Immigrant Consumer Acculturation Lisa N.

Penaloza, University of California, Irvine Introduction

Consumer acculturation is a term used to describe the aquisition of skills and knowledge relevant to engaging in consumer behavior in one culture by membas of anotho- culture. This includes how one leams to buy and consume goods as well as how one leams the meanings that we attribute to ourselves and others as consumers of goods, processes typically investigated under the heading of consumer socialization (cf. Ward 1974; Moschis and Churchill 1978). However, whereas studies of consumer socialization examine the processes whereby consumption skiUs are learned within one social context, consumer acculturation emphasizes the cultural bases of consumption behaviors and consumer learning processes, examining these processes as they are affected by the interactions of two or more cultures. More specifically, consumer acculturation describes an eclectic process of learning and selectively displaying culturally defmed consumption skills, knowledge, and behaviors. This topic is of interest to consumer researchers because the word "multicultural" describes a growing number of the world's cities (cf. Kasarda 1984 on changing American demographics; Brown and Jacobson 1986; Newland 1979 on intemational demographics and migration pattems). By addressing the juxtaposition and interactions of two consumer cultures (i.e., groups sharing consumption values and meanings, and teaming processes) and their effects within one consumption context, the study of consumer acculturation advances a more critical view of the process of aquisition of consumer values, knowledge, and behaviors. The purpose of this paper b to develop a framework for the systematic investigation of culturally specific aspects of consumer learning processes and behaviors. To begin, the concept of consumer acculturation is defined and distinguished from its predecessors, concepts such as acculturation, socialization, and consumer socialization. Next, some examples of acculturation models are briefly reviewed to illustrate previous conceptualizations of cultural adjustment, and to suggest relevant dimensions of consumer acculturation. While the concept of consumer acculturation invokes a multiplicity of cultures, in this papei, a simplified model of immigrant consumer acculturation is developed that is composed of dual sets of variables, which correspond to a culture of origin and a host culture, respectively. Further, while this model is designed to apply to immigrant consumer acculturation in general, the focus will be on immigrants to the U.S.. Having introduced the concept of consumer acculturation, the discussion will now tum to the theoretical roots of this term.

THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS Acculturation

The term consumer acculturation is a modification of the more general term, acculturation, which originated in anthropology. Acculturation has been defined as: "Cultural change that is initiated by lhe conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems...it may be the consequences of direct cultural transmission; it may be derived from noncultural causes, such as ecological or demographic modifications induced by an impinging culture; it may be delayed, as with intemal adjustments following the acceptance of alien traits or pattems, or it may be a reactive adaptation of traditional modes of life. Its dynamics can be seen as the selective adaptation of value systems, the processes of integration and differentiation, the generation of developmental sequences, and the operation of role determinants and personality factors," (Social Science Research Council 1954). At issue in the study of acculturation is cultural contact, conflict, and adaptation that occurs at the individual and group level (Berry 1980). Cultural contact varies in its nature, purpose, and duration, and these factors would be associated with significant differences in acculturation processes. For example, the least acculturative change would result from a novel experience in a foreign culture, such as a vacation; the most acculturation would result from an extended stay in another country, as in the case of immigration. At an individual level, several distinct stages of cultural change were outlined in a study of missionaries (Oberg 1960). In Phase 1, the "honeymoon" stage, the individual is fascinated by the endogenous culture. Cultural contact is superficial, and conflict and adaptation are virtually nonexistent. Phase 2 is the "rejection" stage, characterized by hostile and aggressive attitudes to the new culture. At this stage, the individual begins to realize that his/her behavior is not appropriate, but does not know what to substitute in its place. He/she seeks company with others from the culture of origin. Cultural contact and adjustment are minimized, and conflict is intense. Phase 3, the "tolerance" stage is characterized by the acquisition of some cultural skills and knowledge. Cultural contact and adjustment increase, and conflict is beginning to lose its intensity. In Phase 4, "integration," cultural adjustment is generally adequate. The individual now has confidence in his/her ability to function in the new culture, which is viewed as just another way of life (Oberg 1960, p. 178-179). There is, however, an important distinction between the missionary and the immigrant. The

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missionary, seddng to convert the native people to a certain belief system, may be more resistant to cultural adaptation. The immigrant, lacking this "mission," may be more adaptive to the new environmott Moreover, the order and (Regression of ihesK stages may differ, depaiding on individual, cultural, and contextual factors which will be discussed later in the pqier. Nevertheless, the immigrant and the missi<niaiy are similar in that both would probably vaiy in his/her attitudes toward the new culture over time. At the group level. Berry (1980) listed eight variations of acculturation, along the following three dimoisions: 1) retention/loss of the cultural identity of the immigrant culture, 2) positiveAiegative relation to the dominant society, aiKl 3) ability^nability of the immigrant culture to determine factors 1 and 2. Each of these variations of acculturation describes a significantly diffaent type of cultural adaptation, which suggests that structural as well as motivational issues influence the acculturation process. However, while acculturation studies focus on cultural change as the result of cultural contact and adaptation, the study of consumer acculturation primarily focuses on cultural adaptation as manifest in the marketpltxe. As such, consumer acculturation is a subset of acculturation. More specifically, how immigrants leam consumer skills, knowledge, and behaviors that are appropriate within a new consumer culture is the theme of this paper. Therefore, literature on social leaming processes is also integral to this study. Socialization Socialization, defined as the development of socially relevant behaviors (Zigler and Child 1969), is also one of the roots of consumer acculturation. Berger and Luckman (1967) distinguished between primary and secondary socialization. Primary socialization is the process by which the individual's initial world view is acquired. The authors noted that generally subsequent socialization p-ocesses are not as intense in terms of the degree to which the individual emotionally ictentifies with key socialization agents, e.g., parents. Further, the first world view acquired by the individual is generally not consciously acknowledged by the individual, but rather taken for granted, and assumed to i! the world. Secondary socialization was defined as "any subsequent process that inducts an already socialized individual into new sectors of the objective world of his society" (p. 130). Upon experiencing secondary socialization, the individual is confronted with another world view. This process, veiy much like acculturation, can be very disturbing, as the security and comfort of the primary world view is challenged. However, Ae two terms dUfer in scope. Berger and Luckman limited their discussion of secondary socialization to the acquisition of organizationally based interpretations of reality, e.g., an individual's imersion into the job "world," or more specifically, indoctrination of army recruits (p. 139). In contrast, consumer acculturation focuses on more general, socio-culturally based interpretations of reality. In an earlier work, Berger (1963) wrote of a similar concept, altemation, which describes developmoital processes whereby the course of events that constitute one's life are subject to altemate interpretations. Like secondary socialization and acculturation, altemation would imply a shift in the belief system or world view of an individual. For example, Berger cites the amazing transformation of identity and self image that occurs upon a simple change of residence (p. S8). The shift in world view is as significant in altemation as in consimier acculturation. Similarly, there would be a range of psychological responses to an expoienced confrontation of world views, from unconscious adapUtion to pure awareness of a number of possible "worlds" and the resulting conscious choice of an "appropriate" world view and identity. There would also be a number of experiences that would bring about a confrontation of world views, such as geograi^ical migration, major life events (e.g., entering a career, marriage, child bearing), and ideological (e.g., political, religious) conversion. However, consumer acculturation is primarily concemed with the effects of geographical, rather than ideological movement. More speciHcally, how one leams consumer skills, knowledge, and behaviors that are appropriate within a new socio-cultural context is the theme of this paper. Therefore, literature on consumer leaming is also one of the theoretical foundations of this research. Consumer Socialization Research on consumer leaming typically falls under the heading of consumer socialization. Reisman and Roseborough (1955) first used the term socialization in a consumption context, discussing developmental processes of aquiring consumption knowledge in the family. It was Ward (1974), however, who coined the term consumer socialization, narrowing its scope to refer to "processes by which young people acquire skills, knowledge, and attitudes relevant to their functioning as consumers in the marketplace" (p. 2). As can be discemed from this definition, the early theoretical focus was on childhood, and the majority of consumer socialization studies have focused on childhood and adolescent consumer leaming (cf., McNeal 1964; James 1971; Moore and Stephens 1975; Moschis and Churchill 1978). Although Brim (1966) noted that socialization continues on throughout the life cycle, it has been a recent development in consumer research to extend the concept of consumer socialization beyond childhood to apply to consumption leaming throughout the human life cycle. A recent book on consumer socialization employs such a life cycle perspective (Moschis 1987). The emphasis on childhood in studies of consumer socialization stems from a "blank slate" view of consumer leaming. By not considering the existence of previous consumption knowledge, important aspects of consumer leaming are neglected. Further, the role of the individual is de-emphasized in the socialization perspective, which does not portray

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differences in the consumer behavior of immigrant groups (cf. Guemica 1982). At the group level, social-psychological theories em{riiasize interpersonal relationships and exchanges of information which affect individual consumer learning (cf. Asch 1953; Deutsch and Gerard 1955; Bumkrant and Cousineau 1975; Kelly 1976). Reference group theory, role theory, and such interactional processes as modeling and reinforcement are some of the social psychological concepts relevant to the study of consumer acculturation. The acquisition of social motives for consumption, i.e., learning to interpret consumption cues of others and to use goods as a means of selfexpression, is also an important topic in consumer acculturation. According to Solomon (1983), when role demands are characterized by uncertainty, there is an increased reliance upon and consumption of symbolic products as a guide to behavior. In consumer acculturation, uncertainty due to die effects of multiple role demands of multiple reference cultures may result in the accelerated adoption and conspicuous consumption of products associated with the new culture. Modes of Consumer Acculturation Three modes of consumer acculturation are highlighted, based on Berry's (1976; 1980) work in acculturation. The first mode, assimilation, represents cultural adaptations that decrease conflict by making cultural or behavioral features more similar to the dominant culture. The melting pot is an example of consumer acculturation in the assimilation mode. The melting pot describes a process of voluntary imersion and corresponding loss of cultural identity by the immigrant culture, who becomes like members of the dominant culture. Integration is the second mode of constmier acculturation, in which the cultural identity of the minority culture is maintained, with a positive relationship between the dominant cuUture and the minority culture. Further, there is movement to become an integral part of the larger societal framework by the acculturating group. An example of consumer acculturation in the integration mode, the salad bowl, describes a social situation in which cultural diversity is valued by the host culture, and the various cultures are seen as elranents comprising the whole. The third mode of consumer acculturation, separation, represents cultural adaptations that attempt to decrease conflict by movement away from the source(s) of the conflict. Separation may be characterized by the retention of the identity of the culture of origin apart from the host culture, or the rejection of both culture of origin and the host culture. It is possible that a third, hylnid culture emerges, as in the case of the chicanos of the southern and western U.S., whose culture is in many ways neither Mexican nor American.

the consvuner as actively participating in the learning process, but rather as passively acted upon, i.e., undergoing socialization. The most severe problem with these studies, however, is that there is no consideration of the context of consumer learning. More specifically, there is no qypreciation of the multiple bases of consunqition knowledge, the modification of consvunption-related values involved in consumer learning, or the resulting difficulty or even resistance that individuals may have when learning new consumption values, skills, and knowledge. In stmi, since consumer socialization focuses on normative processes and outcomes of consumer learning within one society, this perspective is somewhat limited in terms of its potential contribution to the study of immigrant consumer acculturation. Cultural adiqitation is a dialectical process of interaction among two or more cultures, in which the individual can adapt some aspects of the new culture, and yet still maintain some traits of the culture of origin (McFee 1968). Therefore, it is important to consider aspects of consimier learning which may be sqiaratist as well as conforming in nature.

CONSUMER ACCULTURATION
The distinguishing characteristic of consumer acculturation is that processes of consumer learning are studied within their multicultural context. A consumer culture is defined as a system composed of individuals who share specific values, skills, and knowledge relevant to engaging in consumer behavior. There are a number of what may be viewed as consumer cultures, and they may be characterized along a number of dimensions that are not mutually exclusive. Age, occupation, social class, family position, ethnic group, and geographical area of residence are somer of the boundaries defining consumer cultures (Penaloza 1986). For example, Cateora (1963) observed general agreement among adolescents on several consimiption values and goals independent of social class. These cultures may be distinguished by appropriate behaviors, dress, and other material objects Uiat are defined and maintained within that culture (Belk, Bahn, and Mayer 1982; Solomon 1983; Hirschman 1985). Consumer acculturation is a two level phenomenon that simultaneously occurs at the individual and the group level. Therefore, both psychological and social-psychological theories are relevant to the study of consumer acculturation. At the individual level, the psychological view emphasizes individual processes in the transmission of norms, rules, expectations, and knowledge (Staub 1980). Cognitive development theory (Piaget 1928) may explain age and generational differences in immigrant consumer acculturation. The prior development of cognitive structures (beliefs) regarding consumption activities may partially account for the fact that first goieration immigrants typically demonstrate lower levels of cultural assimilation than proceeding generations (Padilla 1980). Differences in level of acculturation are then associated with

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FIGURE 1
A Model of Immigrant Ccmsumer Acculturation Consumer Culture of Origin Sources of Consumption Informatioi Family Peers Media Institutions Acculturations Outcome Dimensions Leaming Process Demographic variables Cultural consumption values Language preferences Generation/Age Intensity of affiliation Environmental factors Consumer Culture of Immigration Sources of Consumption Informadoi Family Peers Media Institutions Modeling Reinforcement Social Interaction 1. Culture of Origin 2. Culture of Immigration 3. Adaptive Dimension

Immigrant

A MODEL OF IMMIGRANT CONSUMER ACCULTURATION

In this model (see figure 1) the immigrant enters the new consumer environment with consumption knowledge previously acquired in the consumer culture of origin. He/she then comes into direct contact with members of the new consumer culture. The effects of previously acquired knowledge (depicted on the left of the diagram) relate to present and future consumer leaming processes and consumer behavior that take place in the new coimtry (depicted in the middle of the diagram). Outcomes of consumer acculturation are depicted as three dimensional; the first dimension represents outcomes associated with the culture of origin, the second dimension relates to outcomes identified with the culture of immigration, and the third dimension represents those outcomes that contain adaptive characteristics of a third, hybrid culture.

Antecedent Variables Antecedent variables represent the attempt to locate the individual in social space and time and set the stage for consumer acculturation. These variables may affect the aquisition of consumer leaming both directly and indirectly (Ward 1974; Moore and Stephens 1975; Moschis and Churchill 1978). 1. Demographic variables - Age, education, income, occupation, sex, marital status, race/ethnicity and combinations such as social class and family life cycle are examples of demographic antecedent variables that have been associated with differences in consumer socialization (cf. Wells and Gubar 1966; Schramm 1969; Ward 1974; Moore and Stephens 1975; Ward et al. 1977; Moschis and Churchill 1978; StampO 1979; Belk et al. 1982). In addition, recency of arrival is an important factor affecting acculturative change (Padilla 1980). It is hypothesized that these variables

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Consumer Acculturation Agents Consumer acculturation agents are those individuals or institutions who serve as sources of consumer information and/or models of consumption behavior. 1. Family - The immigrant family is viewed as a coping social structure in which previous patterns of consimier behavior can be jneserved as well as new consumption patterns leamed. The family differs cross-culturally in its structure, pattems of interaction, and social significance, and these differences have been related to differences in consumer leaming processes (Ward et al. 1987). For example, Shigaki (1983) observed more parent-child contact and family member interaction in Japanese families, as compared to American families. In another study, Devereaux (1970) reported that British children experienced more physical punishment and less nurtance and warmth than Amoican children. Keefe (1980) noted that researchers differ in their treatment of the family in studies of acculturation. On one hand, research'S see familistic values as responsible for the slow rate of acculturation (Kluckhohn and Strodbeck 1961; Chandler 1979), while on the other hand, others view acculturation as the independent variable that is affecting the family (Grebler, Moore, and Guzman 1970). These apparentiy conflicting hypotheses are reconciled in the model, which views immigrant consumer acculturation as affecting and affected by the acculturation agents, which in this case is the family. 2. Peers - Previous research has noted socioeconomic differences in the relative influence of the peer group on processes of socialization (McCandless 1969; Moschis and Churchill 1978). Whether the peer group was more closely aligned with the culture of origin or the culture of immigration is an important issue in immigrant consumer acculturation. 3. Mass Media - Mass media is a key source of consumption information. The availability of mass media in the language of the culture of origin is an important issue in the study of consumer acculturation. Further, previous media habits associated with the culture of origin may affect immigrant responses to mass media in the culture of immigration. For example, mass media would have different forms across societies, as the result of different social, legal, and economic conditions (i.e., the distribution of resources and the availability and diffusion of media technology). In cultures where television sets are less diffused tiiroughout the population, individuals may be more accustomed to consulting newspapers, word-ofmouth, and radio for consumption information. 4. Institutional sources of consumer information - The nature of various institutions and their role in transmitting consumption-related information may vary across cultural contexts, and these variations may be associated with differences in consumer acculturation, e.g., differences in immigrant pesrceptions of the role of educational institutions in teaching consumer skills

are associated with differences in consumer acculturation. In addition to cultural differences in antecedent variables, it is possible that changes in these variables would occur upon immigration. For example, the immigrant family could realize signiHcant changes in their socio-economic status upon immigrating. It may be that past socioeconomic status, while having an effect on the attitudes and values of immigrant consumers, would be less significant in its relation to consumption behavior than present socio-economic status. 2. Cultural Consumption values - Cultural values are mirrored in leaming processes and behaviors within a given culture (Rotheram and Phinney 1987). Some examples of differences in cultural value orientations that may be related to differences in consumer acculturation processes are individual versus group (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck 1961; Chandler 1979; Firat and Dholakia 1982), active versus passive (Kahl 1968), present versus future time (Hall 1959; 1976), and egalitarian versus hierarchical social relations (Kahl 1968; Inkeles and Levinson 1969). For example, in societies characterized by having the group orientation, it may follow that interpersonal sources of consumer information such as the family would have stronger relative influence on consumer leaming than mass media. The family is a key socialization agent for Hispanics (Guemica 1982; Hoyer and Despande 1982) and Japanese (Shigaki 1983), cultures that have been characterized as having the group orientation (Chandler 1979; Connor 1977). 3. Language - Language preference is a key factor because it is directly associated with the ability to communicate and leam consumption information (O'Guinn and Meyer 1983). While not all immigrant families must leam another language, colloquial differences in language are also a factor in consumer acculturation. 4. Intensity of affiliation - This variable relates to the individual's preference for one cultural orientation over another (Despande, Hoyer, and Donthu 1986; Alba and Chamlin 1983; Padilla 1980), which may be related to differences in consumer leaming processes and behaviors of immigrants. Choice of cultural orientation could range from culture of origin to culture of immigration to a blend of the two, a third hybrid culture (Wallendorf and Reilly 1983). 5. Environmental factors - The immediate environment would affect the ability and the willingness of the immigrant to leam and display cultural consumption attitudes and behaviors. The immigrant would be more likely to exhibit previous patterns of consumption in social settings in which these patterns were accepted and reinforced. For example, in a study of die effects of migration on conjugal relationships, consumption patterns, and job status of women who move seasonally between Mexico and the US, Guendelman and Perez-Itriago (1985) concluded that in coping with the demands imposed by the two contexts, these women led "double lives."

Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 16) I 115 TABLE 1 Varieties of Acculturation as Determined by Group Response
Varieties of Acculturation Retention of Cultural Identity? Positive Relationship to Dominant Society? Group Right to Choose Options?

Multiculturalism Pluralism Melting Pot Pressure Cooker Withdrawal Segregation Marginality Ethnocide

Yes Yes No No Yes Yes No No

Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No No

Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No

Source: John W. Berry (1980), "Acculturation as Adaptation," in Acculturation: Theory, Models, and Some New Findings, Amado M. Padilla, ed.. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, p. 16.

Consumer Acculturation Processes Acculturation processes refer to the ways in which cultural consumption values, knowledge, and behavior are learned. Three methods by which consumer leaming is acquired are modeling, reinforcement, and social interaction (McLeod and O'Keefe 1972; Ward 1974; Moschis and Churchill 1978). Regarding immigrant consumer acculturation processes, certain apriori hypotheses have been derived. Initially, upon arriving in the new country, the immigrant will try to assimilate the consumption pattems of the host country, and will try to consult those sources of consumption information that are perceived to be aligned with the host culture. However, as the immigrant proceeds according to the heuristics of his/her previous culture, seeking out products and sources of consumption information, he/she soon realizes that these guidelines no longer function. Frustrated, the immigrant may look for a familiar products, in an attempt to retain his/her original cultural orientation at this second phase. In the third phase, the immigrant has gained some knowledge of the new culture. Strengthened by this cultural knowledge, the immigrant gains confidence in his/her ability to function in the new consumer environment, and can now choose which one of three cultural orieiuations (culture of origin, culture of immi^ation, or a third hybrid culture) to display. However, the order and progression of these processes may differ, depending upon many factors in the culture, the social environment and inherent to the immigrant.

Consumer Acculturation Outcomes Outcomes of consumer acculturation refer to consumption-related skills and knowledge that are aquired as a result of contact between two cultures. The following are some examples of consumer socialization outcomes that warrant consideration in the investigation of consumer socialization: price awareness, brand specification, slogan recall (Moore and Stephens 1975), attitudes toward advertising (Ward and Wackman 1971), recognition of consumption symbolism (Belk et al. 1982, materialistic attidudes (Ward and Wackman 1971). However, value orientation (Kahl 1968) and identity issues (Rotheram and Phinney 1987) are also important outcome dimensions of consumer acculturation. DISCUSSION The model of consumer acculturation is not deterministic; emphasis is given to the range of cultural orientations that the individual may display. The ability and the desire of the immigrant to leam new and/or to maintain previous pattems of consumer behavior may vary as a function of several factors. For example, many of the products they used to buy are no longer available. Another possible explanation is that former pattems of consumer behavior may not be socially sanctioned in the new country. Language barriers, limited experience in a new country, and the limited amount of non-English advertising limit the ability of immigrants to evaluate goods. Negative reinforcement may be the chief means of identifying consumption meanings and

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heuristics only when they do not function (Powers 1973; Hall 1976; emphasis added). Anothn problem experienced by the immigrant family and constuner researchers alike is that cultural consumption values cannot be observed and measured directly. They are hypothetical constructs that are inferred firom "accqXable" consunq>tion bdiaviors as they are d^med within a particular cultural context. Further, like other macro phenomena, cultural consumption values and behaviors may not correspond to any one individual or group within a culture (Firat and Dholakia 1982; Amdt 1976). While operationalizing and measuring macro constructs can be quite problematical, it is suggested that the effects of immigrant consumer acculturation are conducive to measurement in terms of the immigrant family's perceptions of the issues and difficulties they have experienced as consumers in a new cultural context. Further, inquires as to the consumption goals of immigrants may lead to insights concerning their motivations for consumption, as well as our own. While the desire and intention of immigrants to continue previous pattems of consumption is assumed by firms who import goods and make them available for purchase by immigrants, the degree to which this assumption is correct is of interest to consumer researchers. CONCLUSION Many cultural issues affecting consumer behavior have been discussed in this paper, including cultural differences in consumption-related values, family interactions, the relative influence of sources of consumer information, and consumption knowledge, skills, and behaviors. The focus of tliis paper, however, has been on the immigrant consumer. A conceptual model of immigrant consumer acculturation was developed and discussed. Immigrant consumer behavior is not the simple assimilation of established pattems of consumption, nor is it an adamant continuation of previous pattems of consumption exhibited in the country of origin. Althou^ the immigrant may try to maintain inrevious pattems of consumption behavior, his/her ability to do so is constrained by several factors both in the consumption environment and inherent to the culture and the circumstances of the individual. Many questions remain. Further research is necessary to identify and examine differences in the consumption values, learning processes, and behaviors of different cultures, including that of immigrant as well as native consumer cultures throughout the world. REFERENCES Alba, Richard D. and Mitchell Chamlin (1983), "Ethnic Identification Among Whites," American Sociological Review, 48(April)240-247. Arndt, Johan (1976), "Reflections on Research in Consumer Behavior," in Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 3, B.B. Anderson, ed., Cincinnati: Association for Consumer Research, 213-221.

values for the iininigrant consumer. They may learn what is acceptable, by means of a tramatic process of learning what is not acceptable in the host culture by exposure and interaction with individuals with the message, "we don't do things that way here." Immigrants may also develop informal networks composed of family, friends, and other immigrants who can offer support and advice concerning how to get by in the new country. Changes in familial roles and status as a result of immigration may have implications for household consumer behavior. For example, Guendleman and Perez-Itriago (198S) examined the impact of seasonal migration on women's roles and lifestyles in the Mexican immigrant family, and observed that wage workers in the US had a greater tendency to establish cooperative roles with their husbands, sharing power and decision making. In another study, Humphreys (1944) observed that the sutus of the father declined relative to that of the mother and children, while the son assumed a position about equal to that of the father, and the daughter attained the same level with the mother. Some of the consumer behavior implications of acculturation involve purchase roles, decision-making influence and the allocation of household tasks. For example, Penaloza and Gilly (1986) suggested that, because of the accelerated rate of assimilation of children in the Hispanic familly, immigrant parents depend on them as a source of consumption knowledge. There may also be significant differences in the rate of consimier acculturation for single immigrants, as compared to immigrant families, and immigrant families with children, as compared to immigrant families without children, due to qualitative differences in the nature of the family as a support network. Previous research indicates that immigrant consumer behavior is not a simple blending of the culture of origin and die culture of immigration, but rather a unique cultural style (Wallendorf and Reilly 1983). These authors discovered that MexicanAmerican consumption pattems did not resemble American or Mexican consumption pattems, but were similar to Anglo consumption pattems of five years earlier. This research suggests that consumer acculturation is a dynamic process in which consumption behaviors of one culture are acquired by another culture, but not without a corresponding time lag effect and distortions possibly due to cultural stereotypes.

CONSUMER RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS

Like the immigrant family, researchers operate from within a consumer culture. Perhq>s the most critical difHculty to be encountered by researchers in the investigation of immigrant consumer acculturation is that it is very difficult to comprehend other cultures. Cultural knowledge and leaming have been linked to the part of the human nervous system that functions according to the principle of negative feedback, i.e., we become aware of our own cultural

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