INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN THE ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY: AN OPINION REGARDING RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN THE PROMOTION OF CONCERT PERFORMANCES IN THE UNITED

STATES Dr. Joe R. Feagin, Ph.D. UF Graduate Research Professor Department of Sociology University of Florida

I. INTRODUCTION 1. I am Dr. Joe R. Feagin, Ph.D. (Harvard, 1966), a Graduate Research Professor in

sociology at the University of Florida. Since 1964 1 have been conducting research and analysis of U.S. racial relations, and I have published seventeen books and dozens of articles that deal directly and centrally with various aspects of racial discrimination in the United States, in addition to numerous other books and articles that deal to some degree with these issues. A list of my publications is attached, along with a list of other cases in which I have testified at trial or by deposition within the preceding four years, and disclosure of the basis of compensation for the time devoted to preparation for this case (see Appendix). 2. Since the late-1970s I have published a number of major books, including one

with Beacon Press called Living with Racism (1994) and another with M. E. Sharpe called Double Burden: Black Women and Everyday Racism (1998), that focus on the racial discrimination regularly experienced by African Americans, including discrimination in businesses and workplaces. Since 1988 I have been the leading social science researcher in conducting field research studies on racial discrimination affecting African Americans. I have supervised or personally conducted interviews with several hundred African Americans in numerous field research studies, including some that have focused on discrimination against black businesses. I am currently finishing up another research book that deals with the impact and costs of the discrimination faced by middle class African Americans. 3. My research work on discrimination has been regularly used in a number of

corporate and university settings, as well as in Department of Defense courses (for example, the Equal Opportunity Adviser Course) since 1980. I am regularly asked to give lectures to 2

university groups and military conferences dealing with racial discrimination. I am a recent pastpresident of the 13,000-member American Sociological Association. 4. I was asked to prepare a report that examines what my own research and the

related social science literature tell us about racial discrimination in regard to African Americans and then to assess the extent to which I see that racial discrimination reflected in the reported experiences of African American promoters as described in the amended complaint and other Rowe, et al. v. William Morris, et al. case materials. 5. Based on my longterm research on the racial bias and discrimination targeting

African Americans in the United States, on the amended complaint, and on the statistics and other case materials, I have come to the professional opinion that the accounts and incidents recounted by the black promoters in these case materials for the concert promotion industry constitute racial bias and exclusionary discrimination. Furthermore, in my professional opinion these accounts and incidents are more than a matter of a few isolated instances, but rather indicate well-institutionalized and systemic racial discrimination. 6. This racial discrimination is generated by, and centered in, the operations of a

white-dominated concert promotion network. While the case materials that I have reviewed do not reveal a written agreement on the part of whites in the concert promotion business to exclude African American promoters, these case materials do indicate that powerful whites operate informally, through what they themselves term the "concert promoting fraternity" and the "good old boy network," to exclude black promoters from almost all of the more significant business opportunities in the concert promotion industry.

II. INSTITUTIONALIZED RACIAL PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION A. Racial Discrimination 7. The importance of a sociological perspective is that it directs us to pay careful

attention to the social processes, contexts, and consequences of phenomena such as racial prejudice and discrimination. Over the last few decades social scientists have done much important conceptual and empirical research on the character and conceptualization of discrimination as it operates in various U.S. institutions. Working as a pioneer in explaining the nature of prejudice and discrimination, Harvard professor Gordon Allport focused on the prejudice and discrimination of individuals. As he and subsequent researchers have seen it, few prejudiced people keep their prejudices to themselves but act out these feelings in discriminatory ways. I 8. Drawing on Allport and subsequent research, we can view racial discrimination

here as actions carried out by members of a dominant racial group that have a differential and negative impact on members of a subordinate racial group. Racially discriminatory practices take various forms--subtle, covert, and blatant forms--and restrict the opportunities of, and social rewards going to, those in racially subordinate groups. Discriminatory behavior has both effects and mechanisms. Effects refer to the negative impact and costs; mechanisms refer to particular types of actions that generate the harmful effects. Contemporary research and analysis also suggest that the motivation for racial discrimination can vary. Sometimes an individuals discrimination reflects an array of racial prejudices and stereotypes of the discriminator himself or herself, and sometimes it reflects the discriminators concern for the prejudices and stereotypes held by significant others in the relevant social networks. It is also the case that a

discriminator can hold relatively liberal attitudes in some areas of his or her racial thinking, yet also harbor some negative racial images or stereotypes in yet other areas of his or her thinking. Moreover, it only takes one negative image or stereotype to trigger serious discrimination on the part of some discriminators.2 9. Since the 1960s social scientists, including the author, have developed the concept

of institutional or systemic racial discrimination. This concept was developed to capture the social, cumulative, and institutionalized aspects of modern racial discrimination. Examples of institutionalized discrimination include not only formal segregation--such as that once faced by African Americans in business, employment, and public accommodations, which lasted into the 1960s--but also the large-scale, informal discrimination documented in recent research, as will be discussed below. Institutional discrimination refers to the patterns of actions shaped by the norms, rules, and understandings of the social organizations and networks of the dominant racial group, in this case white Americans, actions that have a negative impact on a subordinate racial group.3 In the case of racial discrimination these norms, rules, and understandings can be formal or informal. 10. Today, institutionalized discrimination, whether in hiring at a corporate

workplace or in contracting in the entertainment industry, is typically carried out by white individuals, acting alone or in groups, who implement the shared norms, rules, and understandings of their organizations and networks. White individuals have the power to discriminate as individuals, but much of their power to harm comes from membership in white organizations and social networks, a type of social structure that one social scientist calls "enforcement coalitions.4

B. Racist Attitudes: Still Commonplace l 1. In the routines of everyday life, the discriminatory norms and understandings

imposed by white enforcement coalitions are usually linked to, and perpetuated by. the antiblack prejudices and stereotypes still held by a majority of white Americans. When African Americans encounter whites in a broad array of contemporary settings, they often meet negative beliefs about their abilities, values, and orientations. Racial barriers persist today because a majority of whites harbor anti-black sentiments, images, and beliefs and because a large minority are very negative in their racist perspectives. Many whites still think in racialized terms when they choose mates, neighborhoods, employees, business partners, and workplace buddies. 12. For example, a 199:2 national survey by the Anti-Defamation League reported that

a majority of whites subscribe to one or more anti-black attitudes and stereotypes. Evaluating a list of eight anti-black stereotypes, about three quarters of whites agreed with one or more, and 55 percent agreed with two or more.5 White men were a bit more likely to hold anti-black attitudes than white women. While less prejudiced as a group, a large proportion of collegeeducated whites also agreed with at least one of the antiblack stereotypes. A 1994 NORC national survey asked whites to evaluate on a scale how work-oriented African Americans are. Only a small percentage of whites, some 16 percent, ranked black Americans at the hardworking end; nearly half chose the lazy end.6 In a :2001 national survey by Harvard researchers, 58 percent of white respondents agreed with one or more of these traits as applicable to African Americans: lazy, aggressive/violent, prefer to live on welfare, or complaining; 34 percent agreed two or more were applicable.7 In national surveys, majorities of whites still admit openly to holding some negative stereotypes about African Americans.

C. Discrimination in Bushzess and Other Societal Sectors 13. Discriminatory practices by white managers, white business owners, and other

whites remain commonplace. Several studies of various business enterprises, including my own research studies, have found continuing discrimination against African American employees by white supervisors, managers, owners, and peers. In the area of employment, a Los Angeles study found sixty percent of more than a thousand black respondents reporting discrimination in workplaces in the previous year.8 Those with more education were more likely than those with less to report such discrimination. Corporate enforcement of anti-discrimination laws in workplaces remains weak. One Department of Labor review examined 4,179 U.S. companies and found three quarters to be violating federal regulations by not recruiting widely, by discrimination in hiring, or by not having an affirmative action plan.9 A survey of 40,000 military personnel, with which the author assisted, found that nearly half, or more, of the African American respondents had encountered racist jokes, offensive racial discussions, or racial condescension in the last year.l White managers and business owners have been found to discriminate in various settings. Recent housing audit studies have found high rates of discrimination for black renters and home buyers. In numerous city studies, when their experiences were compared with those of white tester-renters, black tester-renters were found to have faced discrimination some 60-80 percent of time depending on the city. For example, in a 2001 study in Houston, a rental audit study using 40 paired testers found the discrimination rate was 80 percent in attempts to rent by African Americans. Discrimination took the form of openly discriminatory policies, misinformation about the housing, and differential treatment in regard to

appointments and terms of contracts. A 2001 Boston audit study found anti-black discrimination by owners or mangers in 60 percent of the tests. 14. African Americans have faced major racial barriers in getting into business for

several centuries. Recent studies of African Americans in various business settings have found extensive reports of racial exclusion or other discrimination in developing and growing a business. One NERA survey of a large number of African American and other businesses in a major state found that 44 percent of the black businesses had experienced discrimination in the last five years.t2 In several in-depth interview studies of African Americans in business and other middle-class occupations, I have found numerous respondents who speak eloquently of the many concrete obstacles to building a business, either as merchants, contractors, or independent professionals. The deliberate and unconscious discriminatory actions of white businesspeople frequently limit or channel black success in business, ta 15. One Successful black entrepreneur in Michigan has commented thus: "Bottom

line, racism is a business problem even after you get the money. My business could be supplying a plant, and they find out who owns this company and all of a sudden theres something wrong with my parts. This is racism; its everywhere and its institutionalized."14 According to those who have spent much time studying black business activity, racist practices by whites largely account for data that show that in the private business sector .minority enterprises--even when size, age, and type industry are controlled for--are only half as likely to sell to other firms (business clients) as similar white male-owned firms. Less business usually does not mean less effort or capacity. One leading scholar of African Americans in business, Timothy Bates,

concludes that entrenched networks, not firm capacity differences, are at the root of these differentials in market access. ~5 INSTITUTIONALIZED DISCRIMINATION IN THE CONCERT PROMOTION BUSINESS A. The Whiteness of the Talent Agencies and Concert Promotion Business 16. There is a long history of institutionalized racism against African Americans in

the entertainment industry. Numerous studies have shown that historically African Americans have been excluded from key areas of the industry, restricted to certain stereotyped roles and positions in entertainment, and discriminated against in the conditions of performances or in compensation. 16 The statistical data on the concert promotion sector of the entertainment industry are indicative of continuing and institutionalized patterns of racial exclusion and discrimination. As reported in the amended complaint (pp. 25-26), the data on major concerts examined for June 1998 to May 1999 show that black promoters promoted not a single white concert; Whites got 100 percent of the contracts for these major concerts. Black entrepreneurs promoted only three percent of the many black concerts in this period, with white promoters promoting the other 97 percent. Moreover, in his deposition the veteran black entertainer Bill Cosby assesses his nearly forty years of live con6erts and reports (pp. 29-31 ) that, out of an estimated several thousand concert promoters, he has only had three black promoters. In spite of. the significant historical role of African Americans in the entertainment industry, there are today a small number of black promoters, as compared with the many white promoters who now get almost all of the significant promotion business. In addition, according to the Light deposition (p. 614), the very first African American agent eve;" employed in the music department of CAA was hired only well after the lawsuit was filed. The lawsuit materials suggest that, with very rare 9

exceptions, African Americans have been excluded from serving as agents with the major whitecontrolled talent firms. 17. These statistics are extremely skewed in favor of whites. Given the historical role

of African Americans in the U.S. entertainment industry, this nearly complete exclusion of African Americans in the promotion of major concerts and as major agents is especially striking and signals well-institutionalized racial discrimination. B. "Good Old Boy" Networks: An Overview 18. The business sectors that constitute the U.S. market system are each more than a

collection of unconnected businesses and random individuals. Several research studies examining various U.S. businesses and industries have shown that important areas of these industries encompass formal organizations and informal relations that are often structured and dominated by networks of white managers and entrepreneurs, what many call "buddy-buddy" or "good old boy" networks.17 These are typically ~vhite-dominated or exclusively white. 19. Gallos study of white, African American, and immigrant entrepreneurs in one

New York industry found successful contracting firms depended on high levels of "institutional and social integration, which is expressed by membership in industry organizations and by informal connections and the achievement of standing in the community from which the firms clientele is likely to be drawn." ~8 White firms had major advantages. Moreover, as one statewide report dealing with discrimination against minority businesses put it, "the tendency for white men to choose to associate more with other white men leaves minorities and women again disadvantaged."19 I have also conducted several studies of African American businesspeople that uncovered recurring examples of discrimination similar to those reported in the amended

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complaint and other case materials. For example, in an early 1990s study of African American businesspeople--construction subcontractors and other local businesses--in the Miami-Dade area I found numerous respondents describing the white "buddy-buddy" netxvorks that were central to the construction and related industries there. As the black businesspeople have experienced it. there is a powerful network of dominant white individuals and businesses with a history of interlocking relationships. The racial discrimination often took the form of white contractors strategies to exclude black subcontractors from their construction projects or of racial harassment at the job site. I also found many African American businesspeople describing exclusionary discrimination practiced by banks, bonding agencies, and suppliers. Numerous contractors talk about the buddy-buddy system and their lack of integration into white-dominated networks.2 In this study and others that I have done, African American respondents have frequently explained how white businesspeople in the critical business networks often act to exclude, impede, or restrict participation of black businesses. Thus, I have had professional and other business respondents describe how white firms give their African American colleagues only less desirable work or exclude them from joint ventures.21 Many white businesspeople are unwilling to give black firms significant business contracts and a real opportunity to perform, especially on a recurring and networking basis. 20. In several research studies involving interviews with African Americans across the

United States, I have also found numerous African American businesspeople describing how white businesspeople have the power to deny black businesspeople not only business but also access to the most important business networks, those that provide the important information and training that would help them become more successful. Refusal of entirely or mostly white business 3.3.

networks to work with African American professionals and other businesspeople can lock the latter out of much business and therefore stunt their business growth. Thus, when whites control the business networks, they also can control the rules of the business game. A commonplace problem reported by African Americans in business and the independent professions is that whites not only control many of the important procedures and rules for doing business but they also change those procedures and rules to suit their own individual or group ends. Changing the informal rules of the business game to assure the exclusion or limitation of black businesspeople is a common tactic in the white-dominated business world. C. The White Fraternity: The Concert Promotion Bush~ess 21. In his deposition (pp. 96-104), one of the white owners of a major promotional

firm, Alex Cooley, brought up spontaneously what he terms the "good old boy network" in the concert promotion industry. He cited this good old boy network as one of the important reasons why black promoters have so little access to promoting white artists. He clearly indicates that this influential good old boy network in concert promotion today does not include any black promoters. And he agrees further that the reality of white agents dealing for many years, beginning during the overt segregation era, with white promoters means that "... its easier to call somebody you know and then how theyre going to react and what theyre going to do and everything, yes. So people do that, yes." (p. 98). 22. Similarly, in his deposition (pp. 39-48), promotion company executive Bruce

Wavra spontaneously mentions the importance of what he terms "the concert promoting fraternity" as a source of information and power in todays music business. He says that this powerful fraternity is indeed a group of people who share "a common interest." When asked who are the 3.2

"members of the fraternity," Wavra makes a long list of promoters and agencies, yet does not mention even one African American promoter in the process. While he later remembers some black promoters, they did not come to his mind until he was specifically questioned about them. Both Cooley and Wavra view the powerful "good old boy network" or "fraternity" as all white. and as the organizational network that has controlled the concert promotion business for some time. Indeed, though the specific people in this network have changed from time to time, the exclusive and white-controlled network of strongly linked individual and company ties has remained. This powerful network has controlled the concert promotion business for decades, beginning in the era of overt racial segregation. 23. Today, this informal old boy network retains control of the concert promotion

industry and excludes African American promoters from most important concert promotion opportunities. In his deposition, one oft he major white promoters, Ronald Delsener (p.

123), openly admits that African Americans are not given an equal opportunity in the promotion of white contemporary artists. 24. A set of business events in regard to a Mel~phis amphitheatre, described in the

amended complaint, indicate how this white-dominated network has operated in a particular case: The City of Memphis initially decided to continue doing such business with Fred Jones and Summitt. While still negotiating the terms of an exclusive agreement to promote shows in the venue Mud Island Amphitheatre in Memphis, Fred Jones and Summitt wrote to many booking agency defendants and others, including Rose Agency, William Morris, QBQ, Monterey, APA, CAA, as well as to Billboard, Pollstar and Performance magazines, advising them of his expected role as concert promoter at that venue. Beaver Productions executive Barry Leff, however, then wrote to the Memphis Director of Parks Commission, urging the City not to enter into any agreement with Fred Jones and Summitt, and informing the City that Beaver would be opening an office in Memphis, where it had not previously done business, expressly at the request of the top talent agencies in the country. Fred Jones and Summitt lost the agreement to promote at Mud Island and all ensuing business. Beaver is now the predominant promoter in Memphis. 13

25.

In this case an important black promoter was shut out of much local promotion

business after some initially favorable negotiation with the city, because of the intervention of white talent agencies and a white promoter (Beaver Productions). The case materials lend much support for this point. Only when the local white promoter (Bob Kelly) died, according to the Jones deposition and the Barrey Left letter (April 20, 1998), did Beaver Productions seek a central role in conce~t promotion in Memphis. Indeed, the Left letter explicitly notes that the Beaver Productions intervention occurred because they were "asked by the top talent agencies" to do so. In addition, the letter makes it clear that the city should seriously consider Beaver Productions because if "an exclusive agreement is entered into with any other party, it will cause us to take our shows to other facilities in the market." Here again we see the white concert fraternity--the networking among white-controlled talent agencies and white promoters-operating to exclude a black promoter from significant local promotion business. 26. In addition, in his deposition (pp. 596-597, also pp. 982) Fred Jones also describes an earlier case of a black promoter who helped initially with Isaac Hayes yet was pressed to give up Hayes to white promoters, and then Jones sums up the institutional patterns in discrimination against black promoters that he has seen since 1971: "... its a product of the pattern ofbehavior that black promoters are excluded. Its been very clear.., that pattern of behavior among the defendants has not changed." D. Other Examples of Networking and Exchtsio~l 27. In the accounts in the amended complaint and other lawsuit materials, we see

numerous examples of this "concert promoting fraternity" or "good old boy" network in operation. We view a recurring pattern of discrimination in connection with this powerful 14

network, from which the black promoters are excluded and many whites are included. We see examples of exclusionary networking involving white agencies and white promoters in these detailed examples, among others that are in the amended complaint: During the 1970s, plaintiffs Rowe, Rowe Entertainment. Lee King and King Promotions promoted and nurtured a black music group known as The Commodores, during which time the groups popularity increased. However, when The Commodores" lead singer. Lionel Richie, became a major solo performer, his booking agency, Rose Agency. excluded all of the plaintiffs from the promotion of his solo concerts, instead retaining promoter defendants continuously until the present time, to promote his concerts. (p. 32) In the late 1970s, plaintiffs Jesse Boseman and Sun Song promoted concerts given by the Artist formerly known as Prince at a time when the Artist was merely the opening act for a then headlining performer, Rick James. In promoting such concerts, those plaintiffs helped the Artist achieve his own following. The Artist has now achieved star status, but his booking agency, CAA, now retains only promoter defendants to promote the Artists concerts, including his 1998 tour.(p. 32) In the late 1980s and the 1990s, William Morris excluded plaintiffs from promoting shows given by William Morris black artists the Temptations, Barry White, Earth Wind & Fire, War and Lauren Hill. The promoter defendants were given promotion contracts for these acts. In 1998, Electric Factory was given the exclusive contract to promote nationwide tours of Earth Wind & Fire and Barry White. Both of these acts were previously promoted by Rowe and Rowe Entertainment .... (p. 34) In or about 1979 and 1980, plaintiffs Rowe Entertainment, Sun Song Productions and Lee King Productions successfully promoted a major national tour of 70 cities performed by Michael Jackson and the Jacksons. At that time, Triad, an agency later taken over by William Morris, represented the Jacksons and had attempted to prevent plaintiffs from promoting these concerts. The Jackson family, however, insisted that plaintiffs Rowe and Rowe Entertainment be contracted to promote the entire tour. By the following year, however, the Jacksons were represented by Rose Agency.. When a new tour was announced in 1981, Leonard Rowe, Jesse Boseman and Lee King all contacted Howard Rose of Rose Agency to attempt to promote it. Mr. Rose refused to allow any of them to participate in the tour, and has always done business exclusively With white promoters .... (pp. 39-40) 28. These descriptions of exclusion of black promoters and inclusion of white

promoters illustrate not only the discriminatory actions of those in the dominant industry network, but also the way in which this dominant network sets the rules of the business game.

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29.

In these cases, the black promoters had helped to make African American artists

develop and become more visible when they were less prominent. There is some evidence in the lawsuit materials that leading figures in the white concert fraternity ignore this important experience on the part of black promoters in developing relatively new entertai~aers. Thus. once these African American entertainers became much better loaown, according to these and other accounts in the case materials, the white-dominated talent agencies, with rare exceptions, reserved this business for white prorrioters and excluded the black promoters from promoting the most prominent African American artists. As the amended complaint indicates, this is contrary to industry practice: "While it has long been customary in the concert promotion industry for white promoters to continue promoting the concerts of highly popular artists whose concerts they handled prior to such artists having become star performers, different standards have been applied to black promoters." The rules of the business game are changed for the black promoters. 30. The summary description in the amended co~nplaint of this pattern is similar to

accounts of restriction or exclusion that I have gotten in interviews with numerous African American businesspeople: "Because of an all-white concert promotion fraternity, the black concert promoters are systematically excluded from the promotion of concerts given by white performers ....In addition, plaintiffs are regularly excluded from the promotion of concerts given by top-drawing black performers." (p. 2) Severe restriction of access to, or exclusion from, important business-generating and business-information networks is a commonplace problem reported by black businesspeople across the United States. This problem is more than a matter of racial bigotry, for it is an example of well-institutionalized discrimination reminiscent in some ways of the recent era of blatant and overt segregation, an era that ended only in the late 1960s. 16

E. Limiting Black Businesses to Less Profitable or Desirable Arenas. 31. In my own research studies and those of other social scientists, we have found a

pattern of discrimination like that indicated in the reports of racial channeling in the an~ended complaint. In my research studies, I have had a number of African American respondents describe how whites try to limit their businesses to predominantly black constituencies, less desirable business areas, or very small projects--a type of business "ghettoization. I have had professionals describe how more powerful white firms and companies try to channel black firms to black clients or exclude them from joint ventures. 22 The steering or cha~meling of black businesspeople and middle class workers has been found in other studies. For example, a field study by Sharon Collins involved 76 interviews with leading black executives in major corporations. Most were found to be more or less ghettoized in positions oriented to business for black communities, affirmative action, or civil rights issues--positions usually providing little opportunity to move up corporate ladders.23 32. We see examples of this type of channeling discrimination in the accounts in the

amended complaint (as above) where black promoters have been restricted by the whiteocontrolled talent agencies to handling, almost entirely, less well known black artists. F. Discrimination in Information 33. In my research studies of African American businesspeople, I have found

numerous respondents describing how whites use misinformation, late information, or related tactics to deflect black businesspeople or to effectively exclude them from contracts. In these studies, experienced black subcontractors and other businesspeople often report getting the runaround in seeking information from white businesspeople and government officials.

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Misinformation or late information thus restricts ones ability to compete for business, if one is not entirely excluded in the process. We see this example of the use of misinformation to deflect or restrict black businesspeople in the amended complaint: In connection with concerts to be given by the Grammy award-winning R&B performer. Erykah Badu, a black performer, and not long prior to release of Ms. Badus debut album in early 1997, plaintiff Jesse Boseman telephoned Badus agent, Cara Lewis at William Morris, and asked to promote Badus concerts .... Lewis, who personally knows Boseman, denied that Badu was scheduling concerts. In or about Marcia 1997, Mr. Boseman asked Ron Delsener of Delsener/Slater to telephone Lewis and inquire whether Badu was scheduling concerts. Delsener thereupon telephoned Lewis and was informed that Badu was in fact scheduling concerts and, in Bosemans presence, Delsener obtained from Lewis the right.to promote a May 1997 concert to be given by Badu at the Supper Club in New York City. After Badus second album was released in November 1997, the BPA telephoned Lewis at William Morris to request concert dates for Badus 1998 tour. Lewis assured the BPA that there were no concert dates planned. Within a month thereafter, however, the promoter defendants were assigned numerous Badu tour dates by William Morris. (p. 33) Exclusion from timely and accurate information is part of the operation of the concert promoting fraternity. G. Creating Financial Hnrdles 34. In my previous field research, African American businesspeople often report yet

another hurdle. This hurdle involves white companies, including large contractors, suppliers, banks, and bonding firms, setting financial barriers that are not applied to similarly situated white
firnls.24

We see an example of this tactic in the Toni Braxton account in the amended complaint: Black artist Toni Braxton was promoted by plaintiffs Rowe and Boseman before she became a superstar. Once she became a star, however, plaintiffs were excluded from promoting her shows. In connection with a tour she was scheduled to perform with white artist Kenny G in 1997, CAA made misrepresentations to plaintiff Rowe. After Rowe made inquiry concerning plaintiffs being able to .promote her concerts, Rowe was advised by Mike Piranian of CAA in October 1996, that minimum artist guarantees of $225,000 to $275,000 per show were required from any of the plaintiffs, with a fifty (50%) deposit required upon contract signing. Plaintiffs later learned that the defendant promoters, who were actually retained to promote these concerts, were required to guarantee only $150,000 to $175,000 per show. No white promoter, including any of the

promoter defendants promoting this tour, was required to submit a deposit of an3 more than 0 - 10% of the $150,000-175,000 guarantee. The effect of this discriminatory and disparate practice was intended to eliminate all black promoters, including all of the plaintiffs, from the bidding process on the Toni Braxton tour. (p. 35) 35. This account shows how black promoters suffer racially differential treatment in

at least two ways. First, it again reveals how black promoters, in some instances, are allowed to help groom upcoming black artists only until they become prominent. In addition, we see discrimination in the minimum artist guarantees, in this case to an important black promoter. We should note this black promoter (Leonard Rowe) is one whom the former white head of the CAA music division, Tom Ross (pp. 160, 260), admits is an experienced promoter who can handle very substantial financial offers. 36. Another example is the manner in which the subsequent head of the CAA music

division (Rob Light) simultaneously offered a better set of financial arrangements to a white-run promotion firm than to one of the black plaintiffs in connection with concert arrangements for a major African American artist, while indicating to the black promoter that both were getting similar terms. See Light testimony at pp. 120-153, and Exhibits 10, 11, 17, 21 and 24. H. Hand-picked Minority Firms 37. Several research studies, including my own, of the problems faced by black and

other minority businesspeople have found that large white firms sometimes select inexperienced (or even "fronting") minority firms in order to look better to the public in their own business practices.25 There is one example that suggests this practice of choosing an inexperienced minority firm for show in the amended complaint: These defendants, acting in concert, "engaged" a company called Magic Johnson Enterprises (MJE), named after a black basketball star, Magic Johnson, as purported copromoter of the Maxwell tour, in lieu of engaging any of the plaintiffs. Neither Magic Johnson nor MJE has any experience in the concert promotion business. Defendants ]_9

conduct is a maneuver designed to create the false illusion that defendants have engaged a black promoter on the Maxwell tour. (p. 34) Such selections can assist a.controlling white network in excluding more experienced African American firms. I. Promises But No Work 38. In my field research studies, I have had numerous black businesspeople report

that they obtained verbal commitments or formal letters of intent from white firms indicating a desire to do business, yet in the end received no actual business from the white firms. This is not a rare occurrence. Such verbal commitments and letters of intent are sometimes used by white contractors and other white firms to deflect minority businesspeople or to make it appear as if they are doing business with minority firms when in fact they are not.26 There is this example in the amended complaint: Prior to the filing of this action, plaintiffs sought the opportunity to promote concerts given by black R&B artist Maxwell, Rolling Stone Magazines Breakthrough Artist of 1996. The BPA contacted Jeff Frasco in or about June 1998, an agent at William Morriss Beverly Hills office, who verbally committed tohaving black promoters involved in Maxwells concerts. Shortly thereafter, however, plaintiffs discovered that promoter defendants had been retained to promote concert dates for Maxwell, and that plaintiffs were excluded. (p. 33) 39. In addition, a summary statement in the amended complaint describes

discrimination similar to that recounted in interviews with my African American business respondents: "On occasion, certain booking agency defendants have dismissed plaintiffs demands by falsely representing their intention to offer certain concert promotion contracts to plaintiffs, knowing that they would never do so." (p. 42) J. Getting Contracts Only with Pressure 40. In my Miami-Dade study and other research on African American firms that I have done, I have had numerous African American businesspeople report from their everyday 2O

experiences that a major pressure that has lessened the severity of racial exclusion by white Companies is that of set-aside programs requiring the use of minority contractors by white firms getting government contracts.27 While there is no set-aside program in the entertainment industry--which may partially account for the nearly total exclusion of black promoters from concerts of major white artists--there is evidence in two cases that the threat of external pressure was important in getting a few contracts for the black promoters: Defendant Magicworks was given the exclusive contract to promote a tour given by superstar black performer, Janet Jackson, in 1998, by defendant CAA. Magicworks copromoted the tour with the other promoter defendants. Several of the plaintiffs had previously promoted Janet Jackson shows in 1994, and had also promoted her superstar brother, Michael Jackson. Plaintiffs protested and were allowed to only co-promote shows in New York and Los Angeles with defendants Delsener/Slater and Magicworks. (p. 39) Plaintiffs became enraged upon learning of this treatment, and announced that they intended to picket the concert. CAA and William Morris eventually alloxved plaintiffs to co-promote a few of the Toni Braxton shows with the defendant promoters. The promoter defendants who promoted the Toni Braxton concerts were aware of the plaintiffs inquiry, and were forced to co-promote certain shows with plaintiffs, over their objections. Certain of the promoter defendants were particularly insistent about excluding plaintiffs. (p. 36) Without this pressure, there would likely have been no contracts. Such action should not be necessary in a free and fair market system. These examples again signal just how strong and entrenched the "good old boy" networks are. 41. Note here that only after protest were black promoters given some participation. in the Toni Braxton (a black entertainer) and Kenny G. (a white entertainer) tour, despite the fact that the black promoters, as noted above, had played a role in Braxtons early development. In negotiating the new arrangements, top CAA music executive Light explicitly promised in a letter to two black promoters that in regard to future concerts, the black "promoters group will be given an equal opportunity to make offers in the same manner as any other promoter interested in 21

a given market." (Light Exhibit 38). Yet the record before and after this 1997 letter suggests that such equal opportunity promises are insubstantial, for. apart from a few cases like the above, the white talent agency and promotion firm networks have ignored pressure from black promoters to open up the industry on a truly equal opportunity basis. See Light, pp. 521-524. K. Racial Prejudice and Stereotyping Backstage 42. Today, as the research studies cited above clearly demonstrate, much racial

discrimination by white Americans is well-institutionalized, yet the key decisions generating much racial discrimination are often taken behind closed doors. Such behind-the-scenes decision-making is indicated in concepts like the "concert promoting fraternity." It is only occasionally that African Americans get to see backstage, to view the racial prejudice and .stereotyping shaping the discrimination. For example, in one of my interviews with a black businessperson, she describes how hard it was to win a business contract: It was a struggle. And, after the evaluation panel had made a decision that I had the highest points and the best management program, and the track record they recommended me, and they took it back to their department. And the [white male] director of the their department made a very racial statement, that they were very sick and tired of these "niggers" and these other minorities because what they think is that they can come in here and run a business, none of them are qualified to run a business, especially the "niggers." A white female heard this statement, and because they had had some confrontational problems--I think thats the only reason she told me .... I had to really do some internalizing [of the situation] to keep myself from being very bitter. Because you know there are so many roadblocks out there .... 43. This African American entrepreneur describes a major racial barrier to getting a

business contract. She only learned of the racist motivation for the white discriminators attempt to exclude her because a white person told her what went on behind the scenes.28 Two current research studies, including one that I am currently conducting, are beginning to demonstrate what the aforementioned opinion surveys only suggest: That there is still much blatant prejudice 22

and stereotyping among white Americans, including among xvell-educated xvhite Americans. but it is mostly expressed in backstage settings, such as among white friends and buddies. The intensity and blatant character of this racial prejudice and stereotyping in the backstage contradict much public discussion about the declining significance of individual white racism in U.S. society. 44. One sees some evidence of racist attitudes in the backstage arena of the concert

promotion industry in the depositions. In one of the depositions. Fred Jones (,p. 805) notes that he heard a white official with one of the white promotion companies say the following during a conference call (without knowing Mr. Jones was present): "... why you all got to deal with that nigger any way. And he tried to clean it up but it was very clear to me." He adds a little later in But those kinds regard to the comment, that "Racism is something you deal with all the time .... of things you dont forget." In addition, in his deposition a white promoter, Alex Cooley (p. 96), notes that "... yes, racism very well in some cases could raise its head in there. You know, the " .... hidden racism of some guy, just say, no, I dont want to work for that guyIn addition, in his deposition another white executive (Wavra) (pp. 121-23) reports on racist jokes made by a white promoter in his presence. Ron Delsener, furthermore, testified that he has "used racism" in the concert promotion business. (Delsener pp. 60-61). 45. In the amended complaint, we also see a summary suggesting yet other negative

views that black promoters have experienced, views indicating at a minimum disrespect: On some occasions, certain defendants have even ridiculed plaintiffs demands, laughing in plaintiffs faces at the very suggestion of contracting with black promoters to promote concerts to be performed by white and major black artists. (p. 42) Indeed, in his deposition (p. 106) Bill Washington recounts how in his presence a top white agent at a major firm laughed about the Black Promoters Association and thought it was a joke. 23

L. The Accumulating Consequences of lnstitu(ional Discrimination 46. As with other black Americans, a black businesspersons experience with racial

discrimination is typically much more than a matter of a few isolated events over the course of a career. It usually means a accumulating series of discriminatory events, often with cumulative and serious economic and health consequences. Two dimensions of the bias and discrimination suffered by African Americans are the "multiplier effects" and "amplifying effects." While black businesspeople have problems like all businesspeople, the normal business problems are usually compounded many times by discrimination in the present or in the past. For example, one disparity report for our second largest state has reported that minority business enterprises are hurt economically in several ways by racial discrimination; discrimir~ation not only reduces their size but also curtails their opportunities to grow. 47. In the amended complaint, we see the impact that discrimination in the past or in one area has on ones ability to compete and grow in other areas. For example, In the 1980s, plaintiff Rowe made a proposal to promote concerts at the Atlanta cityowned amphitheatre, Chastain. He met Andrew Young, then Mayor of Atlanta, in approximately 1984,. to seek his assistance. Rowe was advised that Alex Cooley of Concert/Southern had also sought the business. Because the City realized that Rowe could not bring white acts to Chastain, while Concert/Southern could promote both white and black acts, the contract was given to Concert/Southern. Because the booking agency defendants would not permit Rowe to promote any of their white contemporary music acts in Atlanta, or even their top black artists, Rowe could not obtain the city contract to promote shows at Chastain. (p. 41) 48. Being unable to get contracts for white artists not only signaled racial

discrimination in itself, but also cut this black promoter out of other possibilities, as here in promoting at an amphitheatr~ in Atlanta. Those responsible for serious discriminatory actions against black businesspeople in the recent past, or in other business areas in the present, are thus

often responsible, at least in part, for the negative economic consequences for a black persons business later in time. 49. In my field research studies on African American businesspeople and other

African Americans, I have found that the damaging economic effects are not the only serious effects of racial discrimination on African Americans. Recurring discrimination by whites often creates serious stress-related health consequences. In my research studies, many middle-class African Americans report a broad range of negative health consequences that are aggravated, if not created, by the many and serious stresses of recurring racial bias and discrimination. These include hypertension, chronic headaches, chest pains, lack of energy to participate in community organizations, and serious bouts of depression.3 One retired black professor with his own consulting business signals just how much pain discrimination causes in this quote from one of my research studies: I feel betrayed. Sometimes I feel very cynical. Most of the time I feel that I live in a country where Im still not respected as a person. I lived at a time when I was told that ifI got a good education, did all the right things, that I could be anything I wanted to be. I got a good education. I did all the right things, but even today I run into situations where my opportunity structure is limited because I am black. So, I found that all along that no matter what I did, no matter how hard I tried, limitations were placed on me strictly because of the color of my skin.3 i 50. In the plaintiffs depositions, I see similar frustration and a sense of limitation

because of race. Not surprisingly, sentient human beings react seriously, in their minds and bodies, to recurring and pervasive racial discrimination. CONCLUSION: INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN THE CONCERT PROMOTION BUSINESS 51. In summary, a sociological perspective underscores the importance of social and

institutional contexts of human behavior. We see these important contexts well highlighted in the 25

materials for this case. As described by the African American promoters in the amended complaint and other lawsuit materials, there is no free and competitive market in the concert promotion business. According to these black businesspeople, as well as some white businesspeople, whites constitute an exclusive and powerful "fraternity" or "good old box, network," one that.does not now allow the market in concert promotion to operate freely and fairly. The accounts in the amended complaint and the statistics and other data in the record strongly indicate that equality of business opportunity does not currently exist in the concert promotion business in the United States. The rationality of the market is not allowed to operate because of the discriminatory racial actions taken by numerous whites in the dominant network of white-controlled agencies and promotion firms. 52. Clearly, trying to do business in the concert promotion industry involves a serious

and difficult struggle for the black promoters. They are situated in a business world whose major rules are often not of their own making, one with racial hurdles that they must overcome if they are to stay in, or grow in, this business arena. Significantly, their accounts of discrimination and exclusion by the black promoters do not stand alone. Numerous research studies that I and other social science researchers have conducted, across the nation, show that in many business sectors there are ~imilar barriers of racial bias and discrimination for African Americans seeking to develop and grow a business. M. Reiterated Conclusion 53. Based on my extensive and longterm research on the racial bias and

discrimination targeting African Americans in the United States, on the amended complaint, and on other case materials, I have come to the professional opinion that the accounts and incidents 26

recounted by the black promoters for the concert promotion industry are similar to accounts and incidents described by many other African American businesspeople, and that they thus constitute serious racial mistreatment and discrimination. Furthermore. I conclude that these accounts and incidents are more than a matter of a few isolated instances but rather demonstrate knowing, commonplace, continuing, and institutionalized discrimination in the operations of the U.S. concert promotion business.

2"7

ENDNOTES

Gordon AIIport, The Nature of Prejudice (Abridged edition: New York: Anchor Books. 1958). 2 See Joe R. Feagin and Clairece B. Feagin. D~crimination American Sole (Englewood Cliff. N J: Prentice-Hall. 1978). ibid. 4 Randall Collins, Theoretical Sociolog), (Nexv York: Harcourt. Brace, Jovanovich. 1988). p. 406. Anti-Defamation League, Highlights from an Anti-DeJbmation League Sula,ev on Racial Attitudes in America (New York: ADL, 1993). 6 National Opinion Research Center, "1994 General Social Survey." 7 Lawrence Bobo, "Inequalities that Endure?: Racial Ideology, American Politics. and the Peculiar Role of the Social Sciences," paper presented at conference on "The Changing Terrain of Race and Ethnicity," University of Illinois, Chicago, Illinois, October 26, 2001. 8 Lawrence D. Bobo and Susan A. Suh, "Surveying Racial Discrimination: Analyses from a Multiethnic Labor Market," in Prismatic Metropolis." Inequality in Los Angeles, ed. Lawrence D. Bobo. Melvin L. Oliver. James H. Johnson, Jr.; and Abel Valenzuela, Jr. (New York: Russell Sage, 2000), pp. 527-529.
9

Summarized in Pamela Mendels, "Up for Evaluation: Is Affirmative Action Still Working After 30 Years on the

.lob?" Newsda, June 13, 1995, p. 6. 10 Jacquelyn Scarville et al., Armed Forces Equal Opportunity Sma,ey (Arlington. VA: Defense Manpoxver Data Center, 1999), pp. 46-78; see also Office of the Under Secretary of Defense Personnel and Readiness, Career Progression of Minority and Women Officers (Washington, DC: Department of Defense, 1999), pp. 46-85. II See Fair Housing Council of Fresno County, "Audit Uncovers Blatant Discrimination against Hispanics, African Americans and Families with Children in Fresno County," press release, Fresno. California, October 6, 1997; Central Alabama Fair Housing Center, "Discrimination in the Rental Housing Market: A Study of Montgomery, Alabama, i 995-1996," Montgomery, Alabama. January 13, 1996; Fair Housing Action Center, Inc.. "Greater New Orleans Rental Audit," New Orleans, Louisiana, 1996: San Antonio Fair Housing Council. "San Antonio Metropolitan Area Rental Audit 1997," San Antonio. Texas. 1997; Greater Houston Fair Housing Center, "Houston Rental Audit," Houston Texas, 2001: and Fair Housing Center of Greater Boston, "We Dont Want Your Kind Living Here: A Report on Discrimination in the Greater Boston Rental Market," Boston, April 2001. 12 National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas DispariO, Study (Cambridge. 1994) 13 Joe R. Feagin and Melvin P. Sikes, Living with Racism: The Black Middle Class Experience (Boston: Beacon Press, 1994); see also Joe R. Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry: A Portrait of Racial Discrimination," Dade County, Florida, July 1991.

28

14 Michael D Woodard, Black Entrepreneurs in America. Stories of Struggle and Success (New Brunswick. N. J. Rutgers University Press, 1997), p. 154. 15 Timothy Bates, Strategies for the Black Worker." Preparing for the 21st Centu~:r (Washington. D.C.: Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, 1997).

16

See Jan Pieterse, White on Black." Images of Afiica And Blacks in l~estern Popular Cnlture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Darlene C. Hine, William C. Hine, and Stanley Harrold, The Afiican American Odrssev (Second ed.; Upper Saddle River, N J: Prentice-Hall, 2003), pp. 457ff. 17 See Roger Waldinger and Thomas Bailey. "The Continuing Significance of Race: Racial Conflict and Racial Discrimination in Construction," Politics and Society 19 (1991 ): 9 ..... 18 Carmenza Gallo, "The Construction Industry in New York City: Immigrant and Black Entrepreneurs." Working Paper, Conservation of Human Resources Project, Columbia University, New York City. 1983, p. 25). 19 National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas Disparity Study, p. 125.

20 Joe R. Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry: A Portrait of Racial Discrimination," Dade County, Florida, July 1991; also Joe R. Feagin, "Black Vendors in Dade County: A Complex Portrait of Racial Discrimination." Dade County, Florida. Julyo1991. 21 Ibid.; and Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism. ..

22 Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism; Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry." 23 Sharon Collins, "Blacks on the Bubble: The Vulnerability of Black Executives in White Corporations," Sociological Quarterly 34 (August, 1993): 429-447. 24 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black Vendors in Dade County"; and Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism. 25 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry": Timothy Bates and Darrell Williams, "Preferential Procurement Programs and Minority-owned Businesses," Journal of Urban Affairs 17 (1995).: I-17; National Economic Research Associates. The State of Texas Disparity Stud): see also Maria Enchautegui,; Michael Fix, Pamela Loprest, Sarah vonder Lippe, and Douglas Wissoker Do Mmorio,-Owned Businesses Get a Fairs Share of Government Contracts? (Washington, D. C.: Urban Institute, 1996), pp 50-51). 26 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black Vendors in Dade County." 27 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black Vendors in Dade County."

29

28 Leslie Ann Houts, Joe R. Feagin, Tracy Johns, "One Step From Suicide: The Holistic Experience Of Being Black In America," paper to be presented at American Sociological Association Meetings. Chicago, Illinois. August. 2002. 29National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas Disparity Study, p. 168. 30See Joe R. Feagin, Kevin Early, and Karyn D. McKinney, "The Many Costs of Discrimination: The Case of Middle-Class African Americans," Indiana Law Review 34 (200 I): 1313-1360. 31 Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism, p. 222.

3O

University of Florida

"/

ACADEMIC VITA JOE R. FEAGIN

MAILING ADDRESS:

Department of Sociology Box 117330 University of Florida Gainesville, Florida 32611 Office: 352 392 0265 (ext. 250) Home office: 352 332 9399 Fax: 352 332 9460

PHONES:

INTERNET ADDRESSES:Email address: Feagin@ufl.edu Website: http://grove.ufl.edu/-feagin

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: Current Position: UF Graduate Research Professor University of Florida, 1990 -. Previous Positions: Professor of Sociology University of Texas (Austin), 1975-1990. Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Texas (Austin), 1970-1975. Assistant Professor, University of California (Riverside), 1966-1970.

EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND: A.B. (History/Philosophy), Baylor University 1960 Ph.D. (Social Relations/Sociology), Harvard University 1966

MAJOR TEACHING AND RESEARCH INTERESTS:

Racial and Ethnic Relations Gender Relations Urban Political Economy AFFILIATIONS: American Sociological Association Sociologists for Women in Society

HONORS AND AWARDS: (1) Nomination for Pulitzer Prize (Ghetto Revolts) (2) Scholar-in-Residence, U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1974-1975. (3) Sociological Research Association, 1986-present. (4) Phi Beta Kappa Alumni Scholar (5) Gustavus Myers Center Outstahding Human Rights Book Award, 1995 (Living with Racism.) (6) Gustavus Myers Center Outstanding Human Rights Book Award, 1996 (White Racism: The Basics) (7) American Sociological Association, Oliver C. Cox Book Award, 1996 (White Racism: The Basics) (8) University of Florida Research Foundation Professor, 1997-1999 (9) Honorary Life Member, Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society, 1999 (10) Robert and Helen Lynd Award for Lifetime Contribution to Community and Urban Sociology, 2000 ADMINISTRATIVE AND EDITORIAL POSITIONS:. Vice-President, Society for Study of Social Problems, 1986-87 Chair, ASA Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities, 1994-1995 Member of Council, American Sociological Association, 1995-present Editorial Board, Comparative Urban and Community Research Editorial Board, Sage Racial and Ethnic Relations Series Editorial Board, Race and Society Governing Board, Southern Regional Council, 1997-1998 President, American Sociological Association, 1999-2000. PUBLISHED BOOKS

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Subsidizing the Poor: A Boston Housing Experiment. Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1972. (With C. Tilly and C. Williams) Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973. (With H. Hahn)

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The Urban Scene: Myths and Realities. New York: Random House, 1973. Ghetto Social Structure. San Francisco, California: R and E Associates, 1974. Subordinating the Poor: Welfare and American Beliefs. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975. Racial and Ethnic Relations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978. Discrimination American S~le: Institutional Racism and Sexism. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978. (With C. Feagin) Affirmative Action and Equal Opportunity. Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1978. (With N. Benokraitis) The Urban Scene. Revised Edition. New York: Random House, 1979. School Desegregation: A Quarter Century Since Brown. New York: Plenum Press, 1980. (With W. Stephan) Social Problems: A Critical Power-Conflict Perspective. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1982. The Urban Real Estate Game. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1983. Racial and Ethnic Relations. Second Edition. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1984. Social Problems, Revised Edition. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986. (With N. Benokraitis) Discrimination American Style. Revised Edition. Melbourne, Florida: Krieger Publishing Co., 1986. (With C. Feagin) The Capitalist City: Global Restructuring and Community Politics. London: Basil Blackwell, 1987. (With M.P. Smith) Free Enterprise City: Houston in Political-Economic Perspective. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988. Racial and Ethnic Relations. Third Edition, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1989.

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Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989. (With B.A. Shelton, N. Rodriguez, R. Bullard, and R.

Thomas)
(21) Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Japanese edition. Translated by Motoko Chiba. Tokyo: Japanese Publishing Co., 1990. (With N. Benokraitis) Social Problems. Third Edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990. (With C. B. Feagin) Building American Cities. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990. (With R. Parker) A Case for the Case Study. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991 (With G. Sjoberg and A. Orum) Racial and Ethnic Relations. FourthEdition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1993. (With C. B. Feagin) Living With Racism: The Black Middle Class Experience. Boston: Beacon Press, 1994 (With M. Sikes) Social Problems. Fourth Edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1994. (with C. Feagin) Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Revised edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1995. (With N. Benokraitis) White Racism: The Basics New York: Routledge, 1995. (With H. Vera) The Bubbling Cauldron: Race, Ethnicity and the Urban Crisis. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995. (With M.P. Smith) Racial and Ethnic Relations. Fifth edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1996 (With C. Feagin) The Agony of Education: Black Students in White Colleges and Universities New York: Routledge, 1996. (with H. Vera and N. Imani) Social Problems. Fifth Edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1997. (with C. Feagin) Everyday Sexism in the Third Millennium. New York: Routledge, 1997. (With C. R. Ronaiand B. Zsembik)

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Double Burden: Black Women and Everyday Racism. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1998. (With Y. St. Jean). The New Urban Paradigrn. Lartham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998. Racial and Ethnic Relations. Sixth edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: PrenticeHall, 1999 (With C. Feagin) The Global Color Line: Racial and Ethnic Inequality and Struggle from a Global Persr~ective. Research in Politics and Society. Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1999. (Edited with P. Batur-Vanderlippe) Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations. Routledge: 2000. Also published as Audio CD by Scholarly Audio, Inc. (Chicago 2002). White Racism: The Basics. Second edition. New York: Routledge, 2001. (With H. Vera and P. Batur) The First R: How Children Learn Race and Racism Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. (With D. Van Ausdale). Liberation Sociology, Boulder: Westview Press, 2001. (With H. Vera) Racial and Ethnic Relations. Seventh edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: PrenticeHall, forthcoming (With C. Feagin).

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BOOKS IN PRODUCTION OR PREPARATION (44) The Costs of Racism. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, forthcoming, late 2002. (With K. McKi.nney)

(45) White Men on Race. Boston: Beacon, forthcoming. (WithE. OBrien) (46) Black in Business: Black Entrepreneurs and Discrimination. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, forthcoming, 2001 (with N. Imani and M. Hodge) -Social Problems. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, forthcoming, 2001. (With C. Feagin and P. Batur)

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RESEARCH ARTICLES AND CENTER-PUBLISHED MONOGRAPHS (1) "Prejudice and Religious Types: A Focused Study of Southern Fundamentalists." Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion, IV (1964), 3-13.

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"Prejudice, Orthodoxy and the Social Situation." Social Forces, 45 (1965), 46-56. "Social Sources of Support for Violence and Nonviolence in a Negro Ghetto." Social Problems, IX (1968), 432-441. (4) Reprinted in Perspectives of Social Science. Edited by Frank J. Zulke. Berkeley: McCutchan Publishing Corporation, 1970. Pp. 165-176. Revised edition reprinted in Readings in General Sociology, Edited by R.W. OBrien, C.C. Schrag, and W.T. Martin, 4th edition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969. Pp. 214-220.

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(With C. Tilly and C. Williams) Rent Supplements in Boston: An Evaluation of the Boston Housing Authority Program of Rent Supplements for Large Low-Income Families, 1964-1967. Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1968. (With W.P. Sheatsley) "Ghetto Resident Appraisals of a Riot." Public Opinion Quarterly, 32 (1968), 352-362. "The Kinship Ties of Negro Urbanites." Social Science Quarterly 49 (1968), pp. 660-665. (9) Reprinted in Blacks in America. Edited by N.D. Glenn and C. Bonjean. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1969. Pp. 143-148.

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"Black Catholics in the United States: An Exploratory Analysis." Sociological Analysis, 29 (1968), 186-192. Reprinted in The Black Church in America. Edited by H.M. Nelson, R.L. Yokley, A.K. Nelson. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1971. Pp. 246-254. (With ORC Star0 "Corporate Social Responsibility: Public Views on Welfare and Work Fare." ORC Public Opinion Index, 27 (1969): 1-8. (11) "Black Elected Officials in the South." Pp. 107-122 in Black Conflict With White America. Edited by U.V.D. Slik. Columbus, Ohio: Charles Merrill Co., 1970. "Home Defense and the Police: Black and White Perspectives." American Behavioral Scientist, XIII (1970): 797-814. (15) Reprinted in Police in Urban Society. Edited by H. Hahn. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1971. Pp. 101-I 18.

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(With H. Hahn) "Riot-Precipitating Police Practices: Attitudes in Urban Ghettos." ~ 31 (1970), pp. 182-193.

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(With H. Hahn) "The Second Reconstruction: Black Political Strength in the South." Social Science Quarterly. 51 (1970), pp. 42-56. (18) Reprinted in Minority Problems. Edited by A. Rose and C. Rose. Second Edition. New York: Harper and Row, 1972. pp. 208-220.

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(With C. Tilly) "Bostons Experiment With Rent Subsidies." Joumal of the American Institute of Planners, 36 (1970), pp. 323-329. (20) Reprinted in The Urban World. Edited by C. Tilly. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1974. Pp. 430-440. Reprinted in Urban Problems. Edited by N. Kalt and S. Zalkind. New York: Oxford Press, 1976. Pp. 190-198.

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(With H. Hahn) "Rank-and-file Versus Congressional Perceptions of Ghetto Riots." Social Science Quarterly, 51 (1970), pp. 361-373. (23) (24) Reprinted in Black Political Attitudes. Edited by C.S. Bullock and H.R. Rodgers. Chicago: Markham Publishing Co., 1972. Pp. 169-182. Reprinted in Political Attitudes and Public Opinion. Edited by D.D. Ninmo and C.M. Bonjean. New York: David McKay and Co., 1972. Pp. 405-417. Reprinted in Public Opinion and Political Attitudes. Edited by A.R. Wilcox. New York: John Wiley, 1973.

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"Black Women in the American Work Force." Pp. 23-33 in The Family Life of Black People. Edited by Charles V. Willie. Columbus, Ohio: Charles Merrill Co., 1970. "Black History and White Americans." Integrated Education, Vlll (1970), PP. 303308. "A Note on the Friendship Ties of Black Urbanites." Social Forces, 49 (1970), pp. 303-308. "White Separatists and Black Separatists: A Comparative Analysis." Social Problems, XIX (1971), pp. 167-180. "Americas Welfare Stereotypes." Social Science Quarterly, 52 (1972), pp. 921933. "Civil Rights Voting by Southern Congressmen." Journal of Politics, 33 (1972), PP. 484-499.

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Reprinted in Readings. College and Universities Press, 1976.

(With D. Perry) "Stereotyping in Black and White." Pp. 433-463 in People and Politics in Urban Society. Edited by H. Hahn. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1972. "Poverty: We Still Believe that God Helps Those Who Help Themselves." Psycholo~0~y Today, 6(1972), pp. 101 - 110, 192. (35) Reprinted in Political Power and the Urban Crisis. Holbrook Press, 1976.

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(With N. Fujitaki) "On the Assimilation of Japanese Americans." Amerasia. I(1972), pp. 13-30. (With H. Hahn) "Perspectives on Collective Violence." Pp. 125-155 in Violence as Politics. Edited by H. Hirsch and D.C. Perry. New York: Harper and Row, 1973. "Social Organization of the Black Ghetto." International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, IX (1972), pp. 108-116. (With R. Anderson) "Intertribal Attitudes Among Native American Youth." Socia.__~]l Science Quarterly, 54 (1973), pp. 117-131. "On Black Politics." Journal of Political and Military Sociology, I/(1974), pp. 137141. "Issues in Welfare Research: A Critical Overview," Social Science Quarterly, 54 (1973), pp. 123-146. "Community Disorganization: Some Critical Notes," Sociological Inquiry, 43 (1973), 123-146. (43) (44) Reprinted in The Community. Edited by M.P. Effrat. Pp. 123-146. Reprinted in Cities in Charge. Edited by J. Walton and D.E. Cams. Second edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1977. Pp. 114-128.

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"The Corporate Center Strategy: The State in Central Cities," Urban Affairs Quarterly, IX(June 1986), pp. 173-200. "Slavery Unwilling to Die: The Background of Black Oppression in the 1980s," Journal of Black Studies,, XVII(December 1986), pp. 173-200. "Tallying the Social Costs of Urban Growth under Capitalism: The Case of Houston." Pp. 205-234 in Business Elites and Urban Development, edited by Scott Cummings (New York: SUNY Press, 1988). "The Dynamics of Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the United States." Pp. 179-202 in Research in Political Sociology, edited by Richard G. Braungart and Margaret M. Braungart (Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1987). (With N. Rodriguez) "Urban Specialization in the World System: An Investigation of Historical Cases," Urban Affairs Quarterly, 22 (December, 1986), pp. 187-220. (With M. P. Smith) "Cities and the New International Division of Labor." Pp. 3-36 in The Capitalist City, edited by M.P. Smith and Joe R. Feagin (London: Basil Blackwell, 1987). (With R.C. Hill) Detroit and Houston: Two Cities in Global Perspective." Pp. 155177 in The Capitalist City, edited by M.P.Smith and Joe R. Feagin (London: Basil Blackwell, 1987). "Office Towers in Houston: The Secondary Circuit of Capital," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, XI(June 1987), pp. 171 - 192. "Changing Black Americans to Fit a Racist System,"Joumal of Social Issues, 43(No. 1, 1987), pp. 85-90. (With N. Benokraitis) "The Mechanisms of Gender Discrimination: An Exploratory Study of the Workplace," National Journal of Sociology, 1 (Fall, 1987), pp. 202-236. (With A. Fleischmann) "The Politics of Growth-oriented Urban Alliances: Comparing Old Industrial and New Sunbelt Cities," Urban Affairs Quarterly, 23(December 1987), pp. 207-232. "Irrationality in Real Estate Investment," Monthly Review, 38(March 1987), 18-27. "Theories of Discrimination." Pp. 41-48 in Racism and Sexism, edited by Paula S. Rothenberg (New York: St. Martins Press, 1988). "Local State Response to Economic Decline," in Regenerating the Cities, edited by

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(102) (With R. Parker) "A Better Business Climate in Houston," pp. 216-238 in Leadership and Urban Regeneration, edited by Dennis Judd and Michael Parkinson (Newbury Park: Sage, 1990).

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(104) (With R. Parker) "Houston: Administration by Economic Elites," in Big City Politics in Transition, edited by H.V. Savitch and J.C. Thomas (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991). (105) "The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places," American Sociological Review 56 (February, 1991), pp. 101-116. (106) Reprinted in Fred L. Pincus and Howard J. Ehrlich (eds.), Race and Ethnic Conflict (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 98-114; and in 12 other edited volumes; (107) (With R. Bullard) "Racism and the City," pp. 55-76 in Urban Life in Transition, edited by Mark Gottdiener and Chris Pickvance (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991).

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(109) (With N. Benokraitis) "Sex Discrimination -- Subtle and Covert," pp. 334-343 in Down to Earth Sociologfi,, edited by James M. Henslin (New York: Free Press, 1993). (ll0) (With N. Benokraitis) "Sex Discrimination -- Subtle and Covert," pp. 133-142 in Constructions of Deviance, edited by Patricia A. Adler and Peter Adler (Belmont: Wadsworth, 1994).

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(I 14) "The Bill Cosby Television Show: The View from the Black Middle Class," Journal of Black Studies, 1996 (With L. Inniss) "Theoretical Perspectives in Race and Ethnic Relations, " pp. 29-47 in Race and (i 15) Ethnic Conflict edited by F. L. Pincus and H. J. Ehrlich (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994). (with C. Feagin) (116) Land Policy and Boom-Bust Real Estate Markets, Policy Focus Series (Cambridge: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 1994). (With other scholars)

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"Racial Barriers to African American Entrepreneurship: An Exploratory Study," SOcial Problems 41 (November 1994), pp. 562-584. (with N. Imani)

(118) "Multiculturalism: A Democratic Basis for U.S. Society," in McGraw-Hill Primis series, edited by George Ritzer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995). (22 pages) (With H. Vera and B. Zsembik) (119) Reprinted in Perspectives on Sociology, edited by Craig Calhoun and George Ritzer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1996), pp. 1-22.

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(122) "Superior Intellect?: Sincere Fictions of the White. Self," Journal of Negro Education 64 (Summer 1995): 295-306. (with H. Vera, and A. Gordon) (123) "African Americans Inflicted Anomie," pp. 155-172 in Gail Thomas (ed.), Race and Ethnicity in America: Meeting the Challenge, US Race Relations in the Twenty- First Century (Washington, D. C.: Taylor and Francis, 1995). (With H. Vera) (124) "Reparations for Catastrophic Waste," Poverty and Race 3 (1994), p. 4. (With H. Vera)

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(126) "Affirmative Action and African Americans: Rhetoric and Practice," Humboldt Journal of Social Relations 21 (1995): 81 - 104. (with A. Porter) (127) "White Racism: Bibliographic Essay," Choice.,.33 (February 1996): 903-914. (with A. Porter)

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(129) "Navigating Public Places," in Susan J. Ferguson (ed.), Mapping the Social Landscape (Mountain View, Calif.: Maytield, 1996), pp. 345-356. (with M. Sikes) (130) "The Family Costs of White Racism: The Case of African American Families," Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 29, 1998, forthcoming. (With Y. St. Jean) (131) "Racial Masques: Black Women and Subtle Gendered Racism," pp. 173-200 in N. V. Benokraitis (ed.), Subtle Sexism: Current Practices and Prospects for Change (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1997). (132) "Black Women, Sexism and Racism: Double Jeopardy Revisited," pp. 157-180 in C. R. Ronai, B. Zsembik, and J. Feagin (eds.), Everyday Sexism in the Third Millennium (New York: Routledge, 1997). (With Y. St. Jean) (133) "Using Racial and Ethnic Concepts: The Critical Case of Very Young Children," American Sociological Review 61 (October 1996): 779-793. (With D. Van Ausdale) (134) "Racism in the Post-Colonial World," International Policy Review 6 (1996): 30-.40. (With P. Batur) (135) "Cities and the New International Division of Labor." Pp. 339-371 in Th.__ge Sociology of Urban Communities II, edited by M. Harloe (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Ltd., 1996). (With M. P. Smith) (136) Articles on "Segregation" and "Minority Groups," in The World Book Encyclopedia. Chicago: Field Enterprises Education Corporation, 1981, 1997. (137) "Old Poison in New Bottles: The Deep Roots of Modem Nativism." Pp. 13-43 in

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(140) "Violent Police-Citizen Encounters: An Analysis of Major Nexvspaper Accounts," Critical Sociology 22 (1996): 29-49. (With K. Lersch) (141) "Confronting White Students: The Whiteness of University Spaces," in Reading Between the Lines, edited by A. Konradi and M. Schinidt (Mountain View, Calif.: Mayfield, 1998), pp. 386-398. ( With H. Vera and N. Irnani) (142) "The Future of U.S. Society in an Era of Racism, Group Segregation, and Demographic Revolution," pp. 199-212 in Sociology for the Twenty-First Century: Continuities and Cuttimz Ed~zes, edited by J. L. Abu-Lughod (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). (143) "The Long-Overdue Reparations for African Americans: Necessary for Societal Survival?" pp. 417-421 in When Sorry Isnt Enough, edited by R. Brooks (New York: New York University Press, 1999). (With E. OBrien) (144) "The Growing Movement for Reparations," pp. 341-346 in When Sorry Isnt Enouggh, edited by R. Brooks (New York: New York University Press, 1999). (With E. OBden) (145) "Navigating Public Places," pp. 404-414 in Mapping the Social Landscape, edited by S. J. Ferguson (Mountain View, Calif.: Mayfield, 1999). (146) "The Global Color Line: Racial and Ethnic Inequality and Struggle from a Global Perspective," pp. 3-24 in Research in Politics and Society (Greenwich, CN: JAI. Press, 1999). (with P. Batur). (147) "Theoretical Perspectives in Race and Ethnic Relations," pp. 17-33 in Rethinking the Color Line, edited by C. Gallagher (Mountain View: Mayfield, 1999). (With C. Feagin) (148) "The Continuing Significance of Race," pp. 133-143 in Rethinking the Color Line, edited by C. Gallagher (Mountain View: Mayfield, 1999). (Reprint of American Sociological Review article, 1991)

(149) uWhite Racism: A Case Study from the Heartland," pp. 43-56 in Multiculturalism in the United States, edited by P. Kivisto and G. Rtmdblad (Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge, 2000). (Excerpt from White Racism)

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(151) "Contending with Everyday Discrimination: Effects and Strategies," pp. 333-358 in Self and Society, edited by Ann Branaman (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000). (with M. Sikes) (Excerpt from Living with Racism) (152) "Soul-Searching in Sociology: Is the Discipline in Crisis?" Sosiologisk Arbok: 2000.1 (Norwegian Yearbook of Sociology), 5.1 (2000): 1-10. (153) "Excluding Blacks and Others from Housing: The Foundation of White Racism," Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and Research 4 (1999): 79-91. ( 154) "The Continuing Significance of Race," pp. 546-557 in The American Civil Rights Movement: Readings & Interpretations, edited by R. DAngelo (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001). (Reprint of American Sociological Review article, 1991).

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(157) "Should Racial Integration Be Pursued as the Only Goal," pp. 68-70 in Challenges to Equality, ed. C. Hartmarm (Armortk, NY: ME Sharpe, 2001). (With Y. Combs)

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"The Many Costs of Discrimination: The Case of Middle-Class African Americans," Indiana Law Review 34 (2001): 1313-1360. (With K. Early and K. D. McKinney)

(159) UEducational Choices and a Universitys Reputation: The Importance of Collective Memory," pp. 159-186 in The Racial Crisis in American Higher Education, ed. W. Smith, P. Altbach, and K. Lomotey (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002). (With H. Vera, N. tmani) (160) "Old Wine in New Bottles: The Reality of Modem Racism," pp. 157-174 in Thee New Politics of Race, ed. M. Durr (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2002). (With H. Vera) (161) "Foreword," pp. xi-xiv in Otto Santa Anna, Brown Tide Rising (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2002). (162) "Foreword," pp. v-ix in Hsiao-Chuan Hsia, 2002, Liu Li Hsin An--Tsu Pen Kuo Chi Hua Hsia Te "Wai Chi Hsin Niang" Hsien Hsiang (Drifing and Anchoring: Capitallntemationalization and the "Foreign Brides" Phenomenon) (Taipei:

Taiwan: Social Studies Research Series, 2002). (In Chinese) COURSES TAUGHT (Selected examples): Sociology - Introduction to the Study of Society Sociology - Social Problems Sociology - Classical and Contemporary Social Theory (Seminar) Sociology - Black and White Americans (Seminar) Sociology - Race, Class, and Gender (Seminar) Sociology - Comparative Perspectives in Racial and Ethnic Relations (Seminar) General Education - Cultural Diversity in the United States U~IVERSITY ADMINISTRATIVE AND COMMITTEE EXPERIENCE: (1) Departmental Undergraduate Advisor (2) Chair, Social Science Statistical Laboratory Committee (3) Member, University Computer Committee (4) Departmental Executive Committee (5) Departmental Minority Liaison Representative (6) Graduate Advisor (7) Provosts Task Force on Graduate Education and Research (8) Deans Faculty Advisory Committee