The Sound of Indo-European, 19/04/2009

ProtoA New Environment for Laryngeal Loss in Proto-Celtic Nicholas Zair Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics Oxford University nicholas.zair@ling-phil.ox.ac.uk

1. Introduction 1.1 It is generally agreed that inherited *CHC > *CC in Proto-Celtic: PIE *pH2tr > PC *atr > OIr.aithir (T_T) PIE *ptH2no- > PC litano- > OIr. lethan, MW. llydan (T_RV) PIE. *H2erH3tro- > PC. *aratro- > MIr. arathar, MW. aradar (VR_T) (examples from Schumacher 2004: 135-136) 1.2 Is this correct? It will be argued that it is not, and that loss (without reflex) or retention (> *a) of laryngeals in non-initial syllables is environmentally conditioned.

Proto2. An important Proto-Celtic rule 2.1 Josephs rule: *-eRa- > *-aRa- (Joseph 1982; Schrijver 1995: 73-93)

CRlaryngeals: CHR3. Retained laryngeals: *-CHR- > *-CR3.1 OIr. galar (n. o-stem) sickness, disease, MW. galar (m.) mourning, grief, sorrow, MC.

galar grief, sorrow, affliction < *galaro- < *helH2-ro- (Driessen 2003: 301-302; Hitt. kallar- baleful, destructive, ON. galli blemish, fault, Lith. al hurt, damage).

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3.2 OIr. samail (f. i-stem) likeness, similarity; like of, such a, MW. hafal, MC. haval, B.

haval like < *samali- < *semH2-li- (Joseph 1982: 38-39, Schrijver 1995: 81; Lat. similis
like, similar, Gk. equal, alike, Skt. sam- same). 3.3 3.3 OIr. talam (m. n-stem) earth, world, ground < *talam < *telH2-mon- (Joseph 1982: 38; Schrijver 1995: 84-85; *telH2- lift, take up: Gk. strap for bearing anything, LIV 622-623) or *(s)telH-mon- (Nussbaum 1997: 192-193; (s)telH- spread out, lie flat: Lat.

ltus broad, wide, Lith. pl. tls floorboards, IEW 1061).

CHTCCTC4. Retained Laryngeals: *-CHTC- > *-CTC4.1 4.1 MIr. arathar (n. o-stem) plough, W. aradr, OC. aradar, MB. arazr, B. arar < *aratro< *H2erH3-tro- (Gk. plough, LIV 272-273). 4.2 MIr. tarathar (o-stem) auger, drill, OW. tarater, MW. taradyr (m.), MC. tardar, MB.

tarazr, talazr and (Latinised) Gaul. taratrum < *taratro- < *terH1-tro- (Joseph 1982: 41-42;
*terH1- bore: Gk. borer, gimlet, bored through, LIV 632-633).

CHTCT5. Laryngeal loss *-CHT- > *-CT-?

5.1 OIr. docer fell traditionally reconstructed as *-kerat < *erH2-t (Schumacher 2004: 399-401; Skt. aart broke, LIV 327-328). But problematic in light of Josephs law: expect *kerat > *karat > xdocar. Answer: *erH2-t > PC *kert > *ker.
Despite Watkins (1962: 16 fn. 22, 160), *kert would almost certainly give *ker: a) final *-t after vowels falls together with *-d in Proto-Celtic (-Italic, -Indo-European?), but not after *-s-, cf. OIr. t-preterite bert < *ber-s-t. Final *-d lost in Insular Celtic (McCone 2006a: 102, , 172174). *-t > *-d probably also after (voiced) *-r- and therefore lost. b) if final *-t did survive, *kert > *kers > *kerh > *ker (h-) in Irish: pre-apocope final *-t > *-s, cf. MIr. fri h- < *rit < *riti < *t-i (Schrijver 1994, esp. 165-166).

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5.2 OIr. elc mischievous, bad? < *elko-, apparently from *H1elHk-o- (IEW 307; ON. illr bad, evil, Lith. lkti, Latv. akt, SCr. lkati hunger).
Rasmussen (1999: 199): Baltic and Slavic words from old perfect *H1e-H1olk- > *eolk- > lk-. Should this give Lith. xolkti, Latv. xuokt?

5.3 MIr. ferb (f. -stem) blister < *erb < *erH-b(h) (Lat. uarus pimple, Lith. vras pimple in pork < *H-o-). 5.4 OIr. ferc (f. -stem) anger, wrath < *erg < *erH- (IEW 1169; EWAIA 1. 242243; Chantraine 1968-1990: 3. 815-816; Frisk 1960-1973: 2. 411; Kloekhorst 2008: 963-964; Gk. temper, temperament, disposition; anger, Skt. rj-, rj strength, sustenance, YAv. var z- strength, Hitt. arkanza (adj.) fat.
The connection between ferc and , and rj- dismissed by Szemerenyi (1964: 219-229): a) phonological grounds; problems avoided by assuming *-CHT- > *-CT- in Celtic, and Saussures law in Greek. b) while rj- is potential or actual strength, is an attitude, a disposition to act in a certain way (Szemerenyi 1964: 225). But cf. Gk. might, force, strength; rage, passion; intent, purpose; life.

5.6 MIr. les (m. o-stem) space around houses surrounded by a rampart, MW. llys (m., f.) court, palace, hall, MC. lys (in place names), OB. lis, MB. les, B. lez (f.) court < *lit-to< *ptH2-to- (Irslinger 2002: 283-284; *pletH2- be wide: Skt. pth- wide, broad, Gk. flat stone, LIV 486-487).
But cf. OIr. leth (n. s-stem) side; half < *pletH2-es-, MW. lled breadth, width < *pletH2-o-.

5.7 OIr. st likeness, equivalent < *semtu- < *semH2-tu- (LEIA S-99; *semH2- same: OIr. samail).
DIL (S-202): metaphorical usage of st object of value, chattel; unit of value, but semantics make a connection with samail etc. far more likely. NB *sem- one ani (Gk. , one), so st < *sem-tu- a possibility. But meaning like, similar consistently has a se -stem (Joseph 1982: 38-39).

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CHTCT6. Laryngeal retention *-CHT- > *-CT-?

6.1 MW. dauat, W. dafad (f.) sheep, OC. dauat gl. ouis, MC. davas (f.), B. davad (m.) < *damato- < *demH2-to- (Joseph 1982: 35-36; *demH2- tame: Gk. tame, subdue, LIV 114-115)? But *dH2-eto- (cf. Gk. untameable) or *demH2-etoalso plausible (Schrijver 1995: 77-78; see Vine 1998 on *-eto- constructions in general). 6.2 Gk. Galatian < PC *galati- < *gelH-ti- (Schumacher 2000: 42; 2004: 325; *gelH-be mighty: W. gallu be able; take away, steal, LIV 185) or *helH3-ti- (McCone 2006b: 95-103; Gk. yellow, green). But *hH2-eto- also possible (Driessen 2003, esp. 282-284; *helH2- be very upset and to manifest according behaviour: galar etc.), cf. Gaul. Caleti.
There is no reason to prefer a suffix *-ti- to *-eto- *-et; -stems are quite common in Gaulish tribal names: Ambiomarcae, Allobrogae, Arotrebae, Baginatiae, Carnonacae

Note in general the difficulties of etymologising proper nouns and cf. McCones (2006b: 94-95) derivation of Gk. Celts as (Celtic) v ddhi from *-to- hidden because a) according to Caesar the Celts claimed descent from Dis Pater b) the Celtic Dis Pater might have been called the hidden one. If *-RHT- gives *-RT-, one might instead think of *kelH2-to- to the root *kelH2- strike, cf. the Gaulish god Sucellus good-striker < *-kelH2-o-.

7. Conclusion 7.1 Laryngeals lost without reflex in Proto-Celtic in non-initial syllables before a stop:

H /VC_TV H /VC_T#
7.2 Proto-Celtic appears more like Balto-Slavic and Germanic (H /VC_C), and Armenian (H /VC_CV, H a/VC_CC; Beekes 1988: 77), and less like Italic, Greek, Sanskrit (H

V/C_C).

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8. PIE *CH.CC > *C.CC? 8.1 Hackstein (2002): *CH.CC > *C.CC in non-initial syllables in Proto-Indo-European a) men-stems: nom-acc. sg. *enH1-m > Skt. jnima, dat. sg. *enH1-mn- > jnmane; Gk. , Lat. termen *terH2-mn-. b) univerbations involving *dhH1-ske/o-: Toch. B. ktk- put down, lay down < *k- dhske/o- < *k dhH1-ske/o-; and *ske/o-verbs to se roots: Toch. B. pltkstep forward < *pletH2-ske/o-. c) nouns/verbs with suffix *-dh- from nominal compounds involving *-dhH1-o-: Lat.

verbum < *erH1-dhH1-; Lith. veldti take possession of < *elH-dhH1-e/o-.

d) PIE nom. sg. *dhugH-tr, gen. sg. *dhug-tr-os: Gk. , Skt. duhit vs. Osc. futr 8.2 But the rule does not apply in some environments: *erH2srom > Lat. cerebrum, *temHsreH2es > Lat. tenebrae, Skt. tmisr . Restoration of laryngeal before (morphologically clear) suffix: Gk. , Lith.

rklas rti, cf. Lat. artrum arre.

8.3 How does this fit the Celtic evidence? a) restoration of laryngeal (or *--?) possible in e.g. MIr. anl breath (OIr. anaid stays, remains). But Proto-Celtic stem *ar-e/o- < *H2erH3-e/o- (MIr. airid ploughs) cannot lead to restoration in MIr.arathar. No verbal root retained in Proto-Celtic for MIr. tarathar. b) Gaul. duxtir < *dugtr vs. Celtib. gen. sg. tuateros < *dugateros. If the rule *-CHT- > *-CT- is correct, then Celtib. -a- must be due to preservation in oblique stems *dhugH2-tr-. c) OIr. foceird throws, MW. kerddaf, MB. querzaff, MC. kerthaff go, walk < *kerde/o- < *kerH-d(h)e/o- (LIV 353-354; *kerH- scatter, pour out: Skt. kirti scatters, pours out). Used as evidence by Hackstein for *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC-. But now can also be Proto-Celtic *-CHT- > *-CT-, either because *-dh- is not from *-dhH1-, or because *-CH1V- > *-CV- before Proto-Celtic *-CHT- > *-CT-.

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8.4 Possible conclusions: a) some environments did not undergo *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC-, e.g. *-CHTR-, *-CHsR-. b) *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- applied at some post-PIE stage after PC had split off. c) laryngeals were restored after *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- in morphologically transparent categories (including in the paradigm of *dhugH-tr, *dhug-tr-) at some stage between PIE and PC. d) the rule *-CH.CC- > *-C.CC- needs to be reconsidered (developments in individual languages after all?).

Post9. Post-script 9. 1 Does the rule proposed here explain forms like: MW. cawr (m.)giant; hero, Gaul. Cavarillos, , MIr. coar hero? < *kaaro< *eH-ro- (Skt. vra- powerful). OIr. rithor (m. o-stem) waterfall, torrent, OW. reatir, W. rhaeadr (f.) < *reatro< *H3reH-tro- (*H3reH-; LIV 305-306). OIr. nia warrior, champion (m. d-stem), archaic gen. sg. Neth, Ogam NETTA-, -NETAS < *ne-t- < *neH-

t-, W. nwyd (m., f.) passionate emotion < *netV- < *neH-tV- (*neH-: MIr. nth fighting, conflict; anger,
LIV 450-451). MIr. craid (i-stem adj.) hard(y), harsh; stern, strict <*kredi- < *kreH-di- (Lat. crdus bleeding; raw; hard, rough, cruel < *kreH-do- or *kruH-do-, Skt. krra- bloody, gruesome, IEW 621).

9.2 Some problems OIr. dan (o-, -stem adj.) swift, rapid, nom. pl. din < *deno- < *deH1-no- (LEIA D-68; *deH1-: Skt.

dyanti (3pl.) fly, Gk. flee, hasten, whirling, rotation, LIV 107).
OIr. ran (m. o-stem), gen. sg. rin Rhine; sea, ocean, Gaul. Rhenus Rhine < *reno- < *H3reH-no-.

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