Anthropology 2396: Fundamentals Dr.

Winegar April 10, 2009 Analysis Paper 1 Revised: Bedouin and Nuyorican: A Comparative View Paramount to understanding the cultural practices of an unfamiliar group is to implement a culturally relative viewpoint. That is, attempt to understand the culture of another by engulfing oneself with the perspective of those to whom someone is studying. In so doing, it becomes translucently obvious that there are serious cultural restrictions, for any group and at any point in time. In the following commentary a comparative survey into the realities of two seemingly polar opposite groups, the Bedouins and Nuyoricans, will be developed to illuminate the cross-cultural similarities and differences the two groups possess. Supportive argumentation will be provided from two sources: Lila Abu-Lughods work Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society and In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio by Philippe Bourgois. It will be shown that the two aforementioned groups, despite their cultural, societal and geographical incongruencies, encounter similar pressure internally and externally. External influences are imposed by dominant culture; conversely, internal influences manifest themselves in the form of individual power dynamics, gender relations, and longstanding traditions. Understanding the collaborative power of both external and internal pressures is crucial in shaping the reality of the groups being studied. Thus, the cultures of both the Bedouins and Nuyoricans are defined by their practical, imposed limitations whether those factors are external or internal. The Awlad Ali tribe, the focus of Abu-Lughods ethnography, shows the reader the everyday customs and rituals that shape contemporary Bedouin culture in Egypt. The

institutional limitations the Awlad Ali tribe face in Egypt is attributable to both cultural and economic factors. Historically, Bedouin culture relied only on the securitization of natural resources [a necessity for a nomadic system]: particularly water. However, with the implementation of a modern capitalist system seemingly overshadowing most of the world, the Bedouin in Egypt soon found themselves to be a sub-culture to modern Egypt. The basis of the familial system in Bedouin culture is a patrilineal patriarchy, with a strong emphasis on the kin group. The dominant cultural in Egypt is also patrilineal. The Bedouins economy may be best described as a nomadic free-trade system that supports long-standing clan relationships and circumstantial policies. Modern Egypt, after the collapse of a completely free-trade free market economy in the early 1960s, has become a hybrid socialist-capitalist economy. In the late twentieth century, Egypts GDP was roughly 70% from the private sector, with state-sponsored programs accounting for the remaining 30%. Interestingly, in an unrelated book review on the revolution of Egypts economic system by Ansu Datta, a brief history on the changing of economic stratagems is relative:
The central thesis of the book is that Egypt has been witnessing an economic revolution in the wake of the 1952 coup, particularly after 1961. This [revolution] is reflected in the transition from a system wedded to free enterprise to one base on active state participation in production and distribution of goods and services.1

It is necessary to understand the Bedouin culture in a more narrow scope in order to truly grasp the effect that individual agency, present within their culture, establishes and how it affects the way in which Bedouin culture is defined. Given that the Bedouin culture is extremely gender-conscious, it is most effective to explore the power dynamics between genders. Overall, their ideology is that men are superior to women. Evidence
1

Datta, Ansu. The Revolution in Egypts Economic System, A Review. Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 18, No. 3 (April 1970) pp. 481-483. (p. 482.)

from Abu-Lughod in this regard is overwhelming. At the heart of the culturally imposed gender-inequalities lies the concept of hasham, or social modesty/deference. The result is a culture that, in a most extreme example, looks down upon mothers for giving birth to females, fearing that their patriarchical kin group will not be further strengthened without the addition of a male. In fact, sexuality is seen as a threat to the continued existence of Bedouin culture. Paradoxically, however, sexuality is also genuinely recognized as key to its reproduction. Essentially, women are seen to be dependent to men, who are seen to be the protectors of women, elders, and young people. The central theme of the moral system through which individuals live this ideology is that separate paths to honor coexist, appropriate to the socially and economically independent on one hand, and to the dependent on the other.2 In other words, the moral foundation of the Bedouin culture, or hasham, is predicated on a social and economical set of gender-relative power dynamics, wherein the social customs of Bedouin culture reinforce the economic conditions of Bedouin culture and visa versa. Women in Bedouin culture have found ways, despite their cultural restrictions, to express themselves. This manifests itself, as a primary example of Abu-Lughods, through social interactions within the private sphere, particularly, with expressions of rhythmic poetry, often unveiling an inferior and dependent persons emotions or thoughts on a subject otherwise kept secret for fear of cultural backlash. Nearly all of the poems have to do with powerful sentiments arising in interpersonal relationships.3 Understanding the sub-culture of the Bedouin requires and understanding of the power dynamics that shape individual agency within the culture. In this case, as previously

2 3

Abu-Lughod, p. 165. Abu-Lughod, p. 268.

discussed, gender bias dynamics are prevalent in most aspect of Bedouin culture. The embodiment of masculinity in public social interaction is highly valorized. As such, women are often forced to conceal their sentiments because they are inappropriate considering a womans viewpoint cannot be naturally masculine. The result is a feminine sub-culture in Bedouin society promoting intimately emotional expressions perpetuating themselves in the form of poetry. Understanding the sub-culture of the Nuyoricans in East Harlem was the focal point of anthropologist Philippe Bourgois ethnography. The historical precedent for the current situation derives primarily from the transposition of Puerto Ricans from their native island to New York City. Originally, Puerto Ricans were forced into colonial labor in the form of working the newly established and highly profitable sugar cane trade, a move that forced many self-sufficient crop farmers to change their lifestyle to accommodate large-scale corporate sponsored agriculture. Few farmers refused to accept to terms of their newly imposed lifestyle, generating the proud name: jibaro. The succinct history provided is significant in understanding the cultural expectations of Nuyoricans in Harlem, from individual agency within their sub-culture to understanding the cultural dichotomies present between the dominant FIRE culture [FIRE is typically associated with middle-upper to upper class socioeconomic levels] and themselves. Upon their arrival in the 1930s and 1940s, Puerto Ricans were confounded to uncover that the very manufacturing jobs they came to America in large numbers to occupy left quickly and without notice. Thus, the argument by Bourgois is that Nuyoricans were inherently disadvantaged relative to dominant culture from the moment

they established themselves in East Harlem. There are other institutional limitations to be considered to understand the complexities of Nuyorican sub-culture including but not limited to: language barrier, unequal educational institutions, lack of understanding for procedural requirements and diminishing hope that basic municipal services will be provided (from the electric company to the police). A prime example offered by Bourgois: In his forays into the legal economy, Rays street skills made him appear to be incompetent, gruff and illiterate.4 This observation is relative to Rays attempt at going legit and opening a grocery store, until his realization that he is incapable of negotiating New York City paperwork for health inspections and outstanding tax forfeitures.5 Ray, despite being widely recognized to be the most powerful male figure in El Barrio, was unable to overcome the complexities of dominant culture, despite his obvious savvy for entrepreneurial activities. Ray simply did not possess the cultural capital as valued in dominant culture to succeed. Hence, the world of dominant culture precludes participation by Nuyoricans because of the historical and continual cultural dichotomies present. Individual agency within El Barrio is complicated, at best. The most accentuated individual power relationships are undoubtedly between males and females and between clients and dependents. There seems to be a prevailing sentiment within the Nuyorican sub-culture that crack-heads are inferior to crack dealers. This is supported by the inclusion of a conversation by Bourgois between Benzie, a mid-level dealer, and his clientele. Thats right, mah man! Come on! Keep on killin yourself; bring me the money; smoke yourself to death; make me rich.6 Clearly, there is not an element of
4 5

Bourgois, p. 135. Bourgois, p. 135. 6 Bourgois, p. 85.

genuine compassion, rather a strong focus on the economic factors that define Benzie power of agency over that of his clients. Gender bias is very noticeable in El Barrio; however, the consequences of this particular example of gender-unbalanced cultural hierarchies are starkly different than the realities of gender-hierarchies in Bedouin culture. In the case of Nuyorican culture, there exists a paradoxical relationship between men and women. Women are often subjected to sexual assaults and verbal harassment on a daily basis. Unfortunately, when a woman eventually asserts her freedom by standing up to her male counterpart, most often times the women establishes a new relationship with another male with the same results.
Most of the wives and girlfriends of Rays employees eventually broke their abusive relationships and expelled their men from their households. They usually went on, however, to fall in love with a new man who was equally insolvent and irresponsible toward their children. This process of serial formation has spawned a street culture logic that partially exonerates fathers from the responsibility of maintaining progeny. 7

In a sense, the familial situation in El Barrio is a matriarchy because it is most often times a woman who is the head of the household [given the rate of incarceration for Puerto Rican males in El Barrio, this is most likely about necessity than other factors]. However, the street culture embodies a different perspective on gender relations. In this regard, men rule life on the streets. In fact, it is not uncommon for men to view women on the street as susceptible to their discretionary form of maintaining the power dynamics. Often times, these discretionary forms of maintaining power are sexual in nature, thus fortifying the already tenuous agency relationships between men and women in Nuyorican sub-culture. Thus, men are reliant on women to provide basic care for the household and children; while women are forcibly deferent to men on the street if they intend to be protected by/against them.

Bourgois, p. 314-315.

In a shocking example, Bourgois provides an account of a girl being raped by several men quite older than she was. There seemed to be little to no concern as to whether the girl viewed these actions as permissible. Learning to be a rapist was very definitely part of Primos coming-of-age8 Clearly, this type of action objectifies women thereby promoting inequities between men and women. Moreover, Primos description supports the interpretation that there is also a homoerotic dimension to male sexual bonding among gang-rapists that reinforces the desire to mature into a hyper-male capable of being desensitized to something as personal as having sex.9 Both the Bedouin and Nuyorican sub-cultures face insurmountable obstacles in an attempt to assimilate into dominant culture. Each cultures struggle to preserve their unique history and customs did not provide equal, honest, competitive opportunities. Similarly, the exact same cultural practices and traditions both sub-cultures aimed to preserve produced individuals without the necessary tools to become successful in dominant culture. These truths remain self-evident from the continued sub-cultural position among Bedouin and Nuyoricans relative to their dominant cultures, respectively. As explicated upon previously, gender inequalities seem to pervade both Bedouins and Nuyoricans; however, the tangible actions that define gender roles manifest themselves in different social actions and produce the same outcome: women are inherently inferior to men. In summation, it becomes necessary to ask whether Bedouin and Nuyorican cultures want to actively assimilate into dominant culture, not whether they are able to. This task, although faced with many traditional and cultural barriers, can be

8 9

Bourgois, p. 208. Bourgois, p. 211.

accomplished by re-defining a sub-culture with an emphasis on a more practical and modern perspective.