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* By Roger Hahn

T IS NO exaggeration to speak at present of a " Boscovichian revival" among historians of science. In the last decade, Roger Boscovich (17111787) has been the subject of three international congresses, at least six books, and a host of important articles.' Such enthusiasm can in part be attributed to the fortuitous occurrence of bicentenary celebrations of his Philosophiae naturalis theoria redacta ad unicam legem virium in natura existentium (1758) and the founding of the Brera Observatory (1762), which Boscovich helped to create. In these writings, there are the customary panegyrics about the learned Ragusan Jesuit, as well as overzealous claims of his influence on modern science. Beyond this, however, one finds a considerable amount of measured evidence for his role in the development of eighteenth-century science, and the recognition that he is an important and generally neglected figure of the history of science. The Boscovichian revival is genuine, widespread, and entirely valid. Every student of Boscovich must face formidable problems. The scientist's published works (principally written in Latin) are scarce, and no single library has in its holdings the hundred or more publications Boscovich could claim in his lifetime.2 There are no critical editions of any of his writings.3 Moreover, the variety of his interests- stretching from the mathematical sciences to hydraulics, and including poetry and diplomacy - calls for encyclopedic knowledge which few contemporary specialists are in a position to muster. These practical difficulties are compounded by the problems surrounding
* University of California, Berkeley. The author thanks his local Institute of Social Sciences for making funds available to have Serbo-Croatian articles translated. 1 International symposia were held in Yugoslavia in October 1958 and October 1961, and in Lombardy in October 1962. Recent books about Boscovich have been written or edited by A. M. Godytskii-Tsvirko, D. Nedeljkovid, Z. Markovic, A. Truhelka, and L. L. Whyte. 2 The Institute for the History of Natural, Mathematical, and Medical Sciences of Zagreb

has begun photocopying the complete publications of Boscovich. There were still a number of items missing when I consulted a set in Lapad in July 1963. 3 The closest approximations to critical editions are a few modern translations. The 1763 edition of the Philosophiae naturalis theoria was rendered in English by J. M. Child (ChiOpen Court Publishing Co., cago/London: 1922); there are a number of translations of the Giornale di un viaggio da Constantinopoli in Polonia (Bassano, 1784).

ISIS, 1965, VOL. 56, 1, No. 183.





manuscript materials. Boscovich's correspondence, which is voluminous and extremely rich, is hardly known outside of Yugoslavian academic circles. Much of it is still scattered over the Western world and ignored by historians of science even when already published.4 As for his scientific manuscripts, they have never been generally available for study, though their existence has been known about for over fifty years.5 In short, the source materials have not been exploited in the systematic fashion they deserve. A sizable collection of Boscovich papers was recently purchased by the University of California at Berkeley. The presence of these manuscripts in a public institution now renders this systematic study possible and ought to provide further stimulus to Boscovichian studies. To announce its existence and to make a cursory survey of the Berkeley collection will be the main objects of this article.
* * *

The history of the Berkeley collection is complicated and not altogether clear. It seems to have originated from at least three distinct sources, one in Milan, another in Paris, and the third probably in Ragusa. The Milan papers were in the hands of Boscovich's legal caretaker, the Abbot Giacomo Pio de'Filippi, who had confiscated them from Boscovich during the latter's fatal illness in 1786. In his moments of lucidity, Boscovich complained bitterly about their disappearance.6 While he was still alive, a number of documents were also extracted from his papers by the Ragusan envoy, Count Lucian Pozza (Pucic).7 Later, others were retained by the Milan government and their present whereabouts is not known. Judging from the contemporary catalogue which Filippi composed, still others may have disappeared before the Boscovich archives came to Berkeley.8 Nonetheless, the major portion of the seventy items listed by Filippi are presently in the collection. It consists largely of papers Boscovich had taken with him to Italy to prepare the Bassano edition of his Opera pertinentia ad opticam, et astronomiam and the annotations of Benedetto Stay's Philosophiae recentioris. With the exception of the Giovan Stefano Conti correspondence, few letters seem to have been in Milan at the time of Boscovich's death in 1787. Most of the correspondence received had been left in Paris in the hands of the Ragusan charge d'affaires, Francesco Favi. The reason is quite clear. Boscovich's presence in Italy, though prolonged beyond the original expectations, was not intended to be permanent. He was on leave from the French
4 See in particular those published in the Rad Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti i Urnjetnosti u Zagrebu (from 1887 on); in the Graja za wivoti rad Rudeera Boskovica, ed. Zeljko Markovic (Zagreb, 1950 on); and in Quaderni della rivista "La Provincia di Lucca," 1963, no. 3. 5 L. K. Vojnovic, " Rukopisi Rugjera Boskovica," Savremenik, 1911, 6: 145-151. 6 Branimir Truhelka, " Ulomci Biografije," in Gradja za wivoti rad Rudeera Boskovica, op. cit., 1950, Vol. I, pp. 203-206. 7 See the letters of Boscovich's companion Luigi Tomagnino to the Ragusan Senate in Rad Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti u Zagrebu, 1887-1888, 87-88: 415. 8s The catalogue, cited by Filippi in a letter to L. A. di Sorgo on 31 August 1787, is a ten" page folio manuscript entitled Nota ordinata dei manoscritti dell'Abbate Rugero Giuseppe Boscovich, e di altri trovati tra le sue carte." It is annotated in Filippi's hand.



government, and expected to return to Paris as Directeur de l'Optique de la Marine. Favi, in fact, was entrusted with more than Boscovich's belongings. He also held in safekeeping Boscovich's savings which, under the confiscation laws directed against the disbanded Jesuit Order, might otherwise have fallen into the hands of the French government. In a letter of 14 April 1787, Favi noted Finalmente si trova nelle mie mani una cassetta o involto di manoscritti imballata consistenti in lettere scientifiche per quanto ho inteso dal defunto. Era sua intenzione di farli andare in Italia per stamparli, ma poi ne abbandono il pensiero; io non li ho toccati, e non ho aperto neppure l'involto, ma son persuaso, che sara interessante questa corrispondenza scientifica, e crederei, che se gli eredi volessero destinarli a Monsign. Stay, o al Sig. Abate de'Filippi, che tanto s'interessa per la gloria del defunto, sarebbe fame un ottimo uso. In some undetermined manner, these Paris letters made their way to the Ragusan Sorgo (Sorkocevic) and Ragnina families, both of which had been close to Boscovich as well as to Stay, the aforementioned intermediary. There, they joined the Milan manuscripts to form the original Boscovich archives. At some later time, letters Roger Boscovich had written to his brothers Bozo (Natale) and Bartolomeo (Baro) were added, as well as some correspondence sent to Lucc'Antonio di Sorgo concerning the disposition of the Boscovich heritage. All these manuscripts stayed in Ragusa where they passed from the Ragnina and Sorgo families to their descendants, the PozziSorgo, the Natali, and the Mirosevic-Sorgos.9 The last private owner, Nico Mirosevic-Sorgo, former Minister Plenipotentiary of the Royal Yugoslavian Government to the Vatican, took them to London where the University of California purchased them from Dawsons in May 1962. Considering the history of the collection, it is not surprising that the papers are in an imperfect state of conservation. The ravages of time and humidity are apparent on numerous manuscripts. Other parts of the collection suffered from rodents, whose tastes ran especially to letters from important scientists! Teeth marks are clearly visible on a number of letters from Alexis Clairaut and on the remarkable exchange between Priestley and Boscovich.10 In general, however, most of the documents are in a state which permits their use. Steps are being taken to insure that no further deterioration ensues, and, for additional security, the manuscripts have all
9 Vojnovic, op. cit. Bajamonte, a biographer of Boscovich, refers to papers in the hands of Monsignor Gaetani in 1790. I do not know whether he was simply another intermediary or whether the reference is to another set of papers. Still another possible intermediary is Boscovich's sister Anica. According to letters sent by Favi to the Ragusan Senate in 1787, she was the sole living heir (Drzavni Arhiv, Dubrovnik, Acta Senatae hariae haioris, XVIII, 2620-2628). She in turn left her books to a cousin, Bartolomeo Bettera (ibid., Testamenta notariae, 1800-1804, 89.170v.-89.174v.; and " Uz Boskovicevu biografiju," Agata Truhelka, Boskovic Almanah, 1954: 81-93).
10 Fortunately, the Priestley letter was published in full before the depredation (Rad, 1912, 193: 206-207). It was not transcribed correctly in every respect. The phrase "little better than heathenism " was rendered as " little better than the atheism."



been microfilmed. They are presently kept in the Rare Books Department of the General Library at Berkeley. In cataloguing the collection, the schema followed is that sketched out by the archivist and scholar Branimir Truhelka, who began putting the papers in order while they were in private hands. The materials fall into three main groups, to be discussed separately: manuscripts, correspondence, and miscellaneous items. Manuscripts There are over 180 items placed under this heading, divided into ten categories: astronomy, philology, philosophy, geodesy, hydrography, mathematics, mechanics, optics, poetry, and theology.1l Without attempting to be either thorough or complete in my discussion, I will try to typify the collection by focusing on a selected group of manuscripts. Although it is not the most extensive, the mechanics section encompasses what appear to be the choicest items in the collection. There is the manuscript of " De viribus vivis " (1745) in which Boscovich first broached the law of continuity while dealing with collision phenomena.12 Written in columns on the inside half of four folded sheets, with corrections on the outside columns, it epitomizes the best of the Jesuit's originality in metaphysics and physics. Some of the crossed-out passages and additions may provide the much-needed insight into the evolution of Boscovich's thinking. Another item of great potential interest is a 125-page manuscript, with additional pages of notes and geometrical figures, entitled " De principiis corporum." Presented in a Euclidean fashion, it differs substantially in organization from the Theoria, though it remains true to its fundamental principles. The two parts of this manuscript were written as a continuation of the " De materiae divisibilitate et principiis corporum " originally composed in 1748.3 Neither the printed article nor these manuscripts are usually cited by Boscovich scholars, even though their contents are obviously relevant to the development of his general philosophy of matter prior to the publication of the Theoria.'4 Another notable item among the mechanics documents is a paper on a famous attraction problem, posed to Boscovich by Mignot de Montigny through Fathers Le Seur and Jacquin. It is a manuscript entitled "De maxima aut minima attractione materie, datum punctum in data distantia
11 Strictly speaking, the heading "manuscripts" is a misnomer. Not all the items are handwritten. Among those that are truly manuscripts, a few are not in Boscovich's hand, and some are definitely not attributable to him. 12 See Z. Markovic, "Boscovich's Theoria," in Roger Joseph Boscovich, S. J., F. R. S., 17111787. Studies of His Life and Work on the 250th Anniversary of His Birth, ed. Lancelot L. Whyte (London: George Allen 8c Unwin, 1961), p. 133; and Pierre Costabel, "Le De Viribus Vivis de R. Boscovic ou de la vertu des querelles des mots," Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, 1961, 54-55: 3-12. '3 Memorie sopra la fisica e istoria naturale di diversi valentuomini, 1757, 4: 131-258. 14 An exception must be made for Gino Arrighi, who cites the printed article in his " Un periodico lucchese del '700. Le 'Memorie sopra la fisica e istoria naturale' (1743-1757)," Physis, 1960, 2: 78-80.



attrahentis. Data lege attractionis et distantias," which was partially printed in 1743.15 The printed version is shorter than the manuscript, significantly omitting twenty-four pages in which the author struggles none too successfully with an analytic solution. It is a vivid testimony to Boscovich's recognized deficiency in the new method of " higher analysis." The harvest in the mathematical sections also promises to be rich. Many of the manuscripts seem to be exercises Boscovich worked out for pupils in Rome, where he had an excellent reputation as a teacher. Eventually these problems were incorporated into the textbooks Boscovich published for the use of students.l6 Of much greater interest appear to be two Italian manuscripts entitled " De'logaritmi delle quantita negative," which afford Boscovich an opportunity to discourse on the foundations of geometry, on the theory of proportions, on negative numbers, on powers, on the infinitely small, and on continuity. The historical introduction suggests that the d'Alembert article " Logarithme " in the Encyclopedie provoked him into preparing this essay.l7 In other manuscripts, Boscovich touches on the theory of equations, spherical geometry, and on the calculus of probabilities, underscoring the wide scope of his interest in the mathematical sciences. In the philosophy section are at least two important works. One set of papers consists of notes and rough drafts of Boscovich's commentaries on Stay's Philosophiae recentioris (Books VII-X), in which he questions metaphysical assumptions advanced by Newton and generally taken for granted in the eighteenth century. There is a revealing document entitled "De " covered with correcpropagatione luminis rectilinea, et ejus consectariis tions. Another manuscript is a lengthy Italian treatise on electricity, of which the initial section is missing. References to Boscovich in the third person indicate it was not his work, but a proper identification has not yet been made. The presence of the work in the collection suggests Boscovich's abiding interests in electrical matters, to which the unidentified author points by referring to Boscovich's treatise Sopra il turbine (Rome, 1749).18 Still another facet of Boscovich's interests is revealed in the section on hydrography. Most of the manuscripts are projects to improve harbor facilities, to keep streams within their riverbeds, and to drain the Pontine marshes. In a fashion already typical in the eighteenth century, these reports begin with a description of existing conditions, are followed by an exposition of current problems and an explanation of their causes, and end with a set of proposals to solve these problems. A similar approach is evident in Boscovich's discussions of the ports of Savona, Viareggio, Ancona, and Rimini, and the rivers Adige, Tevere, Caina, and Nistore, as well as in the manuscripts of the mechanics section, where projects to strengthen the
15 Memorie 1743, 1: sopra la fisica .. 63-88. 16 Elementa matheseos universae ad usum studiosae juventutis, published in Rome and Venice from 1752 on in several editions. The titles of each edition vary slightly from the

above. 17 A portion of their contents was published in Francesco Luino, Delle progressioni e serie (Milan, 1767), pp. 252-256. 18 Boscovich refers to electricity in the last sections of his Theoria.



cupola of St. Peter's, to erect a spire on the Milan duomo, and to rebuild the library of Maria Teresa are taken up. Finally, mention must be made of the optical manuscripts. When they are thoroughly studied in conjunction with relevant letters in the Berkeley collection, Boscovich may emerge as one of the few significant figures in the history of optics between Newton and Thomas Young. The drafts of articles with beckoning titles like " theorie des prismes," " esperienze della luce," and the records of experiments on different kinds of glass carried out in Rome with Conti and Niccolo Narducci are ample testimony to Boscovich's concern with both the nature of light and its consequences for improving optical instruments. A large portion of the optical manuscripts are also devoted to the documentation of his bitter priority controversy with Alexis Rochon in 1777.19 Only a word need be said about the astronomical and geodetic manuscripts kept in the Berkeley collection. The majority are published, save perhaps a manuscript of " De maris aestu," of which only the first part had appeared in 1747.20 In a separate folder in the astronomy section, there are also notes which outline the nature of Boscovich's feud with his Jesuit colleague at the Brera Observatory - Louis Lagrange. It was this altercation which brought about Boscovich's ouster from that observatory and his subsequent move to France.21 Even without further analysis, it is evident that the manuscripts have significant potential value. No major study of Boscovich can afford to overlook them. It is equally clear, however, that a meticulous collation of every item against Boscovich's printed works is mandatory before the documents can be used intelligently. The task will be arduous, but even a superficial examination of the collection indicates how fruitful such a study will be. Correspondence Much the same can be said of the correspondence kept in the Berkeley archives. It deserves similar concerted examination, and promises to be essential in the reconstruction both of Boscovich's activities and of eighteenthcentury science. Even a cursory look at the approximately two thousand pieces of correspondence gives a measure of its value. By far the largest number of letters to Boscovich were written to him by small group of faithful colleagues working in Italy. Over five hundred a such letters were sent by Giovanni Battista Beccaria, Serafino Calindri, Conti, Paolo Frisi, Louis Lagrange, Antonio Lecchi, Benedetto Stay, Giuseppe Toaldo, and Francesco Maria Zanotti. If the smaller correspondence of Attilio Arnolfini, Rodolphe Correard, Gregorio Fontana, Antonio Lorgna,
10 For details, see Opera pertinentia ad opticam, et astronomiam (Bassano, 1785), Vol. II, pp. 315-358 and 520-532. Professor Stanko Hondl has published a number of important articles on Boscovich's optics. 20 See the comments inserted in De litteraria

expeditione per Pontificiam ditionem (Rome, 1755), pp. 390 ff. 21 Even in these few notes there is ample evidence to substantiate Lalande's generous appraisal of Boscovich as "un peu vif ct irascible."



Francesco Luino, Jean Rossignol, Lazzaro Spallanzani, Antonio Vallisnieri, Leonardo Ximenes, and Eustachio Zanotti is included in this group, important materials necessary to establish a fairly comprehensive picture of the Italian scientific community for the period 1760-1780 are available. Very few mathematical scientists active in Italy during this period are absent from this list. These letters could eventually become the basis for a muchneeded study to determine the extent of the revival of science in Italy from the middle of the eighteenth century, and to help in singling out the factors behind this revival. For this period, Boscovich must be regarded as a central figure in this community. Within this group, the most informative letters come from Conti.22 From his two hundred letters he emerges as an extremely devoted - if not always successful - lens grinder and amateur scientist, aware of the current publications in all parts of Europe, and struggling to establish a reputation as an optical inventor. In these letters, Boscovich was kept informed of every detail of Conti's work, from the cost and source of materials he used to the experiments carried out at various stages of construction of new instruments. A host of speculations and questions about optical theory is raised by Conti, and if Boscovich's replies are ever found, they will provide a splendid account of his developing theories of light.23 The Conti letters, in any case, give an extended picture of the technical and theoretical problems faced by the educated instrument-maker. In the absence of similar correspondence from John Dollond, these letters may well be the best source for this topic available at present. Other letters from Italians are also worthy of special attention. The Beccaria correspondence deals principally with geodetic matters. In them one sees clearly Boscovich's role as a clearinghouse for information on meridian measurements, stemming from his impressive work with Christopher Maire in the Papal States from 1750 to 1752. He was personally responsible for stimulating the geodetic work of Joseph Liesganig,24 a Jesuit adviser to the Hapsburgs in Vienna, and for provoking the expedition of Mason and Dixon to North America, sponsored by the Royal Society of London. A different situation prevails with letters from French scientists. The most important ones by Lalande and La Condamine have already appeared in print, although most historians of science seem unaware of their availability.25 Among the important items in this correspondence are derogatory comments against d'Alembert, the " despot of the Academy," by Boscovich's two close French friends, and in the letters from Clairaut.26 The d'Alembert-Boscovich relations need close attention, for they stand behind the
22 On Conti, consult Gino Arrighi, " Scienzati lucchesi del Settecento: Giovan Stefano Conti," La Provincia di Lucca, 1962, 2: 31-44. 23 The letters were among the Nobili papers in the 1930's, but were missing from them when these were deposited in the Archivio di Stato in Lucca. Ibid., p. 33. 24 There are twenty-seven letters from him to Boscovich in the Berkeley collection. 25 Rad, 1912, 193: 224-305. Eight letters of Lalande and twenty-six letters of La Condamine in the Berkeley collection are unpublished. 26 In ibid., pp. 216-224, five letters of Clairaut which were once in the MirosevicSorgo archives are published. None of these is in Berkeley. On the other hand, there are four unpublished letters in Berkeley.



difficulties Boscovich found in being accepted wholeheartedly by French scientists when he sojourned in France during the latter part of his life. The animus between the " Jesuit-destroyer " and the ex-Jesuit went beyond personal conflicts and jealousies to the core of their opposing mathematical and philosophical approaches to science. Boscovich's circle of French correspondents was by necessity much smaller than the Italian ones, for the French community was concentrated in Paris and its members saw each other frequently. There are a number of unpublished letters from Lacaille, Le Roy, Dortous de Mairan, Mechain, and Messier which spread over Boscovich's entire active career as a scientist. Another group of letters sent by his translator, the Jesuit Hugon (known as the Abbe Chatelain), are full of details about the Versailles Court and Boscovich's difficulties with printers. These are to be supplemented by letters from the Duc de Choiseul, La Billarderie d'Angivillers, the Marechal de Castries, Mercy d'Argentaux, and Vergennes. The number of English correspondents is even more meager.27 Nevil Maskelyne and Joseph Priestley are the two leading scientists whose letters are in the Berkeley collection. In addition there are a few from Matthew Maty, Charles Morton, the chemist John Hadley, and John Blair, Secretary to the Duke of York. They deal in part with Boscovich's unsuccessful attempts to have his optical inventions patented. A few letters from Polish, Swiss, and Austrian correspondents also merit some attention. Among them is the important exchange of Boscovich with the Genevan Le Sage concerning their respective theories of matter.28 The metaphysical discussions by both men could throw considerable light on their radically different solutions to the fundamental problems of the nature of science and knowledge in general. Finally, there are about 450 letters exchanged between Boscovich and members of his family. Some have already been published and are unquestionably unique sources of biographical information.29 The letters to his brothers Baro and Natale are always candid and detailed, and usually lengthy. No clearer picture of Roger Boscovich's travels to foreign lands could be given. Their value is accentuated by the fact that they span the entire period of his productive life, from 1730 to 1786. The Berkeley collection also contains a few drafts of Boscovich's letters to Giovanni Poleni, Francolini, Conti, Lalande, Le Sage, Lorgna, and Scherffer, as well as others. They deal principally with scientific matters. In addition, there are a few letters to the Sorgo family sent during Boscovich's last illness and after his death. One of them, from Benedetto Stay,
27 On Boscovich's relations with England, consult the writings of J. Torbarina, especially "Boskovic u krugu engleskih Knjizevnika," in Gradja za wivoti rad Rudeera Boskovica, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 51-90. 28 Two of these letters are in Rad, 1912, 193: 211-216. Other Le Sage materials are at the Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire in

Geneva. See Pierre Costabel, "La Correspondance Le Sage-Boscovich," Atti del Convegno internazionale celebrativo del 2500 anniversario della nascita di R. G. Boscovich (Milan, 1963), pp. 205-216. 29 Gradja za Zivot i rad Rudzera Boskovica, op. cit., 1957, Vol. II.



refers to a portrait of Boscovich by Raimondo Cunich sent to Lucc'Antonio di Sorgo in 1787. Its present whereabouts is unknown. Miscellaneous Under this heading are grouped the remainder of Boscovich's papers, partial catalogues of the collection by Filippi and Truhelka, and some unidentified mementos. A series of folders containing diplomas, certificates, passports, and other official documents gives a partial indication of Boscovich's institutional affiliations and travels. Among them are documents of the Jesuit Order, the French Crown, the Papacy, and numerous scientific institutions. There are calculations on taxes withheld from Boscovich's payments given by the French Navy, and an important note on his assets in France at the time of his death. Mention of a 2,000-livre pension from the Duc d'Orleans is also made in these notes. More significant are fragments of a diary he kept in 1750 while measuring the meridian with Maire.30 These are in an unbound sheaf of papers ripped out of a notebook. Of a similar format is a small vellum-bound book originally used to record addresses and filled with names of persons he met. The section on Paris covers fourteen pages alone! Included in the same book are also notes on Boscovich's ancestors and accounts with Favi. The last and most interesting journal is also bound in vellum. It was begun in 1756 with notes from scientific books and articles Boscovich was reading. This section ends abruptly and is followed by an inventory of "Lucca gentlemen," of visitors from Vienna, of men he encountered in Calais, and finally of figures he met in England.3' Interspersed are fragments of a diary for the first part of Boscovich's visit to England, accounts with several domestics, and a detailed itinerary of his peregrinations in 1760 and 1761. Other notes of an earlier trip from Italy to Paris, and of accounts of a journey taken with Lalande through Italy in 1765 are included.32 These are in turn followed by a list of authors and titles, astronomical observations made in Warsaw in 1762, a list of letters received and sent in 1757, and fragments of a diary through Moldavia in 1762.33 As if to confound the reader, these notes are followed by detailed financial expenses of Boscovich's trips to Lucca and Vienna in 1757 and 1758, and a prosaic accounting of a laundry bill in Genoa! The Boscovich papers at Berkeley are now open for use by scholars in all parts of the world.34 It is evident from the bulk and variety of materials which the papers encompass that careful studies by scholars with widely differing backgrounds and interests are urgently needed. Such study already promises a rich harvest.
30 Most of the materials appear in the Latin ,edition of the De litteraria expeditione, which -is more complete than its French translation. 31 A page of this journal is reproduced in Whyte, op. p. cit., facing WVhyte,op. cit., facing p. 64. a2 Lalande published his account of the trip in Voyage d'un Franfois en Italie (Venice, 1769).
33 It is from this manuscript, written in pencil, that the sections of the Journal d'un voyage de Constantinople en Pologne (Lausanne, 1772), pp. 135 ff., were fashioned. The two versions are not identical. 34 A microfilm of these holdings will soon be available in Philadelphia at the American Philosophical Society and at the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb.