Community Organization Definition- various definitions of CO have been used CO in its strictest definition refers to organizing which takes

s place in a geographically defined living area, such as an urban poor community or a rural village. However, its principles have been widely used for organizing sectoral groups not necessarily living in a distinct location like factory workers or students. CO is a means for empowering people; its primary aim is to transform a situation of societal injustice, inequality and poverty. At times it is likened to a form of experiential learning, a radicalized nonformal educational process. National Rural Conference (1994) defined CO as a collective, participatory, transformative, liberative, sustained and systematic process of building peoples organizations by mobilizing and enhancing the capabilities and resources of the people for the resolution of their issues and concerns towards effecting change in their existing and oppressive exploitative conditions.

Community Organization in the World In the US Robert Fisher and Peter Romanofsky have grouped the history of "community organizing" (also known as "social agitation") in the United States into four rough periods: 1880 to 1900 More of social work because of rapid immigration and industrialization and the reformers are pressured to build community through settlement houses and other service mechanisms. Newboys Strike of 1899 became an early model of youth-led organizing. Since the emphasis of the reformers was mostly on building community through settlement houses and other service mechanisms, the dominant approach was what Fisher calls social work. During this period

the Newsboys Strike of 1899 provided an early model of youth-led organizing. 1900 to 1940 Community organizing was established distinct from social work. Though there was community organizing documented in depressed areas, the focus of CO shifted from neighborhood levels to national orientation because of massive economic problems at that time. 1940 to 1960 Saul Alinksy from Chicago was the first person to coin the term Community Organizer and to codify key strategies and aims of community organizing in his 2 published books. He also founded the first national community organizing training network, the Industrial Areas Foundation led by Edward Chambers.

1960 to present Various civil rights movements (the American Civil Rights Movement, the Anti-war movements, the Chicano movement, the Feminists movement and the Gay rights movement) all influenced and were influenced by ideas of neighborhood organizing. Civic associations and neighborhood block clubs were formed all across the country to foster community spirit and civic duty, as well as provide a social outlet.

In the UK Citizens UK (formerly the Citizens Organizing Foundation), promoting community organizing in the UK since 1989, has established citizens group across UK (from London to North Wales). Most of these groups lasted roughly 3 years when Citizens UK was unable to finance them. Though some gained independency from Citizens UK and has widen its scope and even participated in the elections particularly in voicing out issues relevant to people. Issues like pollution from factories, drug addiction in school neighborhoods, wage, and amnesty for

undocumented migrants among others to larger campaigns were undertaken. Citizens UK set up the Institute for Community Organising (ICO) as part of its Centre for Civil Society established in 2010 to offer a series of training opportunities for those who wish to make community organising a full or part time career and also for Community Leaders who wish to learn the broad philosophy and skills of community organising and who are in a position to put them into practice in their institutions and neighbourhoods.

The Institute provides training and consultancy on a commercial basis to other agencies which wish to employ the skills and techniques of community organising in their institutions. In Australia Since 2000, active discussion about community organizing had begun in Sydney. A community organizing school was held in 2005 in Currawong, involving unions, community organizations and religious organizations. IN 2007, the Sydney Alliance was formed by Amanda Tattersall who got interested in a variety of union she spent time with in the US and UK and after reading Alinsky books. 13 organizations agreed to sponsor the formation of Sydney Alliance. By 2008. 20 orgs have joined in. by 2011, there are 43 orgs Community Organization in the Philippines Understanding the situation: We have to understand first the context, picture or scenario that happened at the time when CO was just new in the Philippines. In other words the political, social and other aspects transpired in early 80s. - Marcos' declaration of martial rule in 1972 altered the terrain for social movements. All progressive groups were subjected to repression while some individuals were either eliminated or arrested by the military. During the early stages of martial rule, all attempts at organizing ground to a halt, except for the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO). Martial law, political protest and militarization.

- 1984 Philippines at that time was in a growing political and economic crises (closure of hundreds of factories and laying off of hundreds of thousands of workers). - foreign debt had leaped from 19 to 26 billion dollars (with IMFs imposing oppressive terms) - a bleak future (more poverty, children dying from starvation and shorter life expectancy). History Unfolded: - Even before PECCO adopted Alinsky's practice of community organizing, the progressive section of the Catholic Church was already started organizing. Basic Christian Communities (BCC) in Mindanao with the proclamation of Vatican II. It soon spread to some parts of Luzon and Visayas and the organizing was basically liturgical, employing Bible studies and other creative forms of worship. But during the Martial Law period, the BCC became a means for witnessing the Teachings and Example of Christ through socio-political work. Cooperative formation, organizing that was socio-economic in nature also persisted during this time.

- Marcos' declaration of martial rule in 1972 altered the terrain for social movements. All progressive groups were subjected to repression while some individuals were either eliminated or arrested by the military. During the early stages of martial rule, all attempts at organizing ground to a halt, except for the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO).

- Church-based programs which functioned as non-government organizations (NGOs) were the first to engage in organizing despite martial law. These include the Urban and Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Episcopal

Commission on Tribal Filipinos, Share and Care Apostolate for Poor Settlers, and PEACE, among others.

NGOs Role in CO (NGOs played crucial and vital part in CO in the 70s esp under the dictatorship of Marcos. Remember government at that time was in total control by the regime and so, NGOs took the lead in addressing the pressing needs of poverty and famine during that time.) NGOs already existed even before martial law. Reed even recognized the contributions of NGO saying that by examining their contributions to the peoples movement prior to, during and after martial law would help them identify changes the organizations would have to undergo at the present time to acquire historical relevance in forging a broader, more powerful peoples movement (are institutions represented a wider variety of social action and development-oriented organiza tions)

NGO in Pre-Martial Law 1950-1971 (Basically it was started by the Catholic Church with the aim to broaden its social involvement. Sectors of the church involve themselves directly in organizing both urban and rural workers which led to the formation of several independent labor movements. NGOs at this period were more of a

contradictory one: deeper involvement with the masses while neutralizing growing political resistance. Economic- there are two interlocking economic moments that directly influenced the character and role of NGOs- the national economic development policy on foreign exchange and import controls promoted nationally oriented and controlled economy (1950-1960) and the growing interests of US and IMF to remove obstacles to foreign investments replacing national industries by transnational corporations penetrating exportation as well as agricultural production (1960-1970). Political- this characterized several major political forces- the attempts of the national business elites to stop the growing penetration of transnational corporations (trying to fend off the penetration of growing international influence) and to oppose both international capital as well as national business elite (Hukbalahap Rebellion, Communist Party or PKP, CPP or Communist party of the Philippines) to seize state power.

NGO in Martial Law (1971-1982) (NGOs became the vehicle through which the Church and the bourgeoisie continued working with the masses to address the conditions of poverty and to take up human rights issues created by martial law and though NGOs opposed to communism, they had common goals similar to NPA and other armed resistance to overthrow Marcos just to defend human rights and build people organizations.

Economic- martial law allowed transnational corporations and the IMF to deepen their penetration and consolidation to the economic system of the Philippines. US economic control was intensified further. Political- the rise of NPA and MNLF. NGOs employed several

ideological foundations and approaches as strategies to work within the oppressed sectors of the population.

NGO in New Republic Period (1981-present) A period of adjustment to new conditions and identification of social functions felt by NGOs during this time. Many NGOs dropped their explicit political orientation and opted, instead for promoting less controversial economic development programs while some support the organizing efforts of the NPA in urban and rural areas. Economic- profound economic crisis affecting all sectors of the economy brought about by many factors including IMFs imposed measures and growing militarization. Political- Marcos regime worsens with the assassination of Aquino, paved the way for the formation of hundreds of new political groups. There was also a growing influence of NPA among workers, students and religious orgs in urban areas such as Manila.

- The repressive situation led a large number of activists to go underground and wage armed struggle against the Martial Law regime. Some organizations like the FFF were co-opted by the regime. Others simply laid low.

- When Martial Law was declared, organizing efforts continued. During this time development workers began pushing for people's

participation and CO became the tool for achieving this. Both international development groups and government began advocating and funding CO programs. Thus, community organizing proliferated.

- Soon, however, NGOs resumed grassroots activities. The Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community Organization (PECCO) continued with the refinement and implementation of the community organizing (CO) approach all over the country, in combination with the Marxist structural analysis and the thinking of Saul Alinsky and Paolo Freire. - Structural analysis approach and basic Christian community framework were used as a response to the needs of the time. Politicized NGOs used the structural analysis approach in conscientizing and mobilizing, while the Basic Christian Community framework was developed by the progressive church as a response to the needs of the time. Programs like education and health, economic enterprises and cooperative development were used as entry points for organizing to avoid getting in trouble with the dictatorship.

- Various political formations saw the need to set up NGOs or influence the programs and projects of existing ones in order to pursue their own interests. But internal ideological struggles also exist. On the positive side, it cannot be denied that the most effective NGOs of the period were those whose leaders and staff had ideological leanings. On the other side, internal ideological struggles wracked some NGOs as ideological debates and rivalries within the mass movement spilled over to the social development community. PECCO, for one, split in 1977 because of ideological differences among its elements, leading to the formation of two separate organizations- the Community Organization of the Philippines Enterprise (COPE) and the People's Ecumenical Action for Community Empowerment (PEACE). - Developmental institutions eventually saw the need for more coordinated activities among themselves. In December 1972, ten foundations came together and formed the Association of Foundations (AF). The association expanded to 40 members by 1976. More progressive groups formed the Philippine Alliance for Rural and Urban Development (PARUD), a consortium of POs and NGOs with more or less the same ideological bent. - Cooperatives went through a second wave of growth during this period. The government formed the Cooperative Union of the Philippines in 1979 and required all cooperatives to register. Independent cooperatives refused to yield and instead formed the National

Confederation of Cooperatives (NATCCO) (ACSPPA/PCHRD, 1995). - Repression continued, but opposition to the Martial Law regime became more consolidated. There was widespread unrest as the majority of the

people remained mired in poverty; wages were kept at very low levels and human rights violations increased. When Martial Law was paper lifted in 1981, organizing efforts multiplied and innovative approaches and tools were developed and replicated all over the country. NGOs were instrumental in the development of the organized mass movement.

- Different issues such as those with social themes (environmental conservation, sustainable devt, campaigns against weapons, womens movement) became the primary concerns among NGOs. International campaigns against weapons of mass destruction,

environmental conservation and sustainable development influenced the Philippine social development terrain. NGOs with these issues as primary concerns were established during the period. The women's movement also began to flex its strength locally.

- The assassination of Benigno Aquino in 1983 led to widespread street protests which became known as the parliament of the streets. It attracted a cross section of society including previously unpoliticized sectors, such as business and the institutional Church. There were efforts to forge unity among the anti-dictatorship forces. Several coalitions were formed: Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA), Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) and others. But these organizations did not last long due to ideological differences among its members.

- Major organizations among the ranks of the peasant, fisherfolks and indigenous peoples were organized for the purpose of advancing sectoral agendas. - Other venues of development work were explored further. Programs that focused on livelihood, gender equality, ecology, alternative legal assistance, and support for migrant workers and others were implemented. One of the issues that divided the social development sector during this period was the question of whether to participate in the 1986 snap presidential election. The mainstream national democratic movement and the NGOs and POs under its influence opted to boycott the election, while the other left-of-center formations decided to participate, albeit critically.

- During early 70s, through the PECCO (the Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community Organization) organized communities in Tondo- the Council of Tondo Foreshire Community Organization. During the First Quarter Storm of the seventies, CO was introduced through the Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community Organization (PECCO). The group organized communities in Tondo and established the Council of Tondo Foreshore Community Organization which proved to be an organization of leaders. Re-training was carried out to improve the organizing skills of PECCO personnel. The Saul Alinsky method of conflictconfrontation developed in Chicago was adapted to conditions in Tondo. As a result, the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO) was born. The program was replicated in other parts of the Philippines, including the rural areas and usually introduced through Church structures. The Alinsky CO

method was refined to include reflection sessions, which were, in turn taken from Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed.

- ZOTA (the Zone One Tondo Organization) was born from the CO done in Tondo which was replicated in other parts of the Philippines including the rural areas and usually introduced through Church structures.

- Community organizing was thus able to lay the groundwork for the People Power Revolution of 1986, which nonviolently pushed Marcos out of power. Loopholes: Community organizers and members were mistrained and disoriented about the nature of political struggle, instilled with a distorted concept of political leadership channeling into narrow reform struggles. Community organizers and local activists were systematically

underdeveloped in their theoretical, strategizing and social analysis skills.