.

I80I

O B
I)

ATI
CLI
^'

O
10

N
1861,

p;iiE

1)

ox

Til

FOURTH OF JULY,

THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES

T ^ OP" B O S T O IST
BY THEOPFILUS PARSONS,

ttf)

an Jlppenliix,

BOSTON:
J. E.

HARWELL

& CO., CITY PRINTERS,

18
6 1.

No. 32 CONGItESS SfllEKT.

Glass.

Book.

t^

BOSTorriA
CONmiTAAU.

\^

^-^kk^..

OE

A TI

N
1861,

DELIVERED ON THE

FOURTH OF JULY,

THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES

CITY OF BOSTON
BY THEOPHILUS
P

AESONS.

Hl'lSfii-,

itf)

an

IppcnUii.
OF coTi^^
I-'

U.

S,

^of WASH\'*3-

B
J. E.

FAPtWELL&CO., CITY PRINTEES,

No. 32 Congress Street.
1

8 G 1.

CITY OF BOSTON

In Common
Kesolved
:

Oou7icil,

July

5,

1861.

That the thanks of the City Council are hereby

presented to the Hon. Theophilus Parsons for his very elo-

quent and patriotic Oration before the Municipal Authorities

of the City of Boston on the occasion of the Eighty-fifth Anni-

versary of the Declaration of the Independence of the United

States

of

America, and that he be requested to furnish a

copy for publication.

Sent up for concurrence.

JOSEPH

H.

BRADLEY,

President.

In Board of Aldermen, July

Concurred.

8,

18G1.

SILAS PEIRCE,
Approved, July 10, 1861.

Oliairman.

JOSEPH

M.

WIGHTMAN, Mayw*

ORATION.

ORATION.
Our
fathers, in acquiring at great loss of life

and

treasure, their

independence from England, had no

escape from government.
all

intention and no desire to

They knew,

for they

were wise, that the absence of

is

government from masses of men

sibility.

an absolute impositself
is

They knew

that

anarchy

govern-

ment

the government of passion, of selfishness, of

folly intensified into

madness

of wickedness devel-

oped

to its

highest power, and given up to the fearful

work of self-punishment.

They knew

that

govern-

ment was not only necessary, but

their efforts

inevitable.

And

all

were bent towards establishing the best

government.

They were

wise

men.

The

annals

of

human
far-

thought exhibit nowhere a more profound, acute,

reaching, and all-embracing sagacity on the subject of

human government, than some

day.

of the writings of that

at this

But,

if it

was of Divine Providence that

most important juncture in the history of mankind

there should be wise and faithful men, able to cast

upon the great

topic before

them

all

the light to be

derived from the continued efforts of powerful minds,

prepared by a careful study of the past, and invigorated by a deep and constant sense of the immeas-

urable importance of their work, that was but one of

the

means which

that

Providence employed for a

great end.
I
liar

do not forget that the recognitions of our pecuadvantages which the return of this day invite, are

apt to run into boasting and harmful self-glorification.

I

would remember

this

and avoid
to

it.

But

must not

refrain

from expressing

you

my

belief,

my
is,

most

deliberate, long

and carefully considered, and most

it

profound conviction, that

purpose of

has
in

been, and

the

Him who

holds

His almighty hand

the destinies of

men and

nations, to establish, here,

a prosperous nation, under a better form of govern-

ment than has ever before

elsewhere.
are
to

existed, or

now

exists

But

all

the purposes of Providence

which

wrought through the instrumentality of men, are

a certain

extent

delivered

to

their free

agency,

and may therefore be retarded and obstructed by the

wrongful exercise of that free agency.
be

And

it

will
to a

my

endeavor to-day to direct your attention

few, and only a few, of what seem to

of Omnipotence along the

me

the footsteps

pathway

to the great pur-

pose I have indicated

obstacles

to point out to

you some of the

perils

which

resist,

and some of the

which

threaten this great purpose, and some of our duties

in relation to them.

Let us begin with the inquiry, what the best gov-

ernment must be

and the answer may be, in one

word, self-government.
others,

On

this topic, as

on

so

many

we may be helped by remembering

is

that as a

nation

composed of men,

it

cannot contain any

other elements of national character than those which

are contributed by the

men

of the nation.

And when

we look at men individually and from the study of human character, reach certain definite laws and conclusions concerning

human

life

in the individual,

we

may

well hope that these laws and conclusions will

throw some light upon analogous questions as they

exist in reference to a nation.
*

What,
vidual?
if I

then,
If
I

is

the best government for the indi-

put the question in another shape

is

ask whether he

best governed

who

is

surrenlusts,

dered to his

own

fantasies
all

and

proclivities

and

and exasperates

these

by utter unrestraint, and

wrong, or the law of
itself.

makes no reference

to right or

God I am
do
to

or the law of

man, the question answers

has done
all

describing a

man who

that he can
it

become only a wild

beast.

Better were

for

him

that

some arm of power should hold him, some

fear restrain him,

some

irresistible

command
him

control

him, and
conduct.

all

these influences compel

it

to decent

Then,

might

at least

be possible that his

10

lusts

and

follies,

because they were repressed, would

it

be enfeebled.
the
severity of
;

Then
some

might again be possible that

control

external

could be safely reof

law,
a

laxed

that

acknowledgment

some

thought

of right,

would begin

to

exert

power

within him, and thereby facilitate the entrance of yet

better

thoughts

and higher motives, and that

this

advancing and ascending progress might go on, until

a control from within accepted and welcomed a control

from without

as

a.

summation of

all this

And the conwould come when the law of

necessary help.
all

truth, of right,

and of instructed conscience was

all

the law he needed,

the law he felt

and

this

law
all

put him at ease with the system of law prevailing

around him, and the

man

stood and lived in perfect

peace with the law and perfect peace with himself.

This
is

but an ideal picture

far

from the

reality

existing in the best of us.

It is,

however, a picture
all

of that last result towards

which we are led by

moral improvement,
nition of the

all

elevation of motive, all recog-

authority

of right,

and

all

confirma-

tion of our love of goodness.

I

have ventured

to

present

to

you

this

picture,

because I cannot but think that the history of the

past and the condition of the present lead to the conclusion that a law and

method of progress, somewhat

growth of nations.
;

analogous at
History
is

least, prevail in the

but the biography of

Man

and the lessons

11

which are taught by the

life

of

Man

cannot be

alto-

gether remote and diverse from those

we may

gather

from the

lives of

men.

To

see

how

the progress of

mankind has accorded

far

with these principles,

the beginning, and in

we must go

back towards
this it is

an address like

of

course impossible to give more than the most cursory

glance at the evidence which

offer.

the pages of history

But even

this

glance will show us that w^hile

as unmitigated despotism
it

government was known only

in the Eastern

and ancient world,

it

received impor;

tant modifications as

passed through Greece

and
vast

that the despotism of the central

power of the

Empire of Rome was accompanied with a singular

amount of freedom and self-government
and boroughs and
lesser

in the cities

provinces into which

the

Roman Empire was

aration

divided.

In this way some prep-

was made

for the feudal system,

which was,

in theory, a
it

government of laws and not of men, for

assigned his

own

place and his

own

rights to every

man.

And

so the possibility of

deliverance from a

wholly external control, from a power which was

over

him and

against him, instead

to age.

of within

him
this

and his own, grew from age

At length

new world was

world
to

discovered.

Near enough

to the old

receive colonists with

no more hindrance
to sift out

and

difficulty

than were needed

the

weak

from the strong, that the seed of a new nation might

12

have due
to

vitality.

Far enough from the old world

prevent an immediate

and

controlling

influence

from stretching across the waters and causing the

future to be but a repetition of the past
to
;

far

enough
to

permit the germs of nations planted here

into

grow
them.

up

the

great possibility which

last

awaited

And

then the hour came, and the

word of God's
uttered

providence in

human government was

when
and

he said

to a great nation,

"Go
I

forth, be

free,

GOVERN YOURSELVES."

The
and

last

word
it.

Yes.

so

believe,

if

we

are

not deaf to

In the

infinite future

there

may be
evils

will be vast changes will lessen, or

and

infinite

improvements.

These

remedy, or prevent many

which we already

discern,

and many more which

we do
hoped

not yet discern, in our republican institutions,

and whatever good has yet come, or may now be

for

from these

institutions, will

be increased

a thousand fold, as they are changed for the better.

But the nations

possible
distinct

will never again regard as the only

or

desirable

government, that of

a power

from the people, and deriving no force and

no

life

from their consent and voluntary recognition.

will not

The work we have begun

extinguished.
fulness of
its

be suppressed and
will

It will live,

and

it it

grow
live

into the

stature

and that

may

and grow,

the wants, the deficiencies, and the errors of any age

will be disclosed

by whatever lessons may be necessary

13

to

teach

them, and will be remedied by whatever

for that purpose.

means are then found best

Govern yourselves

But how ]
It

This great work

so

may be done
influences

well or

ill.

may be
it

done that the

gradually be

of evil which

mar

may

discovered, resisted, and suppressed.

And

then the

future of this country will be one of gradual improve-

ment, which will be on the whole constant, although

subject to alternations
to
;

to periods

when

evil will

seem

be in the ascendant

to nights so

long and so dark

that for the time they extinguish the

hope that day

will

can come again.

And

yet a

new day

dawn, the
this
evil
it,

brighter for the preceding darkness.

Or

work
will
it

may be

so

done that these influences of

it,

more than mar

will be taken

will

prevail against

and

from our hands and those of our

to
its

chil-

dren,

and given

others

who

will

profit

by our

example and by

fearful consequences.

Of
I

the perils which beset us in this point of view,

only, for that seems near to us,
It
is

would speak of one

already obvious,

and possibly growing.

that

which comes from the enormous

of the people constitutes and
originates the authority of law.
it

fallacy that the will

determines right and

But what
its

is

law
;

if

be not truth in
else
?

its

application and

power

and

how
truth

can the right be determined but by the

truth
that
?

Can any man, can any men, make

then
is

What

left

for us

To

rejoice

it

is

14
search in freedom for the truth, and
to find to
it,

given

to us, to

for the right

which the truth teaches,

it,

to
it.

make
ment
and

it

our law, to reverence

and

obey

Precisely that form and

is

system of political governis

then the best which

best adapted to guide

;

facilitate

the inquiry after the right

to insure

with perfect freedom of inquiry,

ation,

sufficient

deliber-

and the absence of obscuring passion and per-

sonal fantasy, and all the advantage of mutual counsel,

and
it

all

the security

we can have

that the law,

when

is

duly made, shall express the

common judgment common

interests,

of the people, and promote their

and deserve their respect and win their

This
is

love.
institutions.

the great

end of republican

And

have now

to say to you,

not as the expression

of an opinion called for by the day, but, again as a

deliberate

and profound

belief, that the peculiar con-

stitution of this country in its essential feature, in the

fact that
is

it

is

a sovereignty formed of sovereignties,

a frame of government better adapted to accom-

plish the

work of republican government than any

has been devised
all

other which

by human wisdom.

Nor, indeed, do I say

that I think

when

I use

these words, for I do not think that our present form

of government was altogether devised by

human
was

wis-

dom.

On

the contrary, I suppose

its

most essential
;

characteristic

was accepted from necessity

it

re-

ceived

because

was prepared

by the course of

15
events, and as
constitution.

it

were forced upon the framers of our

it,

They did not choose

it.

for they
it,

were
it,

not at Hberty to reject

for
it

They took

they used

was there
aside.

in their hands,

and they could not

lay

it

We

could become nothing else than a

States
;

State

formed of

Sovereignty formed of

Sovereignties.

This very peculiar feature in our national constitution

is

wholly without precedent.

There have been

all

leagues and alliances and confederacies

history.

through
some-

But our own

constitution attempted

thing more than this,

something
It

more than ever

to constitute a
still

was attempted before.

endeavored

nation out of political elements which

to a great extent,

retained

and in most important particulars,

sovereignty.

their
I

own independent

am

not aware that European political writers

this as

have ever regarded

anything but a source of

necessity, perhaps,
;

weakness and danger.

there was no

A
avoid

which
under

way

to

which was

still,

favorable circumstances, as our history proves, compatible with great prosperity, but

which was always

first

a source of weakness and of danger, which the

powerful assault would fatally reveal.

Nor have our

It is

own
the

writers expressed different sentiments.

that

well

known
fear on

some or indeed many of the

ablest of
full

men who framed

this very

our Constitution were

of

ground, and some in public

and

16

some

in private, spoke of
as

it

as

the best they could

at

make, and
for a time,

something which might

for

least

last

and open the way

a better.
;

No

such opinion, no such feeling have I

for,

on

the contrary, precisely this peculiarity of our constitution, that

it

makes us a nation composed of

watchfully
to

States

which
rights

preserve

and

wisely

their

own

and powers, seems

and the

me

the corner-stone of

our

prosperity,
rest.

foundation

on which our

hopes may
It
is

my

belief

that

the

system of

government
States,

formed
is

by the Constitution of the United

as,

not to be regarded

upon the whole, the best

thing which circumstances permitted our fathers to

construct, but as in itself, near to the perfection of

a republican government.

For
no

this belief, I

am

well aware that I can quote

authority

and

rest

upon no precedent
all

and

should be glad to give

the time
sible.

my

reasons for

it.

But, in

which

I
try

may occupy
however
belief,
;

to-day, this is impos-

Let

me

to intimate

some of the
to

grounds for
State

my

by a reference
I use the

our ownas in-

Constitution

and

word now

cluding not only the written

Constitution, but

the

complex

of

all

the

institutions

of
for

our
the

beloved

Commonwealth.
to forget,

Asking you then

moment

what we ought not always

errors,

to

forget, the

faults

and

the

perversions

and corruptions

17

still

existing
it

among

us,

let

us
all

look at our whole

that
it

polity, as if

were precisely

should be.

The
is

first

form of union for a common regulation

in the family.

And

all

our citizens

who

are not
;

exceptions to a prevailing method live in families

and

it

is

there that the

work of government begins

;

there

its first
;

lessons are formed

its first fruits

there

its
;

habits are

formed
if

there

are gathered

and there,
fruits

that

government

is

wise

and good, those

are peace

and happiness and mutual assistance and

universal improvement.

But families need that duties should be performed

and advantages secured which demand combination,

and

the

strength
;

and and

support
to this

of

united

counsel,

and united action

end, families

com-

bine into townships or

as

cities.

To

the town or city,

all

an organization, are committed

utilities

these
called
is

duties

and
into

the

need of which has

to

them
in-

being,
all

and

the

town or
to

city

freely

trusted

the power requisite

a full

and com-

plete discharge of all those duties.

And
Beyond

then the same principle

those
duties

is

further applied.
cities

of

the

towns

and

are

again

common
coalesce

and
;

utilities

which are

all

those of

a certain district
into

and within

this district the

towns

counties, to

which again

as

separate

organizations are

confided the duties which can be

best discharged in this

3

way and by

this

means, and

18

with these duties goes

all

the

power

requisite to the

best performance of them.

Nor

is this

principle then arrested.

For the counis

ties are

gathered into one body, and this

are they

the State.

And who
constitute

the

who who then form the State The people, and the whole State ?
first

people.

They who
cities

form

its

families,

and then

its

towns and

and counties,

finally, in their

widest

assemblage, form the State.

And

for

what do they
all

form

if?

Precisely for all those duties and

those
re-

utilities

which embrace the whole people, which

quire for their due performance a due regard to the

whole people, and which may serve not only

us
all

to

cement
safety,

together by a

common

interest, a

common

and a common prosperity, but may use the strength

of the whole for the protection of each, and for the

preservation of

all

personal rights, and family rights,

and

all

the rights of those lesser and larger

communi-

ties into

which

families

and persons are gathered.

And
all its

then what power do the people

give to if?
;

who

constitute

the State

Abundant power
its

to discharge

duties

to

do the whole of

w^ork of legisla-

tion for the whole,

and of common defence and prodepartments of government

is
;

tection through all the

but nothing more.

State polity
;

This, then,
far as

the theory of our

it

and so
and

we

are wise, this

is

in

active operation;

so far as
its

we

are truly prosper-

ous, this prosperity

is

effect.

19

And now
the

let

mind of

me ask if the thought ever entered into human being, that it would be wise for
to

Massachusetts
city
all

abandon to-morrow
lines

all

town and

and county
the duties

and organizations, and commit

their
is

now performed by
State.

means

to the

central

power of the

There

no one of you
should
far-

who can imagine such

desire
ther,
all
it

a thing.

And he who
all

must,

if

he would be consistent, go yet

also to obliterate

and propose

family lines,

family organization and authority, and ask of the

central

power

to

determine what food shall be placed

on every table and what clothes every member of the

household shall wear.

The
mous
about
to

absurdity
that
it

of such a supposition

is

so
to

enor-

it

seems almost equally absurd

it.

think

or to speak of

And why

yet I will ask

you

pardon
a

me

while
in

state

the supposition of
is

such

change
It is

our form of government

so

absurd.

because

we

all feel instinctively, if

not
is

consciously, that our present form of government

perfectly adapted to the great end of all republican

government, and that

is,

a wise self-government; and

is,

the reason of this adaptation

individual,

that

it

leaves to the

with the least possible control or inter-

ference, the freedom of voluntary choice and action.

And

it

gathers
larger,

individuals

into

communities, the
largest, only

least, the

and

at length the

so

far as a

common

necessity and a

common good

require

20
this.

And
and so

then
to

it

seeks so to form these communiits

ties

provide for them, and so to act by

common
into

legislation

upon

individuals
as
to

and the bodies

lead and guide
shall be best for

which they are gathered,

all into
all,

each and

that conduct

which

each and for

action

with the least possible compulsory

I

upon

any.

have endeavored

to illustrate

my

theory by a reference to our

to give a reason for

own Commonwealth, and

my

opinion, because I wished to

prepare you for the question I have

is,

now

to ask.

It

when Massachusetts and her

sister

States

came

together and formed a nation, what else did they but

take a step further forward upon the same pathway,

which our own

State does so well

It

and

so wisely in
it

treading for herself?

cisely this step

seems

to

me

that

was pre-

and no other which was taken when

of
the

the

Constitution
this nation

United States was formed,

and
I

was born.

know

that I

may be met
government

at
is,

once by the objection

after all,

that our general

ified

but a qual-

and imperfect government.

it

may be reminded
powers not
is

that

was from Massachusetts that the amendment

all

came which expressly declares that

given, are

withheld.

And

then

it

may be asked

there not here a manifest division of sovereignty and

of power, and does not this

show

that

much
is

is

wanting

that all

which

is

retained at

home

wanting

to

constitute the full strength of a national

government?

21

My

answer

is

twofold.
at this

First,

say, the

national

government has
stitntion, all the

moment, by force of the Con-

strength

absolutely

all

which

it

needs, or could profitably use, as a central national

government.

answer next, that by the admirable

Constitution, the reserved

provisions of our

powers

of every State
its

may

be, and, so far as that State does

duty, will

be, prepared

and developed
to

to

their

utmost efficiency, and then imparted

in
its

the

nation

need.
a proof and
illustration of all this
1

Do we want
tory
that,

Very recent events have supplied one, which

will

hisit

not forget,

if

we

do.

How

happened

a few

weeks
to

since,

when

the general governperil,

ment seemed

be feeble, and was in

well say the cry

and the

demand

may
it

for help

came

forth why

was that Massachusetts was the

first to

spring to the rescue?

in four days
to

Why

was

it

that she

was

able,

from that in which

to the

this cry

reached her,

add a new glory

it

day of Lexington?

Why
and

was
aid

that she could begin that offering of needed

since

which has

poured

itself

in

full,

swollen, and rushing stream, into the

war power of the

national government?

Even

as I ask the question, the

It is, that

answer
could

is

in all your minds.

this

Massachusetts

do

because she had done her

own duty own

beforehand.

She could do

this

because, within her

own bounds,

she had prepared and organized her

22
strength,

and stood ready

it

for the

moment when

she

could place

in the outstretched hands of the gov-

ernment.

And

other States followed, offering their

contributions with no interval

with

almost too

little

of delay
tation
;

with a haste Avhich was sometimes precipi-

with an importunate begging for acceptance

it

we

all

of

yet far behind the earnest desire

and de-

mand

of the people of these States, until at length

stood

before

an astonished world the strongest

government on the face of the earth.

I
all

used

this

very phrase three months ago,

I

when

was dark enough.

said

so

then,

and when

perils

thicken and reverses

come, (and come they

escape

must, for no

human government can wholly

say so
still,

them,)

I shall

because

my

theory of our
its

constitution,

and

my
that

understanding
its

of

purpose
to

and
very
the

its

adaptation to

purpose, lead
national

me

hope
as

confidently

our

government,

organ of a

nation endowed

with

self-govern-

ment, will prove to

be invested with the nation's

might, to be used for the nation's good, in whatever

way may prove

our national
stronger for
it

to

be the

best.
all

Stronger therefore for

the purposes to which

its

government should apply

all

strength,

the good

it

can do and
is,

all

the

harm
con-

can prevent, that government

as

it is

now
it

structed,

and because

it is

so constructed, than

could

be

if it

were the single central, consolidated power

23
of other nations.

And

it

will

show

its

strength, not
is

by preventing
possible
;

all

checks and reverses, for that

im-

but, as I believe, in a

prompt and thorough

recovery from them.

When we
experiment,
to

remember
let

that our

government

is

new

us

remember

that a

new work was

instrument was

be done, and for that work a

new

required.

The period

in

the

progress of mankind
to

had been reached, when a government was

be

formed, which should possess and in time of need

be able

to exert, the force of the nation for national

its

purposes, and the combined power of

parts for all
terests

component
in-

these purposes

which embrace the

of

all,

and yet leave each of these

parts,

States, cities, families,

and individuals, in the utmost

possible freedom to enjoy the blessing and discharge

the duty of self-government.

When
design

before,

where

else

has this ever been the

after

of

government?

And now,

nearly

century of experience, where lives the

man who

will

dare to say that he could devise for the accomplish-

ment of

this
its

design a frame

of government better

adapted in

essential principles

and in

its

general

forms, than that which

we

possess?
far

failure

One must know

more of history
point to

than I have been able to learn,

who can

me

one instance where a

new

political instrument for a

new work was

created and put in operation, with no

24
direct

help
its

from experience

and

this

instrument

bore, in

operation, such testimony to the sagacity

of

its

framers.

Wc

hear the outcry of " State rights," and

;

we
and

reply
it

with our watchword of " national unity

difficult to believe that

"

is

there

is

not between the prin-

ciples implied in these phrases

something of discord-

ance, something of antagonism.

But when did our

own

city, or

any of the communities of our

Common-

wealth, lament that the central power of the State

could not come within their precincts, and exercise

their specific

powers for the discharge of their

has ever imagined that our
its

specific

duties

Who

Commoncities

wealth was weak because

families,

towns and

and counties were well ordered communities, within

their

own

spheres independent,

or,

if

you please,

sovereign?
a
city,

Who
central

has ever imagined that a county,

it

a town, a family, because

has reserved rights,

to respect

which the

power

is

bound
its

and pre-

serve, has therefore a right at

own
rest

pleasure and

in

its

own way

to separate
]

from the

and dissolve

the unity of the whole

Who,
has not
less

that has ever given a

thought

to the subject,
is

known
and

that our
it

Comthus

monwealth

none the

One because
is,

is

composed of

distinct elements,

for this very

it

reason, irresistible in the might which

in
its

can exert

own wide sphere

for the

good and the safety

of all?

And

I insist that the great

Commonwealth,

25

formed of

all

the States,

is

also

One, and also strong

all-embracing sphere,

and

irresistible
it is

within

its

own
this

because

formed on precisely the same principles,

and in
way, possesses of right
;

and for
all

this reason,
its

the force of
in fact,

united sovereignties
is

and possesses
If
this

this

where there

not rebellion.

seems
tution

too' trustful, too

hopeful a faith in the Constius, glance

which our fathers have given

with

me

for a

moment
it

at the long

course of antecedents
built up,

by which

was prepared and

and possibly

we may
faith

find there also

rest.

some grounds upon which the

may

The

colonies

of

North America were formed in

scattered
to
all

rapid succession, and were

seaboard.

along
extent,

our

They were formed,

some
not

by

different kinds of people,

who came

all

from one

country nor moved by the same impulse, and they

brought with them different

characteristics.

They
in-

were planted

at

distances

which permitted them,

dependently, or, at least, without

influence of one
its

much

assimilating
in

upon another,
its

to

grow up, each

own way, each under

to

own

circumstances, and

each

develop

its

own

peculiarities.

And
to

yet they

were near enough, and similar enough,

have much intercourse, and
to

seek and to

render to each other

on, they found
it

much

assistance.

As time passed
instances, to

desirable,

in

some
i

unite

and coalesce

under a

common government, and

in others, to

form

26
alliances for

mutual assistance and protection.

unity of feeling
to

And

in

this

way some

and of
action,

interest,

and some tendency

community of
undoubtedly

grew up.
and

And

these
I

experiences

facilitated,

perhaps

might say made possible, their united action

in their efforts to obtain independence.

As the

feeling that independence

all
it

must be won, and

would be worth

that

it

might

cost,

grew stronger

and more general,

became evident

to the far-sighted

and the patriotic that there must be some concert of

action.

In June, 1765, James Otis, of Boston, advised

of

the

calling

an

American

Congress.

But
for

this

measure met with much opposition, and

it

a time

seemed

as if there could be

no union.

Then South

Carolina responded to Massachusetts, and declared for

union

In

New

York, those who held similar views

established a newspaper, called the Constitutional Courant,

which had much

words,
first

influence.

It

bore for

its

motto

the

used by Franklin nearly ten years

before, " Join or Die."

Never was the guiding

truth

of a great emergency expressed

in fewer words.

more emphatically or
This was indeed the

Join or

die.

great truth of that day, of every day since then, and

of
the very hour
in

which we

live.

Other States
fii'st

acceded, and on the

7th of October, 1765, the

Congress, consisting of delegates regularly appointed

from

six States, with others, representing- three

more,

assembled at

New

York.

Of

the doings of this Con-

27
gress I have only time to say, that they strengthened

and diffused the desire for united

necessity

action.

And

as the

became greater and more apparent,

called

at length

what

is

the

Continental

Congress, assembled

in Philadelphia

on the 5th of September, 1774, and

Still,

then on the 10th of May, 1775.

so

great was

the jealousy of a central power, that nothing but the

peril of

impending war, and

its

pressure

when
this

it

came,

held even this Congress of delegates together.

they did hold together
;

But

and

it

was

Congress

which, on the 15th of June, 1775, appointed

Washour

ington Commander-in-Chief of the Continental army,

and

on the

-Itli

day of July,

1776,

declared

Independence.
In that declaration these two elements of the unity
of the whole and the sovereignty of the parts were

mingled.
for

It

begins,

"

When

it

becomes necessary
bonds which
at its

ONE PEOPLE

to dissolve the political

have connected them with another," and

close

declares that the former colonies are " free and inde-

pendent States."

There they

stood,

free

from

all

external dominion, and as independent of each other

as of

England.
-tth

In eight days from the

of

July the

articles

of confederation were reported to Congress by a committee of the delegates, but were not adopted by Congress and proposed to the States for ratification until

the following year

nor were they

finally ratified

by

28
the States until March,
elapsed.

781

or until five years

had

And
town in
if

yet, in

1777, Washington, when, at MorrisJersey, he found himself in the midst,

New

not of treason, of an indifference which was hardall

ening into treason, by proclamation required

who
to

had received protections from the British commander

to surrender

them and take an oath of allegiance

States
!

the United

United,

when and how were

In the
re-

they united?
legislature of

In Congress he was censured.

New
it

Jersey

it

was declared that the

quired oath encroached upon the prerogatives of the

State,

and that

was absurd

to

swear allegiance

to the

United States before even a confederacy was formed.

But even then Washington was

justified

by the lan;

guage of the Declaration of Independence

even then

were these States united in the contemplation of the

good and the wise, and most of

all in

the heart of

him
the

who was
wise.

best

among

the good and wisest

among

The
to

articles of confederation did not

even purport

make

of us a nation.

If they are studied, they will

at least of those

prove the earnest desire of some

who

drew them, that we might become a

stopped so far short of this as
only
a
to

nation.

But they

form of the States were

skilfully
all

confederacy.

These

articles

drawn, and gave

to the Central

Government

the

power which the

States could then be induced to part

29
with.

Some semblance
of national

something
all

indeed of the
;

substance

power was given

although

there was no regular legislative, executive, or judicial

department.

Probably
it

the

power was given

it
it.

to

Congress that
to

was thought necessary that

do
the

should possess

work

that
;

lay before

This work
thirteen

it

did, well

and thoroughly

for while the

States

were held together by the presence

a

of a

common enemy,
the
articles

common war and

of
;

common
to
this,

necessity,

confederation

sufficed

make
the

that

war triumphant
sagacity and

but they sufficed for

singleness

because the

of purpose

of

men who

wielded the powers of government, the

people, and
the

patriotism of the

wisdom and conso far at least as

stancy of

Washington supplied

was needed for success

all deficiencies.

Then came
ernment and

peace, and

it

was soon apparent that the

want of unity in the nation, and of power in the govits

organs, not only prevented the deep

to

wounds of the war from healing, but seemed even

aggravate
all

the mischiefs which followed, and which

years of peace no years of returning
central

made

the

first

prosperity.

The

government no longer

sus-

tained and invigorated by the war, found itself utterly

unable to prevent or to avenge insults and outrages

our flag
:

to

it

could not even repel the incursion of the

;

savages on our borders

of our national debt
;

it

could not pay the interest

credit,

it

had no

no force, no

30
energy, and

vital

it

may

well be said to have died of

it

inherent weakness, for in 1787

functions, declared
its

abrogated

its

own

inability to act as the governit

ment of a
source of
country.

nation, and

appealed

to

the

ultimate

all political

power the

people of the whole

And

then came the convention of 1787.

in that assembly as

Wlien they met, there was

much'

of sagacity, of varied intellectual accomplishment and

resource, and of earnest devotion to duty as ever co-

operated in a great work.

as" little

And

with

all

these mingled

of folly and weakness, as

little

personal ambilittle

tion, as little self-seeking of

any kind, and as

of

the

disturbing
exert, as

force

which these ignoble

qualities

would

was possible under the conditions of

humanity.
If,

in

saying

that

the

articles

of

confederation

carried this country successfully through the

war of

independence, I give them high praise, I believe that

I

give

them

still

higher

when

I say that

they

made

the

National

Constitution

possible.

These

articles

familiarized the minds of the whole country to the

idea of united action and a central government.

They

proved indisputably the immense advantages which

might be obtained thereby

tainly

and they proved

advantages,

as cerit

that

to

secure

all

these

was

absolutely

necessary that the

nation
it,

should have a

greater

unity than

they gave to

and the central

illustrated

government more power.

And, aided and

31

by the course of events, they produced a

impression,
especially

general

among

leading
stricter

minds, everynational unity,

where, that there might be a

and a stronger central government, without absorbing

or

imperilling

those

State

rights

Avhich

were

deit

servedly dear to the people of every State.

Thus

was that

this jealous love for the sovereign rights of

the several States yielded slowly, reluctantly, and only

step

by

step,
It

to

the
at

inevitable

necessity for

closer

union.
absolute.
until
it

was,

the

beginning,

paramount

and

But

it

yielded, not, I rejoice that' I can say,

until
it

was suppressed or overcome, but

stood

in just equilibrium with the prevailing sense of the

need and the good of a national existence and a

national government.
principles,

Then

these two sentiments, or

;

met and

co-opei^ated

and the
States.

result

was

the Constitution of the United

And

this, I

again declare, I regard not merely as the best which

could then have

been made, but

as,

in itself good,

and very good, and the best for the good of the

whole nation which could have been made, by

an,y

men, under any circumstances.

Are you

to

understand

me

as saying that I consider

that this Constitution

came

into being in itself perfect,

and in

itself able

to

go forward forever, the instru-

ment of a great
piness, with no

nation's growth, prosperity,

and hap-

more help, with no new

to it

influences to

bear upon

it

and give

added

life

and energy,

32

and

efficiency

"?

mean no such
it

thing.

It

needed

more, a vast deal more, before

I think
it

could become

what

is

to

be

a permanent
and
the

instrument of the

greatest,

the

highest,

completest political

good.

The problem
this

to

be solved in the establishment of

it

government, or as

may be

better said, in the

formation of this nation, was to create the best possible

form of a repubhcan government by the perfect

reconciliation of the two elements of central

power

and reserved

rights.

In other words of the same meaning, the problem

was

to create

a system of government which should

arm the

central

power with

all

the force which

it

could

usefully exert, and yet leave to all

whom

it

gathered

within

its

wide embrace the utmost possible freedom

for self-government,
this

and the strongest assurance that

freedom should be guarded but not weakened,

protected but not impaired.

This was done by the Constitution, as far as written

words could do
this

it.

For

after all

our experience, at

day no words could

;

respect
perfect.

none could

mend that Constitution in this make this balance of forces more

re-

But another thing could be done, and

to

mained

be done.

It

was

to fix the

meaning of

this

Constitution by practical construction.

the public

To
fill

fasten on
it

mind the

conviction, and

with

the

public heart, that our Constitution meant, on the one

33

hand, a preservation of State rights, and on the other

indissoluble National Unity.
into the

To

root this conviction

public
so that

life

firmly, so

that

no storm could
it

shake
It

it,

no devastating force could rend

away.

may

not be possible to prevent these two elements

from sometimes, during the ages that will come, rising

separately into

undue prominence.

At one

time, or by

one body or
until
it

class, the

national unity

may be urged
itself

threatens consolidation, and at another time

the principle of State rights

too strongly.

may

again assert
is

But

their reconciliation

hereafter to

be so established not by the written Constitution only

but by the constitution of the public sentiment and
the public will, that
it

will stand, even as our contito

nent stands upon

its

rocky base, no more

be moved

from

its

foundation than our continent

is its

moved by
shores.

the two great oceans which beat

upon

And
is

it

is

precisely this
to

work which

the war that

upon us has come

do.
as
I

These two elements stood there,

ready
tution.
to

have

said,

be combined by the framers of the Consti-

The

one, that

of a jealous regard to State

colonies.

rights,

had grown with the growth of the

The

other, the desire of nationality,

had arisen from

neccessity, and, generally, I think,

as a necessity.

was accepted only

two principles

And

at that time, these

were diffused in about the same proportion in one

part of the country as in another.
It is

well known,

34
for example, that the Constitution
as

was adopted with

much reluctance in the North as in the South. Those who are conversant with the history of those days know that in our own Commonwealth the public
sentiment was
finally carried

strongly

against

it,

and that

it

was

through only by the strenuous

desired
its

efforts

of those

who

acceptance.

The

Constitution was adopted, and soon began to

I will not dwell
it

justify itself.

upon the prosperity of

every kind which

gave
it

to the nation.

From day

to

day, from age to age,

its

went on,

far

more

beneficial in

influence and operation than the most sanguine of

those
to

who framed
it

it

had dared

to hope.

It

ministered
the

our pride,

advanced our

position

among

nations,

it filled

our hands with wealth and our hearts

last,

with rejoicing, until, at

left

there were perhaps none did not ascribe to our

in the

Free States

who

nationality this marvellous prosperity.

Why
Had
risen

was

it

not so

elsewhere

and everywhere?

not the Slave States prospered also, and grown

to a multitude,

from a handful

and risen

as

we had
Yes;

from poverty and depression

into wealth'?

but not as
far

we had grown.

In the race

we had gone

beyond them.

gained from the

they gained less

And forgetting all that they had common nationality, they felt that than we had. Their actual gain
;

was thus
or

comparative loss

and then they made,

the

many among them made,

enormous mistake

35
of

attributing

this

in the race
ality.

of

prosperity
loss

this

comparative

failure

to this

common

nation-

It

was an enormous mistake,

for this failure

was

but to another cause.

national

North and South entered upon

a

existence, with
;

clog or

hindrance

com-

mon

to

both

the hindrance, the misfortune of slavery.

differ-

There was undoubtedly, from the beginning, a

ence between the two sections of this country in the

prevailing

sentiment and belief concerning slavery.

us, slavery pressed

And upon
only

more

lightly.

We
soil,

not
it

felt it

as

an impediment, but were sure that

was an
the

evil,

and favored by climate, and

our
off.

and

nature

of
it

productions,

we

gradually but

rapidly cast

They were not

cumstances
with

so

favored.

The
to

influence of

cir-

us

operated

make With

the

slave

worthless, and left in full force the moral sentiment

which demanded
influence of

his

liberation.

them

this

circumstances

made him

valuable, and
senti-

soon very valuable, and conflicted with this

ment, and overcame

versed
it.

it,

and
this

at length, absolutely reevil thing, this

And

thus

mischief,

this misfortune,

was fastened upon them.

misfortune
?

May

I not call it a

May

I not

remem-

ber that the fetters of the slave chain the master to

the slave
1

And

that while they held fast the negro

in his bondage, they accepted their

own]

They

ac-

36
cepted
effects

it

with

all

its

disastrous consequences
;

all its

upon

their material interests

;

upon

their politlife
;

ical

and social condition

their very souls.

upon

their

personal
it

upon

They accepted
to love
it.

and more,
because

for at length they

came

And now

they love

it,

they cannot see that

it is

the cause of the

inferiority they

deplore, and therefore they cast all

the blame of this

I I

upon our common

I that I
to
all

nationality.

know, and thankful am

know, that what-

have said does not apply

I

who

live

in the

South.

know

there are some, and I hope there are

slaves,

many, even among the owners of

led

who

are not

away by

this delusion

of their fellow-men,
find in the duties

who do not love the slavery nor their own slavery and who
; ;

which grow out of

this

relation,

culture and nutriment for the sense of duty, and for

watchful kindness.

And some

there must be

among

them who had hoped that our national unity would

exert a healthy influence, and would gradually
slavery less evil, less mischievous, and finally
it

make

remove
be the

altogether in whatever

way might prove

to

best.

AVhatever

may

be

now

the sentiment of the South,

we have
eral,

all

possible evidence that there

a

was no gen.short
fire in

no prevailing desire for disunion

time

since.

The
have

incendiaries

who

kindled the

dark

corners,
torch,

which had been

fed
it

skilfully

prepared for the

with

falsehoods

and

delusions

37
unparalleled in the history of fraud.
If they

have

succeeded in making the conflagration general, they

have done so only by a

craft

which long practice has

made

perfect,

and an audacity seldom recorded in the

annals of crime.
dacity,

But

their craft governs their auto this day, at

and they have never,

to

any point,
to

dared

present the

question

of

rebellion
will.

the

decision of
this
fies

an unfettered popular

Assuredly
it

fact has

some

significance.

Assuredly
fetters

justi-

some hope, that when these

it

are broken

and the reign of terror ended,

the breath of
life
is

will

be found that

not wholly crushed out from the

patriotism of the South.

Be

that as

it

may, we have our own work

to do.

Through

the

influence of slavery in
for

preparing the

mind of the South

which
the

the

falsehoods
it,

and abuses
and through
prin-

have

been practiced upon

maddening influence of these abuses, the

of
State

ciple

Rights

has

been severed from the

principle of National Unity, and because so severed,

has in

its

excess

and perversion produced treason

and rebellion, and thus these two principles instead

of co-operating
in

harmony which would cause

each

to

strengthen the other, are

now

face to face,

at war.

At open war, now,

last time.

for the first time,

and

for the

For the

first

time, because

He who

orders

human

38
events

has not permitted this conflict until our na-

tional unity has existed long

enough

to give to that
it

part of the nation which maintains

that
it is

a deep sense
all

the source and the safeguard of

is

our prosfor
it,

perity,

and

worth
it

all

the price
;

we can pay
it

be that price what

may

and not until

has also

given to that part of the nation a vast superiority

of power.

For the

last

time, because

our just appreciation

of the value of that for which Ave fight will insure

our bringing to the conflict

all

the force
that

we

possess,

and therefore
principle
for

will

make

it

certain

the
the

great

which we contend

will,

in

end,

be victorious.

Through

whatever

vicissitudes

may

await
if

us,

through successes which will strengthen

they do

not deceive us, through reverses which will help us

if

we

learn their lessons, through

all

the alternations

of war, Ave
I

may

pass, but, in the end, to victory.

am

sure that I express but the

common

sentiall

ment, the prevailing and habitual sentiment of

around me, Avhen

the
vate,

remind you that in every one of

life,

great exigencies of

whether public or
it

priits

we may be
its

sure

that

comes

to

teach

lessons and do

good work.
to

And
these

that

it is

always
co-

wise

to

endeavor

learn

lessons

and

operate with this work.

One thing

Avhich

we have

to

learn from Avhat

is

39

now going
blessing of

on,

is

the

need of a government
if
it

the
make
that
it

government

be a good one, the

inestimable worth of the power

we

possess to
it,

our government what

we would have
that

and the duty

of every man, in every place, to use every

power

he possesses, in

making

government what

should be, in placing the powers of government in

fitting

hands,

and in rendering obedience

to,

and

cherishing a reverence and a love for, that authority

and that law, which we should make the embodiment

and the instrument of the public wisdom and the
public virtue.

Are we not learning

is

this lesson?
It is to learn

But there

yet another thing.

the

value of national unity.

living

To

fill

our hearts with a

ines-

and a wakeful sense of the great duty, the

timable good of loyalty to our admirable Constitution.

Can we be

blind and deaf and dead to this great duty?

When

I ask this question, do I not ask

is

whether we
;

can forget our fathers, whose blood

our children, to

in our veins

whom we
if

shall transmit a life

not

worth the having,

we

suffer this Constitution,

our

Constitution and their Constitution, to be weakened,

disgraced, and broken into fragments
;

our God,

who

has laid on us the trust of leading nations yet unborn

along that glorious

way upon which our

cannot look
but
if I

footsteps

were the earliest?

No,
sible
;

this
I

cannot be

I
;

at

it

as

pos-

cannot fear

it

could fear such a

40
calamity,

my

fear

might spring from the apprehenultimately defeated, but that

sion, not that

we can be

as the

conflict goes on, in

inflicted

our painful sense of the

wrongs
us, in

upon us and the wrongs threatened

insults

our

exasperation at the

we have
at

to

endure, in the fever heat of our

anger

the cost

and

sacrifice

and suffering caused by the persistent

resist,

madness and wickedness we

that

we may
our

forget

our

chief

aim

and

purpose,

first

and
it

strongest

hope, not to be

abandoned
to

so long as

can possibly be held, and not

selves, is
its

be defeated by our-

to

defend and preserve our nationality in

entireness.

Are we not

fighting for our Consti-

tution, fighting for our national existence, fighting to

restore, to re-establish, to re-consecrate our Union'?

It is

one of the excellent characteristics of

this very

Constitution and
all

Government
and

that,

while they
all

make

possible

provision
all

organize
of

necessary

strength for
is

the

purposes

government, there

in

it

no desire, no purpose, no provision, and no

subjugation.
in If

place for conquest and

ever

there

was a nation fighting

nation now.

self-defence,

we
are

are that

And

there are those

who

now most

earnest in that cause, not in the North only, but in the

South.

We

at the

North, by the outjjouring of our

treasure, by organizing our

battle
as I
;

men, and sending them

and again
I say

to

and some,

at the South,

many,

hope and

believe,

by their sympathy, which can-

41
not be altogether paralyzed, although
stifled,

its

voice

is

now
for

and by a conviction that we are fighting

;

them and not against them

by earnest wishes that

we may
wishes

succeed, and so succeed that

we may soon

give that voice freedom of utterance, and enable those

to

spring forth into concerted action.

us do our work.

Then

let

Let us do

it

without

stay or stint, without one

moment's thought of stay

Let us organize and send
strong hands that guide

or stint, until

it is all

done.

forth our soldiers until the

our armies can hold no more.

Let us pour forth our

our cause are supplied

money
with

until all

who arm

in

all

possible

means of

efficiency, of safety,

and

of comfort.
souls in the

Let us pour forth our very hearts and

combat

until that
this

combat ends
is

in victory.

The more thoroughly

beneficial
it

work

done, the more

will be to us

and
let

to those

with

whom we

are

now

contending.
fully

And

us so do this work, that

when

it is

and completely done, when rebellion

breath, called itself by
lies
its

has, with

its last

true name,

and every thought of secession

buried in a grave

from which there can be no resurrection, then our

own

Massachusetts, as she was the

first

to spring to

the battle, so,

when
to

she can sheathe the sword, by

which, faithful
for the repose

her chosen motto,* she has sought

liberty,

and peace of

then will she be

to

the

first to

hold forth an unarmed hand

*

returning

Knse
G

potit plai'irtiim

sub libprtate quiPtom.

42
brethren

and
full

will cordially invite

them

to take

and

hold their

share of

all

our constitutional rights,

and unite with us in forming a great nation, which

shall be the

home

of freedom and the hope of the

world.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX
SPEECHES AT THE REVERE HOUSE COLLATION.
In view of
Council
to
tlie

state of tlie country,

it

was thought wise hy the City

Faneuil Hall, which had

dispense with the City Dinner at

been customary for so many years, and

social gathering at the

to substitute therefor

an informal

Revere House.

Accordingly, at the conclusion of

tlie

the Exercises at the

Music Hall, the City Council met the Orator of

his

Day, the Chief Marshal, and

Aids and Assistants, the Officers of the

Military Escort, and a few other invited guests, at the Revere House, where

a collation, well suited to refresh

after the fatigues of the day,

tlie

active participants in the celebration

was served.
the Mayor, Hon. Joseph

After the Collation His

Honor

M. Wightman,
:

claimed the attention of the company, and addressed them as follows

Fellow-citizens

In accordance with long established cus-

tom, we are this day commemorating the eighty-fifth anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America.
are again
listening to the voice of eloquence,
to

We

the joyous

chimes and merry

the

peals of the bells,

and

to the

loud salvos of
anniversary of

thundering cannons
;

proclaiming

another

our National Birthday

country, there
is

and

if,

in the present condition of our

a shadow of anxiety or doubt which throws a

cloud over the bright picture of the future, let us take courage

and

rest our hopes

on the wisdom of that Providence which has

nation.

so far guided

and preserved us as a

46
Let us remember that less than a century has elapsed since
this

great Eepublic dawned like a star on the verge of the

scarcely light

political horizon, with

enough

to

penetrate the
it,

gloom, or twinkle through the darkness which surrounded

and that that feeble

to

star,

which every cloud seemed destined

hio;her

obscure forever, has

risen
it

and higher, and o-rown

brighter and brighter, until

has become glorious as one in

the mighty constellation of civilized nations.

What
education

has been

the secret of her greatness, the mainspring of her success and

power

The universal

intelligence

and

of

her

people.

History has portrayed the

rise,

decline,

and

fall of

all the

Kepublics

in

other quarters

of

the

globe,

and

our country

alone has the high privilege to solve this

self-government.

great problem of
the

Established

by the master minds of

of

Kevolution,

based

upon a Constitution
confederation

which popular
the

representation
pillars,-

and mutual

are

sustaining

are

not the benefits we have so

long enjoyed under

this

system so palpable and evident as

to receive the

homage
ask

of an intelligent people ?
to

Do we

desire a

change
it

Do we

have that Constitution, in which, as

were, the beauties

of the rights of all other nations have been combined in one

grand

Charter of Liberties,

annulled ?

No

thousand

times no
If selfish ambition

and disunion

assail

it,

let patriotism, ever

warm
of

in the hearts of our citizens, defend

it.

And

in this

hour

trial, let us,

animated with the

spirit of

our fathers on this

anniversary of their Declaration of Independence, renew the

solemn vow

to sacrifice

on the altar of our country, " our lives

to support
to

and fortunes," and pledge " our sacred honor "

sustain
tliat

and
our

Union which has given

so

proud a position

47
native land.

And,

fellow-citizens, let our prayer be, that peace

to

may
title,

be restored, and that for ages yet

as "

come her glorious

preserved, with
nobility but

The Great Republic," may be

no

monarch but the sovereign people, with no

and that
it

mind

may

continue to stand, self-poised and firm, upon

Constitiition,

the rock of the the world.

the

wonder and admiration of

The Mayor's remarks were

Parsons,
speech.

received with

much

enthusiasm.

Professor
in a brief

being toasted

as

the Orator

of the

Day, responded

The next

toast

was

to the

"President of the United States," and Alderman

:

Thomas

C.

Amory,

Jr.,

being called upon, responded as follows

That,

Sir,

is

a sentiment to which all parties can respond.

For though some of us preferred candidates more centrally

placed in abode or political opinion, and believed that their
election
it

would
be?

avert, or at least postpone this controversy until

ceased to

dangerous, since

it

has come upon the country,

the President, by his prudence, energy, and also by his

eration, has gained the confidence of all.
this occasion
Still

modon

I feel, that

another should have been called upon to pay the

respect due to our Chief Magistrate,

and that had our wonted

prosperity admitted of our assembling in our historic hall, and

with our usual numbers, that

among them would have been

justice to the

found
can.

many

to do

more appropriate
edifice is

theme than

But that sacred

reserved for happier days, or for

sterner duties, and assembled here under this roof, the honored

name

it

bears, as also that of the President himself, closely con-

nected as they both are with our great revolutionary epoch,

remind us that our

fitting subject

now

is

the historic past.

in

And

on

this festal celebration of the

most important event

48
the history of our country, perhaps in the annals of our race
to

be permitted to participate in the expression of sentiments

in

glowing
is

every heart, springing spontaneously

to

every

lip,

a privilege which should he dear to every American, and

especially in Boston, where

we have been accustomed

to

regard

the day as one of peculiar sanctity.

Here were sown the seeds

of that yearning for equal rights and national independence

which culminated in the Declaration, which we

this

day com-

memorate.
of liberty,

Here
till,

Otis,

Quincy, and Warren rocked the cradle

animated by their patriotic ardor, that infant

his

Hercules strangled in

grasp the demons of tyranny and

arbitrary power and gaining fresh vigor from another Quincy,

and another

Otis,

and

from

the

soul-stirring

eloquence of

Webster, Choate, and Everett,

developed into maturity, and

spanned
fathers

this

mighty continent.
joy

Here on

this

day, have our

gathered in their

and triumph, and

it

taken

counsel

amidst their trials

that clouds

and

perplexities,

is

well for us,

now

have for a time obscured the brightest

political

promise ever vouchsafed to a nation, that we. also should come

for

hope and cheer

to these revolutionary altars.

And what

higher privilege
to

have

Ave

as

people,

what

stronger cement

bind us

together

in

national
this

fellowship,

than the associations of the past which So long as we continue true

the
colonies
to the

make

day sacred?

principles Avhich separated

to

from

the

mother country, while we deserve

possess the rich inheritance purchased by the blood and sacrifices

of that glorious struggle,

on each annual return of

this

great natal day of our national existence we shall render hom-

age

to

the fathers of the n^publie, reflect upon their virtues,

wreathe new garlands for their fame.

a lesson from
experience, the future

And,
is

if Ave

may

derive

full

of hope.

The

49
fourscore years that have tested the strength and excellence

of their

political
to

fabric,

have but

added

intensity

to

our our

attachment

free institutions, given a

warmer glow

to

affectionate veneration for their founders, proved that

no govto

ernment
vindicate

is

more formidable

to

a foreign

foe,

better able

its

own

authority, than that which

we owe

to their

sagacity and foresight.

On

this

great

festival,

when every heart

is

swelling with

gratiude for the blessings we enjoy, no sectional jealousies, no

party contentions

should ever be permitted to intrude.

Our

country

our

whole country

from
to

the

point

that earliest

glows with the rising sunbeams

the most distant peak by

the Western sea that parts with their setting splendors

from

the Northern lakes, aye Sir, even to the Southern gulf, should

be alike the object of our love, and

to its flag

all avIio

hold allegiance

be equally entitled to affectionate regard.

Whatever

elements of discord

may have

part in our political disputes,

whatever differences of interest or opinion have engendered

animosities

and deadly

strife,

on

this

Sabbath set apart for

the contemplation of our

common

nationality, that sentiment

should alone have place.

But on
all

this

day

it

especially behooves us to be just.

in

We
of

realize

the

elements of grandeur
recognize

the

character
in

Washington.
peace,

We

him

as

rightly

flrst

war, in

and

in

the hearts of his countrymen.

his

We
All

would not
glory
to

pluck a leaf from

well

earned

laurels.

Virginia that gave him to the

army

of the Revolution.
to

All

honor

to

the

men

of Massachusetts who,

secure

freedom

for America, laid aside their

to place

own

pretensions and preferences

his

him

at

its

head.

But while we cherish

theirs,

memory,

let

us

not be

indifferent to
7

or

dazzled by the halo

50.

that surrounds that beloved and immortal name, be insensible

to

the

claims

of our

own

patriots,

who by

their

sagacious

counsels, generous devotion,

and

effective service, alike contribspirits

uted to the great result.

All praise to the noble

who
Let
of

have rescued Mount Vernon from the ravages of time.

not this generation bear the stain of suffering the abode

Hancock,
without an

hallowed
effort,

by

its

many memories,

to

be

blotted,

from the earth.

When
marble
Greene,

other
to

States

and

cities

raise
to

the

votive

bronze or

Henry and Laurens,

Jefferson,
to

Hamilton, and

let us also

remember what we owe

to

Samuel Adams

and Joseph Hawley,

Gerry, the Cushings, and to Paine,

to

Ward,
Knox.
at

Prescott,

and Heath,
Sir,

Benjamin Lincoln and Henry

Otis

It is true,

we have James

and John Adams

Hill.

Mount Auburn and Joseph Warren

at

Bunker

Other

heroes and sages, on the walls of our public edifices, greet us

as

wc gaze

but until we have perpetuated their

our
filial

memory by
but
half

more enduring monuments,

complete.

labors

are

And
offer to

this,

Sir,

brings

me

to

the sentiment which I would

you now.

For on the

roll of
it
is,

our distinguished citizens

who have made Boston what

no name should be more

It

fondly cherished than that of Paul Eevere.

was enough for

him

to

know our

chartered liberties, our privileges as British

subjects, our natural

and inalienable rights as men were treated

with contempt by Parliament, the monarch, or his cabinet.

He

had wisdom
free,

to perceive the

only alternative, would we continue

was resistance unto death.

And

laying aside all private

ends and aims, indifferent to the dangers he incurred, through

all that

gloomy

period,

when our

revolution was a rebellion,

not a war, he was ever where his services could be most useful

51
to the cause.

Well known

to

his fellow-citizens, his

probity,

manliness, and generous views of right and duty inspired respect,

and they willingly followed where he chose

to

to lead.

If

too

young and inexperienced

his

take a prominent part in dechivalric

bate,

peculiar

influence

and

daring were

still

indispensable to success.

But

this is not the

is

time for length-

ened panegyric, and his fame

tribute.

too

familiar to
ungrateful,

need
but
if

such

Eepublics

are

said
to

to

be

they

admit no hereditary claim

power or place, Boston has ever

to ancestral virtues trans-

shown herself ready

mitted in the blood.
requires, indeed, no

to

pay homage

The character
reflected
lustre,

of our late honored chief

but his devotion

to

tlie

public service, and his

Arm hold upon

the confidence and love

of his fellow-citizens, convince us that the merit of descendants

is
tlie

most honorable monument

to the

memory

of

tlie

distinguished dead.
I

give

you.

Sir,

our late

chief magistrate

of this

city,

ex-Mayor Lincoln, the grandson of Paul Revere.

toast to the

"Chairman of

the Committee of Arrangements," brought

:

the following response from

Alderman Elisha T. Wilson

deem

think, Mr. President, that one result of this pleasant, and

I trust

by no means extravagant celebration of what

anniversary,
will
be,

somewhat important
differed

that

however

some may have

upon the matter elsewhere, we shall

to

all agi-ee that it is

good

be here,

that we

shall pass this

day with our patriotism strengthened, with our loyal ardor

more brightly burning, and with a redoubled devotion

Constitution, the Union,

to the

and the Laws.

country,

Whatever may be the

the

disastrous condition of the

we must not regard

It

Fourth

Day

of July as a dark one in our calendar.

was

52
consecrated,
skies were
Sir,

in

more desperate

times than these,

when

blacker

and the future more dubious, when we

were weak as we are now strong,

when
as

we were poor
are

as

we

are

now

rich,

when

we were few

we

now many,

when

we were contending, not

against

a few disaffected

States, but

against the power of an empire mighty upon the

land, almost invincible

upon the

sea.

After that

memorable

declaration,

when

all

we had was
that our
so neg-

staked upon the wager of battle, I do not

fathers

know

disregarded

the advice

of John

Adams, and

lected the observance of this day.

Nor was

the President of
its

the

United States wanting in

aflPectionate

recognition of
to

associations,

when he summoned Congress

;

meet to-day

in

extraordinary session

and

am

sure that

when we, the

meet
to

rep-

resentatives of this great

patriotic metropolis,

break

bread together upon this glorious day, our purpose will hardly
be misunderstood by our intelligent constituents.
Sir, are

What, pray

we

to

do ?

Are we

to sit

down with fokled hands, and

ruin
is

with streaming eyes, and admit that final

upon us?

us
in
!

that the

Union that we have loved

I,

so Avell, is

gone forever!
to

that you. Sir, and

and

all of us,

have no country
!

love

and

to live for

no government to obey
!

no laws to shield
Sir,

nothing between us and anarchy

No,

we are not
power

any such humiliating position

old
I

have faith

in the

of our good

government
in

to deal

simply and surely with

crime

and

have faith

the power of the people to sup-

port the government.

The

ordeal, I

admit,

is

terrible
if

the
the

trial

must task

all

our honor and manliness; but

this, as

Constitution

can bear

think
to

it

can, then
Sir,

it

can bear anything for a thoua nation

sand years

come.

as

we must take our

53
chances, and encounter, as best
tunes.
I

we may, our

political

misfor-

am

not

aware

that

we present a very singular

spectacle.

Eevolutions in the old world have sent monarchs

to the scaffold

and others

into

endless exile

the
by

murder

of

one and the

citizen king,

flight of another,

and the

flight

in turn of the

and the restoration of the Bonaparte family.

In

my

day, I have seen whole empires convulsed

nation. Sir, has

revolution.
security.

No

a right

to

expect perpetual
;

Great privileges bring great dangers

have so much
loss.

and

it

is

because we
to

to loose, that

we cannot
this

q^uietly
if

submit

any

Why,

Sir, let

us

restore

Union,

only that

we

may

look each other in the face on the Fourth of July with!

out blushing

Let us preserve

this

Union,

if

only that we

may

consistently keep this ancient anniversary,

!

and our

chil-

dren after us

that

we may be reminded

of

the priceless

legacy committed to our charge.

He

concluded with the following sentiment

they shall rise again;

Our Flag
though
those
its

Though
stripes

its

stars

may

set,

may

fade,

they shall

be repainted

and
their

who

in a

moment

of

madness have swerved from

fidelity, shall

return to join with us in the old reverence and

in a

new

aft'ection.

Brief speeches, patriotic and felicitous, were afterwards

made by Major

Newton, the Chief Marshal, and others.

EVENTS OF THE CELEBRATION.

EVENTS OF THE CELEBRATION.

The
ume

followiug- brief

summary of

the proceedings of the day

is

embodied

in this vol-

as a

permanent record of the manner

in whicli tlie celebration

was conducted.

The day opened

first

as usual with the firing of salutes and the ringing of bells, and the

formal event under the auspices of the City Council, was the

MORNING CONCKKT.
This occurred on the
the greatest pleasure.
Hall's,

Common, and was

listened to by

many thousands of

people with

Under the direction of Mr. B. A. Burditt, the Brigade, Germania,

airs

and Flagg's Bands, as one grand musical association, performed the national

of America and of several of the nations of Europe, the chords of the opening and concluding pieces being emphasized by guns of the Light Artillery (Cobb's Battery).' The
effect

was grand and exalting

in the extreme,

and as in previous years, the " Morning

conclusion, the
vast and constantly

Concert " was gratifyingly successful.

At

its

augmenting assemblage of people moved to the parade ground of the

witness the

Common

to

MILITAKY IfEVIEW.
Before engaging
in

the escort of the city procession, the three military organizations

selected to perform that duty,

came upon the

Common

to be reviewed by the
:

Mayor and

City Council.

They formed

as a regimental line in the following order

The Fourth

Battalion of Rifles, (4 companies,) Capt. N.

W.

Batchelder, commanding, on the right

the Second Battalion of Infantry,

tlie

(.3

companies,) Capt. C. O. Rogers, commanding, in

(2

centre

and the Fourth Battalion of Infantry,

left;

companies,) Maj. T. G. Stevenson,

commanding, on the

the whole

being under the

command of Major Samuel H.

all

Leonard, of the Rifle Battalion.

All of these
drill,

commands being newly uniformed, and

having been recently in garrison for

they presented at once a more attractive and

more

soldierly appearance than

any resident military body which had been on parade

in every respect

in the city for

many
its

years.

The review was

most

satisfactory,

and

immediately upon
the escort ibr the

conclusion, the Battalions marched to the City Hall to take up

58

CITY PROCESSION.
This was composed of the military escort, the City Council, and the members of
subordinate departments, the invited guests of
tlie
its

day, citizens generally, and the Fire

Department of the

city.

The

latter

paraded the Steam Fire Engines, Hose, and

Hook
Street,

and Ladder carriages, and formed a prominent feature of the procession.

The

route of

march was through Washington and Essex

Streets, Harrison

Avenue, Dover

Shawmut Avenue,
Streets, to the

Chester Park, Tremont, Boylston, Charles, Beacon, Park, and Winter

Music Hall.

At the Hall occurred the

ORATION AND SERVICES.

The Oration, by Mr. Paksons, was received with great
]>ants in the services

favor,

and the other

partici-

performed their appropriate parts of the duties of the occasion with

acceptance.

The Prayer was by Rev. Mr. Hepworth, and the Reading of the Declaration
Under Mr. Charles
l{\itler's

of Independence by Mr. H. G. Sturtovant.

choir of school children,

direction the

who sang

the

hymns and

patriotic odes prepared for the

occasion, acliievcd unusual success, and were cheered with

unbounded applause.

THE CITY REGATTA

Took
place on Charles River, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
It

was witnessed by

immense crowds of

people, and as

it

jjassed off

without accident, and was in other

respects equal to any contest of the kind ever witnessed in these waters, the interest

manifested

iu this

branch of the celebration by the City Council was fully rewarded.

The

prizes (iiruouutiug in all to $0SO) were

awarded as follows
;

of Boston.

For Wherries
"

Ist,

To Joshua Ward, of Newburgh

2d, to

Thomas Doyle,

Double Scull-boats
2d, to J. Biglin,

1st,
Ist,

To

.J.

D. Parker, Jr., and

W. H.

Carpenter, of Boston;

and Josliua Ward, of Newburgh, N. Y.

"

Four-oared Boats

To the "Stranger," rowed by Westmau and

"George
J.

others, of

Poughkeepsie
of
"

2d, to the

Brown," rowed by

X).

Leary and others,

New

York.

Slx-oarod Boats

1st,

To

the " Aniphritritc," rowed by

.T.

W. Burnett and
otliers,

others, of

Boston

2d, to the

" Fort Hill Boy," rowed by

Murray and

of Boston.

BAI.l.OOX AS(^ENSIONS.
About
live o'clock in the

afternoon two large Balloons were sent up from the

Common,
a vast

under the direction of Samuel A. King.

fully,

Both balloons started on their voyage success-

being freighted with several passengers,

who were

cheered on their

way by

assemblage of people.

Unfortunately the wind was from the southward, and after reach-

ing a considerable height the aeronauts, finding that they would be swept seaward, without hope of a favoring breeze to waft thom again towards land, opened the escape-valves

59
of the balloons, and they both
fell

speedily from their lofty height, one

upon the sand

at

Winthrop Beach, and the other on the sea some miles from shore.
all

The passengers were

safely delivered

from whatever

peril

they encountered.

THE FIREWORKS,
More
elaborate and patriotic in their design than in any previous year, were success-

fully exhibited

upon the

Common

in the evening.

No

dissent

was heard from the

opinion that the manufacturers, Messrs. J. G. Edge

&

Co., achieved

much

credit for

themselves in this closing entertainment of the day.

^"X.

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