a[r?^fa|] Il i 9 ; [a-**-/Jtt j$k-ka-al *I 43 Iwur-fsiJ . . . -kal mtu
v

1 1 1

tu

SISiss

x 8
7

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY mr immeru 'sheep' ki-ma im-me-ri III iv 19 'n ana 'to, for': a-na I 16 [18] 81 83 84
98 100 110 117 [134] [155] 170 200 242 249 (P) 257 (P) 258 (P) (301) 330 [370 381 386 [396] 408 II i 9 10 ii [12] 26 iii 21 28 30 v [20] 25 [2'] vi 2 29 vii [32]

elmi 'above': e-le-nu-um II xv i ; e-le- i 22; gts.m ra-bi-tam % rev. 6 ; e-le-ep-pa nu-ia III Iii 44; 'upper rgions': if-pf-ur ip-f-ur III ii 55; gis.ma ul e-pu-ul DN e-le-e-nu II v [16] 30 vi *5 x rev. W 13 cf. 15; [giS.m] e-ru-um-ma ka gt.m tir-[rd\ W 6; ip-ha-a gi [s.m] i W [8] U { ] 9 16 a U rev. [3] cf. W [4] ufUI 'presently': ul-li-ii III i 34 el 'to ascend ' : [O-tu DN] i-lu- ia-me-e-la'm I 17; DN i-te-li I 13; e-te-el-li-i-ma ummu 'mother': ama a-na dumu.SAL a-na ia-ma-i III iii 48; [ul-Qu- re-i-iu S v [19] vi 8 ; zi-ba-ni-it dumu.SAL I 32; [fu-ti ana] b-bi-fd W [7] i-na-fal ama S v 21 vi [10]; ama *ld dumu.SAL S v [20] vi 9 ; e-reb ama aldu 'to beget, bear': -ul ul-da er-se-tum dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7; um-mi re-e[m-Sa] II iv 4 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ie-er-ri I 292 S iii 19 (ama) ti-a-am-ta UI iv 5; a-U a-li-it-tum 'm -ul-la-du-ma I 291 S iii 18 (-laemu 'father-in-law' : bi-it [e-mi ra-b]-e du-ma); -ul-la-du I 238 (P); a-na-ku-ma I [3020] -ul-la-da [a-bu-ba] II vii 46; a-la-da-'m am pu-ur-si III vii on; sru . . . jlu- amu 'raft': ki-ma a-mi-im III iv Sn 9 tY-tsf id-ra-na S iv 48 58 v 7 M m littu 'bearing woman': a-li-it-tum I 291 mmltu 'oath': ma-mi-t II ii 12' (Q); S iii 18 (-tu); a-U-it-tum-tna la a-li-it- a-na ma-mi-t a-bu-bi x rev. ii 46; ub-la tum III vii 2; i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III pi-i-ni . . . ma-mi-tam III vi 8; i-de vii 5 ; i-na bit a-li-te S iii 15 lillidu 'offspring' : ki-ma zu-ub-bi i-wu- m ma-me-et-lu-nu obv. 10 li-il-U-du III iii 45 ummnu 'workman' : dumu.meS um1k m[a-ni] W 8 alku 'go': il-li-ik DN I [134] cf. I 154; 'mbr -ul il-li-k-ma 600.600 mu.lji.a I [352] ibbaru 'mist' : ib-ba-ra jli-Ha-az-ni-in 416 II i 1; il-li-ik ra-du III iv 25; II ii 16 30 a-ia-ar DN [il-li~ku-ma] II v [18]; 'md ei-ru arfyu il-li-ka-am-ma 1 281: cf. I I emdu 'to put on, in to': i-mi-da a-na iv 11; e-ia-a DN il-li-kam jka-am III ki-ib-ri III iv 9 cf. 8; iu-up-ii-ik-ka-kuiii 51 v 39; a-U-il-li-ka mi-lu II i 12; nu a-tvi-[t]am e-mi-id I 241 II vii *ul i[l-li-ka] mi-lu 11 iv [2] cf. S iv [x] ; [31]; r-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; \i~U-H-$]h*4u ma-as-ba-tum I 409 II mu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-ni-a-ti I 371 ii 27; [il-li-k]u-ma x rev. ii 30; U-il-li-ik 'mtjl la-ru II i 14; DN II vii 52; li-il-li-ik- imfiullu 'evil wind' : im-bul-lu U rev. 8 u ma-as-fya-tum I 3820 397 II ii 13; 'mm li-il-H-ku II vii 50; a-ia-ar at-ta ta-al- umfimu 'wild animais': -ma-am se-rim li-ku-ma II v 32 vi 27; al-l[i-ik] I 156; % rev. 11 W 9 [i]l-la-ka di-ma-lu I 167; q-ad-di-iS'mn MUla-ka II iv 16; [i\-lak DN U rev. imittu 'right-hand': a-na i-mi-it-t[i] I 257 14 i-iUla-%u-nim I 68; al-ka-ma II iii (P) S iii 5 (zag) 33; al-ka-nm I 44 46 58 60; al-ka-ni *mq ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46; a-la-M II ii 3' (Q); qa-da-nil {[t-ta-n]a-la-ka S v [17] vi 6 emqu 'strength': e-mu-q iu-ur-ii III i 33 'mr 'U amru 'to see': i-mu-ur-ma I 334; a*i(tillu 'yoke': ap-f-ur ul-la I 243 cf. II i-mu-ur I I I i 30; [-ul] i-mu-ur a-bu v * 9 [i \ vi 28 a-ba-iu III iii 13; i-mu-ur-ma il-tum m III iii 32; li-mu-u[r] II iii 22 x rev. ellu 'be pure': -ul-la-[a]l ka-la-ma i 21 (li-mur)\ i-ni mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109; I 202; li-te-el-li-lu dingir.meS I 209 a-mu-ur-ma III iv 10; lu-mur-ma W 15; eUtt 'pure': el-lu-tu[m] z[i]-mu-H-na III ma-q-ra i-ta-ma-ar III vi 5 ; a-ta-mar v 455 el-lu-ti III ii 32 pa-ni-k[a] TJ obv. 11; a-am-ru II iii 17; tliltu 'cleansing': te-U-il-tam /lu-ia- ar-q-tum am-ru pa-n[u-H4ri\ I I iv 15; af-t-in ri-im-ka I 207 222 ni-hi -ul am-ra-[(a)-ma] II iv 6 1 'mr eleppu 'boat': [e]-U-$p-pu ia ta-ba-an- amurru 'wcst wind': a-mur-ru U rev. 10 nu--[jK\ III. i 25; bi-ni e-le-ep-pa III cf. 6
3

179

II

37 42 43 viii 33 35 III i 39 ii 41 iii 27 V 48 54 iv 8 9 15 v 30 41 43 46 vi 48 viii untu 'taclde' : h- du-un-nu-na -ni-a18 R 7 9 S iii 20 iv [18] [34] 39 42 turn III i 32 50 52 60 v [9] [19] 22 [23] [28] vi 8 12 *nt U rev. 10 22 x rev. i 26 38 44 ii 6 8 31 uttatu 'barley': [fo-/t]... ie.bar-toi W 7 46 Jb obv. 11 12; ana il ii 5' (Q) S iii 'nk 5 6 vi 11 W [7] x rev. ii 13 ; issaqar a-na anku T ; i*w mi-na-a a-mu-ur a-[n]o-hu I 48 86 92 106 112 119 [169] 199 205 I 109; cf. I 203 289 II iii 24 v 17 31 236 357 369 373 388 II i 6 iii [18] vi 26 vii 45 46 111 i 34 iii 36 46 x v 23 vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 12 16 41 rev. i 22 ii [19] [35]; PN a-na-ku-(ma\ vi 12 17 42 46 S iv 5 22 29 37 x rev. % obv. 6 i [1] 18 ii 45 G ii 2 U obv. 14; 'nn ana I 168 ( M ) 175 (LMN) J 4 S ii ennu 'to punish* : \ji]-tu-ma e-ni-nu*fa[8] x rev. ii 15 W 12 nu-ti x rev. ii 26 42; e*>te-mn-$u~nu*t$ 'at the discrtion of': a-na ra-ma-ni-ia x rev. ii 25 41 III ni 4 2 n 'ni asu 'so that' : ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 230 assatu 'wife': ai-la-tum 0 mu-i 1276 300; 'n zm-ka $ rev. 2 W [8] ina 'in, at' : i-na ka-la-ak-ki I 40; cf. 1 asstu 'wifehood': (a-na) ai-i[u-u^ mu 44 46 58 60 122 [132] 144 148 161 206 tu-ti I 301 209 210 213 215 218 221 224 225 228 tnis/tnietu 'mankind': te-ni-fe-tu II [259] (P) 290 299 302 305 355 [359] 377 vi 130; ut-ta-za-ma ta-np-l-ti S iv 383 392 398 401 [404] 410 II i 4 8 ii 23 25 [14] 16 17 20 22 28 30 31 iii [3] [6] 8 10 'nt 16 24 27 iv 13 14 16 v 5 [21] [3'] vi 16 atta, atti 'thou*: [at-t]a K4 III vj 44; [18] 19 30 vii 50 III i 44 47 [48} ii 49 Su-ut-fi-ir at-ta UI i 19; cf. II v 34 vi 53 54 i [7] 14 3 * 36 43 47 5 * 9 18 27 III viii ix S ii 3 X rev. i 37 u 22 45(?) vi 1 10 18 44 vit 1 2 3 viii [10] [5] [ 12] ; at--i-ma B-s-&-ru 1194 UI Jjl obv. 2 3 7 S ii 10 iii 6 15 iv [2] vi[47l [3] [7] [8] 30 [40] [41] 43 53 v [12] 'sk [13] [H] [15] 17 [18] [22] [26] 32 vi asakku 'pestiknce : il-f-km-ma JJ*fg|t [1] [2] 3 4 7 11 15 U rev. 5 16 x a-ta-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; cf. S iv 12 16 rev. i 24 25 42 ii 47; in II ii 8 (Q); 28 ina II ii 3' (Q) obv. 5 S iii 17 'am W [14] 16 x rev, i 3 22 simnu 'moment': ti-ma-nu B-im-fi 1 305 'from': i-na ma-ia-li -i$-et-[bi-iu] I 79; cf. I ^ 8 0 ] i-na na-aq-bi II i 13 iv 3 S i 8 iv 45 'eq 55 Ul cf. I [27] ; i-na n-el-m[e-n%\ III 'lot': is-q-am id-du-u I 12 isqu v 50; i-na bi-ir-ku a-Ut-ti III vii 5 inma 'when': i-nu-ma i-lu , . . ub-lu uppu 'drum': up-pa i m-H-me 1 2i4n cf. I 1; I 301; e-nu-ma S* obv. 1 x rev. [227] i 15 y 13 m inanna *now'; pa-na-mi . . i-na-an-na eptu 'cake': et-fe e-pi-ta U**n II ii 12 cf. I 408 (e-pi-tm) H * I 247 'n entu 'a kind of priestess': e-ne-ti III vii 6 appuna 'moreover': [a^pu-na so-lu-uitum U~i[b}-8 Ul vii 'n 'ni ' - ^-''^ ' axxmx 'yes' i-pu-lu a-an-na I 218 aplu to anwer': i-pu-lu a-an-na I *l8 V ann 'this': an-nu--ma II iii 32 cf. x rev. 'ps
v

i 30; -d)u-uh an-na-am ! 162 (O); an-ni-a-am qd-ba-fa I 244; cf. Ul viii i an-na-a x rev. i [a.w)a-tm anni-[tam] III i 46; cf. tll i 50; <m-nuum . . . i-ip-pu-uf III vi 13; gu-Hk-burf a\n-nu*tum] III vi [a] annumma 'now': a-nu-um-ma ti*ia tuq-um-tam I 61
4 0 ;

i8o

GLOSSARY tqitu 'slander': te-qi-ta

'qi

GLOSSARY I I vi ign erpetu 'cloud': er-p-e-tum li-ifr-ta-anni-ba I I i 16; [er}-p]l-tum -ka-la-la I I vi 12; i-na er-p-H I I I ii 49 53 'ts ersetu 'earth': er-se-tum I I iv 4 S iv 49 58 v [7] ( k i ) ; er-se-tam I 14; ia-apli-tam I I v I 7 n 31 v i 26; er-se-tim qabli-tim x rev. i [5] 9 i i xo rev. ii 3 (ki-rim) 17 (ki-fu) 33 (er-se-t) ; er-se-et DN I I I i 48 '1 a r q u 'green' : ar-q-tum am-ru pa-n[u-li-in] I I iv 15 urqtu 'grass': mu-la .Sim me-er-[*i-sun} W9
'IT

aps 'tfae Aps*: [d]p-sa-a I 29; [a-na a]p-si-i [i]-ta-ar-du I 18 cf. I I iii 28 S vi 27 (?) x rev. i 26 38 (zu.ab); iaf-ri ap-si-i I 102; [k]i-ma ap-si-i I I I i 29; [ma-li-k]u-ut ap-se-e S i 2 'pr apru 'to cover the head* : u*-pu-ut ka-aqq-as-s I 284 apparu 'hair*(?): ap-pa-ri S S i 7 *pr epru 'to supply with food': [la t]e-ep-pira-nim I I vi 14 epsu 'to do, make*: la na-t a-na e-p-ii 1200 cf. 180 ( M ) ; fa-ab-su-ta-am i-pu-ui I 285; H-ip-ra le-em-na . . . i-pu-ui I I viii 35; p i-pu-ia-am-ma is-s-qar I 47 85 91 105 m 118 174 ( K ) 204 [368] 372 [387] I I v [22] v i i 40 viii 36 ( D i-pu-ia-ma) I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi x i 16 41 45 G ii [1] J 3; p d-ia S ii 8 iv 21 [29] U obv. 4 13 ; d-ma WII x rev. ii 14; p i-pu-ui-ma x rev. i [1] ii 44; p te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235; ia DN i-(pu)-iu-ma I I I v 4711; [lu- e]-pu-ui I I I vi 18; gis.ma ul e-pu-ui W 13; a-na-ku lu-pu-us I 203; cf. W {15]; i-pu-ia q-ta-ia I 289; ma-annu . . . i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14; ta-faa-za e-ep-pu-ui I 108; te-ep-pu-iu rev. 10; ia-a-E-im-ma-a it-te-n-e[p-pu-ui] I 107 npisu 'tool : i-ia-tam du--ma I 64
1

e q l u 'field': a. . . . iu-a (li)-ii-ii I I ii 19 [33] ii/U-iur a.sa ii-pi-ke-e-iu S iv 46 56 v 5 cf. I I i 18 'qn uqn 'lapis lazuli': uq-ni ki-ia-aH-i[a-ama] I I I vi 3 'qr aqru 'to be rare': DN zu-un-na-Su jlu-id-qir S iv 4 4 54 v [3] 'r i r t u 'breast': i-ir-ti-ia I 272; li-te-ed-di-liir-ta-ia I I i i g n ; i\li-n- gaba-4a S iv47 5 7 v [6] V er 'to be d r y ' : ka-aq-qd-ra li-e-er-ri I I i i5n 'rb erbu 'to enter': [i-ru-u]m-ma ip-ha-a gip.ma] U rev. 3 ; i-ir-ru-ub -us-si I I I ii 4 5 ; i-te-er-bu I 249; e-tar-bu-ma S v i 17; [gis-m] e-ru-um-ma W 6; ki-im-ta-iu ui-te-ri-ib I I I ii 42 cf. [34] 38; li-[ie-ri-b]u-ni a-na ma-ab-r[i-ia] I I v 2 5 ; e-reb ama dumu.SAL i-da-gal S v [18] v i 7 ; e-re-ba-ka S-me-ma U obv. 1 5 7 ardu 'to descend': [a-na ]p-si-i [i]-taar-du I 18 ; e-tar-du S i 1 ; lu-ri-id S vi 27; ii-pu-ur DN -ie-ri-[du-ni-i]i-iu I 99; cf. li-ie-ri-du-[nim-m]a I 97; -r]i-du Si3 'rd a r d u 'slave': is-s-qar a-na ar-di-iu I 373 I I I i 16 a r d a t u 'young w o m a n ' : ar-da-tum R 8 cf. [10]; ct-Ztf a - n a ar-d[a-t\ R 9 cf. 7; S iii [20] il-ta-nu anti*

ittu 'sleep' : la i-sa-ba-su H-tu S iv [3] g 41 -za-am-tna Si-it-ta I 35c \\ \ % rev. i [3]
x

arru 'to suxTer cramp' : i-na i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru I I I iv 23 'r

bu-bu-ti

e r e s u 'smell': [i-si-nu i-l]u e-re-ia I I I v 34 m e r s u 'bed': na-de-e e-er-H 1299 ( E P gis.n) 'rs e r s u 'wise' : e-rii-tu DN I 250 (P) ; e-rUH tam DN I 193 ; e-ri-U-ta DN I I I iii 3311 ; e-rii-ta DN S i i i 16; er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8
's

luttu 'dream' : [fa iu-ut-ti w]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-a I I I i [13]; [as-na} Ma-ah-kana i-na iu-na-a- I I us 8 10 'sp siptu 'incantation': Si-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-aH I 253 (P) cf. S iii 3; ig-mu-ru 8~pa~at~ s[a ] I 255 (P); tam-nu- supa-ta S iii 3 'sr aar 'where' : a-ia*ar DN iUli-ku-ma I I v 18J32 vi [27] ([a-fl]r); a-sV isl^a I I I iv 18; I I I iv 26 'sr esertu 'shrine' : so-su-sl ti-[re\-H I 337 'sr esru 'be straight'; rmu ... uljia -fe-8r ir-ra S iv 51 ex v [9] 'sr e s r u 'tenth' : ei-ru Ira affala I 280 281
9

istu 'fire': i-ia-tamlta-am 's

x

I 64 65

ne-pi-H-lu-nu

id-

msertu 'abundance': -ma-al4$-er . . . nd-ie-er-tam I I v [2on] [z ] vi 29; cf. mi-ir-t x rev ii 6 13 {me-ih-t) 'sa assu 'to be pained' ; i-ta-fa-ul a-ia-ba-am I I vi 15 17 'st isti 'with': U-U-ka I 170 (K) istu 'after': is-tu-ma tb-lu-la pi-fa I 231;
1

V
a s u 'to go out' : -si na!-pi!-iS-tum I I I vi 9 : ia-am-mu -ul -si-a I I iv 5 S iv 49 59 [8] (-sa-a); ki-i -sa-an-ni x rev. ii 20 36; i-ir-ru-ub -us-si I I I i i 4 5 ; fjjfartn I 115; [it-ta~fa-a] a-bu-bu I I I fp [ii] U rev. 18 (i-ta-sa-a); la-am a-bu-bi toa-se-e 3 rev. 4 ; li-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na n-el-m\e-n\ I I I v 50
v

is 'to have': ia i-iu- te -e-ma I 223; ndim-ma i-i[u-] I I I i i 30 3X; iamai la-aS-iu I I I iii 18

'**

eslu 'to be stifF: ? i-ta-as-s-la esnu 'smeil': [i-si-nu [34] i-l\u

I 33611 III v

arhu 'to consume': bitu i-re-ba-ma S v 24 v i 13

e-re-ia

m&
esru 'to design': s-|*-*> l-ma I 288; tv-lfir -sur-t] W [16]; e-fir -[sur-tu] W 14 (imptv.); -su-ra-te id w&F*** -sa-ar DN S iii 14 cf. R 5 usurru 'design': [*$w]-tu lu-tnur-ma W (x$]> see also under esru

'

W%

|p
I 74;

uteqq 'to observe': -te-eq-qi [-t]e-qi-ma Hkna U obv. 2 6 8

a r h u 'month': [ib-ba-b]i-il ar-bu I I I ii 39; ei-ru iti il-li-ka-am-ma I 281 cf. 280; i-na ar-bi I 206 22x ; [i~ma]-an~nu ar-fn' I 279 'rk a r k u 'long': ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu-H-na [ik-ru-ni] I I iv 18 S v [15] v i [4] 'rk a r k u 'after': pu-ra-na-ta ar-ki-id S i 7 'rm armnu'pomegranate': ? a r - m a - n a I I v 12 'rn a r n u 'crime': [be-el ar-n]im I I I v i [25] *rp

es 'to be confused': -te-[ii] I 74; ? i-Su-ma I I I v 47n 'Sb asbu 'to sit': a-iar us-bu i-na bi-ki-ti ui-bu-ma I I I iv 18-19; [u]l-la-ab ib-taak-ki I I iii 12 14; -ul -ui-ia-ab I I I ii 4 6 ; -ul -ui-ia-ab I I I i 4 7 ; it-ta-ai-buma I 332; [ta-at-t]a-ai-ba-ma I I vii 34; wa-ii-ib I 101; a-H-ib I 254 ( P ) ; tva-aba-at I 189 [278] G i i 8; i-bat S ii 6 V 1; tu-ia tua-ai-ba-a-ku I I I iii 49; ai-ba-[ku] Jfy obv. 7; [w]a-ai-bu I 103 cf. I I I iii 31; ai-bu I 172 ( K ) ; l-bu-ma S ii 5 ; i-ta-Su-uS a-ia-ba-am I I v i 15 17 assbu 'tenant': ki-i a-ia-bi i-na bi-U di-im-ma-ti I I I i i i 46 s u b t u 'dwelling' : i-na iu-ub-ti-iu I 44 46 58 6 0 ; a-na I 84 msabu 'dwelling': zu-uk-ki mu-Sa-[ab] l 329 ( ? ) 'akr i s k a r u 'task': [ii-k]a-ra-a-tu I 181 ( M ) 'in

cf. I [17] 255 (P) H i " 25 I I I 5 v 36 S iii 3 vi 26 x rev. i 23 ii [26] 42 -since': {tf^-tv-ma ap-ta-na-a\l-la-b DN] I I I i45 ; te-eb-nu-na-fcma S iv 27 'St istn 'one': i-lu\\am il-te-m 1173 ( K L N ) 208 S ii 7 (dis); I I I iii sn (?); ttte il-ta-nu S v 24 vi 13; ii--ta la-at-tam I I iv 9 istnis 'together*: ub-la pi-i-ui I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8; ka-la m4i ii-te-nii i-sa-bat % rev. 3 ilsanu 'north wind* ; il-ta-nu U rev. 6 **tr istaru 'goddess': il-ta-ar-ku-un I 379
u

394

I I ii xo

S iv 31 (*u.dar-*M-t);
I I ii 24

ii-tar-fu-un

I [406]

't ittt 'with': if-t I [152] 165 201 [36^] I I vii 47 I I I 1 4 2 49 Sivi9V29*t-ft-sama I 200; sf*aVfc I 367 S iv 20 v 30 (4sl) x rev. ii 48 (-Ai); it-ti-Sa I I I iv 5 it-ti-iu-nu I I I iii 38 *t ittu 'sign': ? gtj-to S vi 20; ba-at-fa tt-taiu jU-ie-di-iu-ma I 216 229 'tkp

i8z atkuppu 'reedworker':

GLOSSARY
b's bsu 'to be put to shame': 14 28

GLO8

at-ku-up-[pu na-H a-ba-an-lu] III ii I2n

'tl etellu 'noble': e-te-el-li I 170 'ta atmnu 'rsidence': ba-bi-fa-at-ma-ni

ilU-ba-al-tna i-na ka-at-re-e I 383 398 [410] II ii -Sa-aq-bi bi-i-\sa] III iii 39n; -Sa-as-lii bi-i-S[a] III iii 41

I 62; -ba-li-il Xt-it-fa I 226 cf. I 211 gall 'sherirT': gal-lu-jfu-nu (li-ba-al-li-il, li-ba-li-i) ; i-lu-um-ma [139] (-ku-nu) a-wi-lum li-ib-ta-al-li-lu I 212
bn ban 'to build':

AY R

183 I ion 127

la-wi I 71; il-ta-nu S v [24] vi 13; -bu-ut bi-ta III i 22; qi-ri-ib bi-ti I 375 390 II i i 14' ([qi-rib bitu]tn Q ) ; Si-im-ti I 249 (P); bi-it [149] 162; at-ra-am I 37 q-di-iS-ti I 290; - [e-mi ra-b]-e I 302; b" i-li-fu II i i i 11; di-im-ma-ti b'u 'to go along': -ba-a* ka-Su-Su III iii III iii 47; na-ak-ma-ti III iii 50; 12 U rev. 19 (i-ba-a)\ i-ba- U rev. 11 ; DN H obv. 7; a-li-te S iii 15; b ba-a-a' a-bu-bi III i 3711 rii-ti S iii 17; ib-nu- bi-is-su I 402 b'b 11 ii 20; la-wi bi-it-ka I 80 82 bbu 'door': i-di-U ba-ab-lu I 89 cf. III i i b b ' 52; H-a ba-ab-lu I 380 395 [407] II ii bubtu 'hunger': i-na s-mi bu-bu-ti u 25; i-p-eb-b* III ii 51 ; ul i-pa-te III iii 31 ; i-na bu-bu-ti III iv 22 II iv k-& S v 19 vi 8; e-t-il ba-ab-ka I 87; 12 (-tint) S v [14] v i [3] (-te); a-na pf-te I [120] S ii 9 (k-ka); i-na-as- bu-bu-ti-H-na II i 10; bu-bu-ti-il ni-H sa-ru k-k[a] W 10; k ili-Su S v 31; I 339 k giS.mi W 6 ; -pa-ab-bi-ir a-na ba- d r b bi-iu I 386 J III i 39; i-tu-ta a-na ba-bi-iajka I [81] 83 110; il-mu- ba-bi-budru 'profusion': bu-du-ri nu-ni III i H-ka I 1x4; ba-bi-la-at-ma-ni I 6Qn
atru 'to be more': a-na lpa-na i-ta-at-ra S iv 39 atru 'excessive': Su-up-Si-ik-ku or-ru I btu 'house':
a

Ir

I 6gn

DN

bsu 'shameful speech': b't

(pdu) 'shoulder' : ra-ap-lu-tum bak 'to weep': ib-ki-i-ma I I I iv 12; bu-da-Si-na II iv 17; tap-i-tu [bu-da]- e-li-H-naab-ki 111 iv 10; i-lu it-ti-Sa ib-ku III iv 1 s ; il-tum i-ba-ak-k[i] I I I iii 32; H-na S v [16] v i 5 [\-Ia-ab ib-ta-ak-ki II i i i 12 14; b'1 ib-ta-a[k-ki] x rev. i 13; ib-ta-na-ak-ki blu 'lord': DN id-de-ki be-{el-Su] I 7 8 ; II iii be-el te -mi III iii 51 v 40; [ ar-n]bn biktu 4 'weeping': f-fia bi-ki-ti ul-bu-ma III vi [25]; [en t]a-i-im-ti S iv [17] III iv 18 v [27]; en S iv 23 25 vi 19; cf. U obv. bkr I [5] [7]; is-s-qar a-na be-U-u I [369] k r u ' s o n ' : a-la-da-am bu-ur-Wd* ? III bu
bdu
t

b'd

bk'

DN be-U-lHi] W 12; cf. en-su blfc S iv [18] 22 v [28]; be-li I 80 93 155; bultjtu 'feverishness': [bu-]l-bi-ta -kaVY 17; i-na bit DN en-ia al-ba-[ku] la-la ia-ap-ta-la I I I i i i 29n; sa-mi-a obv. 7 la-ap-ta-Hi-nu bu-ul-fai-ta I I I iv 21 bltu 'mistress': be-el-tum ra-bi-tum III i i i Mt 28; be-le-[et] (P -l]et) ka-la i-U lu- balju 'to live': W-t ib-lu-uf a-wi-lum fiu-u]m-ki I 247 III v i 10; cf. I I I v i i i 10 (ib-lu-f[])\ ba'ltu 'subject*': ba--la-tu-ul-fu I 14 i-na H-it-ku-ki na-p(-i[l-ti ba-al-ta] b&hl 'cattle': bu--[ut} III ii 3 6 ; [bu-ul] II iv [14]; cf. S v 26 vi [15] (bal-fa-at) \ na-pi-il-ta bu-ul-U-ip III i 24 sert W [9] baltu 'life' : ba-la-td lu- [ Js) rev 4 cf. 1 b'r baflu 'living': ba-al-fa it-ta-lu jli-h-dibru 'to be firm' or 'to rebel': i-ba-a-ar Su-ma I 2 i 6 n 229 II v 10 Mfct b'r n a b a l k u t u 'to rebel': ib-bal-kat ersetu bru 'to snare' i-bi-ir-[ma] I I I ii 34n re-em-S S iv 58 v [7] cf. S iv 49 (li-bal(or from eblu) kat) Vr bit bm 'to choose': li-ib-u-ru (D li-ib-te-e- ballu 'to m i x ' : il-iu-ma ib-lu-la fi*fa rtl) '"-ffti vu 48 I 231 ; ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la q-ab-la-am

II viii 37

III i 2 12j cf. II i i 4' (Q);

vii 9n

btq batqu 'sever': S iii 7n

bi-is-s I 401; II ii 20; [\-le-ep-pu B-pa-as-s[a ] I 255 (P) la ta-ba-an-nu--[H] III i 25; bi-ni gamertu 'total destruction': i-Zu iq-bu- e-le-ep-pa III i 22; cf. 3 rev. 6; bi-ni-ma ga-tne-er-t[am] I I viii 34n; cf. I I I iii 38 1 lu-ul-la-a I 195 cf. G ii 9 (li-ib-ni-ma) (ta-am)\ ub-la pi-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tim V [2] 4 ; I 190; ba-ni-a-at a-wi-lu-ti III v 44 I 194; ii-ma-ti I I I vi 47; ba-na-at gn H-im-tu 8 iii z 1 ; S-su-ta-H... -ba-na-a gana 'come!': [ga-na sa~a]s-si-ra DN S iii 9 10 Si-si-ma III vi [43]; x rev. i 31 b i n u 'son' : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 gps b u n u 'son': a-na kurummate*' bu-naU-tkgapsu I I 'to collect*: ku.me8 -gap-pinu S v [23n] v i 12 iam-ma x rev. ii 22 38 bintu 'structure' : q-ne-e gb-bi lu bi-nug*' us-s 3 rev. 7 1 ger 'to provoke war':fy*ra-amt]u-qbunu/bnu? : bi-nu bu-nu-ka I 93n 95 um-tam I [130] [142]; mUg-ra-am bsr tu-q-um-tam I [146] 160 b u s a u r u 'to report': il-lu DN -ba-[as-sa- d' ar] I 365 di'u 'sickness' : [mur]-iu <#-' tu*ru-pu-u bql a-sa-ku 3 iv 12 16; mur-fa di-'a etc. b u q l u 'malt': ki-ma bu-uq-li II iv i 3 n ; ki-4 S iv 28 e.DiM me-te S v [25] vi 14 d'k br' dku 'to kill': su-up-&-4h-ku... id-du-uk* bru 'between': [i-na b]i-ri-su-nu I 259 ni-a-ti 1 [149&] ; ad-du-ku ma-as-sa(P) S iii 6 (be-ru-) ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 (ad-du-ka); brk i-da-ak i-da-dl U rev. 13 b i r k u 'knee' : i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it-ti III d'm vii $n da'mu 'to be dark': u^-mu-um U-id-daba' i-[im] III iii 34 bas 'to b e ' : e-te-em-mu [ib-H] I [228] d'r [230]; Su-ru-pu-u ib-H S iv 13; a-ii-4b- d a m 'ge': a-[na da-ri] I [371] H-H-na-H ri-iS-t[um] II i 20; mu-sum d'ft i-ba-al-H I 70 72; it-ti DN H-ip-*u dsu 'to thresh': i-da-ak i-da-l U rev. 13 I 201 cf. II vii 47; G ii 7; i-ba-al-su- dbb 3 obv. 3 s ; ma-la31 rev. 5 ; [i]b-ba-i[u ?-dabbu 'to complais': [i-a-bt^bu-ma ?] III viii 8 ; li-ib-Si-ma . . . pa-H4t-tu i*ik-ka-lu ka-ar-si I 39 III v i i 3 ; cf. I 215 217 360 III vi 50 dgl vii 1. - S iv 9 (lih-H); -la-ab-H q-a[bdaglu 'to watch': e-reb ama dumu^AL la] III viii 13 i-da-gal S v 18 vi 7 bus 'goods': [Ht-H ana] lib-bi-M . ^ . dk' ni*g.Su*<z W 7 dek 'to muse': DN id-de-ki DN I 76 78
9
4 1 0 2

gll [il-t]u-ma te-eb-nu-na-li-gallatu 'rolling' : g[al-u>ta] ti-a-am-ta I ma S iv 27; a-na-ku-mi ab-ni I 289; g m I I iv [Si r ib-nu- el-[re]-ti I 337; %-ki I 338; gamru 'to complets': il-tu-ma ig-mu-ru

gb gabbu 'ail': % rev. 7 gzl dm g u z a l 'chamberlain': gu^-^um^a-iu-Hsf^nu d a m u 'blood': i-na S-ti4u u da-mi-hi I 9n 126 [138] (-ku-nu); gu.2a.la nPmI 210 aa$ bu-ur-ma I 4 1 ; gu.za.l la-bi-ru->tkn d m ' I 49 J 5 (gu.za,la~e) dmtu 'tear': [fljLla-ha di-ma-su 1167 gl

ba-m-iq a-bu-uu-na-ted u l l u 'toil': du-ulrhi-uM ka-bs- I 4; cf. I 177 (N dul-ta-su-m) G ii 4; du-ul-lam -la-az-ba-hs I 6 cf. 38; ub-lu . m q-ne-e gb-bi lu bi-nu-us-sdu-ul-la I 2; ka-ab-tam du ul la ht nu 1240; du-ul4a~ni 142 ; du-ul-la-ni-ma I i$o 163

dll

i8

GLOSSARY tjlpu 'break ( i n tablet)': obv. 1 x rev. 4 9

GLOSSARY

xjad 'to rejoice': [n]a-am-ru-ma ba-du- z'r zru 'to hate': ma-ak-ku-ra z-e-er-ma pa-nu-Sa I 283 ; Sa-[ab]-s-tum . . . li-ifrdu I 290 S i i i 17 I I I i 23 zbb bidtu 'rejoicing': [U-iS-S]a-ki-in bi-duz u b b u 'fly': zu-ub-bu- a[n-nu-tum] I I I tum I 303 zbb I 282T z i b b a t u 'taxi': lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-s Mq I I I i I4<n jjjalqu 'to dxsappear': anafra~la-qiI I ii zbl 5' (Q) -gap-pi-iam-ma ib-liq-ma x rev. zablu 'to bear': iz-bi-lu Su-up-H-[i]k-ka ii 22 38 I 2; [du]-ul-lam iz-H-lu I 38; [m]tt-w/ia-dk-ki Uza-ab-bi-il I I xii 5 cf. y 12 fenb x rev. i 14 (*'<-200-01-x); i-za-bi-lu S i 1 0 - Ijanbu 'to grow f u l l ' : er-p-e-tum li-ibz b n (?) zibnitu 'acales' :

[ki-m]a mt-fre-e i-zi-qaii-na-U-ma S iv x 5 ; [t]-27-0i> . . . a-murru U rev. 10; [&t-m]a me-fre-e li-zi-qaE-na-ti-ma S iv x x ; si-qu-S U rev. 7n z i q z i q q u 'gale': tig-si-qu U rev. 7x1
zqu 'to blow' :

I I ii 16 30; /li-ia-az-ni-in na-al-Sa z'z I I i i 18 32; [-Sa-az-ni-i]n DN zu-unzzu 'divide*: is-qa-am id-du- i-lu iz-zuni-Su I I vi [10]; -Sa-az-na-na-ak-ku I 12 bi-is-bi is-s-ri bu-du-ri nu-ni I I I i 34n z'z z u n n u ' r a i n ' : zu-un-ni-Su DN li-Sa-aqi z z u z z u 'to stand': mu-Su i-zu-uz-ma qi-il I I i 11 ; cf. S iv 44 54 v [3] (zu-unx rev. i x6; iz-za-az-zu-ma I I i v 21 ; na-Su); see also zannu it-ta-zi-iz ma-bar DN I 90; i-ta-zi-iz zxxn U obv. 3 ; i-zi-iz ma-ab-ri-ia I 88 ; ki-mi- z a n n u 'to provide food': i-za-an-nu-un is i-zi-iz I 123 I I I v 32 m a z z z u 'leg' : ar-ku-tum ma-az-za-zu- z q n fi-na I I iv i8n S v [15] v i 4 (ma-za- z i q n u 'beard': zi-iq-nu I 273 zi-Su-nu) m z'm xitju 'to w a t c h ' : i-bi-if I 75 zimu 'lace': zi-mu-H-na [it-ta-ak-r] fcbl I I iv 12 S v [14] v i 3 ; el-lu-tu[m] n a f j b a l u ' b a r ' : [H-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-az[]-mu-Si-na I I I v 45 am-tim I 15 cf. x rev. i 6 10 i i [4] 11 18

z k r (see also sqr) i-na bi-it di-im-ma-ti z i k a r u 'maie': zi-ka-ru a-na [arda te] I I I iii 47; -qd-at-ti di-im-ma-ti I I I iv 11 S iii a o ; R 6; -ba-na-a nit.meS S iii 9 dnn un' dannu 'be strong': lu- da-a-an I I I i 33 z u m m 'to lack': -za-am-ma Si-it-ta W 3 (da-an); lu- du-un-nu-na I I I i 32 I 359 I I i 8 x rev. i [3] d a n m i 'strong': pi-lu-la dan-na 3b rev. 9 z m r dpr z a m & r u 'to sing': a-bu-ba ... -za-am-medapru 'to be sated' : DN id-pi-ra I I I iii 39 er I I I viii 19 drr z a m f i r u 'song': an-ni-a-am za-ma-[ra] n a d a r r u r u 'to move freely': id-da-ar-ruU-iS-mu-ma I I I viii 15 ma I 245 znn andurru 'freedom' : an-du-ra- [ra aS- z a n n u 'to r a i n ' : ib-ba-ra /li-Sa-az-ni-in

dmm d i m m a t u 'moaning':

ki-i -sa-an~ni % rev. ii 20 36; ak-ki a-li-iutu -la-du-ma S iii 18 kma 'like':fo'*fw/ M i-Sa-b-bu I [354] (jibu 'abundance': ffi-if-bi is-$-ri I I I i j g II i 3 III fil 15; eqlu ki-ma h-ar*ra* hr> qi-tu Su-a {U-)il-H II ii ion [33]; ki-ma bar 'to sever' ( ? ) : um-mi Se-er-ri -b[a- im-me-ri im-lu-nim ra-ta-am III iv ro; ar]-ru- ra-ma-an-Sa I 293n; cf. lu-bar- cf. I l iv 13 I I I i 29 iii (ro] [12] 16 ri-S S iii I9n 19 40 44 iv 6 8 9 v [35] S iv n 15 U obv. 2 6 8 rev, 17 [19] W 2 h*' kma 'that' : ki-ma ni-ii-ku~[nu a-bub]a Ijer 'to d i g ' : i-be-er~ru-nim I 21 23; I I I viii 9 [i-ber]-ru- S i 5
ki/akkl 'when': fer* barifttu 'woman i n confinement':

hi-pi I I i

12

k'1

ku-u]n l 94$; cf. I I v [19] [i'J vi 28

ba-riS-ti S iii 15 17

a-li-te
rev. 5

XII

xxr fjursu ( ?) :

lu pu-ut-tu bu-ru-Su % la-ap-nu

klu 'to hold': ka-i-lapr-ti-fa S iv 32 k'n knu 'to be firm': h kin ub-bu-hu 1 rev. 5;

uS-ta-ka-an I I I iii 24

jjisifttu 'necessities' :

ub-la] I I I U [14]

ijtja rjasfyasu 'feeble': -f-mi U obv. 10 t*t fitjtju 'clay': ti-it-ta-am I 2 0 3 ;

34 y 1 7 S v [1] bbr tjubru 'noise': i-na bu-bu-ri-Si-na

-zaam-ma Si-it-ta I [359] I I i 8 S iv 3 8 41 x rev. i 3; - i-lu it-ta-a*da-ar I [355] I I i 4

jli-ba(-al)- iv 9; i-na m-tb-ri II iii 27 is-f/ pi-it-ta I 211 226; [ti-i]t-ta i-kab-ba- kibrtu 'world rgions': a-bu-ba il-ht-nu sa-am I 252 ( P ) ; iS-tu-ma ib-lu-la ti-ta i-na ki-ib-ra-H Jt) obv. 3 Sa-ti 1231 ( O [f]i-ta-a-S[a]) ; *-# ti-it-fi-S kbt S iii 4; li-ib-ta-al-H-lu . . . t-aa fi-ip-fi kabtu 'to be heavy'; ik-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-m I 213 ; ru-u'-tam id-du- e-lu ti-if-ti 1234 a-wi-lu-ti I [358] II i 7 s rev. i 2 S iv 6 (fk-tab-ta>m[a]); au-Mu-um (mu 'personality': Sa i-Su- fe^-e-ma ka-bi-it I 4 150 [163] 177 (K) G ii 4; I 223n ; i-lam ta-at-bu-fra qd-du te^-mi-Su tuk-ku I 179 (N) G ii 6; i terttkI 239 I I vii 33 cf. I 243 (P f-mi-Su) t[a]-bt-it DN I 295 CE -t]ab-bi-it) S iii 'mind' : [i]S-ta-ni fe -e-em-Su I I I iii 25 16 (tk-ta-bit) b e l t e r n i 'prsident': be-el fe -mi I I I i i i kabtu 'heavy': ka-ab-tam du-uUla-ni I 42 5 m v 40 (fei-e-nu) cf. 240
t

kbs kabsu 'to tread': lfM]t"ta i'kab-ba-ta-am \fai-i-ib-ta I 252 (P) kbr baS-ba-[S] kabru 'fat': ha-ab-ru-H I I I ii 33 kbr kibru 'shore': i-mi-a a-na ki4b-ri I I I

\lbu ' d i p p i n g ' : li-te-el-li-lu i-na fi-i-bi I 209

tjabfjiU

dingir.mes

vi 2; ki-ma zu-ub-bi I I I iii 44 cf. 19 (suub-bi) v [35] ; su-b-e ra-bu-ti I I I v 46n

bip halpu 'lapse (of t i m e ) ' :

[b]a-lu-up pa-le-e

'to slaughter': i-lam ta-af-bu-ba I 239 I I v i i 33; ilam il-te-en H-if* bu-bu-ma I 208; i-na pu-b-ri-Su-nu ka-la sfq-ril-ia III i 21; kiJf U obv. it-fa-ab-bu I 224 15; [iz-za-ka]r a-na ki-ki-B V obv.-14; a-ma-te-Su-nu a-na H-ik-ki\K[ i-la* tefj 'to approach': if-bi-a a-na q-ut-ri-ni an-ni $ obv. 12 I I I v 41 ; if-be-e-ma a-na su-b-e ra-bu-ti l k I I I v 46 kal 'ail': ka-la i-ti-ma I [xaaj 134 [140] t*d tjardu 'to s e n d ' : [ifl-fa-ar-du-ni-in-ni I I I i 44 k k l ' h o w ? ' : ki-i aq-bi I I I i i i 37; ki-i ib-hhuf [151] [159) 1*4 247 (P) x ** * 4SI [k]al-la Sa-di-i I 33 fefe tU^nl4a III i ai; fo-Ja * rev, 3* u-/-*e-[:]/ ka-la-ma I 202; r<&a>lf Z>iV Wi*-f I I v M 28 vi fe I I I vi

kk kakku 'weapon': ka-ak-J-lu U-qi I 90 [153J; ka-ak-ki-ka U-qi I 88 X i i ; giS.tukul.fneS-/i [] S ii 9 kks kikkisu 'reed wall': ki-Jd-Su /t^vt>#4

13; i W du-ul-lam -Sa-az-ba-lu DN I 6 ta-an-ni-ba I I x i 6 n

xjas tjassu 'to I I I vi 4

zk' zaJi 'to be clean':

zi-ba-ni-it ama dumu.SAL i-na-fal 8 v [20] vi 9 cf. v (zxj vi 10 zu-uk-ki mu-ia-[ab]

remember':

lu-ub-s-s-s
I I I xii

feep 'to break':

[r]i-gi-im-Sa %b-pi 10;fae-pi-i-mali-ib-ba-Su I I I ii 47

7 ; al-ka-ni ka-la-ni x rev. ii 46 a-wi-lum I I I vi 10 kullatu 'the whole': ku-ul-fa-at ka4a k l 'Uke' : ki-i a-Sa-bi i-na bt-it di-im-ma-ti i-H-ma I 146 151 ?59 ^4 o-na ku-ul-laI I I i i i 4 6 ; ki-i dingir.meS % rev. 4 ; at ni-H I I I viii 18 -t 7 m u . m [ e s ] U obv. 9 ; ki-i buqU klk me-te S v [as] vi 14

i8e k a l a r k u 'excavation I 4 0 ( 1 4 8 ) 161

9 1

GLOSSARY i-a ka-la-ak-ki kar&o 'slander': i-ik-ka-lu ka ar-si I 3 9 ; mi-nom hir-n-hl-nu n\i-i]k-ka-al I 176 (KN) Gij tes karsu disaster": m-fi ik-mi-su a-na ka-rail I I I i i i 54 v 4 3 ; i-o ka-ra-h I I I iii 14

GLOSSARY
libirtu 'bricar*: B^in^na-di U-bi^it-tum 1194 (P U-bil-tum); l-bt-it-taid-at 1288; it-taS ii-bit-ti I 2590 ( P ) cf. S i i i 6 15 (et**)

**7

kfl

k u U u l a "tecomplte : si-na-im " -kala-la-n-na S m t a n 13; lit-i]p~ra . . . -ia-ak-h-ii I 23S k u l l u l u *to covcr*: [er?-p]:-tum -ka-Iala I I vi 12; [bu-u]l-h-ta km la la ia-ap-ta-ia I I I in 29
sc ul

Ibr labirtu 'old t i m e ' : gu.za.la la-bi-ru-tim

I 4 9 cf. J 5 l i g i m r n orTspring': li-gim?-ma'r-a U-ibni-ma I 19011 Ifcm l a h m u 'water monster*: a-na la-ah-tm I I i i i 3 e n ; Vah-mu x rev. i 28 ( ? ) Il lull ' m a n ' : hi-n-ma iu-ul-la-a I 195;

vi 10 v (10]
krs k a r s u 'stomach': S kar-H-h-na W e\li-mesn sam-mu S i v 43 53 ksd kasdu 'to arrive*: (a) f~a ka-id-di S v l i a ] 13 [15J m M v: [ 0 [2] W 7

kfl

I [354) H i 3; ir-m-fM I {313J Hia S & ''kmy [nfriHm I I I 9; nm-Us I I I va 26; f^or t rev. 17 8 vi 19; nwf^if *-Aa/ sur * $ w 24 al-, t^aa me^aa I 377 39 f # s j H i as; ma-ti I I ii 8 (Q) g iv 30 ftar^k fb-ku- a-na ma-tim U I iv 15; a a - ^ iaVai iaa-fw I 22 24 $ t (kasf; ma-tim 1 30; i-*a kur .mei ' S obr. a
s 1 1

K I I 'dragon-tly': ki-ma XQ H

ku-ii-h

I I I iv 6

m m'u 'to vomit': i-ma-a* ma m fa a a m'd mdn 'to be asacfe'; s M i |s>ai-af 1353 I I i 2 S iv [r]; ma-a-o la m la mm l4[t5oJi03f7r(W W aa/t m i t a 'dead*: A ^ mw-a* S v {25] fi 14 M aagr magro 'sa zmtmf: i-ii iUkam i-U ts-[ul ma-fi-ir] I I I 1 [42) mdr midirtu ' c a a # : av^aWa*av is|a"<af S v 33s; md+a-tmm? a tev. 115; s>

kalsu 'to contract*: [H-\ak-ti-n rigim a-na nam-tar S iv to cf. 140, see p . 172 km k i m t u 'family*: M-im-to-iu ui-u-ri-ib III11 42; fci mt-ka sa-lat-ka W 8 kms kamso *to consign': m-S ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-S I I I m 54 4 3 k n m r r a i 'to kneel': sk-mU m-km i-ta-zi-iz U cAVr. 3 ; a*-*** -ui-sa-ab -mI i-ka-amw-is I I I 1 1 4 6 ; ki-n-is i-zi-iz I 123 S ii kmr karara 'to beap up*: ib/-wi-Nin J rev. 22 *Pf> gbircie*: aa-eav kip-pa-H 'pxtctV: ku ap nt h- W 2 aa-a-an ba-bi-i ie-er-ru]

I "

ksd
kisdu 'neck': m vi
3

uq-m

k%-ia-di-i\a-a-ma]

ir

G ii 9 0 ; l.u^.lu V obv. 2 4

ktt
kassu 'power*: e-/j i-ba-a' ka-fu-iu I I I iii 12 cf. U rev. 19 ktm katmu 'to cover : ki-ma hu-uq-U kaai-[mu pa-nu-st-iri} I I v 13 cf. S v 25 vi [14] (kat-mu) r 'oot*: ai-Su la mu-ui-H-i I 217 2 3 0 ; cf. I 2 0 0 I I I n i 53 v 42 v i i 2 ; [/a tu-ia]ka-la-mm I I v i 13]; cf. I I v i [14] S i v 3 8 39 42 : la-ai-im I I I i i i 18 S a l 'apart f r o m ' : ma-an-nu an-ni-tam ia la DM i-ip-pu-ui I I I v i 14

IO (*-(**])

lai 'motion': la-la-ia if ru up I I I iv 14 cf. U rev. 23 (la-Iu-i) Un l a m a 'before': la-am a-bu-bi wa-$e-e % rev. 4 Iran l e m n u 'evil*: H-ip-ra t-em-ita I I v i i i 35 n e l m n u 'distress': U-ie-sa-an-ni-ma i-na n-el-m[e-m] I I I v 50 lpn l a p n u 'poor*: la-ap-nu [ip-HJi-ta ub-la] I I I i i 14 lot laptu 'to touch*: l-pu-ui si-ik-ku-ra I 75 leq 'to take': ka-ak-ki-ht il-qi-a U-er-tam I 385 i i 2 8 (u-qu-uj: h-ip-ru S v i 16; ka-ak-ki-ka l-qz I 90 153; I I I i 38 cf. z rev. U-qn- I I i f 19 li-qi I 88 121;

idrifa^L] y r3

1
h% (asseverajve parti c leJ: ga-* e]-pu-ui I I I v i igj: ba-la-t bir [ & rev. 4 ; I I I v 49 l a (precative p article): I*M-a -iMS-ata-iie ai-flM-txtai I I I i 3 2 ; cf. I 248 ( P l a ) II i ai I I I i 31 33 v 52 v i 3 v i i 8; iu W 1 3 S v 51 S rev. 5 7 8 ; j o i n e d to verb aa m li-ia-si-ik 14a; passim r M V H d o x ' : ki-ma U~i i-a-ab-bu l 354 II i j I I I i i i 15 r* l a w *to s i i r r o u n d ' : il-mu- ba-hi-is-ha I 1 x 3 ; S i 14; 6*tat lo-flft I 71 73 8 0 82 f U t u 'chedk*: aWl ef^/i" I 2 7 4 Ibb i i b b a 'heart': be-pi-i-ma H4k-ba-Su I I I ii 4 7 ; U-ib-ba-ia -na-ap-pi-ii I I I iv i a cf. v i 40 (l^^V); M-ib-ba-ka I I I v i 23 ; [ub-l\a~ma U-ih-ba-ku-nu U vii 36; Z W aa i a - 4 | a l obv. 5 ; [su-U ana] tih-b-
9

m I i 3f i ; ku-up-ra ; [k]u-up-ru W fj] II n 3 {t-ta-m M I 13 k a a a N ' b m d ' : ra (la) ku-sur-ma

S iv 51

cf. S i i 4 [9]

I 171 ( L M ) ; 3M&4*

rli-i]

fcr*
k a u u 'gV: i\U-ba-ai-\ 1383 398 410 I I ii 1er* kar 'to be short*; orzu-h-ma tk-ru-ni I I r r k a r t a *to bies**: i-ka-ar-ra-ab kat-ra-ba-ma S V 35
r

e-e

i-az-za-

\ 287;

kraa

I r i i f m m u l B *faoat> -M -tk-nm $ v {23} vi 12

SKJ a*-a I -*

krp
karpai 'pot': [ki-ma ka-ar-pa-ti r}t~ei a s * g~af IIIii.f^|;c U cv. 17 (dise) fa r i r i e e r %a psach otT, zirau "pice : WH^ H ektmwiimyi I wgb (P) et 257-5* <PJ and S fi 5 - 0 Ifr*****
9

libbtu 'aftger*: B-ib-ba-

I U vie

ma-ti

I I v 13

a\r-da-tum\ R 10; cf. I I iii 19; W-e-ma z rev. i 19 rd l a r d a ' c o u c h grass* ( f ) : i4m-la lhafr?da] I I i v 9 0 ltk m a l t a k t u V a t e r - c l o c k ' : ip-ie ma-c-iaak-ta su-a-ii -ma-al-U I T I i 36 m - m a (coptila appended to verbs m seqoence): U-id-at-nam-ma fr* . lu-pu-mi I 2 0 3 ; passim m a (emphatic particle): it-ti-ia-ma la na-tu I 2 0 0 ; passim m m (particle mtroductng direct apeedi): ma bel S v [23] v i 19 U obv. [5] - m i (particle appended to word of direct speech); a-di~ma-mi I 37e; cf. I 128 [29 (130} { 1 4 0 ] (141] [142} 159 246 289 376 I I v 14 2 8 m' m t u ' l a n d ' : ma-tum ki-ma U4 t~a~ak~bm

meh 'storm': awfri I I I i i 5; tana m&4m- I I I iv 25; cf. I I I vii 25 a-mja im-he- iflimmGmtima i tv 11 15; U fev. 4 7 aa|r ma^ru 'to taor*: gaaai&f m mfa*r-mt I 41; mi--hlu-T-ml I I I 1 2 6 m a i t n i 'ttoor*: a**S*a H [aw aji ri} W I I V Isoj; ai a axai a-aa *m-*\jh A f\4m I 100; aMM-a-i iMa-s I I I i i i 27; *-aa st{a-a(H^a]a I ^ i ; ^asHtz aw-a#n<s I 8$; anai mami I l v 25; fJ~t*-2i-cz ma-har DtS 1 00; i>iV a i N M a a . 172 :(L^!) S a f5l; u-ks-h-fa mm^miSs 13; o-^-ia aas ak-ri4* I 254(P)ct a $ s | r ) m % r u 'dam*: 9nr-\di B vi mf mat *to become fear*: favQa kum-ta-a 9*39 mkr makknz 'goods*: ma-ak-ha-m m-e-erma I I I i 23; aaa} A a 4 a ^ i ^ ml' m a l u 'to nH * aa*oHS a aa fa O ia H tM-ht-mm ra-ta-cm I I I iv 20; aaveMh a Mi-m^ai I I I iv 7; im-k-m S v (24} ai t a ; ** #iNai I I % a^M^MMhlBva^ ff*i;m*al~
1

i4 W

$a-*k*m*4 *rf'aata lfiI I I i 30

t$8

GLOSSARY x rev. ii 4 8 ; dumu.mel um-m[a-ni] W 8; dingir.mel dumu.meX/u 8 iv 5 37; |//</]/// ma-re-e-S I I i 6 (Q); a-na ma-[ri-ka] I 117 mrtu 'daughter': dumu.SAL i-da-gal li-na* fal S v 18 [20] vi 7 9 ; il-tk-nu a-na nap-ta-ni dumu.SAL S v 22 vi [ u ] ; zi-ba-tii-it dumu.SAL 6 V [21] vi 10; a-na dumu.SAL S v [19] vi 8 mrk' nemerk to be prosont' : DN i-[me-re-$]kki I xoan mrs mursu illness': (l)i-zi-qa-Si-na-ti-ma [mur\-$u S iv 12 16; [mur-su] id dingir. mel e-kal kur-/// 8 iv [26] cf. 24 ([wur-s]i-ku-nu-ma) ; mu-ur-sa i-im-mi-du-nia-ti I 371 ; [tapa-ra]-sa mur-fa 8 iv 28 mrr marta 'gall*: i-ma-a' ma-ar-ta-am III ii 47 mi m a l 'to forget': ai-Su la mu-uS-Si-i I 217 230 ms' m i u 'night': mU-Sum i-ba-aS-Si I 70 72; mu-iu i-zu-uz-ma x rev. i 16; mu*H ur-ri I 3 8 ; i-na mu-S\i] I I iii 24 x rev. i 2 2 ; i-na mu-ii-im-tna li-Sa-azni-in na-al-ia I I ii 17 cf. 31; ba-a-a a-bu-bi 7 mu-Si-Su I I I i 3 7 0 ; 7 u -mi 7 mu-i[i-a-t4m] I I I iv 24 mlk muisakku 'oblation': [m]u-ui-Sa-ak-ki i-za-ab-bi-il 11 iii 511 cf. x rev. i 14 y xa (mai-iak-ka) mil m i i l u 'half: mi-H-il ma-a^-sa-ar-ti I 70 72; [fa H-ga]-ru ii-bi-ru mi-Sil-Su x rev. 3 39 mlr m u l l u r u 'to let loose': -[m]a-aS-i[e-er a-na ni-H mi-Se-er-tam] Il v aon cf. I I v [2'] vi 29 ([<u-m]a-a/4a-r) x rev. ii [6] 13 Q-Sr) mt m 11tu 'husband': [aS-Sa]-tum mu-s (B mu-ui-xd) I 300 cf. I 276 (mu-us-s) muttu 'husbandhood : {a-na) ai-S[u-ti] mu-tu-ti I 301 (P -t]u--tim) mt' m a t i m a 'ever': [ma-t]i-ma-a.., ul i-pu-ui W 13 xx" ne' 'to turn': i-nsV irta-Sd 8 iv 37 v [6] cf. 8 iv 47 (U-n4^)\ ni-a . \ . mil-ka t 375** [39o] I I ii [14'] (Q) a'd
( 9 9 4 1

GLOSSARY no'fldu 'to heed': i-ta-i-du ii-tar 1 302 ndn n'd nadAlX 'to givs' [fi-ga-ra n]a-a^ba4u ndu 'to praise': i-t[a-ad n\a-a$*i-fa ti-a-am-Hm [it*ta-a]d-nu a-na DN 116; i-ta-ad ke-la I 297-8 ti-i(.-(a-am li-id-di-nam-ma I 203 nzm tanlttu 'praise': fa-ni*it-ti-ii-[ka] I I I viii Hn nazmu 'to shout': na-ap-ba-ar-lu-nu nl ut-la-az-za-am III v 38; ut-ta-za-ma Itfllu 'to lie : 1/" oS-id\-tum mu-s la-ni-h-ti 8 iv 23 25; [utta-a*]-Ba-m I 300 I 40 maialu 'bed': i-na ma-ia-li -ie-et-[bi-iu] nxji I 79; il-ta-kdn ma-a-a-al-iu S v 32 nut)u 'prosperity' : nu-fjit-ul ni-H nisaba n'n II vi 14 nnu 'fish': bu-du-ri nu-ni U I i 35; af [k]u.mel I 1er kus.mel . . . ku.mal naf 'to be suituble' : it*tMa-ma la na-f x rev. ii a i aa 37 38 1 200 n'r ntl nru 'river': [/i~/>|/-// na-ru I I iii 19; naflu 'to look': zi-ba-ni-it ama dumuM* [idS}glat na-ra-am I 25n; tm-la-a-nim i-na-fal 8 v 20 vi 9 cf. 61v 21 vi 10 na-ra-am I I I iv 7; [i-ber]-ru- Id S i 5; nkm pu-ti4S na-ri I I iii 26; [i-n]a pu-ut id nakkamtu 'treaaurs': bi-it na-ak-ma-ti 8 v 32; cf. x rev. i 24; na-ri I I iii 18 III iii 50 n'r nkm namAru 'to shine': [n]a-am-ru-ma banakmu 'to itch' (?): -naak*ki-tnal du-ti pa-nu-ia I 283 na-kka-am-t[a] II iv ion S v [12] n'r vl [i] (na-km-l[a]) nru 'to kill* : i m-na-ra-a[i-u] J 1 nakkamtu 'itch' ( ?): sec nakmu n'r nkr nlru 'yoke' : i ni-iS-bi-ir ni-ra J 2 nakru 'to become itrange': ui>iftti4frnan'r {jt-ta-ak-ru) I I iv [12] S v 14 vi 3 nru 'to roar': [ki-ma p]a-ri*i na--ri (iMak-ru) I I I iii x6 nki n'a naksu 'to put': lu-np-li-ik-ki-lu-nu 'gina n i u 'Ufe': ? I 4x3-15 (Q ne--H) it-ta-ak-iu 1670 nb' ni! nab 'to call' : Iu-ti tf-tat-ft ta>-[a] I I I nallu 'dew': li-ia-ax-m-m na-al-l (B nav 4 9 ; t-fa-ao-ot I 296 (E t*ta6-ot); a-[Sa]) II ii 18 cf. 32 [l]t-ib-bu-[ti} I 304 (P) H-tar [li-it-tanmi a]b-bu-ii DN I 304; ti-aa-ao-60 DN nammali 'wild animait': na-[ma-aiI I I iv 4 13; [x-t]a-ab-bi-x I 306 Se-4() I H a [ 3 7 ] ngr nsb naggru 'carpentar': na-ga-[ru na-H punaaa%u 'to pull out': ta-ar-kwd-li DN as-su] I I I ii xxn [&ftfl-Jito'] I I vii [51] cf. U rev. 15a ngr (ttata-ia-^a) nftgiru 'herald': (li-)is-SH+tt na-gi-ru I 376 nak 391 [403] I I ii 15' 21 S iv 30 lussuku 'to do away with*: du-ut-la-ku-nu ([ni]glr) -ia-as-H-ik I 240; ia iMia-a[<}-ia>Jtti nd' o-toa-at-ito III vi 26; du-ut-ta-ni JMa* nad 'to put': liH<4t'>ta id-di 1 288; s(<4k d-ni 142n I l iii 13; is-qd-am id-du- l i a ; i-ia-tam nsa ne-pi'H-Su-nu id-du--ma I 64; ru-u*nissatu 'mouroixig*: il-bi np-iss-um tam id-du- I 2 3 4 ; tl-lo>ox H-bt*t\*l UI iv x6; ia-a-at-tum m^t-t[] I 259 (P) S iii 6 (i-ta-di)\ U I v 3x1 U I v 48 U rev. 2; [qd-sa to-at]*la>oV S iii 4 ; n p i [i]t-tddu-ltl tam-ta I 173 (M); i-d[*^ nuppulu 'to give rest to': U^fei&*$Q tam-ta] S ii 7; ifade-# -er<di I 299; -na-ap-pi-iS U l iv xa cf. U l vi 4*; Si4p-ta it-ta-na-an-di 1 253 (P); [l\i-ktnapiltu '3|e' a-ia*a-nu -$i aa/-ai/-*Wwai na-di li-bi-it*tum I 294 S iii 15 I I I vi 9; [u*u-t]a-tp*a ao-^-il'-'aai] (Af-aa-dt') I I I v X9j " |tij na-^M-ia
1

mala 'a much as'.* ma-la i-ba-ai-iuu S rev. 5; nui-la urqfht f*#*tf['i*tfm] W 9 mllu 'flood': a-n-il~h~ka mi-lu i-na naaq-bi U i 13; cf. I I iv 3 S iv 45 55 v UI mlk malku 'to take counsal : ia /a iw-ta-alku-mu I I I iii 13 v 42 (-ku--ma) ; im-taiku mU'h Jfy obv. 1 ; \at-t]a H-i mit-itli-ka I I I vi 44 mal ku /malik w 'counsellor': ma-li-ik i-li I 43 45 57 [50] I I I viii xi ; \w]a-li-ikSu-nu l H; ma-li-ih-ku-nu I 125 [137] S ii 13 milkix 'counsel': tii'-o qi-ri-ib hi-ti mil-ha I 375 390 I I ii 14' (Q); im-tui-ku mil-kd obv. x; mil-kd ia dingir.mei $ obv* 9; mi-Uk-id is-p[u-ub] U rev. 17 snWkfitu 'rulership' : ? \ma-li-h\u-ut ap-se-e S i a ma monnu 'who?': mo-oti-nu-uaf-att I 128 129 13 14 4 142; ma-an-nu iu-ti I I vii 4$n; ma+aa-nu I I I vi 13 maftluxn 'what? : [m]a-iu-um-ma lu-uiu4 I I I i 1711 mnu/min 'what?': mt-^nam kar-si-S-nu I 176 ( K ) O ii 3 ; mi-nam x rev. i 42; fan* mi-na-a a-mu-ur I 109 (F mi-na); a-na mi-nim I I vii 42 m Insu 'why?': mi-in-iu ta-du-ur I 94 96 m i m m a 'whatever': mi-im-ma i-S[u-] I I I ii 30 31 man (appended particle): a-bu-ma-an I I I iv 511 ma' manu 'to count* ; [Santim im]-w- ia iu-up-ii-ik-ki I 34 36; [tum]-nu Si-ip-ta S iii 3; #~tu*ma taw-nu- ibid. ; [i-ma]-an-nu ar-fri I 279; iMdr"* na-H S iii 2 cf. I 254 (P)
1 1 4 W

macjru 'boat': ma-qd-ra i-ta-ma-ar I I I vi s raqrqr maqurqurru 'boat*: / gifi.mft.gur.gur-/wj I rov. 8 mr marru 'shover*. a/-/i ma-ar-ri I 337; ma-ar-ri-iu-nu i-ia-ta-am . . . it-ta*ah-iu I65 mru ' son'* mu-ru a-na a-bi-Su I 336] dumii JfffM!' x lav. ii 15; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 96; ma-ru-iu ub-bu-ku I I I iii 26 cf. U rev. aa (dumu.meft-/d); ma-ru-h I I I iii du&w W &2 it-H-S
1 w

GLOSSARY napistu 'life' (cont.) bu-id-li-ip I I I i 24; Sum-sa lu na-si-rat na-pis-tim 9 rev. 8; i-na Si-it-ku-ki na-pi-i[s-ti\ I I iv 14 cf. S v 26 vi [15] (zi); [n]a-pi-H-ti ma-tim I 2211 24 S i 6 ([n]a-pl~ti) nsr nasru 'to guard': is-su-ur DN e-le-nu II v 16 30 vi 25 cf. is-sur S v a x rev. i 11 ii 16 17; as-s-ur er-se-tam Sa-ap-litam I I v 17 31 vi 26; cf. x rev. ii 19 Q-sur) 35 (as-su-rm); is-su-ru DN e-le-nu x rev. i 8 ii 32; cf. x rev. i 9 ii 33 y 6 8 (tr-f&va); i-na-as-sa-ru bb-k[a] VY xo; i-na-as-sa-ru e-le-nu x rev. ii 2 9! cf. 3 ro (i-na-sa-ru); [H-ga-ru n]a-ab-ba-lu tam-ti [at-ta ta] -na-as-sa-ra x rev. ii 5 12 (-sa-ru); cf. x rev. i 7 (U-is-sur) y 2 (U-is-s-ru); li-is-su-ru [DN e-le-nu] x rev. i 4 5; [-ptr] a-dan-na W [ 5 ] ; fum-sa ht na-si-rat na-pis-tim M rev. 8; [-ui-t]a-si-ra na-pi-i[i-tam] I I I vi 19; K-ip-ra . . . Su-us-si-ir at-ta I I I i 19; su-us-si-ri ka-la si-iq-ri-ia I I I i 21 massru 'guard' : ma-of-sa-ru tam-ti x rev. ii 24 40 massartu Svatch': mi-H-il ma-as-sa-ar-ti I 7on 72 aq' naq *to pour out': ? iq-q- J 8 niq 'offering': ma-as-fra-tum ni-q- I 382 397 4<>9 I I ii [13] 27 S iv 33 (aitkur); i-ku-lu ni-qi-a-am I I I v 36; e-lu m-qi-i pa-ah-ru I I I v 35 nqb naqbu 'tbe deep': [i-na n]a-aq-bi I 27 I I i 13 (Q - * M iv 3 cf. S i 8 iv 45 55 v [4] ni nistx 'people': ni-Ht -ul am-ra- [() - ma] I I iv 6; im-ti-da I 353 II i 2 S iv [x]; [m-i]u la im-ta-a S iv 3 9 ; qa-da-nii [t~ta-n] a-la-ka m-su S v 17 vi 6; ni-lu.^ . [zi~m]u-H-na it-tak-ru S v [14] vi 3 ; ni-iu . . . bal-ta^at S v 26] vi 15; a-na ni-H I I i 9 v [20] [2'] vi 29 viii 3 s I I I vi 48 S iv 42 52 (ni-ie-e) S iv 50 60 v [9} x rev. ii 613 (uk.xneS) ; i-na ni-H I I I vii 1 2 3 ; e~U ni-H I I I iii 12 U rev. 19 (ni-ie); ka-la ni-H 3 rev. 3 ; a-na ku-ul-la-at ni-H I I I viii x8 ; nu-hu-ui ni-H I I vi 14; bu-bu-ti-ii ni4S I 339; ni-H ik-n-su a-na ka-ra-H I I I iii 54 v 4 3 ; -su-ra-te id uk.mes-ma S iii 14; -s-ra-at ni-H R 5 ; ni-Si-iu iq-ri I I I ii 40; -ub-ba-al q-ti a-na n[i-H-ia-ma] I I vii (43] ai' nas g cartf^ uljia U-Sd-a me-hi i-na na-aq-bi S iv 45n 55 v [ 4 ] ; ku-up-ra [it-ta-H le-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; iu-up-ii-ik Him a-wi-lum H-ii-H I 191 197 G ii [12] V obv. [3] ; eqlu . . . Jfu-a (li-)ii-H I I ii 19 33 lu- na-H I 333; na-ga-[ru na-Hpa-as-su] I I I i i [11] cf. [12] nsk nissku, nassku, ninsku 'prince': ni-ilS[i-ku] I 250 ( Pnini-n-k) cf. S iii [1]; P I I vii 3 9 ; a-na DN m-iS-H-ki I I I vi 42 cf. I i6n (na-aS-H-ki) nsq nasqu 'to kiss': -na-ai-H-q ie-pi-ia I 245 nir nasru 'to cut off': (H-)ii-iu-ur eqlu iS-piki-su I I i 18 S iv 46 (li-iur) 56 v 5 (il-ur) ntk nataku 'ta drip' : ti-ku a-ii-it-tu-uk I I i 1711 tku 'drop': see nataku s'q squ 'to be narrow': ra-ap-lu-tum bu-daH-na [is-si-q] I I iv [17] cf. S v 16 vi 5 (is-si-qa) squ 'street': q-ad-di-ii i-il-la-ka i-[na s-qi] I I iv [16] S v 17 (su-qi) vi 6 (su-qf) ah* sib, si bit ru 'seven': [7] 7 s-su-ra-ti S iii 9 cf. xo; ra-bu-tum DN si-bi-it-tam I 5 n ; 7 ki-ir-si I 257-8 (P) cf. S iii 5 - 6 ; 7 ud.mes S i i i 15 sebtu 'the seventh day of the month': i- na ar-bi se-bu-ti la-pa-at-ti I 206 221 spb aaprtu 'to scatter': mi-lik-id U rev. 17
d

GLOSSARY
19X

is-p[u-ub]

sp* supp 'to pray': e tu-sa-pa-a u.dar-ku-un SW3X spn sapannu 'edge': i-mi-da a-na s[a-pa]n[ni] I I I iv [8] sqr/zkr (see note on I 63) aaqru 'to speak': PN pi-a-u i-pu-iaam-ma is-s-qar a-na PN (or, a-na PN is-s-qar): I 48 86 92 106 112 119 168 M 175 ( M N ]-aq-qar) 199 205 236 369 373 388 I I v [23] vii 41 viii 37 III i 2 [12] 16 41 vi 12 [17] 42 [46] G ii 2; cf. U obv. 14 ([iz-za-k]ar) W 12 (\iz-zk\-kar) x rev. i [1] 18 ii [15] (iz-zak-kar) x rev. ii 45 (iz-za-kdr) S ii 8 iv [22] 3 7 (mu) S iv 29 (mu-&) U obv. 4 (mu-dr) J 4 ; is-s-q[ar] I 169 1357] I I i 6 iii 18 S iii 1 ; [iz-z]a-ka-ra S iv 5 ; is-s-qar-iu-nu-H I I v 27 siqru 'speech': si-iq-ra ia DN I 11311; -ia-ap-ta si-iq-ra I I I vi 15; iS-mu- si-qi-ir-Su I 630 400 I I I iii 52; iu-ussi-ri ka-la si-iq-ril-ia I I I i 21

puttru 'assembly': \p]u-u}pru I Ifi%%'(Q) pu-b-ra II viii 32 III vi 27; i^a pu-ity-ri I 122 2X8; cf. I [134] I l j 16 18 I I I iii 36; mi-it-li-ka i-na puub-ri I I I vi 44; a-na pu-bur ka-la dingir.mei x rev. ii 45; cf. I 122 (F pubu-w) S ii 10 (ukkin); DN ft-iokanjkan pu-pur-fu S iv 4 37; pu-bur-M I I i 5 (Q); i-na pu-uh-ri-tu-nu I 224 pu|uir 'together': H-ib-ta-al-H-lu pu-bu-ur I 2130 naptaru 'totality'; na-ap-ba-ar-iu-nu utta-az-za-am I I I v 38
; v

pahru 'to release' : ip-f^-ur ul-l[a] H v 19; e-le-ep-pa I I I ii 55; ta-ap-pUtr ut-la I I v [ i l vi 28; ap-f-ur 1243

P , J

*'

sari 'to rebel' : -ia-as-bi bi-i-i[a] : I I I iii 41 skp aakpu 'to overthrow': sa-ki-i [p] I I I iv 27 skr s e k r a 'to block': is-sa-kir lap-US S iv 55 v 4 ; li-sa-kir iap-US S iv 4 5 a sikkru 'boit': l-pu-ut si-ik-ku-ra I 75

p' p 'mouth': b-bu-ku a-na pi-id U rev. 22; ub-la pi-i-ku-nu I I I v 4 4 ; ub-la pi-i-ni I 152 165 I I v 15 29 vi 24 I I I vi 8 ; pi-a-iu i-pu-ia-am-ma I 47 91 105 111 118 204 368 372 387 I I v 22 vii 40 viii 36 I I I i 1 11 15 40 vi ix x6 41 45; pa-a-iu I 85 n i ( F cf. L ) 118 ( F L ) 174 ( K N ) G ii 1; cf. J [3]; pa-u-l W I I X rev. 2 [1] ii 14 44 ka-fw U obv. [4] 13; ka-iw S ii 8 iv 21 [29]; pi-a-ia te-pu-ia-am-ma I 198 235 ptu 'front side' : pu-ut nri S v 32 x rev. i 24 25 ; pu-ti-iS na-ri I I iii 26 p** psu 'axe': na-ga-[ru na-H pa-as-su] I I I ii [ u n ] Pgr pagru 'body. self : a-na ra-ma-ni-ia pa-ag-ri-i[a] I I I iii 4 2 a pelx 'caulk': ip-ba*a i-p-efr-fti ba-ab-iu gis.fm] W 4 gi[s\ma] U rev. 3 ; I I I ii 51; pi-fn'

pal 'period' : \j%\a-lu-up pa-le-e 1282 m palhu 'to rvrence': aval ip-la-bu v-H* Su-un 1 405 II ii 23; e ta-ap-la-tyx i-li-ku-un I 378 [393] I I ii 9 Siv [31]; [if\-tu-ma ap-ta-na-a&la-bu DN] Illt4$ plk* palk 'extenaive': f*ru pa-ar-ku II iv 8; edin pal-ku- S iv 48 58 v [7] tnV pa 'face': u^-mu ii-nu- pa-nu--su III ii 48; Jja-du- pa-nu-ia 1 283; ka-aU [mupa^nu-H-in] I I iv [13] cf. pa-nu-H-na S v [25] vi 14; ar-q-tum am-ru pa*n[uH-m] I I iv 15; a-ta-mar pa-ni-k[a] U obv. 11 ; pa-mia &p-t[e] III v 51 xnanini 'infront':x rev. ii 47; -BA ku-u[n] I I I vi 18 pana 'formerly': pa-na-mi... i-na-an-na i 246; a-na tpa-na S iv 39

P' 9 peau

(K mi-)

al' sull 'to pray': -ul -se-el-lu- ii-tar-Suun I 406 I I ii 2 4 ; e tu-sa-al-li-a ii- ta-ar-ku-un I 379 [394] I I ii 10 al' saltu 'kin': ki-mat-ka sa-lai-ka W 8 situ 'womb' : si-li-tam ip-te I 282 sxaa (?) s i m a n : Si-bu-ti si-ma-ni-^i I 374n 389 I I i i 13' ([si-ma]-n-e Q) ani a i a n i i t u 'female': -ba-na-a SAL.meS S iii 1 0 aar see aer

'to become white : sa-at-nm-tum ip-su- -g[a-n^ IX iv 7 cf. tp-fu-u S iv 57 v [6]; Up-su- S iv 47 pqd paqdu 'to adiriinister': pa-qi-du h-ma-U I 220 pqi paqlu 'to carry': la BNictpUF&MRf* aa-ga^lM/efj] I I I v 470 pr*
t

p a r a 'to eut': sp-ru-u ma-ar-ka-sa Ul

1

i 55 p a r u 'wild asa': l/-ma p]a-nH na-e-n I I I iii 1 6 ; ir-ta-kab pa-re-e^m} M w. 5 prk' ' . aaparkA 'to be lacking': su-par-he-e naptit S v [26] vi 13 ara

pahru 'to assemble' : e-lu ni-qi-i pa-afy-ru I I I v 3 5 ; [pa]b'Ta-ma er-ie-te mu-te-ti S iii 8 ; J'-ott-lt' -pa-ab-^ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; S[-]s-su-ra-a-tum pu-b-bu-ra~ma I 2 5 1 (P) cf. 277

GLOSSARY aarsu Ho cut oT: [ta-pa-ra]-sa mur-sa $ iv a8; ip-tlar-sju c-a* ni-se-e tt-fa sullulu 'to cover over* : fMt"
e-li-is dan-na $ii-ap~li~if i III rev. i 9;

GLOSSARY
ssi-ul-lu-la-at 31 ; s-lu-la "p[AJMSMI

S iv 5; M HV MVM
42 (tfarl A I axa);

II i

S jv
pu-ur-si

m-lm mm mm

vii 9 parsu 'rite.. auttWuy': par-sa-mm ta-baml MM I 171 ( K ) ; km-i-Ja pr-si-fu S iv mupparsu 'winged \- mu- u-p-pa-a[r-ia iss-ur] Ai i At I I I ii J S fi* H pesa (?): sz-R-if a-bu-un-na-te tep-te^si

ni

Smj P*t

tt-t* . . . sti-til-li-il-si I I I 1 29 sulJu 'roof: see sullulu aim s al m u 'black': sa-al-mu-tum ip-sii- -g[am] I I iv 7 S iv 4 7 5 7 v [6] (gig-mes) sm' s a m 'to be thirsty': sa-mi-a-at h'-ik-ri-il I I I iv 17; sa-ms-a ia-ap-ta-iu nu I I I iv a i ; zi-se-ms [!Li-.ka-[$a] U obv. 10 s mu Hhirst* : i-ma pi-mi bu-bu-ti I I I iii 3* smd

psirru (a decnon): (i-ib-H-ma pa-H-ii-iu I I I vii j n

i-na ni-H

sapsqu 'distress': ma m mi a-ap-sa-qmm I 4 ca> [isJ G a [4]; Sa-mpmwmmm 1 1 / 7 (M) passera Ho explain': ip-su-ur I 135; ap-su-

fr] 1157; m-pa-aS-fmr 3 rev. 2 PC pet Ho opes': n-h-tam ip-te I 2 8 2 ; ip-r* t af ts? fi-to I I I x 3 6 ; m a a-na dumujsAL W t > le kd-ia S v 19 vi 8 ; ma-me-<t-u-xu -ul i-pa ai aa af H obv. xx; xaaasxai pi-ta-at S xv 18 v 2 8 ; * rM A-f-f[e] I H v 51 ; -& [Ao-A-a] I tao cf. S ii 9 ; lu pu at-ta ku-ru-m J rev. 5 ; m-sa-ap-ta s-iq-r[a] I I I v i 15 P** naptnu HneaT: U-tk-nu a-na nap-ta-ni dumu-SAL S v aa vi xx sxbtsi 'laughter': si-ih-tum 16 18
s-hu-ut-su

s a m d u Ho yoke': []s-sa-am-du I I I ui 6 ar issru "bird*: [is-s-wr] sa-ma-ii I I I ii [35]: if-sur sa-me-e 3 rev. xx; hi-is-bi is-s-ri I I I x 35 spr s u p r a 'ciaw': [ M B * sj-up-ri-iu [-ia-arri-it] ia-ma-i I I I iii 7 cf. U rev. 16 (su-up-ri-Su) as 5 u s 'marsh': su-si-a ra-bi-a I 35 $rp sarpu Ho consume': la-la-ia is-ru-up I I I iv 140 U rev. as (la-lu-id)
9

qab 'speech': an-ni-a-am qd-ba-ia (P gaba-ia) I 244 qbl qabhi 'battle ' : qd-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na [b]a-bi-kalia I S i 83 110; ta-forn-aa i ni-ib-lu-la q-ab-la-am I 6 2 ; -ia-ab-H od-efA-Az] I I I viii 13; q-ab-lam I [131] 143; [q^-ab-Um I 128 140; [Ai-axe qd-ab-tji -li ni-H I I I iii [12] cf. U rev. [19] qablu 'middle': [q\d-ab-H^ta i-te-zi-ih I 286 qabl 'middle' : er-se-tim [qab-tirtim] x rev. i [5] [ 9 ] ; qab-li-tu jqa-ab-li-tm iqabli-tum x rev. i i 3 xo 17 33

qt qat 'to come to an end': iq-te II iti 16; -q-at-ti di-im-ma-ti III tt 11 qtr qutturu 'destroy': lu- q-ut-tu-ur II j zm qutrnu 'intense offering': it-fc-a a-na q-ut-ri-ni I I I v 41 r" ru'tu 'spittle': ru-u'-um id-du- e-lu ti-it-ti I 23411 r" mrita 'iodder*: ma-la urqtu me-ef-ffr sim] W r*d rdo 'downpour': -H4k ra-du III iv 2$; agafrj U rev. 70 r*t rta 'trough': ki-ma sm-me-ri sm-h-mm ra-ta-am I I I iv 20 r*xa rxnu 'womb': arhui lu ku-pa-ma S iv 51 cf. 61 v [9]; -td ul-a er-se-tum re-e\m* Sa] II iv 4; ih^li-hal-kai erutu re-em-U S iv 58 [7]

I I vi

sera country': m-rm pa-ar-ku I I xv 8 cf. f # 4 8 $ v 7} (ehs}; ki-ma a-mi-im i-na se-ri Ul xv 9x1; H T a 3 7 ; a n si se-rim 3 rev. x i ; -ma-am edin W 9 sera 'over : m nim ma 1 0 iii aT i*ai e la*aVsaa m-ri-H-in I I I iv xx aasrru Ha casai': h--s-m ma-ar-bi-ka VU via 1711
9

SB HS

43;

sa* aaliihi 'to seize*: AavA* a-J . . - i-sa-bat

3 nor. 3 ; As t-#o-ea-ss S xv 3 cf. 8 41 y f a ar to-a); pa-H-it-tm A H S > ie-tr-ra I I I vii 4 ffct m a s h a t u sesame-meal \* (H-jd-h-ik-iu ma-

qtu *hand': [q]a-tam i-hu-zu qa-i-sa I u n ; (H-ia-aq-qi-il q-as-sujsu I 384 399 411 I I ii 15 2 9 ; [Mi-tya-kn**** qat.su S iv 3 6 ; [q-sa ta-at\-taS e-U ti-it-i-sa S m [ 4 0 ] ; i-a-as-su-la q-i I 336 ( ? ) ; -ub-ba-al q-ii I I vii 4 3 ; i-pu-ia qa-ta-ia I 289 ( P ed-to-o-a); s'-no qa-ti-su I I vi 19 Ob' q e b Ho speak, c o m m a n d ' : [a-m}a-tam an-m-[tam iq-bi] Ul i [ 4 6 ] ; a-Af>>aM -su-ru z rev. i 8 cf. y 3 ; --<r o-oaf . . . iq-bi-su I U i 3 7 ; [oTK-invXaJfli t^ax'--[ai} I I I i 5 0 ; taq-bi-ma DN if-psr z rev. i i 16 3 2 ; Ai taq-ba-a W 1 7 ; AsW oo-{it] I I I i i i 3 7 ; [aq4n-mjm DN i-naasrfm-ru x rev. i i [2] [ 9 ] ; iq-bu- I I v 2 viii 3 4 ; iq-bu-sma I 403 I I ii 21 S iv 13; [&-i]p-ra ta-aq-bi-a-ni-im-ma I 237; DN p-su O-t i-qab-bi S i i 8 iv 21 2 9 U obv. 13 x rev. i ( i j xt 14 4 4 W 11 (du&.ga); lm}a-Su-usm-Ma lu-m-te-i tmqm-mb-i I I I t 17; i a a-q-ab-bu-ku I I I i 18; Aa ta-qd-ab-b [as-in-m} H vii 4 4 ; qi-ba-m^-mt) I 376 [391] I I i i [15I x rev. i 4 cf. S iv 9 [ 3 0 ] ; qi-ba-a ia-a-ilil U obv. i a ; mi-ba-iu-nm-ti S xt S i ; ai Aa asj bi as-t-(As| I I I iii 3 9

qadxx 'with* : i-lam . . . qd-du te^-mi-fu I 239 cf. 243 P (-d]u-um) I I vii 33; [qd-du sam-me-su] S v [2] cf. x rev. i 7 ii 5 12 19 3 5 ; qd-da x rev. i 11 qdd qaddis, qaddnis 'hunched': q-ad-aH-is i4l-la-ka I I xv 16; qa-da-nii t[t-fa-a]ala-ka S v [17] vi 6 qdm tff q a d m u 'front': bi-la e-pi-ta a-na q-udrasa 'to mova*: q-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na mi-su I 381 408 I I ii [12J 2 6 ; ha-hi-ka\a I 8in 83 110 q-ud-mi-ia I 39011 cf. S iv 3 (qud4 af me-ia); q-ud-mi-is I I iv 20 23 rsxx 'head': [wl4]^- re-ss-su 132 qds r*s qadistu 'prostitute' : X-SMI A-tt q-d-is-ti rista 'rejoicing': a--ibS-6-na- ri-OI 290 t[uax] H i 20 qm' ra' qmu 'meal': i-si-ir q-ma I 288 rab 'tobe great*: bt-vp-B-ik ra-bi-\m]ft

4 V 9

I3 rabtx 'great': srqi-a ra-bi-a I 35; {aaa* ra-b\-e I 302; be-d-tum ra-bt-tum I I I iii 28; ra-bi-tam I 157; gilm ra hi tant I rev. 6; ra-bu-tum BN15 103 219 233 II v 14 28 vi [23} I I I iii 30 vi 7; i-A'/dingirjne ni-a-toa I 106 199 205 232 (-a) 236 357 I I i 6 ffvx7 (-a*) vai [xi] S xi 10 (mjasa); dingir .mes ra-a-ht-ti % obv. 9; i-i. , ra-Aa-rfm] I 338; a-aa xs-ieW fo-Aa-ft I I I v 46 q e r 'to invite': ni-H-iu iq-ri I I I i i 40 narb 'greatness': a%Ml-ffa as-ar-At-As q e r t a 'banquet': a-na q-re-ti I I I ix 41 III vii qrb rk' cjtrfra 'inside': qi-ri-ib At-ft I 375 {300] erb 'tour*: imJimmu.ba U rev. 5 I I i i [ 1 4 ! ; f~fi~Mx* I 3 1 ; [Ai su-ut-ti rgm z]u-ud-di-a qi-ri-ib-sa I I I i 130; a-y+rigma 'noise*: tHgma i-st-em-mm- 171 mu-ur iamai q&-ri-ib~a I I I i 30 cf. X79 (A>; m-c&ia-**^* n^-m qrd qurdu 'hero' (always Enhl, except once I 377 faoal404 H a 8 a a Siv30 Axai: I 2 6 9 ) : q-rm-du I 8 [125] [137] (x%); Ax^^HifSia I I I ^ 47 I I v 2 7 vi 3 2 I I I vi [si S ii [13]: ri-^a^o-^AHil3|$ 0 * 7 SivA q-ra-dam I 43 4 5 57 59* q-ra-di I 69 qan 'reed': q-ne-e gb-bi lu bi-nu-ns-s J rev. 7 qqd (qdqd) qaqqadu 'head*: u'-pu-ur ka-aq-qd-as-s I284 qqr (qrqr) qaqqaru 'ground': ka-aq-qd-ra U-e-er-ri I I i 15; ina qaq-qa-ri e-sir M-lfUT-tu] W 14 16

&

1 7

I 4 S vii 35 i t ^ ^ 22 2

92x12x69 siaxss

I I I vi 12

x rev. ii 3t-(fis-) B

194

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY tu 'south w i n d ' : it-ba-a id-i iu-tu U rev. 9 ; iu--tu U rev. 6 fib' seb 'to be sated': ii-bi ni-is-s-tam I I I iv 16 fib' sab 'to be loud': ma-tum . . . i-ia-ab-bu I 354 I I i 3 ; [a-bu-b]u . . . I I I iii 15; na-gi-ru . . . ri-ig-ma jH-ie-eb-bu- I 377n 392 4<>4 H ii t l 22 S iv 30 (lu-id-bu-) fibr sebru 'to break': [id ii-ga-r]u ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. ii 23 3 9 ; i ni-ii-bi-ir ni-ra J 2
8

rfes

r i g m u 'noise' (cont.) i 12 y 9 ; [i]u S iv 20 v [30] ; a-tva-tam cf. U rev. 20 ( K A ) ; U-mu- ri-gi-im-Su Su-a-ti I 166; iu-a-ti sti-ul-li-il-H I I I I I I i i 50; [r]i-gi-im-ia ty-pi I I I i i i 10; i 2 9 ; iu-a-ti -ma-al-li I I I i 36; ki-ma ii-te-me ri-gi-im-H-in I 356 I I i 5; ti-ru-ru iu-a-t[] I I I i i i 4 0 ; ti-ta ia-ti ri-gi-im-H-na ei-me I I I iii 4 3 ; ri-gimI 231 ; iu-nu-ti I I v i 3 5 (verbal suffix ?) B-na I 413-15 ( Q ) cf. 360ff.( V ) ; s i (3rd person pronoun): [at-t]a H-i [li-i]ak-li-si ri-gim-H-na S iv 10 cf. 14; I I I v i 4 4 ; cf. I 253 (P) I I v i i 35 ( ? ) [ w w ] rig^^-me-H-na at-ta-a-dar S iv 2 37 I I I iv 18 v 46 3 rev. 8 ; ii-a-ti 7 cf. 40 I I I v i 38 rd' red 'to flow': i-tr-[di mi-ilj-ra] I I vii 53; s u ' u 'grain': Hs- ia i-im-ru S iv 49 59 v 8 ; mi-ib-ra [-iar-di] TJ rev. [14]; -ia-areqlu . . , iu-a (li-)ii-ii I I i i 19 33 di a-no iu-ub-ti-iu I 84

195

fi'

rat>su 'to overwhelm': [i-r]a-bi-is i-da-ak rev, 13 rkb rakbu 'to ride : ir-ta-kab pa-re-e-[iu] U rev. s rukbu 'chariot': ru-ku-ub dingir.mes U rev. 12 rks m a r k a s u 'hawser' : ip-ru-u* ma-ar-ka-sa I I I ii 5S rm' rumm 'to let loose': ru-um~mi I I I v i 24 rmk r i m k u 'washing': te-li-il-tam . . . ri-im-ka I 207 222 r m n (?) ramnu 'self' : -b[a-ar]-ru- ra-ma-an-a (P -id) I 293 cf. S iii 19; ma-ru ra-mani-ka I 94 9 6 ; a-na ra-ma-ni-ia paag-ri-ia I I I iii 42 rp rapsu 'to be wide' : ma-tum ir-ta-pl-ii I [3533 H i 2 S iv 1 (ir-ta-pi[i]) r a p s u 'wide': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-di-t x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ra-ap*fa-tum bu-da-H-na I I iv i7n S v [16] vi 5 (rap-fd-tu) rso ( ? ) : tr--x[ G ii 5 cf. I 178 ( N ) rqd raqftdu 'to dance': ur-[taq]-qa-da U rev. gn ri' rafi 'to have': e-mu-q iu-ur-H I I I i 33 S s a (genitrve particle): i-na pu-%-ri ia i4i I I v i 16 18 I I I iii 36; cf. I 34 3 77io8n(?) I I ii 20 v [13] v i a i I I I i [13] vi 6 S obv. 9; id: S ii 10 i i i 14 iv 26 39 * - " C*3l [39] i a (relative particle): DN ia i-iu- fei-e-ma l 223; cf. I H 3 I I i"' 31 v i i 44 I I I i 18 25 iii 53 v 42 47 v i 26; id: S v i 25 W 5 17 x rev, i 29 ( F o r ia l see l,)

fi"

fi'l

se' 'to seek': [t-/e] bb ili-iu S v [31]; i-fi-ti ba-ab-iu I 407 I I i i 2 5 ; ii-a ba-ab-iu I 380 [395] I I i i 11 ; lu-ui-te-e si-ib-ba-as-s I I I i 14; [m]a-tu-um-ma lu-ui-te-i I I I i 17 fi'b fiibu 'elder': [H-b]u-tum ii-mu- I 400 cf. I I I i i 10; H-bu-ti si-ma-ni-i I 374 389 I I ii [13']; u-pa-ab-bt-ir I 386 I I I i 3 9 ; is-s-qar a-na H-bu-ti I 388 I I I i 41 't i f o 'to drag' : ta-aS-ta-i-ta ri-ig-ma I 242 I I v i i 32, see p. 172

fibfl

r e v

i (3rd person pronoun): lu-~ma I 202; cf. I 333 364 367 I I v i i 45 48 x rev.

filu 'to a s k ' : il-ta-am is-s- i-Sa-lu I 192; ia-la I I i i i 34 ( ? ) s'm fiimtu 'fate' : bit H-im-ti I 249 (P) ; si-ma-nu H-im-ti I 305 280 (H-ma-H); lu- H-im-ti i-ba-[a] I I I v 4 9 ; pa-qi-du ii-ma-ti I 2 2 0 ; ba-ni-a-at ii-ma-ti I I I v i 47 cf. S i i i 1 i n (H-im-tu) tasmtu 'understanding': [bel t]a-ii-im-ti S i v 17 v [27] s*p fipu 'foot': ie-ep-iu ii-ku-un I I iii 3; -ul a-[ia-ak-ka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i [48n]; ki-ma Hkin gr"- -fc[] U obv. a n 6 8 ; -na-ai-H-q ie-pi-ia I 245 ( P ) fi'r s i r a 'flesh' : i-na H-ri-iu da-mi-iu I 210 225; i-na ii-i-ir i-li I 215 228 fi'r firu 'morning': i-na Se-re-ti I I i i 16 30 iii 6 fi'r fiftru ' w i n d ' : h-il-li-ik ia-ru I I i 14; I I I iii 17 U rev. 4 ; i-na im.limmu.ba ir-ta-kab U rev. 5 ; ia-ru uz-zu-zu I I I ii 54; te-bu- fdr [ ] U rev. 8 ; a-na la-a-r[i] I I I v 3 0 fi'r firtu 'penalty': ir-ta e-mi-id x rev. i i 27 4 3 ; iu-ku-un ie-re-et-ka I I I v i 25 fi't
mei m ei

fiikna 'placing': gar ki-ma gar lp^ k[a] U obv. 2n 6 8 fikr sikru 'beer': sa-mia*a$ H4k-ri-H III iv 17 si' figm fial 'street' : [t6]-ra-n' iu-U41275 sagmu 'to roar': i-ia-ag-gu-um i-na fils er-p-H I I I i i 53; ii-ta-ag-na DN i-na salustu 'third*: Sa-lu-uS-tum la-at-tum er-p-ti I I I i i 4 0 a I I iv n ; ia-lu-ui-tumH4[b]-H III vii 1 figr im fiigaru 'boit': [H-ga-ra n]a-ah-ba-lu ti-as u m u 'name': Sum-Sa lu na-si-rat na-pifam-tim I [15] cf. S v 1 x rev. i 6n 10 Hm 3 rev. 8; be-l$-[et] ka-la i4i lu- ii W [11] [18] [34] Y 1 7 (xy H-ga-ru); i[u-um]-ki (P ium-kii I 248 [id H-ga]-ru ii-bi-ru mi-Hl-iu x rev. i i i m ' 23 39 fiam 'heavens': [4-ia-ar^ri4(l la-ma-i id' I I I iii 8 U rev. 16 (sn*); I 19; a-nu fiad 'mountain': [k]a}-la ia-di-i I 33 sar-ri [ia]-me-e I t o i ; [fa-su-ur] ia-ma-U fiad 'east w i n d ' : k u r - a U rev. 6 I I I i i 35; is-tur ia-me-e 1 rev. u\a-na fiijrr ia-ma-i ( M -m]a-mi) 1170 I I I iii 48; s u r j a r r u r u 'to be quiet': ia-bu-ur-ru rii-U-H su-me-e-la 1130 17 ig-mi I I I i i i 4 7 ; ia-bu-ur-ra-at I I iii 15; i m ' me-ed-ra-tu iu-bu-rat S v 33n se m 'to hear': 0-\mjs] a-wa-tam iu-a-ti fik'n I 166; il-vuhe-tna I I ut 29; iS^n-ma suknu 'to b o w down': ik-mis ui-kin x rev* i 39; ii-[m]*-ma x rev. i 27; U obv. 3 ri-gi-im-s%-na ei-me I I I iii 43 ; e-re-ba-ka ikk di-me-tna U obv. [1] 5 7; i-la it-mu- sakku 'to harrow': i-na H-it-ku-ki narirgi-int-iu I I I ii 50; ii-mu-ma an-m-a-am pi-i[i-ti] I I i v 14a qd-ba-la I 244; il-mu- si-qi-ir-iu I 63 ski 400 I I I iii 52; [up-pa ii-mu]- I [227}; s u k k a l l u 'vizier': a-na sukkal DN I 86 e ta-ai-n-a a-na . . . I I viii 33; up-pa [119] IIV23 t ni-il-rne I 214; t^HM**** obv. 4; fikn ri-ig-ma i-ie-em-mu- ffa,. . .] 1 77; [tMHr}fttflt# rg-ma I 19 (M); 7 sakmi 'to p u t ' : an-du-ra-ra ii-ku-un I I v [ 1 9 ] ; ie-ep-iu I I iii 3 ; I I v 2 1 ; ii- te-meri-gi-im-li-4nI [356] I I i 5; 7 ki-ir-si . . . ii-k[un] I 258 ( P ) ; ii-ku-nu an-ni-a-om xa-tna-[rd[ U-iirtnu^ma I I I a-bu-ba I I I i i i 53 v 4 2 ; an-du-ra-ra viii 16; a-bu-ba . ^ -za-am-me-er ta-ai-ku-un I I v [ i ' J v i 2 8 ; I I v [3'] H-me-a I I I viii 19; i-ga-ru H-ta-am-mivi [ 3 0 ] ; 7 ki-ir-si . . . tai-ku-un S i i i 5 6 ; a-an-ni I I I i 20 cf. U obv. 16 ([]an-du-ra-[ra ai-ku-u]n I 243; di-kunta-ma-ni) W obv. 14 (&*i[*]); aWa* fu-nu-H-[m]a x rev. i i 25 4 1 ; ii-ku-nu e f a i M I 227 ( 0 ) I I I v i 3 9 ; dingir.meS a-bu-ba ii-ku-nu fim'l 813163
mri

s/tabstu 'midwife': ia-[ab]-iu-tum (E tab-s-tum) . . . li-ib-du I 290 cf. S iii 17 (iab-su-tu-um-ma) ; tab-su-ut dingir.mes' I i 9 3 n ; ta-ab-su-ut i-U I I I iii 33 sabstu 'midwifery' : la-ab-su-ta-am (E RU-ab-su-tal-am) i-pu-ui I 285a

9 obv. 2; x-ra-me $ la--ku-na-li-na-ti S iv 38; ki-ma ni-if-ku~[nu a-bu-b]a I I I viii 9; ni-U-ku-u[n] I 147 [161]; i-ia-ka-an J 7; [uz-na] i-h-ak-ka-na i-na iu-na-a-H II iii 8 10; J 6; a-[la-akka-an ie-pi-ia] I I I i 48; il-ta-kan\hn pu-bur-iu S iv 4 37; U-ta-kn ma-a-u-alsu S v 32; [ill-QaUk* qatsu 8 iv 36; [il-t]a-k*mt I 28; S i 9 U-tk-nu a-na nap-ta-ni dumu.SAL S f [22] vi 11; a-na kurummate** bu-na U-tk-nu S v 23 vi 12; fa-ku-un U-re-etka I I I vi 25; iu-uk-ni d-uk-ba-ak-ka-li I I I vii 6; t-H'dUtaM jlu-ia-ai-ki4n ri-im-ka 1207 222; ii\l[ii]--kin-ma... a-sa-ku S iv 50 60 v [9]; [U^f]a-ki4a bi-du-tum I 303; x rev. i 20
karan

02

196

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY sru 'myriad': 1 Sar ku .me 1 gr* x rev. ii 21 37

6 4

sumlu 'left (hand)': 7 ki-ir-si a-na Su-mesu-ra-a-tum pu-b-1)u-ra-ma I 251 (P); li iS-k[im] I 258 (P) cf. S iii 6 (gb) [S-as-s]-ra-tum I 277; [7] 7 smm S-su-ra-ti S iii 9 sa m mu 'plant': li-wi-s Sa-am-mu I I i 10 *p cf. S iv 43 53 (Sam-mu) ; ia-am-mu -ul saptu 'Iip': [bu-u]l-bi-ta -ka-la-la Sa-ap-si-a I I iv 5 cf. S iv 49 59 v [8] (Samta-Sa I I I iii 29; fa-mi-a Sa-ap-ta-Su-nu mu); DN (H-)is-sur qd-du Sam-mi-Su I I I iv 21 x rev. i [7n] 11 cf. ii 5 12 (Sam-n-ka) p' 19 (Sam-me-id) 35 (Sam-mi-f) cf. S v [2] sap 'to be thick': [Sa-pa-at e]-fu-tu I I I smn iii [18] samnu *oil': Sa-am-ni R 4 Spk sms ispik 'crop': U-iS-Su-ur eqlu iS-pi-ki-Su samsu 'sun': i-na aS-q-la-lu Sa-am-Si I I i 18 cf. S iv 46 (iS-pi-ke-e-Su) 56 I I v [ai] [3'] i 30; see also Samas" (is-pi-ke-S) v [5] v Spl an sapl 'lower': er-se-tam Sa-ap-li-tam I I sattu 'year': Sa-lu-uS-tum Sa-at-tum I I iv v [ i 7 n ] 31 vi 26 11; iS-ti-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 9; Sa-ni-ta suplu 'under part': Su-pu-ul [ x rev. i 20 Sa-at-tam I I iv 10; 2, 4, 5, 6 mu t-ua saplis 'below': ia-ap-li-iS a-ii-4l-li-ka I I ka-Sd-di S v [12] [15] [18] [22] vi 4 i 12 iv 2; is\li-sa-kir Sap-HS S iv 45 55 7 11; 3 > 3 mu.an.na S v [13] v 4 ; e-li-iS Sa-ap-H-iS I I I i 31 ; cf. W 3 vi 1 2; 1 mu.an.na S vi 28; 600.600 mu-feLa I 352 416 (Q Sd-na-a-tim) sapru 'to send': iS-pu-ur I 9 9 ; iS-pu-raI I i 1 (Q ) S iv [1]; 40 mu.rji.a an-ni I 124 [136] S ii 12; [ta-aS-puat-ra-am I 37; [mu.lji.a im]-nu- I [34] r]-an-ni I 155; Sa a-Sap-pa-rak-[ka] [36]; ki-i 7 mu.m[e] U obv. 9 W 5 ; [a-Sap]-pa-rak-hm-ma W 10; In' Su-pu-ur I 97 s anu I 'to change': u -mu iS-nu- pa-nusipru 'task' : it-ti DN-ma i-ba-aS-H H-ip-ru -Su I I I ii 48; [i]S-ta-ni fe^-e-em-Su I I I I 201; [H-i]p-ra ta-aq-bi- a-ni-im-ma iii 25 I I 'to repeat': a-ma-te-Su-nu . . . I 237; H-ip-ra le-em-na I I viii 3 5 ; i-Sa-an-[ni] Jfy obv. 13; [ter-ti] DN . . . Si-ip-ra Sa a-q-ab-bu-ku I I I i 18; -S-an-nu- x rev ii 8 cf. 30 Si-pi-ir DN I 196; H-ip-ru il-q- I I iv san 'second, other': bitu il-ta-nu z- 19 cf. S vi 16 (kin); Si-pi-ir-Su I I vii 4 7 ; i-re-ba-ma S v 24 vi 13; [Sd]-n-e i-SaSip-ra-H-na I I ii 6' (Q) ka-an J 7; Sa-ni-ta Sa-at-tam I I iv 10 sinasam 'in pairs': Si-na-Sm*d-na -ka- m r sipri 'messenger': [iz-za-kar] ana dumu Hp-ri x rev. ii 15 la-la{-Si-na) S iii 12 13 SpSk sV s/tupsikku 'toil': Su-up-H-ik-[ku] at-ru sas 'to call': is-si I 232; il-ta-am zs-s- I 149 [162]; iz-bi-lu Su-up-Si-[i]k-ka I 192; is-s- eS-ra arfuj I 280; na-giI 2 cf. S i 10-13 (i-za-bi-lu tup-H-ka); ru I 403 I I ii 2 1 ; pa-na-mi DN Sa Su-up-Si-ik-ki I 34 36; Su-up-Si-ik i-li ni-Sa-si-ki I 246 (P); [a]l-ta-n I I ii 8' I 3 ; ilim a-wi-lum H-iS-H I 191 197 (Q) li-is-su- na-gi-ru I 376 391 U ii G ii 12 ([Su-up-H]-ku) V obv. 3 (tu-up[15'] S iv [30]; [sa-a]s-su-ra DN H-ik-ku) ; Su-up-H-ik-ka-ku-nu a-ivi-[]am Si-st-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; i-lu iS-te-en Si-si-ma e-mi-id I 241.&. I I vii 31; 'carrying I 173 ( K L N ) cf. S ii 7; ti-si-a tu*qbasket': Su-up-H-ik-ki-Su-nu *girra it-taum-tam I 6in ak-Su I 66 fer s/sassuru 'birth-goddess': wa-aS-ba-at ipt D[N S-as-s]-ru I 189 V obv. i n sapattu 'fifteenth day': i-na ar-fri se-bu-ti (sa-as-fr \G ii [8] S ii [6); [f]-asu Sa-pa-at-ti I 206 221 su-ru H-gim-mal-a li-ib-ni-ma I 190 spl cf. V obv. 2 (sa-as-su-ru) ; at-ti-i-ma qqulu 'to withhold': [-S]a-aq-qi-il S-as-su-ru I 194 cf. I I I vi 47; ' tuqd-as-su I 411 I I ii 29; li-Sa-aq-qi-il uk~t[a]-bi-it DN sa-as-s-ru I 295 I 384** 399 I I ii 15; zu-un-ni-Su DN (P -su-)\ [S]-su-ru ba-na-at H-im-tu I I i 11 8 iti 11; i-t[a-ad s]a-as-s-ra I 297; Sqll [sa-a]s-s-ra DN H-n-ma I I I vi 4 3 ; asqullu ( ? ) : i-na aS-q-la-lu Sa-am-H a-na DN sa-as-s-ri I I I vi 4 6 ; S[-a]sI I v [21] [3'] vi 30
v 2 t

197

M
sarfu 'to tear': [u-Sa-ar-ri-if\ Sa-ma-i I I I iii [8] cf. U rev. [ i 6 n ] Srp suruppu 'plague': [Su-r]u-up-pu- li-ib-Si I 360 (V [S]u-ru-up-pu-u) cf. S iv 9 13 (Su-ru-pu-u) ; [ i-te-z]i-ib-H-na-H I [412]; [mur]-su di-'u Su-ru-pu-u a-sa-ku S iv 12 16 28 Srq Sarqu 'to act stealthily': (U-)iS-ta-ar-riiq . . . lil[]-Sa-az-ni-in na-al-Sa I I ii i 7 n 31 sarrq 'furtive': ki-ma Sa-ar-ra-qi-tu Su-a (U-)iS-H I I ii I9n 33 Srr sarru 'king': DN a-bu-Su-nu S[ar-r]u I 7; Sar-ri [Sa]-me-e I 101; Sar-ri ap-si-i I 102; SAR-n. I 413-415 Q let serru 'child': ku-up-ra [it-ta-H Se-er-ru] I I I ii [13]; li-is-ba-at Se-er-ra I I I vii 4 ; ullia -Se-Sr Sr-ra S iv 51 61 v [9]; I 351; um-mi Se-er-ri I 292 cf. S iii 19 (Sr-ri) SS' ? SaS 'to disturb': i ni-iS-H-a i-na Su-ubti-Su I 44x1 46 58 60 St' sat 'to drink': [Sa]-tu-ti i-Sa-at-ti I I I ii 44 t" te'tu 'food': [p]u-ur-sa . . . te-i-ta I I i 9 (B te-i-tam Q ti-wi-tu) cf. S iv 42 52 (ti-ta); ti-i-ti-4S [i-U\ I 339 t'm tmtu 'sea': ta-ma-tu ra-pa-dS-tu x rev. ii 7 2 9 ; ul-da g[al-la-ta] ti-a-am-ta I I I iv 6; [Si-ga-ra n]a-ab-ba-lu ti-a-am-tim 115 cf. S v [1] x rev. i [6] 10 (ta-am-ti) ii 4 (tam-ti) 11 (ta-am-ta) 18 (tam-td)
%

34 (ti-flm-fi ) ; ma-at-sa-ru tam-ti s rev. ii 24 40; ti-a-am-tim II vi 1 t'm(?) tmtu 'destruction': [l]id-du-S tam-ta I 17jn (M); -^'-ii/tom-ta]S ii [7] t'r tara 'to turn' it-tu-ru I 413 ii 35; u -mu-um .. . li-tu-ur lU-[i\ III iii 35; Jf-p] U-tu-ur a-na up-[ II vif 37; [ti"J-fcrram-ma Ser-ta e-mi-id x rev. ii 27 43; k gi.ma tfV-[ra] W 6 tb' teb 'to rise': DN it-bi-ma I 104; DN it-b-e-ma I I I v 37; it-ba-a id-S h-tu U rev. 9; te-bu- XM.meS U rev. 8; i-na te-bi-Su I I I ii 54; i-na ma-ia-li u*feet-[bi-Su] I 79 tkk tukku 'lament': tu-uk-kum ha-b[i*H] G a 6 cf. I [i79n] (N) tkl tukultu 'help': tuk-la-at % rev. 3 tm' ta m 'to swear': DN it-UM/d z rev. ii 48; . . . i-U ta-mi-ma I I iii 7 9; i-na pa-ni ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 47; dumujneS>ai it-ti-Sti ta-mu-ni x rev. ii 48; a-na mi-nim tu-ta-am-ma-n[i] I I vii 42; i nlu-tja* am-mu-ni I I vit 38 tpsk see spsk tqm tuqumtu 'war* : ti-si-a tu-q-um-tam I 61 ; ma-aH-nu-u[m-mi ig-ra-am t]u-q&uintam I 130 142; ni-ig-ra-am I [146] 160 (tu-q-um-ta-am, G tu-qum-tam) trkl tarkullu 'mooring ple': ta-ar-kurui-tt' DN lU-na-sUb] I I vii 51 cf. U rev. 15 (t[ar-kul-lt]) trr(?) tiruru (a dmon): ki-ma H-ru-ru ht-a-tfj\ III iii 40n ts rusa 'as if': tu-Sa a-aS-ba-a-ku III iii 49a
4

(198)

LIST OF NAMES I N THE A K K A D I A N TEXTS

Adad: I I i n ii n 20 [25] v [16] 30 vi 10 25 I I I ii 49 53 S iv 44 54 v [3] x r e v . i M [8] i i 2 9 1632 y 4 Urev.5 A n u : I 7 13 17 97 9 9 * 4 136 168-9 ( M ) 174 I I v 16 30 vi 25 III iii 51 v 39 47 vi 11 x rev. i [4] 8 ii 2 9 (16)3247 S ii 8 12 U rev. 20 ( ? ) Anunnaki: I 511 103 172 219 232 I I v 14 28 vi [23] I I I iii 30 vi 7 S ii [5] Atra-kass: I [364] 368 385 387 I I viii 36 I I I i i [11] 38 40 ii 18 S i v 17 21 29 v 27 vi 18 x rev. i 12 y 9 U obv. [3] $ obv. 6 W I I (see I s n )
0 1 1 1 1 I 2

G i r r a : I 66 H a n i s : I I vii [ 4 9 " , and p. 172] Igigi: I 6 n 20 113 233 6 viii 16 Isfrara: I 304a Istar: I 302 304 I I v [13] III i
v

K a l k a l : I 74x1 76 K e s (home town of mother goddess) : I 298 M a m i / M a n i a : I 193 235 246 250 (P) 296 I I I iii 33 S iii 14 16 N a m t a r : I 380 [395] 401 4 0 7 S iv 10 14 N e r g a l (see Sin) N i n t u : I 198 211 226 278 295 I I I iii 28 iv 4 13 v 37 vi 43 46 N i n u r t a : I 9 126 138 I I vii [52] U rev. 14 N i s a b a : I I i 19 vi 14 S iv 47 57 v 6 N u s k u : I [76] 7 8 n 86 87 89 91 115 [ " 9 ] 120 [134] 153 I I v 23 S ii 9 S i n and N e r g a l : x rev. i s n 9 ii [3] [10] [17] 33 S a m a s : I I I i 30 iii 18 S u l l a t : I I vii 4 9 ^ and p. 172 T i g r i s : I 25n T i r u r u : I I I iii 4 0 n W ( - i l a ) : I 223n Z : I I I iii [7]
U

Blet-il: G ii 8 V obv. 1 (247) S ii 6 iii 16

I [189]

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E k u r : I 73 E n k i / E a : I 16 [18] 98 100 102 201 204 250 (P) 254 (P) 365 372 I I iii 9 29 v 18 vi [17] 22 vii 39 4 0 I I I i [15] 43 [45] iii [25] vi 14 [16] 42 [45] G ii 1 S i 4 iii 1 iv 18 20 22 25 [29] v [2] 28 30 x rev. i 7 11 21 [27] [39] ii 8 [14] 31 y 2 8 10 U obv. 1 [7] [13] W 12 16 & obv. 5 7 M u t : I 8 [45] 59 69 73 82 84 85 90 92 95 104 105 112 118 125 133 137 145 [152] 165 167 168 169 ( K ) 196 335 [356] II i 5 v 22 [27] vi 22 32 vii [47] viii 35 I I I i [43] 48 iii 39 v 41 vi [5] 12 [41] vii 21 J 6 Sii[i3]iv4[37] rev. i [ i ] i i 8 31 4 4 4 8 y 5 E n n u g i : I i o n 127 139 E r r a k a l : I I vii 51 TJ rev. 15 Euphrates: S i 7n
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