The Godfathers of 'Truth': Max Weber and Carl Schmitt in Morgenthau's Theory of Power Politics Author(s): Hans-Karl Pichler

Source: Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 185-200 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20097517 Accessed: 16/08/2010 12:06
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Review

of International

Studies

(1998),

24,

185-200

Copyright

? British

International

Studies

Association

of 'truth5: Max Weber and The godfathers Carl Schmitt inMorgenthau's theory of power politics*
HANS-KARL PICHLER

Abstract.

The

article

uncovers

the

intellectual

link

between

Morgenthau's

theory

of

power

politics and the German thinkers Max Weber and Carl Schmitt. Through this it sheds light on the forceful claims to objectivity contained inMorgenthau's theory of power politics. The
author objectivity reveals of Schmitt's how, by combining social science, Morgenthau The same arguments allow ideas finds of an 'the Political' elegant also way with to Weber's overcome a moral ideas the on the value of

determinacy

of social science. This enables him to assert the objectivity

Morgenthau to formulate

of (international)
defence

science. political the state.

books and articles is their extraordinarily striking feature of Hans Morgenthau's in It seduces the reader to believe that the theories contained persuasive language. them are an 'objective' and 'true' reflection of the workings of international politics. the pages of his main work, Politics among Nations, Morgenthau inces Throughout concern with is about 'the theoretical reminds the reader that his writing santly human nature as it actually is, and with the historic processes as they actually take

is more asserted than proven. He fails to objectivity place'.1 Yet Morgenthau's for his claims to objectivity. The 'objectivity' of arguments provide epistemological in his famous the social sciences had been criticized and qualified by Max Weber in the first decades of the twentieth century.2 It contribution made methodological seems peculiar that Morgenthau who, as we know from his writings, was a keen asserts the existence follower of Weber3 of the perennial and objective laws of or qualifying his claim.4 international politics without supporting The aim of this article is to understand in Politics why and how Morgenthau, on the objectivity throws the Weberian limitations of the social among Nations, sciences
*

overboard

and indulges

in absolute

statements.

This

investigation

will

show

Power and Peace, 3rd edn (New York, are from this edition. otherwise indicated, all subsequent 1960), p. 4 (my emphasis). Unless quotations 2 Max Weber, The Methodology als (New York, 1949). See also Wissenschaft of the Social Sciences Politics as a Vocation), ed. W. J.Mommsen and W. Beruf, Politik als Beruf (Science as a Vocation, Schluchter for me to read edition since it was important 1992). I refer to this German (T?bingen, are my own translations. text. Quotations in English Weber's original 3 Hans J.Morgenthau, in Kenneth 1904-1932', 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography: Thompson Brunswick, Truth and Tragedy: A Tribute toHans J. Morgenthau J.Myers, (New and London, in 1976 and first published in 1977. 1984), p. 7. The article was written vs. Power Politics first book in the USA, Scientific Man See, e.g., Morgenthau's 1946), and (Chicago, in James C. Charlesworth his article 'The Purpose of Political Science', (ed.), A Design for Political Science: Scope, Objectives and Methods PA, 1966), pp. 63-79. (Philadelphia, and Robert NJ,

I would like to thank Professor Fred Halliday for introducing me to write this article. Many thanks also to Dr encouraging for many fruitful discussions, and my parents, Karen L?dtke, their help. 1 Hans J.Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for

Carl Schmitt's ideas to me and Coker and Henrik Thune Christopher Elena Jurado and Anna Bertmar for

185

186

Hans-Karl

Pichler

to the value-determinacy of social science lies in his that Morgenthau's solution of politics as a realm of perpetual conflict and struggle for power and conception international politics this way, the supreme valued end, i.e., domination. Interpreting the national interest, pursued by all state-leaders becomes national self-preservation. a defining The isolation of this single value, which constitutes feature of inter to overcome allows Morgenthau the dilemma of the value national politics, international in the of social science, analyse determinacy politics 'objectively' abstract and draw universal patterns from it. Morgenthau's ideas on the nature of as this article will show, were informed by the German politics and 'the Political', of 'the Political' in thinker Carl Schmitt. Schmitt developed his conception political was still a student. By the late 1920s Schmitt's ideas on the 1920s, when Morgenthau a wide and 'the Political' had already reached audience, including politics who knew Schmitt personally and refers to him on several occasions.5 Morgenthau Max Weber and Carl Schmitt were two of the most influential thinkers inWeimar of science and sociologist, Schmitt for his ideas Germany, Weber as a philosopher on the essence of politics and the role of the state. Morgenthau's intellectual roots in the Weimar Republic, where he studied law first at the University grounded to the teachings of of Munich and later in Berlin. In Munich he was introduced a doctoral thesis on in 1929 from Berlin after completing Max Weber. He graduated out of fear of the nature and limits of international law.6 In 1932 he left Germany to Geneva where he the imminent Nazi regime and, together with his wife, moved States. After taught at the university. Five years later they emigrated to the United a brief period at Brooklyn College in New York, Morgenthau gained a working for of Kansas City. In 1943 he lectureship in law and European politics at the University It was here that he wrote Politics found a permanent position at Chicago University. his most famous work and the one upon which most of the analysis among Nations, of this article is based. link between Morgenthau, Weber and Schmitt has already been The intellectual to build on this research by tracing the simi identified in IR literature.71 would like larities between Morgenthau's thinking and that of Weber and Schmitt respectively, of 'the Political' and thus of inter and by showing how, through his conception was able to overcome the value dilemma of national politics, Morgenthau
5 Morgenthau Moreover,

were

with Schmitt in 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography'. his meeting on Morgenthau, in his excellent has scrutinized intellectual biography in which he talks several manuscripts diaries and articles and discovered Morgenthau's unpublished Eine intellektuelle 2nd edn (Bern, about Schmitt. See Christoph Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau: Biographie, also had a strong influence on Morgenthau's and Vienna, 1994). Frei argues that Nietzsche Stuttgart are Morgenthau's to Nietzsche of the 'tragic' the influences he attributes thinking. Among conception is a permanent in life, and the idea that politics, just like life in general, struggle either for survival or to Nietzsche. On one diaries contain several references for recognition. As Frei reveals, Morgenthau's to read Nietzsche it a duty for oneself three times a writes: 'One should make occasion Morgenthau writes about Christoph Frei,

in then one would live in a greater way and achieve greater and higher things'. Quoted day. Perhaps p. 102 (my translation). Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, 6 Die internationale ihr Wesen und ihre Grenzen (The Nature and Hans J.Morgenthau, Rechtspflege, Limits of International Law) (Leipzig, 1929). 7 see Alfons in America: Morgenthau's Political For a discussion 'German Conservatism S?llner, see Jim George, and Morgenthau Telos, 72 (Summer Realism', 1987), pp. 161-77. For Weber to International Relations Discourses (Re)Introduction (Boulder, CO, of Global Politics: A Critical over Reason and Value 1994); Stephen P. Turner and Regis A. Factor, Max Weber and the Dispute to Kissinger J. Smith, Realist Thought from Weber (Baton Rouge, (Tampa, FL, 1984); and Michael LA, and London, 1986), pp. 134^65.

Godfathers political/social science,

of

'truth' not shows claim

187 that that it is

as outlined This article does by Weber. It merely tried to resolve this dilemma. consciously Morgenthau to make a strong case for the 'objectivity' of Morgenthau's possible

theory of inter national politics from within the framework of his methodological thinking and the definition of 'the Political'. in drawing From a methodological point of view my analysis will consist mainly and Schmitt. These will be theoretical and textual parallels between Morgenthau to Weber data on Morgenthau's and relationship supplemented by biographical inMorgenthau's 'Six Schmitt.8 Most of my analysis is based on the claims contained of his of Political Realism' which can be seen as the theoretical manifesto Principles body

of thought.9 My attempt to lay out the intellectual origins of Morgenthau's thought does not imply a defence or justification of his theory. Rather, the unearthing to embed his ideas in the it possible intellectual of Morgenthau's origins makes him as an American' thinker. German intellectual tradition, thereby denaturalizing

The problem of objectivity

and values

From

overwhelms the among Nations, Morgenthau for objectivity: like society in 'Politics, quest general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.' Hence, to understand 'in order to improve society, it is first necessary the laws by which a further and objective laws we encounter lives'.10 After society objectivity states without contentious notion: truth. Political further realism, Morgenthau in politics between truth and 'believes in the ability of distinguishing clarification, opinion'.11 From facts and giving 'truth' Morgenthau derives 'theory' which 'consists in ascertaining them meaning through reason. It is the testing of this rational

of Politics the very beginning reader with dogmas about realism's

8 I am 9

indebted to Christoph of Morgenthau Frei's biography for most of the evidence on the between the two men. relationship the six principles do not appear until the second edition of Politics among Nations f 1954), Although a summary of the epistemological on which and ontological they constitute assumptions work is based. Excerpts from the six principles, taken from the second edition of Morgenthau's Politics among Nations, pp. 4?14, are listed below. 1 st principle: 'Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective scientific laws that have their roots in human nature.' 2nd principle: 'The main that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape signpost is the concept of interest defined in terms of power.' of international politics 3rd principle: 'Realism does not endow its key concept of interest defined as power with a meaning that is fixed once and for all. The idea of interest is indeed of the essence of politics and is unaffected of time and space'. by the circumstances 4th principle: 'Political realism is aware of the ineluctable action.' tension between of the moral command It is also aware of political action. significance and the requirements of successful political

the moral

5th principle: of a particular 'Political realism refuses to identify the moral nation with aspirations so it the moral laws that govern the universe. As it distinguishes between truth and opinion, between truth and idolatry'. distinguishes 6th principle: the political realist maintains the autonomy of the political 'Intellectually, sphere, as the economist, the lawyer, the moralist maintain theirs.' 10 Politics among Nations, p. 4. Morgenthau, 11 Ibid.

188

Hans-Karl

Pichler to the their consequences that gives meaning a theory of politics possible.'12 'objective' order in international politics. It is [that] infuses rational order into the subject the theoretical of politics understanding draws the methodological definition of realism international with motives then, will guard politics, and the concern with a value-free and objective

hypothesis against the actual facts and facts of international politics and makes believes that there is an Morgenthau 'the concept of interest defined as power matter of politics, and thus makes

possible'.13 From this, Morgenthau as a school of thought: A realist theory of two popular the concern fallacies: against

ideological preferences.'14 In other words, realism provides analysis of international politics. of Weber's influence is brief but compelling. He Morgenthau's acknowledgement in the following terms: 'While as a citizen he was a his admiration for Weber justified scene and a frustrated participant in it, as a observer of the political passionate and pursued no political scholar he looked at politics without purpose passion one of understanding.'15 Frei As Christoph the intellectual shows, beyond was introduced to the teachings of Max Weber first in 1925, when he Morgenthau than read Weber's Science as a Vocation, Politics as a Vocation. More significant references is the Weberian influence on his thought Morgenthau's autobiographical on the methodology of the social sciences, discussed below.

Weber:

science

versus politics

to understand the world science, Weber argues, it has become possible Through of the world, The price for this ability is, however, the 'disenchantment' objectively. and mysterious the belief that 'in principle there are no unaccountable powers any control all things through calculation'.16 and that 'one can, in principle, longer' science as well as social science, Science, and by this term he refers to natural of life and the world ideas about the meaning the religious and magical destroys from a few big kids, as there are without able to replace them. 'Who?apart being in believes in the natural sciences?still today that the discoveries can tell us something or physics or chemistry or biology about the meaning of life, or better, could even just tell us: how one could go about finding the is limited to telling people traces of this "meaning", if it exists at all.'17 Science it cannot provide them with an about the facts of the world. Unlike religion, especially astronomy and for their existence. The 'liberation from the rationality explanation for a life in communion of science is the fundamental precondition intellectuality with the divine'.18 Scientists do not ask 'whether the world they describe has a right itmakes sense to live in it'.19 If it has a "meaning" and whether of existence: whether ultimate

12 Politics among Nations, p. 5. Morgenthau, 13 Ibid., pp. 5-6. 14 Ibid., p. 6. 15 Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography', 16 als Beruf, Politik als Beruf, p. 87. Weber, Wissenschaft 17 Ibid., p. 92. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid., p. 94.

p. 7.

Godfathers

of

'truth'

189

exclusively on facts. They can only tell what they are real scientists, they concentrate one must do in order to achieve a chosen end, not what one ought to do in a moral sense. The scientist must realize 'that the ascertaining of facts, the identification of or logical facts' and the formulation of an answer to the question 'how mathematical one should act within the cultural community are two and the political associations . . Whenever . the man of science introduces his heterogeneous problems completely a full understanding of the facts ceases.'20 Hence, the personal value-judgement, and ethical advice. To the ethical question, social scientist cannot give normative 'Does the end justify the means?', Weber replies, 'If he does not want to become a the teacher can only emphasise the necessity of this question.'21 demagogue on the other hand, is the realm where people pursue their personal Politics, to their opinions interests. Since politicians choose their actions according {Gesinnungen) and opinions are always formed by personal values, politics cannot be involvement, objective in its judgments. The social scientist must beware of political if the lecturer engages since 'politics does not belong to the lecture hall, especially in politics'.22 For Weber the search for value-free politics is futile. Any scientifically on the number of available allows several solutions, depending political problem valued of social ends. Nevertheless, science and politics can support each other. It is the duty science to assess critically the practical judgments of politicians through rational and empirical methods, and of politics to expose itself to scientific criticism. ones in particular, must 'All actions, the political let themselves be irritated by science through the debate about values and be corrected through the confrontation

with disagreeable facts.'23 In On Methodology, takes a step back from this scientific however, Weber rests exclusively upon enthusiasm. 'The objective validity of all empirical knowledge to categories which are subjective the ordering of a given reality according in a of our knowledge and specific sense, namely, in that they present the presuppositions are based on the presupposition of the value of those truths which empirical ... It should be remembered that the belief in the knowledge alone is able to give us value of scientific truth is the product of certain cultures and is not a product of man's original nature.'24 The analysis of social reality, Weber now argues, is not only but also influenced by the personal value orientations and interests culture-specific, of the social scientist. Social reality is informed by the values held by the people involved. Since these values are difficult to detect in the analysis of social processes, any scientific analysis of these processes will be conditioned by these values and unable to reach objectivity. Weber writes: 'The "objectivity" of the social sciences rather on the fact that the empirical data are always related to those depends ideas which alone make them worth knowing and the significance of the data is derived from these evaluative ideas.'25 To assess the validity of empirical is beyond the powers of science. 'These evaluative ideas are for their values, however, evaluative

20 Ibid., pp. 97, 98. 21 Ibid., p. 103. 22 Ibid., p. 96. 23 W. Schluchter, Wertfreiheit und Verantwortungsethik: Max Weber 1971), p. 26. (T?bingen, 24 Max Weber, Methodology, p. 110. 25 Ibid., p. 111.

Zum

Verh?ltnis

von Wissenschaft

und Politik

bei

190 part

Hans-Karl empirically
data as

Pichler discoverable
such.'26

. . . but

their

validity

can

not

be deduced

from

empirical

in Science as a Vocation, Politics These statements seem to contradict those made as a Vocation. If values inform people's interests as well as social scientists' analysis, how can scientific analysis ever be more than a subjective and limited interpretation of objectivity. of events? The puzzle can be solved by qualifying Weber's conception Weber's objectivity is directed only towards the past. If social reality is informed by the changing values of a large number of players, it is impossible to predict in which that is, objectivity is possible, direction it will evolve. With past events, history because events can no longer change. They are thus open to the scrutiny of the social scientist, who, in patient labour, explores all facets of the different motiva event until its dynamics tional forces lying beneath a particular historical and its with past events it is easier for the become comprehensible. Moreover, significance on the social scientist to evaluate the influence of his/her own value orientations outcome of the analysis, as the event does not stand in such an immediate relation to his/her own personal interests. Weber's social science is historical science. It is not on scientific relativism. InWeber's own words: 'Now all this [i.e. what he had to of social science] should not be misunderstood said about the value-determinacy mean that the proper task of the social sciences should be the continual chase for new view-points and new analytical constructs. On the contrary: nothing should be more sharply emphasised than the proposition that the knowledge of the cultural based significance of concrete historical events and patterns is exclusively and solely the final and the criticism of constructs end which, among other means, concept-construction as long as it remains historical also seek to serve.'27 Social science, science, can be a specific event is possible only with regard to this objectivity objective. However, fashion. and never to social reality as a whole in a generalizing in social science are almost views on the possibility of objectivity Morgenthau's is packed with claims identical with those of Weber. And yet Politics among Nations to absolute objectivity. The first of the 'Six Principles of Political Realism' opens like society in general, is with the statement: 'Political realism believes that politics, laws that have their roots in human nature.'28 The next governed by objective subsection will try to explain this apparent contradiction.

Morgenthau:

realism's quest for objectivity

views to those of Weber becomes apparent in some similarity of Morgenthau's vs. Power Politics, published in 1946, two years before passages of Scientific Man In this work, which can be seen as a critique of the positivist Politics among Nations. The writes: 'The social sciences can, tradition of social science in the USA, Morganthau at best, present a series of hypothetical each of which may occur under possibilities, of them will actually occur is anybody's certain conditions. Which guess.'29 The to be analysed and understood social world, Morgenthau argues, is too complex
26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Morgenthau, 29 Morgenthau,

Politics Scientific

among Nations, p. 4 (my emphasis). vs. Power Politics, Man p. 130.

Go djothers

of

'truth'

191

the social scientist is not fully informed about the through scientific laws. Because of the people involved in the specific social process under investi value orientations limited to guessing the outcome. He shares Weber's view gation, he/she is necessarily on the nature of values and the impossibility of judging them scientifically. Only the In an unpublished individual can decide on these matters. in written manuscript, 1937 and carrying the illustrative title 'Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?' ('Can an Objective Moral Order Still Be Created in our Times?'), Morgenthau writes: 'We live in a crisis of metaphysical conscious ness . . .This insight bans morality into that realm within which alone it can still exist in objectivity also shares Weber's view today: the human soul.'30 Morgenthau that the judgment of the social scientist is influenced by his/her own values and by the social environment he/she lives in. 'The mind of the political scientist ismoulded . . . The truth which a mind he observes thus socially by the society which conditioned is able to grasp is likewise socially conditioned.'31 In Power among Nations, laws of however, Morgenthau speaks of the universal How can this apparent contradiction be explained? I believe that the answer politics. lies in Morgenthau's of the nature of international and his conception politics definition of 'the Political'. The essence of 'the Political', and its determining feature, is conflict arising from the struggle for power. In 'The Purpose of Political Science' Morgenthau argues: 'Why is it that all men lust for power? . . .Aside from fundamental such as these, the content of political science philosophical questions a priori and in the abstract.'32 The struggle for power con cannot be determined stitutes a fundamental believes it to be an question of life and, since Morgenthau innate urge inman, also a fundamental of social interaction. In the ensuing dynamic conflict, the weaker will be subjugated by the stronger. By defining the struggle for a priori and fundamental to political and social reality, power as a dynamic finds a way to resolve the problem of objectivity in the analysis of Morgenthau he argues, a scientific reality. On this 'lowest level of social interaction', of society is possible.33 analysis International is also determined politics by the struggle for power. Due to the an anarchical condition defines interstate absence of an international government, relations. This reduces international law to little more than an accessory in a chaotic world ruled by the fittest. In order to guarantee their self-preservation, states must direct all their resources towards power maximization. Since international politics remains on the fundamental level of the struggle for power, an objective analysis is social writes: 'We assume that statesmen possible. In Politics among Nations Morgenthau think and act in terms of interest defined as power, and the evidence of history bears out. That assumption that assumption allows us to retrace and anticipate, as it were, or future?has the steps a statesman?past, taken or will take on the present, political scene.'34

30

Hans J.Morgenthau, 'Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?', in Frei, Hans J Morgenthau, ms., Geneva, 1937, p. 114, quoted unpublished p. 187 (my translation). 31 Science', p. 68. Morgenthau, 'Purpose of Political 32 Ibid., p. 75. 33 vs. Power Politics, p. 130. Morgenthau, Scientific Man 34 Hans J.Morgenthau, Politics The Struggle for Power and Peace, 2nd edn (New York, among Nations: 1954), p. 5 (my emphasis).

192

Hans-Karl

Pichler

can justify his claims to the there is a further way in which Morgenthau of his theories. By isolating national self-preservation, and with it power objectivity as the supreme valued end (the national of all state leaders maximization, interest) in international politics, Morgenthau is able to overcome the problem of the value However, of social and political science because cannot but all state-leaders determinacy this one valued end. If this is so, the social scientist is not distracted by the pursue of value orientations for instance, present in social dynamics pursuing, complexity such ends as a 'good life'. The possible outcomes of the struggle for power and self are neither culturally on the interpretation relative nor dependent of preservation Only two options exist: the state either survives or it perishes. of international politics cannot but move between these two extremes, Any analysis both of which are easily identifiable and unambiguous. While this uncovers the logic behind Morgenthau's calls for power maximization, to explain why Morgenthau it is still necessary defines international politics as a realm of perpetual struggle for power and argues so forcefully for the preservation of one needs to these questions to look at the origins of the state. For answers ideas on the nature of politics. It is here that Carl Schmitt enters the Morgenthau's was deeply influenced by Schmitt in his conception of politics picture. Morgenthau the social scientist. in particular. This assertion is based on two facts. are very similar. and Schmitt's definitions of 'the Political' Firstly, Morgenthau's knew Schmitt personally and tried, as we know from his Secondly, Morgenthau diaries and articles, to expand on Schmitt's ideas on the topic.35 Morgenthau and to Morgenthau, Schmitt met in Berlin in 1929. According the meeting was a disaster, not really having a chance to put with Schmitt talking incessantly and Morgenthau in general and 'the Political' was total. When forward his views. Later Morgenthau writes: 'The disappointment I I stopped on the landing between walked down the stairs from Schmitt's apartment, I have just met the most evil man his and the next floor and said to myself: Now
alive.'36

In an attempt to find answers to the questions raised above, the next illustrate Schmitt's ideas and then compare them with Morgenthau's.

section will

The nature of the political

Schmitt's general

ideas about

'the Political'

are a response

and the difficulties

of parliamentary

democracy

to the modern liberal state in the Weimar Republic

in in

35

Further remarks on Schmitt are Autobiography'. them are Morgenthau's inauguration speech at um die Wirklichkeit Geneva University, 'Der Kampf der deutschen Staatslehre des Staates' (The Political Science for the Reality of the State) (Geneva, 1932), and '?ber den Sinn Struggle of German in dieser Zeit und ?ber die Bestimmung des Menschen' der Wissenschaft of Science (On the Meaning of the Human 1934). All these are cited in Frei, Hans J. Being) (Geneva, Today and the Vocation

See Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual in unpublished contained manuscripts. Among

Morgenthau. 36 p. 16. It needs to be kept inmind, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography', Morgenthau, ismost that this strongly negative however, attempt certainly conditioned judgment by Morgenthau's to distance himself from German that had been involved with the Nazi acquaintances regime. in 'Staatsrat' (counsellor of the state) by Goering Schmitt was one of them, as he was nominated 1933.

Godfathers

of 'truth'

193

coalition for Germany after particular. The difficulty in finding a stable government World War I, as well as the alleged socialist threat and the social division resulting from it, created a sense of confusion among many political observers. They feared that Germany might not be able to regain the alleged internal unity and the great power status it had possessed before World War I. Schmitt's ideas should be read as a very strong and often brilliant expression of a mood which prevailed among many intellectuals who had been educated under the pre-World War I imperial order. feared that politics was disintegrating, and attributed Schmitt, just like Morgenthau, this process to the negative influence of liberalism.

Schmitt:

conflict as the essence of 'the Political'

reflections on the nature of politics are a product of his concern that, in state of the early twentieth century, the political element was being that is legalistic and pluralist, forms of social organization. supplanted by liberal, this, Schmitt identifies conflict and struggle as the essence of 'the Political'. Against Schmitt's the modern He writes: 'The political can be understood only in the context of the ever present of the friend and enemy grouping, regardless of the aspects which this possibility in economics for morality, aesthetics and economics.'37 While the categories implies are profitable/unprofitable and inmorality 'the definition of the notion of good/bad, the political can only be arrived at through the discovery and determination of the own categories'.38 The specifically political categories, since the political does have its of friend and enemy. Wherever determining categories of politics are the opposites and whenever there is an enemy, 'the Political' exists. Although the enemy is not necessarily morally bad or evil, it is a foe not just in a figurative sense but in a very existential way. 'He simply is the other, the alien, and it is enough that in a very so different and alien that war with him is possible existential sense he is something in the extreme case . . .The notions friend and enemy are to be understood in their
concrete, existential meaning, not as metaphors or symbols.'39

source of his ideas about Schmitt's conception of human is the ultimate theories', he holds, politics. All real political 'presume the human being to be a and dynamic 'cannot take an anthropological "dangerous" They being'.40 as their point of departure. By abolishing the possibility of an enemy "optimism" If human nature they would also abolish any specifically political consequences.'41 were good, in other words, 'the Political' would disappear. 'The Political' the possibility exists only where of war, within and between is given. A world within which the possibility of war is ultimately societies, nature eliminated, a completely the friend/enemy divide
37 38

pacified planet in other words, would be a world without and hence a world without politics.'42 The fact that war
of the Political) 1963), p. 36. All

Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen from this text are my own quotes made Ibid., p. 26. 39 Ibid., pp. 27, 28. 40 Ibid., p. 61. 41 Ibid., p. 64. 42 Ibid., p. 35. Carl

(The Concept translations.

(Berlin,

194 occurs

Hans-Karl

Pichler

does not diminish its determining character on politics. only exceptionally of the political bloc formation 'The ultimate consequence into friends and enemies becomes real only in actual conflict. It is from this most extreme possibility that the life of human beings derives its specific political tension.'43 Although peaceful to know the friend from the times makes it difficult coexistence during normal enemy, the political tension is always present beneath the surface and ready to erupt in the case of an emergency. These strong statements need to be read in the context of Schmitt's critique of liberal thought for obfuscating liberalism. He blames 'the Political' by trying to or culture. The reduce it to the status of other realms in society such as economics in the state, liberal argument for pluralism and the basic equality of all associations that individuals, in their private lives, Schmitt argues, is derived from the observation at any one time. For Schmitt live in a whole variety of relationships and associations this analogy is flawed because it neglects the difference between the individual and the state and denies the political unity of the state. His critique is directed against what he believes to Schmitt is not anti-democratic. of politics. While democracy makes everything political by be the liberal conception including all facets of life and all people in the political process, liberalism tries to the public sphere. 'In liberal thinking the political concept of conflict is privatize into economic and intellectual debate. In place of a clear transformed competition "war" and "peace" appear the dynamics of discussion. and perpetual Hence the state turns into perpetual competition this process because it neglects the Schmitt considers dangerous society'.44 possibility of an inner or outer enemy. If liberalism were given a free hand, the state's role would be reduced to 'playing one association out against the other in the name of the free individual and his are decided all questions from the freedom of relationships, upon whereby the realm of state authority, liberalism perspective of the individual'.45 By curtailing In a world governed by liberal principles, 'there endangers the welfare of the people. distinction between and intrigues of all might be very interesting opposites and contrasts, competitions never an opposition of such force as to justify the demand on people to sorts, but sacrifice their own life and to give people the inner strength to shed their own blood and kill others'.46 The consequences of forgetting that struggle is the essence of 'the in a political lethal. 'If a people is afraid of the risks entailed Political' may be it from its troubles by existence another people will easily be found which will relieve assuming the role of "protector" and thereby gain political power over it.'47 case as the situation Schmitt defines emergency of a situation of such imminent existential danger, there needs In (Ausnahmezustand). era this to be a sovereign able to defend society and restore order. In the modern duty falls on the state since it alone can create the political unity necessary for the of the defence of society. The state decides upon the existence or non-existence enemy and yields the jus belli, the right to decide upon the lives of the citizens. For extreme cases of peril, Schmitt envisages a 'commissarial dictatorship' whose duty it This extreme
43 44 45 46 47 Ibid. Ibid., pp. 70-1. Ibid., p. 45. Ibid., pp. 35-6. Ibid., p. 53.

the two conditions

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the the existential threat is over, however, peace and order. Once For is to hand executive power back to the constitutional government. dictatorship Schmitt the emergency is never the rule, as it is with Fascism and Nazism.48 liberalism for destroying the state by Schmitt criticizes political unity within if necessary, demand the sacrifice of 'The political unity must, fragmenting society. of liberal thought this claim is impossible to reach'.49 If life. For the individualism ceases to exist, 'the Political' vanishes with it. This does not within society unity mean in the state are determined that all details of the life of the people by the all social, cultural and moral associations sovereign and by 'the Political'. Economic, ethical or exist under the rule of law. However, economic, 'every religious, moral, one if it is sufficiently other antithesis transforms itself into a political strong to divide into friends and enemies'.50 In other words, the possibility of the case of emergency can never be excluded and lies behind and, ultimately, all forms of social life. in his theory of 'the Political' and the case of emergency Schmitt leaves However, two fundamental questions unanswered: why is conflict the essence of 'the Political' and why is it that 'the Political' is always present? Both these questions find an answer inMorgenthau's of 'the Political'. theory human beings conflict

Morgenthau:

'the Political'

as the key to objectivity

Some

on the nature of of Morgenthau's earliest, and very 'Schmittian', comments on international are contained in his doctoral thesis in 'the Political' law, written in the area of interstate 1929. Herein, Morgenthau argues that 'political questions relations are questions that influence the individuality of one state against that of are related to the preservation and assertion of that individuality within others and the community sarily limited

of states'.51 He argues that the scope of international law is neces to enforce to because there is no political it. According power law will solve the problems the belief that international of inter Morgenthau, national politics is short-sighted and based on a wrong understanding of the nature of 'the Political'. The struggle for power will push states into violent conflict with
each other.

is 'the Political' defined as struggle for power leading to conflict? In search Why an answer, Morgenthau turns to the individual. for 'The most basic fact of existence which cannot be subdivided further is the fact of life itself . . . Before and in all combinations of human motivation there is one basic force: the impulse for life which strives for survival and recognition.'52 The achievement of either aim, survival or recognition, Morgenthau argues, requires power, but with one crucial difference. While the struggle for survival is the result of a lack of power, the search for is the product of an excess of power. Both are natural and innate urges. recognition
48 Paul Hirst, 'Schmitt: Enemy or Foe?', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), p. 21. 49 Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen, pp. 70, 45. 50 Ibid., p. 37. 51 Die internationale pp. 59-60. Morgenthau, Rechtspflege, 52 aus dem Wesen des Politischen Hans J.Morgenthau, ?ber die Herkunft Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, pp. 132-3 (my translation).

des Menschen,

p. 10, quoted

in

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In Morgenthau's 'the struggle for power is universal in time and space and is words, an undeniable to experience, fact of experience.'53 Apart from referring dogmatically statement. He merely asserts delivers no proof for this anthropological Morgenthau If the struggle for element of human motivation'.54 that 'it is the most convincing is to be under power is an innate urge of human beings it follows that 'the Political stood as a force that exists within the individual and is necessarily directed towards other people in the form of "a desire for power".'55 In Science: Servant The meaning of the term 'power' is left open by Morgenthau. or Master? he remarks that everyone always strives for power, the scholar seeking a rock-face, the poet trying to catch the the mountaineer climbing knowledge, of life in words. The struggle for power is thus omnipresent. Yet, not all It is only 'when they of the struggle for power are also political. these manifestations sphere'.56 [the people] choose as their object other men that they enter the political to the struggle for power, In opposition It 'the Political' is not always present. when the struggle for power is directed against other human beings, appears only not against the natural world. With this statement, the struggle for power acquires a It moves from the purely personal and individual social dimension. level onto the the struggle for power becomes social plain. As a dynamic between people, social as 'the This explains why Morgenthau 'the Political' defines conflict, i.e., politics. In defining 'the Political' this way, point of reference of all social activity'.57 unlike Schmitt, identifies both the origin of 'the Political' and the Morgenthau, 'the Political' only in relation conditions under which it appears. Schmitt considers to the state and does not talk about its origins. Morgenthau realized this short on. In an unpublished in 1930, he remarks that though article written coming early he admires Schmitt's 'exceptional mental intensity and reliable instinct', it was a pity that 'instead of penetrating
half way'.58

essence

to the deepest

roots of the reality of the state, he stops

defines 'the Political' not as something fixed, but as a property that is Morgenthau to a higher or a lower degree, just as bodies keep heat. However, there is a kept the degree of a body's temperature with the help of a difference: one can measure such an objective standard mercury column and a scale. In the area of 'the Political', 'in the degree of intensity does not exist. The specific political element thus consists with which a matter of state activity can be related to the individuality of the state on which the preservation of the existence of the state depends, itself . . .Questions stand in the closest imaginable relation to the individuality of the state.'59 obviously itself in varying degrees of intensity The idea that 'the Political' manifests is an to the criteria of is confined extension of Schmitt's notion of 'the Political', which to his own distinction. Schmitt was so impressed by this addition the friend/enemy
53 Politics among Nations, p. 33. Morgenthau, 54 des Politischen, ?ber die Herkunft Morgenthau, (my translation). 55 des Politischen, ?ber die Herkunft Morgenthau, translation). 56 Hans J.Morgenthau, 57 Hans J.Morgenthau, 58 Morgenthau, translation). 59 Morgenthau, translation). ?ber Die Science: diary Servant or Master?

p. 10, quoted p. 9, quoted

in Frei, Hans in Frei, Hans

J. Morgenthau, J. Morgenthau,

pp.

132-3

p. 132 (my

entry,

31 May

(New York, 1972), p. 31. in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, 1930, quoted p. 25, quoted pp. 70-1. in Frei, Hans

p. 180 (my p. 124 (my

die Herkunft internationale

des Politischen, Rechtspflege,

J. Morgenthau,

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of

'truth'

197

on it in writing. This event was also the theory that he congratulated Morgenthau reason for their meeting in Berlin in 1929.60 Schmitt's on most other points. Morgenthau's thought on 'the Political' matches both share the view that everything is potentially Firstly, political. For Morgenthau the precondition is only that someone's search for power is directed towards another human being. Whether this occurs in the field of art or of politics per se is irrelevant. is identical.61 Secondly, both thinkers use similar arguments in their In words liberalism. that could be taken from Schmitt, Morgenthau critique writes: 'Under the impact of nineteenth century liberalism, Anglo-American society has been strongly influenced, and at times dominated, that denies by a philosophy politics a prominent and honourable place in the order of things. Politics as conflict of interests decided through a struggle for power is here regarded as an ephemeral a kind of residue of either aristocratic or capitalistic phenomenon, society, for the time being to be pushed into a corner fenced off by constitutional safeguards and Schmitt's view of to be abolished altogether.'62 Finally, Morgenthau also shares Schmitt's ultimately view of human nature. 'The drives to live, to propagate, and to dominate negative
are common to all men.'

to the universality of the struggle for power lends him the basic for defining international politics as a realm of power politics. Since the argument asks, 'is it surprising struggle for power is a basic feature of human life, Morgenthau that international politics is of necessity power politics?'63 where 'the absence of any form of rational regulation makes violence into the measure and the means of proof case of in interstate for the position of a state'.64 Hence, relations Schmitt's This claim emergency, defined as a situation of existential conflict, becomes the norm. If the case of emergency is the norm in international politics, it follows that all political thinking and advice for action in international politics must be oriented towards the end of the preservation of the state. Since self-preservation is guaran to equate the national teed through power, it is justified interest with the pursuit of power. National self-preservation through power maximization resources key value and the key end towards which all political
states. Morgenthau writes, Tn a world where a number of sovereign

becomes both the are directed in all

nations compete

with and oppose each other for power, the foreign policies of all nations must necessarily refer to their survival as their minimum requirement.'65 Here lie the roots of his famous formula, 'International like all politics, is a struggle for politics,
power.'

all alternative state leaders might want to pursue are sub values which to the maximization of power and the value of self-preservation, is able to claim objectivity in his analysis. As noted earlier, Weber's Morgenthau argument against the objectivity of social science is that every end pursued in social action is informed by the values of the people involved. The social scientist can nor give a judgment on them, as values are neither know all these different values ordinated
60 Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 169. 61 In Der Begriff des Politischen, differences have become p. 76, Schmitt writes, '[the fact] that economic . . shows that the can be reached from economics as well as from any other field'. political. political 62 Hans J.Morgenthau, The Restoration of American Politics (Chicago and London, 1962), p. 90. 63 Politics among Nations, p. 35. Morgenthau, 64 Die internationale p. 77. Morgenthau, Rechtspflege, 65 Hans J. Dilemmas Morgenthau, (Chicago and London, 1958), p. 66. of Politics

Once

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Hans-Karl

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part of the personal realm beyond the grasp of science. In Morgenthau's theory of international politics, national self-preservation of power through the maximization in the very definition of international is a clear, universal value contained politics. serve the end of power All in the international actions system exclusively maximization in order to guarantee national survival. In contrast to such political as 'what is a good life?', whose is open to a variety of questions interpretation different answers all conditioned the values held by different people, national self by is a fundamental and universally valid existential question which allows preservation one interpretation: the state either survives or it perishes. There is no solution in only between. To preserve the state, state leaders must and will maximize the power of the state. It is in their own interest to do so, because the state guarantees their personal survival just like that of society as a whole. Due to these conditions, all ambiguity in the interpretation of social facts disappears.66 Like the state-leader, the social scientist cannot but share the supreme value of self-preservation in his/her own existential interest. Since the social scientist's analysis is thus informed by the same value as that of the state leader and there is only one possible valued end, analytical is possible. it is still necessary to explain why Morgenthau argues so forcefully for the Finally, of the state in Politics among Nations.611 believe that the answer lies in preservation of morality his conception combined with his ideas about the nature of inter national politics. Morgenthau believes in the existence of universal moral values and that 'it is the moral duty of people of the mind today to preserve the eternal argues moral ethical values in a clear conceptual order'.68 Yet, in the anarchic and violent objectivity international system dominated by the struggle for power, there is no room for altruistic action and a moral life. Such a life is only possible within the state, where the respect of moral norms and laws. Through sanctions guarantee the existential it offers the individual and society, the state thus constitutes the only moral security If the state perishes, however, this moral realm also space in an amoral world. It follows that the preservation act in itself. of the state is a moral disappears. the state is not allowed to pursue any other end than its Indeed, for Morgenthau own self-preservation, even if this can be achieved only by immoral means. In his Interest Morgenthau book In Defense the National makes this point even more of
66 this logic to work itmust be assumed that power maximization is a straightforward process and are directed that all actions of state-leaders towards this goal at all times. during their public function if the possibility is silent on this point. However, is conceded that not all acts of the Morgenthau in international state-leaders towards the goal of power-maximization, the politics are directed arises how the social scientist can distinguish between those that are and those that are not. question For This dilemma to his claims

poses a serious threat to the unity of Morgenthau's theory of international politics and to analytical to me that Morgenthau It seems peculiar does not expand on objectivity. this point. However, it is not within the scope of this article to investigate this question. 67 to Politics nature of Morgenthau's The reference is important here, as the state-centric among Nations in Dilemmas later work. Already in 1958, he makes clear of Politics, written the state is a not eternal but a particular historical manifestation of political 'As long as the world is politically into nations, the national interest is indeed organization: organized In 'The Intellectual the last word in international and Political politics' (p. 66, my emphasis). even adopts a radical critique of the state as an in 1970, Morgenthau Functions of Theory', written In the nuclear age, he argues, the state is no longer able to protect institution. its citizens adequately. a new form of political needs to be found. See Hans J.Morgenthau, 'The Therefore, organization theories weakens that the institution of and Political Functions of Theory', in James Der Derian (ed.), International Theory: Investigations (London, 1995). 68 in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung 'Kann p. 114, quoted Morgenthau, aufgestellt werden?', in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 187 (my translation). Critical Intellectual in his

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'truth'

199

above all, remember always that it is not only a political necessity resolutely: And, but a moral duty for a nation to follow in its dealings with other nations but one star, one standard for thought, one rule for action: THE NATIONAL guiding INTEREST.'69 If political action follows a predefined end, what is the responsibility of political science? On this Morgenthau has a very clear prescription: 'The task of political to the is to apply the perennial truths of politics of understanding it and of solving its purpose political Political science is to take the role of a tutor reminding state leaders of problems.'70 the necessity of power maximization and trying to devise ways to escape the 'lust' for power of other states. In sum, political science's task is to aid the state in its for survival. struggle philosophy world in our age, then, for the dual

Conclusion

aims. Firstly, it uncovered the intellectual link Weber and Schmitt. A close look at Morgenthau's pre Morgenthau, statements decessors helps to shed some light on those dogmatic, power-political that are spread all over Politics among Nations. this article showed how Secondly, claims to the objectivity of his theory of international politics can be Morgenthau's pursued between justified politics. from within the logic of his conceptions of social science and the nature of

This

article

two related

ideas of 'the Political' and international politics make sense as long Morgenthau's as they are seen in the context of the case of emergency, i.e., the struggle for national within the international system. Beyond this they have little to say. self-preservation do not make up a general theory of international in terms of the relations They or social exchange between peoples and states. Today it economic, cultural, religious is a truism that international relations is about more than relations between states and their existential conflicts. For Morgenthau it was not. He never denied the ones within of relationships existence other than political and across societies. are all subordinated to the case of emergency. This point however, they Ultimately, as a whole needs to be to assert that international allows Morgenthau politics of the case of emergency the logic which calls for power analysed through
maximization by any means.

There are many problems with Morgenthau's ideas about politics, and they have been widely of these critiques, however, remarked upon.71 Most focus on the and ontological of Morgenthau's inconsistencies theories and do not epistemological godfathers. A genealogy of this kind inspires the reader ideas as part of a philosophical that of continuum, German political and social thought in the pre-World War II period, rather than in isolation. For instance, the idea that conflict constitutes the essence of 'the Political' search for his philosophical to interpret Morgenthau's

69

in S?llner, 'German Conservatism in America', p. 171. Quoted 70 Restoration p. 66 (my emphasis). Morgenthau, of American Politics, 71 and Justin Rosenberg, The Empire See, e.g., George, Discourses of Global Politics, Relations Critique of the Realist Theory of International (London, 1994).

of Civil Society:

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Pichler

was widely known and shared among German thinkers of the 1920s and political influence. This explains why Morgenthau does not 1930s, partly due to Schmitt's in this matter. As has been in detailed proof of his forceful statements indulge shown, to him it was not only reasonable, but even obvious to argue this way. a theorist within the American has long been considered positivist Morgenthau tradition. The aim of this article was to cast doubt on this reading by showing how his work was an attempt to transfer the 'typically' European philosophical problems into an American of power and domination system engulfed by liberal political into the transformed after being introduced these ideas were thought. How American liberal tradition is an interesting question for future research.