INDEX

1. The Party 3 2. Ideology .. 4 3. Brief Introduction .. 5 4. History . 9 5. Aims and Objectives 10 6. A Journey of A Kind . 12 7. Bahan Kumari Mayawati .. 16 8. Social and Cultural Activities 19 9. Controversies . 23

10. Partys views on Current Issues ... 29 10. Bibliography .

Bahujan Samaj Party

Chairperson Secretary-General Leader in Lok Sabha Leader in Rajya Sabha Founded Headquarters Mayawati Satish Chandra Mishra Rajesh Verma Urmilesh Kumar Bharti 1984 12, Gurudwara Rakabganj Road,

New Delhi - 110001 Newspaper Ideology Adil Jafri, Mayayug Dalit Socialism Secularism Social Engineering Center Blue 21 / 545 18 / 250

Political position Official colours Seats in Lok Sabha Seats in Rajya Sabha

Election symbol

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) or Majority People's Party is one of the only five prominent national political parties of India, which is the largest democracy of the world.

Ideology:
The ideology of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is "Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation" of the "Bahujan Samaj ", which comprises of the Scheduled Castes (SCs), the

Scheduled Tribes (STs), the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Religious Minorities such as Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Buddhists and account for over 85 per cent of the country's total population. The people belonging to all these classes have been the victims of the "Manuwadi" system in the country for thousands of years, under which they have been vanquished, trampled upon and forced to languish in all spheres of life. In other words, these people were deprived even of all those human rights, which had been secured for the upper caste Hindus under the age-old "Manuwadi Social System". It is a centrist national political party in India with socialist leanings. It was formed to chiefly represent Bahujans (literally meaning "People in majority"), referring to people from the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Castes(OBC) as well as Buddhists. The party claims to be inspired by the philosophy of B. R. Ambedkar. The BSP was founded by the high-profile, charismatic leader Kanshi Ram in 1984, who was succeeded by Mayawati in 2003. The party's political symbol is an Elephant. In the 15th Lok Sabha the party has 21 members, making it the 4th-largest party. The BSP has its main base in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

Brief Introduction:
The ideology of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is "Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation" of the "Bahujan Samaj ", which comprises of the Scheduled Castes (SCs), the Scheduled Tribes (STs), the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Religious Minorities such as Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Buddhists and account for over 85 per cent of the country's total population. The people belonging to all these classes have been the victims of the "Manuwadi" system in the country for thousands of years, under which they have been vanquished, trampled upon and forced to languish in all spheres of life. In other words, these people were deprived even of all those human rights, which had been secured for the upper caste Hindus under the age-old "Manuwadi Social System".

Among the great persons (Mahapurush) belonging to "Bahujan Samaj", who fought courageously and with commitment against the brutal and oppressive Manuwadi system, for providing a level playing field to the downtrodden to help move forward in their lives with "selfrespect" and at par with the upper castes Hindus, especially Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar's socio-political campaign later proved to be very effective in this direction. Though the contributions of leaders of the downtrodden communities like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Narayana Guru and Periyar E. V. Ramaswami have been immense in the fight against the obnoxious Manuwadi system, but the struggle of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, who was born in Scheduled Caste community, and that of Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji later proved to be greatly effective and pregnant with far-reaching consequences. Besides waging a spirited campaign against the Manuwadi Social System, Dr. Ambedkar instilled consciousness among not only the Dalits, but also among those belonging to other backward groups, which continue to be victimised and trampled under this oppressive and unjust Manuvadi Social System. By virtue of his pivotal role in the framing of the Indian Constitution, these groups were given a number of rights in the Constitution on a legal basis to lead a life of dignity and selfrespect. But he was fully conscious of the fact that these exploited sections of the society would not be able to get the full legal rights as long as the governments would remain dominated by the Manuwadi persons and parties. That's why Dr. Ambedkar, during his lifetime, had counseled the "Bahujan Samaj" that if they wanted to fully enjoy the benefits of their legal rights, as enshrined in the Constitution, they would have to bond together all the Bahujan groups on the basis of unity and fraternity, bring them on a strong political platform and capture the "Master Key" of political power. This was to be the modus operandi for the formation of Bahujan Governments at the Centre and in States. Only such governments could enforce all the constitutional and legal rights of the "Bahujan Samaj"

and provide opportunities to its People to move forward in all spheres of life besides enabling them to lead a life of "selfrespect". Keeping in view this observation and advice of Dr. Ambedkar, respected Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), with the help of his associates, on April 14, 1984. For many years while he enjoyed good health, he prepared the "Bahujan Samaj" to secure the "master key" of political power, which opens all the avenues for social and economic development.However, being a diabetic and host of other serious ailments, his health did not permit him to lead an active political life for too long. On December 15, 2001, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji, while addressing a mammoth rally of the BSP at the

Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh on the banks of the river Gomti, declared Kumari (Miss) Mayawati Ji, then the lone VicePresident of the Party, as his only political heir and successor. Moreover, on September 15, 2003, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji's health suffered a serious setback, and the entire responsibility of the Party fell on the shoulders of Bahan (Sister) Kumari Mayawati Ji. Later, on September 18, 2003, the Party, through a consensus and in keeping with its Constitution, made her its National President.Being the National President of a National Party, Kumari Mayawati Ji in her address sought to assure that "I would like to make aware people of the country that my Party, the BSP, is committed to not only improving the socio-

economic conditions of people belonging to the "Bahujan Samaj" but also of the poor among the upper caste Hindus, small and medium farmers, traders and people engaged in other professions.But people of the Manuwadi mindset, even if they are in different fields of life, are acting under a conspiracy to project the image of the BSP as if it is confined to championing the cause of Dalits alone and is opposed to the upper castes Hindus and other sections of the society. Also, the BSP has nothing to do with the issues of national interest. However, on the basis of facts, I can say with firmness and conviction that all such talks are a bunch of lies, baseless and devoid of facts and are nothing else more than a slanderous campaign of the status quoits Manuwadi forces. The policies, objectives and ideology of the BSP are crystal clear and attuned to the welfare of the entire country and its vast population.On the basis of its ideology, the BSP wants to sound the deathknell of the "Manuwadi Social System" based on the 'Varna' (which is an inequality social system) and striving hard and honestly for the establishment of an egalitarian and "Humanistic Social System" in which everyone enjoys JUSTICE (social, economic and political) and EQUALITY (of status and of opportunity) as enshrined in the PREAMBLE of the Constitution. Further, our Party Constitution very clearly states that "the chief aim and objective of the Party shall be to work as a revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India."Such a social system is wholly in the overall interest of the Country and all sections of the society too. If, in this missionary work of "Social Transformation", people of the upper castes (Hindus) shed their Manuwadi mindset and join hands with the Bahujan Samaj, our Party, with all due respect and affection would embrace them. Such people will be given suitable positions in the Party organisation in accordance with their ability, dedication and efficiency, and there would be no distinction between them and those belonging to the Bahujan Samaj. Also they will be fielded as Party candidates in the parliamentary and assembly elections, and if our government is formed, they will also be given ministerial berths. These are not hollow talks because the BSP in the past, during the three successive governments, had implemented all such promises. In Uttar Pradesh, Ms. Mayawati

government was formed four times, and on each occasion, upper castes people were inducted in the Council of Ministers. Even an upper caste person was appointed to an all-important post of Advocate General. They were given the Party ticket for Lok Sabha and Assembly elections and also nominated to the Parliament's Upper Chamber i.e. Rajya Sabha and state Legislative Councils.In addition, upper caste people have been given high posts in the Party organisation. For example, Mr. Satish Chandra Mishra was nominated to the Rajya Sabha and also was made national general secretary of the Party. In similar fashion, other castes of the Upper Castes (Hindus) were promoted.Thus, keeping in view all these facts, it would be injudicious and fallacious to hold that the BSP works for the welfare of a particular group or section. Yes, the Party does give priority to those sections, which have been ignored and scorned all along by the Manuwadi governments in all spheres of life. In addition, the BSP has always contributed positively to all issues pertaining to the welfare of the Country. The BSP has always taken an unequivocal stand on issues of the Country's welfare and never compromised on the issues related to the interest of the country whenever the need arose.

HISTORY:
The party was founded in 1984 by Kanshi Ram. Due to his deteriorating health in the 1990s, former school teacher Mayawati became the party's de facto leader. The party's power grew quickly with seats in the Uttar Pradesh

Legislative Assembly and India's Lower House of Parliament. In 1993, following the assembly elections, Mayawati formed a coalition with Samajwadi Party President Mulayam Singh Yadav as Chief Minister. In mid-1995, she withdrew support to his government, which led to a major incident where Mulayam Singh Yadav was accused of keeping her party legislator's hostage to try and break her party. Since this, they have regarded each other publicly as chief rivals. Mayawati then sought the support of the BJP to become Chief Minister on June 3rd, 1995. In October 1995 the BJP withdrew support to her and fresh elections were called after President's Rule. After the 1997 elections, no party achieved a majority. The BSP tied up with the BJP again, with an arrangement to rotate the Chief Minister's post every six months. After Mayawati's first rotation, she withdrew support to the BJP shortly into her successor's (Kalyan Singh) term. the BSP legislatie party split and kept a BJP government in power for the next four-and-ahalf years. After assembly elections in 2002, the BSP tied up once again with the BJP, but this time, with Mayawati in charge as the Chief Minister throughout. In August 2003, this coalition fell as the BJP withdrew support. In what was viewed as a collaboration between the BJP and SP, the BJP assembly speaker (Lalji Tandon) recognized the split of the BSP legislative party, which allowed Mulayam Singh Yadav to become Chief Minister with rebel support. In the interim, Mayawati began to make intense outreach to other castes, particularly Brahmins, who were traditionally wary of her. Many sitting MLA's from other parties defected to the BSP prior to the 2007 assembly elections.

Aims and Objectives:

The chief aim and objective of the party shall be to work as a revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India, to be followed by State in governance, and in particular summed up in the following extract from the Preamble of the Constitution. We, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens: Justice, social, economic and political; Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and opportunity; and promote among them all Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;" The Party shall regard its ideology as a movement for ending exploitation of the weaker sections and suppression of the deprived through social and economic change in keeping with the above stated chief aim, and its political activity and participation in governance as an instrument of furthering such a movement and bringing in such a change.This being the chief aim of the Party, the strategy of the Party in public affairs will be governed by the following general principles: 1. That all citizens of India being equal before law are entitled to be treated as equal in true sense and in all matters and all walks of life, and where equality does not exist it has to be fostered and where equality is denied it has to be upheld and fought for.

2. That the full, free, uninhibited and unimpeded development of each individual is a basic human right and State is an instrument for promoting and realising such development; 3. That the rights of all citizens of India as enshrined in the Constitution of India and subject to such restrictions as are set out in the Constitution, have to be upheld at all costs and under all circumstances; 4. That the provisions of the Constitution requiring the State at Center and in States to promote with special care and protect the socio-economic interests of the weaker sections of the society denied to them for centuries, have to upheld and given practical shape in public affairs as a matter of prime most priority. 5. That economic disparities and the wide gaps between the 'haves' and the 'have nots' must not be allowed to override the political principle of "one man, one vote, one vote, one value" adopted by our republic. 6. That unless political empowerment is secured for the economically deprived masses they will not be able to free themselves from the shackles of economic and social dependence and exploitation.In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the aims stated above the Party will work specially towards the following objectives: 1. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, the other Backward Castes, and the minorities, are the most oppressed and exploited people in India. Keeping in mind their large numbers, such a set of people in India is known as the Bahujan Samaj. The Party shall organise these masses. 2. The party shall work for these down trodden masses toa. to remove their backwardness; b. to fight against their oppression and exploitation; c. to improve their status in society and public life; d. to improve their living conditions in day to day life; 2. The social structure of India is based on inequalities created by caste system and the movement of the Party shall be geared towards changing the social system and rebuild it on the basis of equality and human values. All those who join the party with the commitment to co-operate in this movement of social change shall be ingratiated into the fold of the Party. Towards the furtherance of the above noted aims and objectives the organisational units of Party as designated in this constitution, shall be empowered to:-

1. purchase, take on lease or otherwise acquire, and maintain, moveable or immovable property for the Party and invest and deal with monies of Party in such a manner as may from time to time be determined; 2. raise money with or without security for carrying out any of the aims and objectives of the Party; 3. to do all other lawful things and acts as are incidental or conducive to the attainment of any of the aforesaid aims and objectives.

A Journey Of A Kind:

FOR THE past month, medical students in the Capital have been protesting the "quota issue" with brooms and mops in their hands - in a crude symbolism against the Scheduled Castes. Were they to travel to Uttar Pradesh, they would discover how much behind the times they are. In her book, " Mere sangharshmai jeevan evam bahujan movement ka

safarnama " (My struggle-filled life and the journey of bahujan movement), Mayawati explains how she reached out to Brahmins (and later other upper castes) and how the latter, in trickles to begin with but gradually in greater numbers, began to respond. The first step was to tap the more socially committed among Brahmins and through them appeal to the

larger community. But lest this should be understood as a dilution of the Bahujan Samaj Party's opposition to "manuwad", there was a caveat. The BSP needed Brahmins - and other forward castes - to come over but on its terms. Those who responded, Ms. Mayawati let it be known, would be amply rewarded, by way of the party ticket, Rajya Sabha nominations, and ministerial berths. The BSP chief's earliest breakthrough was the induction of Satish Chandra Misra, Advocate General in the BSP Government, who agreed to canvass support among likeminded Brahmins. Mr. Misra's positive feedback led to the appointment of coordinators tasked with organising districtlevel Brahmin mahasammelans (Brahmin congregations). The job was not easy. Forward castes in the north were not only more sizeable compared to the south, caste barriers were more entrenched in the absence of an enlightened social movement. The BSP itself was deeply resented for its strident antimanuwadi campaign. But mission "Brahmin jodo" (integrate Brahmins) was the worth the time and effort, and on June 9, 2005, Ms. Mayawati addressed the BSP's first State-level Brahmin mahasammelan. "It is not by chance that you have turned up here in such large numbers here," the BSP chief told the gathering. Her repeated assurance: the BSP was against "manuwad", or the Brahminical disdain for lower castes, but it was not against Brahmins. Therefore, any fear of a reverse discrimination in the BSP was unfounded. The Brahmin mahasammelan spawned other mahasammelans - of Rajputs, Vaishyas, and Yadavas, representing forward and backward castes. Each was an attempt to add another community to the BSP's Dalit core vote. The enormity of the BSP's forward caste project is best understood in terms of the BSP-BJP relationship. Each time the BSP aligned with the BJP, the former gained and the latter lost. Between 1991 and 2004, the BJP's Lok Sabha seats from Uttar Pradesh declined from 51 of 84 seats to 10 of 80 seats. Between 1991 and 2002, its Assembly seats declined from 221 of 425 seats to 88 of 403 seats. In the same period, the BSP's Lok Sabha tally went up from just one to 19 and its Assembly seats from 12 to 98. There seemed but one explanation for this dramatic reversal: the BJP's core voters were disillusioned by its repeated pacts with the forward caste-baiting BSP. That the same segments, or even a section of them, could prefer the

BSP to the BJP speaks to the amazing journey of a party that targeted, and was in turn targeted by, forward castes. As Sudhir Goyal, national spokesperson of the BSP puts it: "The transformation is a measure of our confidence. It is from a position of strength that we are talking to upper castes." So, how do the BSP's Dalit workers react to the co-option of the "manuwadi" castes? With stoic acceptance: "Our fight is with the system. This is the only way the BSP can capture power on its own." Undoubtedly, this is the voice of a deeply committed cadre. On the outside, the BSP is all about Ms. Mayawati, with the media obsessively focussing on her clothes, jewellery, and "imperious" manner. On the ground, the BSP could be a cult instead of a party, with the cadre doggedly and silently propagating the party's ideology in the remotest villages. The commonest refrain among workers is " hum marne mitne ke liye taiyar hain " (we are ready to die for the party). For Salim Ansari and Raj Vijay, former and current presidents of the party's Mau unit, the BSP is a mission where the poorest workers give up bidis and paan to raise funds. The election drill is rigorous and starts early, with party candidates chosen almost two years in advance and put on test. Each constituency is divided into 25 sectors with ten polling booths to a sector. Each booth, accounting roughly for 1000 voters, is under the care of a nine-member committee, headed by a president and with at least one woman member deputed to motivate and mobilise women voters. Says Mr. Ansari, " Behenji 's one message is: do not sleep. And we do not. The booth committees have a single goal - to ensure the maximum turnout of our voters. Each member has a specific duty, and we have already had rehearsals for what to do on voting day [eight months away]." So has the BSP really put together an unbeatable Dalit-forward caste-most backward caste combination? The many caste mahasammelans and the systematic targeting of the smaller caste groups - Chauhan, Rajbar, Malla, Maurya to name a few - would suggest so. Say BSP workers Ashok Kumkar and M.S. Chauhan: "As important as the Brahmin mahasammelans are the many more unpublicised efforts directed at the smaller castes." Yet the experiment is not without its pitfalls. For instance, the pro-Mayawati mood, so visible among Allahabad forward castes, seemed driven less by a genuine change of heart towards the BSP than by the immediate imperative of removing

Mulayam Singh. The language bordered on communal, with Mr. Mulayam Singh accused of "pandering to Muslims" and "protecting Muslims bullies." This leads to the question: Is forward caste support for the BSP merely opportunistic, with the BSP temporarily substituting for the BJP? As important is a second question: Has the BSP been able to break traditional barriers in the villages? This writer travelled into the villages of Mau with a band of BSP workers. The Dalit villagers were easily identified by their enthusiasm and shouts of "Jai Bhim" (for Bhim Rao Ambedkar). The fervours made it impossible to tell between voters and workers. Both spoke of "working to the last breath " for the BSP and behenji . Brighteyed Ranjana from Nausopur village typified this mix. "There is a BSP wave. The Brahmins are voting the haathi (elephant)," she gushed, even as she insisted on accompanying us to forward caste homes to "witness the revolution." Ashok Kumar, the village pradhan, was emphatic that Brahmins would vote the BSP: " I have complete respect for Maywati as an administrator. She was tough on criminals and that is what we need now." Banke Bihari, another Brahmin, voted the BJP in 2002 and wants to give the BSP a try: "I would like to believe that she has changed." But were forward castes not jailed and harassed by previous BSP regimes? "Those who ought to be jailed, ought to be jailed." Ram Ashish Tiwari was bitter about the BJP's forgotten Ram mandir and the "Jinnah betrayal." "I do not know if I will vote the BSP. But I am not voting the BJP." Yet attitudinal mindsets are not so easily demolished. At Umapur, our group ran into the openly hostile Rajnath Tiwari and his son. Said Mr. Tiwari: "The Ram mandir will be built and we will vote the BJP as long as we live." But were Brahmins not turning to the BSP? The son's hands flew to his ears, his disgust apparent, his words a torrent of abuse: "Ram, Ram, what are you saying? The BSP and us?" The effect was instantaneous. "Don't you dare," began Ranjana only to stop abruptly, her eyes misty, her fists clenched tightly. It was evident that she was holding herself back. Did she not want to retaliate? "I do but we have a larger goal. We have to win." That the BSP has gained phenomenally on the ground is clear. But U.P. is a complex State where every day brings a new challenge. In the villages, each major caste has its own political party and the numbers can only increase as election day draws near. The Samajwadi Party's Muslim base is under threat from a

new, more strident Muslim party. This could benefit the BSP or it could breathe life into the BJP. If the Congress revival is better than currently anticipated, it could affect forward caste movement towards the BSP. On the other hand, should the anti-quota forward caste anger spread to U.P. - currently reservation is a non-issue here - the Congress will be affected the most.

Bahan Kumari Mayawati

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has emerged as one of the main national political parties of India under the stewardship of its National President Kumari Mayawati Ji, Member of Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council and fourth-time Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, which is the most populous state of the country having a population of about 170 million. Kumari or Miss Mayawati Ji, a serene figure, is affectionately known and called as Bahenji or Sister by one and all her workers, supporters, well-wishers as well as officials. So far as the strength in the India's parliament is concerned, it had a total number of 19 members in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian

Parliament while it has a total of six MPs in the Rajya Sabha. But so far as the percentage of votes goes, it is just on the verge of jumping to No. 3 position after the ruling Congress and the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), relegating Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPI-M to No. 4 position as per the official votes percentage released by the Election Commission of India after February-March 2004 general Lok Sabha elections. The BSP has received over 1 crore 31 lakh (13.1million) votes in that election in Uttar Pradesh itself, out of a total of 2.07 crores (207,65,229-----5.33 per cent) it had received in the 25 States/Union Territories its had contested. The total votes were a little less than the CPI-M, which is facing stagnation so far as the number of votes is concerned at the national level.Apart from this electoral success, the most significant point is that the BSP is fast emerging as a political party with a difference. The Party president Kumari Mayawati Ji, identified as Iron lady and a no-nonsense leader has emerged as a lady of new hope and aspirations to varied and a wide section of the society, particularly in the state of Uttar Pradesh, bordering national capital of New Delhi, which most often guides the political destiny of the country. Committed and fully devoted to the missionary cause and cherished goal of "Social Transformation & Economic Emancipation" particularly to the people belonging to "Bahujan Samaj" (that comprises Backwards (Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other backward classes) and Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Parsis of religious minorities) and poor from other sections of the society mainly the high caste people, Kumari Mayawati Ji, a spinster by mission, is regarded in the Indian politics with respect, reverence and awe as she is the only politician in the India having a mass appeal and firm hold and command over her voters and also the charishma to get mass vote bank transferred to any individual and to any party, a rare thing, of course, in the contemporary Indian politics. Given the charishma of the BSP supremo, the two main political parties---the Congress and the BJP----are always looking keen to have an electoral alliance /understanding with it either at the national level or at least at the state level, but the march of "Elephant ", the election symbol of the Party is on and the "Blue" flag of the BSP is flying high under the strong and towering leadership of Kumari Mayawati Ji, who is working assiduously with a

missionary zeal to make them ruler of India to usher in here the golden era of Ashoka, the Great

S.No.

PUBLIC OFFICES (MP/MLA/CM) MP (LS) MP (RS) CM MLA First Term (Bijnor) First Term First Term First Term Harora First Term Bilsi

TENURE From 02-12-1989 03-04-1994 03-06-1995 Oct. 96 22-10-1996 21-03-1997 To 13-031991 25-101996 18-101995 10-031998 25-101996 20-091997

REMARK

1. 2. 3. 4.

Lok Sabha Dissolved Resigned MP Seat during CM tenure on 25-10-1996 During MP (RS) tenure Resigned MP Seat during CM tenure on 25-10-1996 Resigned Bilsi Seat Resigned as CM on 20-0997 after completing 6 months rotational arrangements Lok Sabha Dissolved

5.

CM

Second Term

6.

MP (LS)

Second Term (Akbarpur) Third Term (Akbarpur) Second Term Harora

10-03-1998

26-041999 07-032002 28-082003

7. 8.

MP (LS) MLA

10-10-1999 Feb. 2002

Resigned to retain Harora Assembly seat Resigned as MLA from Harora on 28-08-03 after resigning as CM on 26-0803 Resigned Jahangir Ganj to retain Harora seat Resigned as CM Resigned

Second Term Jahangir Ganj 9. CM Third Term Fourth Term (Akbarpur) Second Term Fourth Term

Feb. 2002 03-05-2002 17-05-2002 05-07-2004 13-05-2007 03-07-2007

04-032002 26-082003 26-062004

10. MP (LS) 11. MP (RS) 12. CM

13. MLC (UP) First Term

THE PUBLIC OFFICES HELD BY KUMARI MAYAWATI:

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ACTIVITIES:

To serve the country's real natives-- Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and religious minorities-and encourage activities for their overall development. Special Inclination : Educate and organise the poor, oppressed and impoverished sections of the society to fight for their legal and constitutional rights. Life's Aim : To remain engaged in the fight for "social transformation and economic liberation" of the Bahujan Samaj" so that about 85 per cent people of India's more than a hundred crore population, representing the "Bahujan Samaj", could be brought in the national mainstream. Poor of other sections of the society are also to be educationally and economically uplifted,

Foreign Travels:
1. Visited Canada, Denmark, France, Japan, Switzerland, Korea and Taiwan in the capacity of the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister. 2. London: To inaugurate the Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Memorial Community Centre as Bahujan Samaj Party National VicePresident 3. As a representative of India, addressed the UN General Assembly while participating in an international seminar on the topic, "Democracy through Partnership between Men and Women", organised by the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) on 7th June, 2000 in New York, USA Other Information : As a teacher (government employee), remained associated with BAMCEF-The All India Backward (Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes) and Minority Communities Employees Federation since 1977. Entered politics through the Bahujan Samaj Party, set up on 14 April, 1984. At present, National President of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE EXPERIENCE:

November 1989 : Both she and the party, the BSP made debut in Parliament. Won Bijnore (reserved) Lok Sabha seat in Uttar Pradesh in the Ninth General Elections of 1989. April 1994 : Elected to the Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh, signaling her debut, as also of the party, in the Upper House of Indian Parliament June 1995 : In 1995, Ms. Mayawati created history be becoming Indian's first Dalit woman chief minister, heading first Bahujan Samaj Party (Majority People's Party) government in India's most-populated state of Uttar Pradesh. Became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the largest state of India in terms of population 4-times: 1. 1995 : 3 June, 1995 to 18 October, 1995 2. 1997 : 21 March, 1997 to 20 September, 1997 3. 2002 : 3 May, 2002 to 26 August, 2003 4. 2007 : 13 May, 2007 till date 1996-98 : Elected as a legislator. Elected from the two different constituencies of Uttar Pradesh-Harora (reserved) in Saharanpur district and Bilsi (reserved) in Budaun district. Represented the constituency of Harora in the state assembly, resigning from Bilsi seat as per the law. 21 March, 1997 : Became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the second time. February 1998 : Elected for the second time in the 12th Lok Sabha elections from Uttar Pradesh's Akbarpur (reserved) parliamentary constituency in Ambedkar Nagar district. February 1999 : Elected for the third time in the 13th Lok Sabha elections from Akbarpur (reserved) constituency. 14 April, 1999 : Senior journalist Mohammad Jamil Akhter's book, entitled "Iron Lady Kumari Mayawati", was released by Mr. Kanshi Ram Ji at a grand function in New Delhi on the occasion of Dr. Ambedkar's birth anniversary. 3 June, 2000 : Release of her own book book, "Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti" (Bahujan Samaj and its Politics) by Mr. Kanshi Ram Ji at a function in New Delhi's Talkatora stadium on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the first 'Bahujan Samaj' government in Uttar Pradesh. 15 December, 2001 : BSP architect and founder, Manyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji, declared her as the sole heir and political

successor of him and the "Bahujan Movement" at a grand rally in the Lakshman Mela ground on the bank of river Gomti in the Uttar Pradesh capital Lucknow. February 2002 : Re-elected as a legislator in the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections. Was declared a winner from the two constituencies-Harora (reserved) in Saharanpur district and Jahangirganj (reserved) in Ambedkar Nagar District. Represented Harora seat and resigned from Jahangirganj seat. March 2002 : Resigned from Akbarpur (reserved) Lok Sabha seat. 3 May, 2002 : Became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the third time. 18 September, 2003 : Assumed the office of Bahujan Samaj Party's National President after Mr. Kanshi Ram Ji suddenly fell seriously ill following a brain stroke. April-May, 2004 : Elected for the fourth time in the 14th Lok Sabha elections from Akbarpur (reserved) seat in Uttar Pradesh. July 2004 : After resigning from the Lok Sabha, elected for the second time as a member of the Rajya Sabha for a six-year term from Uttar Pradesh. 27 August, 2006 : Re-elected as National President of the Bahujan Samaj Party unanimously in an All India Delegate Conference held at Lucknow. 13 May, 2007 : Was administered oath for the office of the Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh fourth time after her party registered a comfortable majority win in the general elections for the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly, trouncing Samajwadi party, BJP and the Congress. 3 July, 2007 : Joined as member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council after elected unopposed in the by-election for the upper house of the state legislature. Declared that she chose to become MLC as she wish to concentrate on the development of all the 403 assembly constituencies of state assembly rather than my constituency only .... I am not Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav, who had diverted all the funds to develop his home area only.

BOOK WRITING:
1. Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti (October 2000) 2. Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti, English(October 2001) 3. Mere Sangarshmai Jeevan Evam Bahujan Movement Ka Safarnama, three-volume over 3300 pages book, first two part

of which was released by BSP founder Manyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji on 15 th January, 2006 on the occasion of 50 th birth anniversary of Ms. Mayawati Ji. 4. A Travelogue of My struggle-ridden life and of Bahujan Samaj, English, two volume book released on 15 th March, 2008 on the birth anniversary of Mamnyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji

LIMCA BOOK OF RECORDS 2006

Largest Political Rally:
The Bahujan Samaj Party under the leadership of Chief Minister Mayawati organised a mammoth rally on April 14, 2003, for which over 5.76 lakh people had gathered at the 27-acre Dr Ambedkar Maidan in Lukcnow, U.P. About 5,000 heavy and 2,000 light vehicles were requisitioned to transport more than 3.70 lakh people. Over and above that, about 1.01 lakh people arrived by train. Some 30,000 people came from neighboring states and 75,000 persons reached the spot by foot. For efficient crowd management, the entire area was divided into four zones, which were further split into 19 sectors. There were 3,771 security personnel on duty. In addition, 30 Companies and two Platoons of the PAC were deployed. Limca Book of Records 2006 India at her Best (Pape.195) CM In Three Contiguous Assemblies ( Woman ) : Former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Kumari Mayawati Ji of BSP is the only woman chief minister of a State to be sworn in thrice in three contiguous Assemblies. In the 12 th Assembly her tenure lasted from June 3 - Oct. 27, 1995; the second term in the 13th Assembly was from March 20 - Sept. 20, 1997 and the third term in the 14th Assembly was May 3, 2002 - August 26, 2003. Limca Book of Records 2006 India at her Best (Pape.208)

Controversies
1.

Taj corridor case

In 2003 the CBI raided Mayawati's residence in relation to the Taj corridor case, two days after it had filed a First Information Report against her. This led to discovery of assets disproportionate to her known income In June 2007 The UP Governor T.V. Rajeswar has said that there isn't enough evidence against UP Chief Minister Mayawati for her prosecution in the Taj Corridor case. Governor Rajeswar in his 23-page order refused to grant sanction to prosecute Mayawati in the taj Corridor scam, Governor Rajeswar in his 23-page order said: 'the fact that the Mission Management Board, consisting of officers of both the State and the Central Government, regularly met and discussed the project and the fact that even a sum of Rs. 17 crore was spent through the Central Government public sector undertaking, NPCC, all go to show that the serious offences with which Mayawati and the Minister were charged do not stand scrutiny. Advocates challenged the Governor's T.V. Rajeswar decision in court, but failed as the Supreme Court rejected plea of the

Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and by refusing to direct state Governor T V Rajeshwar for granting sanction to prosecute her, and effectively ending the Taj corridor case before going to trial.
2.

Birthdays

Mayawati's past birthdays have been major media events, where she appeared laden with diamonds. Her supporters have declared her birthday as Jan Kalyankari Diwas (People's Welfare Day). In 2009 the day was marked by the announcement of welfare schemes targeted towards poor and downtrodden people of the state. Her 2010 birthday was marked by the launch of programmes with a value of over Rs 7,312 crores.
3.

Disproportionate assets case

Mayawati's assets run into millions of dollars, with several properties to her name. In the 200708 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax of Rupees 26 crores, ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI had filed a case against her for owning assets

disproportionate to her known sources of income. Mayawati described the CBI investigation against her as illegal. Her party asserts that her income comes from gifts and small contributions made by party workers and supporters.

On August 3, 2011 Delhi High court has dismissed centers appeal against Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati stating that "she(Mayawati) has fully discharged her obligations by disclosing the identities of all of her donors, the gifts had been donated by her supporters. The central government decided not to file an appeal in Supreme Court against the Delhi High Courts decision to uphold an order of the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal (ITAT) favoring Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati, in Disproportionate assets case.
4.

World Bank criticism

The World Bank loaned India funds for development, and Mayawati was to manage projects with this money in UP. The projects were preplanned and on schedule, but the Mayawati government made changes which put the project behind schedule. The World Bank sent a 1 August 2002 letter of complaint to India's central government stating, "We have now learnt that project managers have been replaced within three weeks of assuming office. The project coordinator of the Diversified Agriculture Support Project has been changed twice in quick succession and at the moment there is no project coordinator. In the forestry project, numerous changes have been made over the past six months ... Such developments do not augur well for these time-bound projects that require consistently good leadership."

5.

Statues

In her tenures as a Chief Minister, Mayawati erected number of statues of Buddhist and Dalit icons like Gautam Buddha, Ravidas, Narayana Guru, Jyotirao Phule, Shahuji Maharaj, Periyar Ramasami,Bhimrao Ambedkar, BSP founder Kanshi Ram, and of herself. She claims that the expenditure on statues and symbols of Dalit Icons was required because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit icons, in whose memory nothing was ever built. She has spent over Rs 2,500 crore on projects of five parks and memorials like B R Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Sthal andMan yavar Kanshiram Smarak Sthal, built in the name of Bhimrao Ambedkar, Ramabai Ambedkar, and Kanshi Ram in Lucknow between 2007 and 2009. The Co mptroller and Auditor General of India reporte d that Rs. 15 Crore was spent on memorials. T he Supreme Court of India admitted a Public Interest Litigation que stioning this expenditure. In February 2010, Mayawati's government approved a plan for a special police force to protect the statues. She feared that her political opponents might demolish the statues. There are incidents of vandalism of statues of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar in India. In October 2011 Mayawati inaugurated the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal and Green Garden, built at a cost of 685 crores. Since the memorial also features her own statues, Mayawati was accused by the Indian National Congress of wasting the tax-payers' money. The BSP dismissed the allegations, and stated

that her statues were erected because Kanshi Ram's will requested that his statues should be constructed next to those of the current President of BSP. Mayawati accused the Congress of being "anti-Dalit".

6. Increase in number of rape cases

The Maya government seems to be under tremendous pressure and criticism due to the rising number of rape cases in Uttar Pradesh. Another fresh incident has again triggered controversy all over when a 22-yearold woman was gang raped in Rae Bareilly on Sunday evening, Jul 4. The young victim is a resident of Rae Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh, who was gang raped by four men while she was returning back home. "I was returning back to home. On the way, few unknown men kidnapped me and brutally raped me. I shouted for help but, nobody came up to save me." People are outraged in Maya land as it seems women are under high risk of sexual abuse anytime and every time they step out of their homes. Maya has been earlier slammed by National Commission for Women chairperson Girija Vyas for the brutal attack on a Dalit girl in Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh has witnessed 14 such rape cases in past two weeks.

7. Separate Statehood

With the Uttar Pradesh Cabinet pushing a proposal to divide India's largest State into four parts through on Tuesday, Chief Minister Mayawati revealed yet another element of her cleverly crafted preelection strategy. Her Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) may still be leading the field for next year's Assembly polls, but four and a half years of rule has meant a certain amount of antiincumbency has set in, not perhaps among members of her core Dalit constituency, but certainly amongst those she had drawn in through skilful social engineering in 2007. Now she wants to neutralise these pockets of disenchantment through this dramatic new promise of dividing up this humongous State into smaller, more manageable portions. But even as she seeks to get the better of her political opponents, her move on Tuesday is likely to have national repercussions as well: Telangana is still hanging fire, and there are demands for smaller States from across the country, from Vidarbha in the west to Gorkhaland in the east.Even more significant, U.P. will lose its identity as the pre-eminent political State in the country, which has

produced a majority of the country's Prime Ministers. Its 75 districts which send 80 MPs to the Lok Sabha could be split with each of its four proposed parts, Bundelkhand, Avadh Pradesh, Purvanchal and Paschim Pradesh, getting roughly either less than a fourth or a little over. In U.P.'s place, the western State of Maharashtra would be top dog with its 48 MPs in the Lok Sabha, not to mention its financial clout. West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh, each with 42 MPs, Bihar with 40 MPs and Tamil Nadu with 39 MP would all have a larger say in national politics. U.P., the heart of India, which has played its role despite its unwieldy size in keeping the country united, and holding back the communal tide, would no longer exist. But, for Mayawati, her concerns are far more immediate she needs to win next year's election. So she has decided to work on demands that have arisen from different parts of the State from time to time. For instance, both the people of the prosperous western part of the State as well as of the desperately poor and arid Bundelkhand have, for many years, expressed a desire to break away from U.P. If the proponents of Harit Pradesh in the west the most prosperous part of the State feel they could plough the wealth they generate into their own region without having to subsidise the more backward eastern and southern parts of the State, those living in Bundelkhand have felt a separate State might rescue the region from the neglect it has suffered under successive regimes. As a pre-election gambit, it serves the purpose of sending out a message to the powerful Jats of western U.P., largely supporters of Ajit Singh's Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), and who tend to be inimical to the Jatavs, the Dalit community which is the backbone of the BSP, that she is one with their aspiration for Harit Pradesh or Paschim Pradesh, as she has named it. In Bundelkhand, the story is different: this is a BSP stronghold where the Congress' Rahul Gandhi has spent a great deal of time focussing attention on its backwardness and even pushing for a Planning Commission package for the region. But, tragically, this continues to be an area where many farmers are continuing to commit suicide, unable to pay back bank loans, something that the Allahabad High Court tooksuo motunotice of in this July. It is also a region where the Congress' loan waiver scheme did not work as well as it did in other parts of U.P. in the run-up to the general elections of 2009: the scheme was made for farmers with land holdings of up to five acres, without taking into account the

differences in the quality of the land in different parts of the country. In western U.P., a farmer with five acres is relatively prosperous; in Bundelkhand, a farmer with four times as much might starve. So will Mayawati's gamble pay off? It will certainly distract attention from the shortcomings in her administration, leaving her political adversaries, the Samajwadi Party, the Congress, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the RLD scrambling for an effective counter strategy. Of the four, only the SP has expressed its total opposition to the proposal; the Congress, characteristically, is divided and has said that a second States Reorganisation Commission is needed, while the BJP has simply described it as a diversionary tactic. The RLD is yet to speak it cannot but welcome something it has been campaigning for, but if it does so, it could be advantage Mayawati in west U.P.

Partys Views on Current Topics

1. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
Bahujan Samaj Partys President and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati slammed the governments decision to raise the cap of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in retail sector, dubbing it as dangerous for small traders. She claimed that the FDI plan was a move to benefit foreign companies like WalMart.

2. Inflation
Ms. Mayawati is doubtful if the United Progressive Alliance government would complete its full term, mired as it was in corruption charges, price rise and inflation. Charging the Opposition parties with using all tactics to try and defeat the BSP movement based on the slogan bahujan hitaye, bahujan sukhaye'' (welfare and happiness of all), she urged party

workers to be cautious against such moves, especially by the Congress.

3. Petrol Price Hike

The Bahujan Samaj Party staged demonstrations at all district headquarters in Uttar Pradesh in protest against the recent hike in fuel prices by the Union Govertnment. Chief Minister Mayawati, at whose call the one-day dharnas and demonstration were staged, did not participate in the protest. However, the demonstrations in the districts were led by ministers and senior party functionaries. Describing the hike as an anti-people measure, speakers criticised the Congress-led UPA government for showing scant regard for the common man. The price hike, it charged, was the result of wrong economic policies pursued by the Central Government. In comparison, the Mayawati Government had taken several measures like reducing taxes on essential commodities to give relief to the poor and under privileged sections of the population.
4.

Lokpal Bill

Chief Minister Mayawati said that her party would not support the Lokpal bill if the Central Bureau of Investigation was not brought under its purview. The BSP chief also blamed the Centre of not paying any heed to her suggestions on the issue. Mayawati pointed out that none of the BSP MPs were given a copy of the bill before it was tabled in Parliament -- a practice that has been going on for decades.

5. Formation of new states in Uttar Pradesh

THE elephant has set a political cat among the pigeons. Lucknow-based political analyst Sudhir Panwar thus succinctly summed up the immediate effect of Chief Minister Mayawati's

announcement of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government's proposal to divide Uttar Pradesh into four smaller States namely Paschim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh, Poorvanchal, Bundelkhand. The reason being convenience in management and development of the state.

6. Cash For Votes 7. Ram Janma Bhumi/Babri Masjid 8. 2G/CWG Scam 9. Naxalism 10. Afzal Guru Case 11. Kapil Sibal remarks on Facebook Censorship 12. Justice katjus remarks on media censorship 13.IC814 Hijack 14.Dalai Lama Issues 15.Black Money

Bibliography

www.bspindia.org www.google.com www.wikipedia.com