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Human Ecology [huec] pp555-huec-377807 July 25, 2002 12:11 Style file version Nov. 19th, 1999
This study focuses on knowledge of medicinal plants among the Caiçaras (ru-
ral inhabitants of the Atlantic Forest coast, Brazil). In particular, we examine
the use of medicinal plants according to sex and age to reveal general patterns
of Caiçara knowledge and use of plant resources. Data collected through
449 interviews at 12 Caiçara communities (Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo
coastal sites) include citations of 249 plants and identification of 227 species.
We show the importance of introduced as opposed to native plants and of key
individuals for the conservation of the Caiçaras-Atlantic Forest.
KEY WORDS: Atlantic Forest; Brazil; conservation; Caiçaras; diversity; Shannon; Rarefaction;
ethnobotany; folk medicine; medicinal plants.
INTRODUCTION
Medicinal plants are among the forest resources most used by the
Caiçaras, rural inhabitants of the south eastern Atlantic Forest coast in
Brazil. Native knowledge of medicinal plants is fairly well documented and
there is a wide literature on the use of medicinal plants from different regions
of the world. According to Alcorn (1995), about 80% of people in the world
rely on folk, or traditional, medicine. This study focuses on medicinal plants
used in the Atlantic Forest coast. Considering the diversity of citations on
medicinal plants as a measure of knowledge of the environment and as an
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C 2002 Plenum Publishing Corporation
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The Caiçaras
The rural native inhabitants of the south east Atlantic Forest coast,
Caiçaras, are descendants of native Tupinambá Indians and Portuguese selt-
ers. There is little contact between the Caiçaras and the Guarani Indians
who live inside the nine Indian reserves (aldeias) located in São Paulo State,
which cover 8953 ha. With a lifestyle comparable to the Amazonian caboclo
(Morán, 1990), Caiçaras subsist through small-scale agriculture, fishing and,
especially in the last 20 years, through tourist-related activities. They live
relatively close to urban sites, such as Santos, São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro,
but in designated conservation areas, such as State and National Parks, or
even restricted Biological and Ecological Reserves.
Since the 1950s, anthropologists and geographers have studied Caiçaras
communities. See, for example, França (1954) on São Sebastião Island
(Ilhabela), and Willems (1952) and Mussolini (1980) on Búzios Island. See
also Marcı́lio (1986) on historic and demographic aspects of the Caiçaras,
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pp555-huec-377807
Fig. 1. Map including the 12 communities studied in the Atlantic Forest Coast: Búzios and Vitória Islands, Puruba, Sertão do
Puruba, Praia do Almada, Casa de Farinha, Picinguaba, Camburı́, Gipóia Island, Grande Island (Aventureiro), Jaguanum Island
283
Chastan (1975), Corrêa (1981), and Lima (1985) on their history, folklore,
music, and dance, Oliveira et al. (1994) and Peroni and Martins (2000) on agri-
cultural management, Diegues (1994) on social and environmental issues,
and Ferreira (1996) on local conflicts and organized movements. Research
on aspects of the ecology of the Caiçaras, such as diet, food taboos, fishing
and ethnoichthyology, as well as territoriality, has been published elsewhere
(Begossi, 1995, 1998; Hanazaki et al., 1996; Seixas and Begossi, 1998). The
Caiçara diet is based on fish, rice and beans, manioc flour, and whenever pos-
sible, spaghetti. Among the animals consumed, marine resources account for
40–70%. Fishing is done from paddled or motorized dugout canoes, using
hook and line, set gillnets, encircling nets, and the cerco (floating net), a
Japanese introduction (Mussolini, 1980). The ethnobotany of the Caiçaras is
found in Begossi et al. (1993), Figueiredo et al. (1993, 1997), Hanazaki et al.
(2000), and Rossato et al. (1999).
METHODS
This study is based on 449 interviews and 227 plant identifications. In-
terviews with adults up to 18 years old, using open-ended questionnaires,
were conducted in 12 communities on the Atlantic Forest coast. By consid-
ering two adults per family, we estimate a sample of about 59% of residents
(Table I).
The study area covers sites from the southeastern coast of Rio de Janeiro
State to the northern coast of São Paulo State, including the coastal islands of
Itacuruçá and Jaguanum (Sepetiba Bay), Gipóia and Grande Island (Grande
Island Bay), and Búzios and Vitória Islands (São Paulo northern coast). The
number of families living at each locality is shown in Table I.
Table I. Data From the 12 Communities Studied in the Atlantic Forest Coast
Number of families Number of interviews Source
Búzios Island 44 28 Begossi et al. (1993)
Vitória Island 13 11 Rossato et al. (1999)
Puruba Beach 14 22 Rossato et al. (1999)
Sertão do Puruba 22 28 Rossato et al. (1999)
Ponta do Almada 31 45 Hanazaki et al. (2000)
Casa de Farinha 17 18 Rossato et al. (1999)
Picinguaba 70 83 Rossato et al. (1999)
Camburı́ Beach 70 57 Hanazaki et al. (2000)
Aventureiro Beach 22 26 —
Gamboa 26 58 Figueiredo et al. (1993)
Calhaus Beach 24 42 Figueiredo et al. (1997)
Gipóia Island 36 31 —
Total 389 449
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RESULTS
The Caiçaras use wild and cultivated plants for food, handicrafts, the
construction of houses and canoes, as well as for medicinal purposes
(Table II). Food plants are cultivated in small gardens next to houses (hortas)
or in swiddens (roças), or bought at nearby local markets. Manioc (Manihot
esculenta Crantz) is a staple crop, but sweet potatoes (Ipomoea batatas (L.)
Lam.), and beans (Phaseolus spp. and Cajanus cajan (L.) Mill.), are also im-
portant. Fruits bearing trees and vines, such as avocado (Persea americana
Mill.), star apple (Syzygium jambos (L.) Alton), papaya (Carica papaya L.),
mango (Mangifera indica L.), and passion fruit (Passiflora spp.) are usu-
ally cultivated in backyards. Other fruits are collected in natural fields, such
as bacuparı́ (Rheedia spp.), coquinho (Syagrus sp.), and pitanga (Brazilian
cherry, Eugenia uniflora L.).
Native trees provide raw material for handicrafts, houses, and dugout ca-
noes, which are built using indigenous techniques. Some of the species used
are aricurana (Alchornea iricurana Casar), caixeta (Tabebuia cassinioides
Table II. Plant Richness Mentioned in Selected Communities of the Atlantic Forest Coast
Communities
Use category
richness Almadaa Búziosb Calhausc Camburı́a Gamboad Purubae Picinguabae
Food 39 61 38 48 40 45 82
Medicine 76 53 53 68 72 64 105
Construction/ 54 32 — 64 35 29 70
handicrafts
Total richness 152 135 75 162 100 124 216
Interviews 45 28 42 57 58 22 83
Note. Coastal communities: Almada, Camburı́, Puruba, and Picinguaba; Islands: Búzios,
Itacuruçá (Gamboa), and Jaguanum (Calhaus).
a Hanazaki et al. (1996, 2000).
b Begossi et al. (1993).
c Figueiredo et al. (1997).
d Figueiredo et al. (1993).
e Rossato et al.(1999).
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The Caiçaras cited 249 medicinal plants comprising 227 species belong-
ing to 77 families. Figure 3 and Table III show the most cited plants in terms of
the number of species (citations) and number of interviewees (informants).
Only 17 species were mentioned by more than 10% of the interviewees
(Table III). These results show that only 7% of the plants cited, mostly in-
troduced, have uses spread among the populations and localties. Therefore,
the knowledge and uses of medicinal plants seem widely spread among inter-
viewees, reflecting the high diversity found in the vegetation of the Atlantic
Forest coast. Diversity includes the variety and relative abundance of species
(Magurran, 1988). The spread of individuals between species is a component
of diversity (Putman and Wratten, 1984). In particular, the Shannon index is
a measure of the average degree of uncertainty in predicting to what species
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Fig. 2. Number of species per category of medicinal use, based on the plant species
with more than 1% of citations in interviews: PF = fever and pains; RE = respiratory
diseases; GI = gastrointestinal disorders; CA = circulatory and heart disorders (high
blood pressure); SE = sedative; UR = urological disorders; LI = liver associated prob-
lems; OT = others: rheumatism, diabetes, abortive, measles, chickenpox, eyes; WO =
women-associated treatments (menstrual cramps); DE = dermatological diseases.
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Human Ecology [huec]
Table III. Medicinal Plants Cited by at Least 10% of the Interviewees, Ranked in Decreasing Order
Ethnospecies Botanical species Family T M W Y O Status Main uses
Erva cidreira Melissa officinalis L.; Lamiaceae 45 27 61 43 46 I High blood pressure, sedative,
Lippia citriodora H.B.K. Verbenaceae I influenza, menstrual cramps
Boldo Vernonia condensata Baker; Asteraceae 38 35 41 39 37 I Sedative, digestive, stomach
Coleus barbatus Benth Lamiaceae I aches, diarrhea, liver
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Erva Santa Chenopodium ambrosioides L.; Chenopodiaceae 20 21 18 18 21 I Injuries, pains, cough, lung problems,
Maria/Canema C. album L. stomach aches, worms, diarrhea
Erva doce Foeniculum vulgare Gaertn Apiaceae 19 12 26 20 15 I Sedative, digestive, worms, diarrhea,
child colic
Capim cheiroso Cymbopogon citratus (DC.) Poaceae 19 14 23 17 19 I Sedative, stomach aches, nausea,
Stapf. high blood pressure, influenza,
fever, worms
July 25, 2002
Fig. 3. The most mentioned medicinal families of the Atlantic Forest coast. Black bars include the number of species
289
with more than 1% citations (25 plant families, 49 species). White bars include all medicinal plants cited in interviews
(77 plant families, 227 species).
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Table IV. Diversity Indices of the Medicinal Plants Quoted According to Sex and Age
Men Women Young (less than 40) Old (40 or more)
Number of interviews 215 234 223 219
Number of quotations 924 1,315 1,003 1,172
Richness (S) 176 191 169 197
Mean of citation per speciesa 5.25 6.88 5.93 5.95
SD 9.39 15.44 12.50 11.38
Shannon-Wiener (base e) (H 0 )b 4.38 4.19 4.12 4.44
Evennessc 0.85 0.80 0.80 0.84
Hmax (lnS) 5.17 5.25 5.13 5.28
Note. There are some interviews where the age is missing, leading to different sample sizes.
at tests: Difference of citation means, using “Welch’s approximate t” considering unequal vari-
ances of the samples (Zar, 1984, p. 130), men and women (t = 3.10, p < 0.002, df = 2194).
The confidence intervals (two-tailed, t[0.05] are men (L1 = 4,88, L2 = 5,62), women (L1 =
6,57, L2 = 7,19).
b t tests: Differences of two diversity indices (Zar, 1984, p. 146), men and women (t = 3.35, p <
0.01, df = 2,124), younger and older (t = 5.57, p < 0.01, df = 2076).
c Evenness = H 0 /lnS
Considering all citations, the most important families in terms of the num-
ber of species are Asteraceae, Lamiaceae, Solanaceae, Myrtaceae, Cucur-
bitaceae, Fabaceae, and Poaceae. These families include many introduced
species which are not representative of the Atlantic Forest. Among the
397 medicinal species used by 291 North American tribes, Asteraceae was
the most representative family, including one species, Achillea millefolium L.,
used to treat colds by the Abnaki of North America (Moerman,
1996). This species is similarly used by the Caiçaras (cited by 5% of
interviewees).
Women cited more plants than men, (Table IV), but this result seems
related to different sample sizes. The rarefaction curves used to compare
samples of different sizes show a higher diversity of medicinal plant citations
among men, rather than among women (Fig. 4(a)). Women also showed a
higher variance of citations compared to men, indicating a more heteroge-
neous knowledge of medicinal plants (Table IV). Considering the relative
abundance of citations per species (Shannon index), we observe that men
showed a higher diversity, along with a higher homogeneity of citations,
compared to women (higher evenness). The maximum diversity of citations
(Hmax , Table IV) was observed among women and elders. Among the in-
dividuals that mentioned more than 15 plant species per interview, we find
10 women and 5 men. A 50-year-old woman from Puruba Beach cited 31
plants in one interview. This means that there are key individuals in the pop-
ulation with a very detailed knowledge of medicinal plants. Finally, older
Caiçaras (40 years old or more) showed a higher diversity of plant citations
compared to younger Caiçaras (Table IV, Fig. 4b).
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Fig. 4. Rarefaction curves comparing men and women (A), and old and young (B)
according to the quotations of medicinal plants in interviews.
DISCUSSION
the folk medicine of Amazonian caboclos (Amorozo and Gély, 1988). Elis-
abetsky and Shanley (1994) observed that ethnobotanical and ethnophar-
macological studies of caboclos show intensive use of the secondary forest,
of nonnative species, and of cultivated species. Ankli et al. (1999) observed
that garden plants are usually more important to the medical system of the
Yucatec Maya (Mexico) rather than plants collected outside the villages.
Caiçaras houses and surroundings are frequently located in disturbed
habitats or on forest edges (areas with introduced and annual plants), a fact
that facilitates the collection of medicinal plants while walking the trails.
Dennis (1988) showed that the “pharmacy” of the Miskito from Nicaragua
and Honduras includes common weedy species growing widely around the
villages, and Laurance (1997) observed that weeds are likely to proliferate
in disturbed habitats. Voeks (1996) observed in coastal Bahia, north eastern
Brazil, that medicinal plants are herbaceous, cultivated, or introduced plants
found in disturbed areas. According to Voeks (1996), species with annual life
cycles are twice as likely to employ secondary compounds in defense, such as
alkaloids and phenols, suggesting that secondary forest species, weeds, and
garden plants may represent a good source of bioactive compounds. The use
of introduced plants from disturbed habitats in Caiçara medicine probably
helps preventing major detrimental impacts in the forest.
The diversity of plants used by the Atlantic Forest Caiçaras (249 species)
is high when compared to other tropical forest communities, even taking
into account different numbers of informants (Table V). Other studies in
the Atlantic Forest coast (Figueiredo et al., 1993, 1997; Rossato et al., 1999)
showed that Caiçaras from coastal communities cited a higher diversity of
medicinal plants compared to Caiçaras living on islands. If islanders have a
low diversity of plants available (even from disturbed areas), there appears
to be an association of plant knowledge with plant diversity in the Atlantic
Forest coast. The majority of medicinal species are nonnative and do not
belong to typical plant families of the Atlantic Forest. Nevertheless, coastal
sites have an expected high plant diversity, and show a higher diversity of
citations in interviews compared to the islands.
Elders demonstrated a detailed knowledge of medicinal plants and they
rely more often on traditional care than young people. The importance of el-
ders and of women in the retention of knowledge of plant resources has been
stressed in many communities. Among the Carib population of Guatemala,
the majority of people who knew and used medicinal plants were women,
mostly housewives, with an average age of 46 (Girón et al., 1991). Women of
the Extractive Reserve Cachoeira in Acre (Brazilian Amazon) possess great
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skills and knowledge of plant resources and there are local institutions assist-
ing women in product diversification and marketing (Kainer and Duryea,
1992). Nohan and Robbins (1999) observed that in rural communities in
Arkansas and Missouri that rely on folk medicine women play a pivotal
role in health care: they gather wild plants, they are experienced in child-
birth and in treating illnesses from childhood to geriatric ailments. The same
study suggested that communities with an older structure appear to con-
servate knowledge of medicinal plants, compared to those with a younger
structure. Caiçara knowledge of medicianl plants is not concentrated among
women. Men have a fairly well-balanced knowledge (equitable distribution)
of medicinal plants, whereas women show a heterogeneous knowledge. How-
ever, we found a few women with very wide knowledge of medicinal plants
who are key elements in retaining medicinal knowledge in the community.
Models of cultural transmission predict the importance of “cultural os-
cillations” (as an analog of genetic oscillation) as a form of losing cultural
traits (Boyd and Richerson, 1985). Cultural oscillation may increase the
fragility of the native system, affecting its resilience. Holling (1992) defined
cycles in terms of functions, such as exploitation, conservation, release, and
organization: Resilience is determined by release and reorganization se-
quences. Berkes and Folke (1998) consider as a measure of resilience the
magnitude of disturbance that can be absorbed before the system changes:
It may be a measure of the buffering capacity of the system. Schlapfer and
Schmid (1999) define resilience as the rate at which an ecosystem variable
returns toward a reference state following a perturbation, and resistance as
the degree to which an ecosystem is changed, followed a perturbation. In
other words, the resilience of native systems may be disrupted by cultural
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
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