Review of Educational Research

http://rer.aera.net Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature: A Critical Synthesis

Sandra L. Dika and Kusum Singh REVIEW OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH 2002; 72; 31 DOI: 10.3102/00346543072001031 The online version of this article can be found at: http://rer.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/72/1/31

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Review of Educational Research Spring 2002, Vol. 72, No. 1, pp. 3160

Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature: A Critical Synthesis

Sandra L. Dika and Kusum Singh Virginia Tech
This critical synthesis incorporates both theoretical and empirical literature on social capital since its original conceptualization by Bourdieu (1986) and Coleman (1988) in the late 1980s. The focus of the review is on educational literature that studies social capital and educational outcomes. After outlining their approach, the authors briey trace the intellectual history of the concept and its transport to the eld of education. Next, they undertake a critical review of the literature by rst examining trends in conceptualization, methods, and outcomes and then assessing empirical support for claims that social capital is positively linked to educational and psychosocial outcomes. Finally, they discuss gaps in the conceptualization, measurement, and analysis of social capital in educational literature.

KEYWORDS: educational research, literature reviews, social capital. There is a growing body of literature on social capital and its relationship to educational development. Interest in the concept was stimulated largely by the work of James Coleman and Pierre Bourdieu in the late 1980s. Social capital is one of sociologys most popular theoretical exports, and although some have argued that the concept is a fad among those looking for a quick-x solution to social and economic problems, the concept has captured the attention of educational researchers and policymakers aiming to improve Americas schools. While interest in and use of the concept has increased, a critical review and synthesis of the research literature on social capital in education is notably absent. Such an integrative review would serve to shed light on the theoretical frameworks, methodological approaches, and implications of research over the past decade, as well as illuminate gaps and inconsistencies. This critical synthesis explores the usage of social capital as an explanatory variable in educational research, drawing on theoretical literature in sociology and economics, and empirical literature in education and family/child studies. The article is divided into four sections. In the rst section, the approach guiding this synthesis is outlined. A description of the intellectual history of the concept of social capital and its transport to the eld of education provides the framework for the review of empirical literature in the second section. The third section is comprised of a critical review of the literature to understand the effects of the accumulation and exchange of social capital on educational and psychosocial outcomes for school-aged children and youth. The review rst examines trends in conceptu31
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alization, design, methods, and outcomes of interest during three time periods (19901995, 19961998, and 19992001). Next, the review assesses whether there is theoretical and empirical support for generalized claims that social capital is positively linked to educational achievement (grades, test scores), educational attainment (graduation, college enrollment), and psychosocial factors that affect educational development (engagement, motivation, self-concept). In the fourth and nal section of the article, methodological issues, including operationalization and measurement, in the reviewed body of literature are discussed and critiqued. Social capital is increasingly proposed by political and educational leaders as a solution to persistent educational and social problems, and in turn it becomes increasingly important to critically examine the existing literature to determine the role(s) social capital may play in educational and psychosocial development of children and youth. This critical synthesis is aimed at educational researchers and practicing educators trying to make sense of this commonly used, but only partially understood concept. Approach The sources for this synthesis include journal articles, book chapters, conference papers,1 and electronic publications between 1986 and 2001. This time frame was chosen because the original theoretical development of the concept social capital did not appear in print until 1986, when Pierre Bourdieu published The Forms of Capital. The sources were obtained from citations in electronic databases and broad Internet searches. The databases examined included ERIC, Educational Abstracts, Social Science Abstracts, and Sociological Abstracts. The criteria for selection began with a search command that identied social capital as the keyword. For the sociological databases (Social Science Abstracts and Sociological Abstracts), the keyword education was also selected. Copernic 2001, a meta-search engine, was used to locate documents on-line. All searches were conducted between Fall 2000 and Fall 2001. The printed titles and abstracts were then reviewed to identify two types of literature: primary studies where social capital played a signicant role (usually as an explanatory variable), and secondary studies (i.e., critiques and reviews of the concept social capital). Critiques, reviews, and conceptual papers were identied to trace the intellectual history of social capital and its future. They included 11 journal articles and 6 books or book chapters. The review of primary studies included 35 sources: 32 journal articles, 2 conference papers, and 1 research report. A complete list of the primary studies, including details about design, sample, social capital indicators, analysis, and outcome measures is provided in the Appendix. Intellectual History Although the term social capital originated as early as 1920, the initial theoretical development of the concept is attributed to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and American sociologist James Coleman (Portes, 2000).2 Bourdieu (1986) wrote about the interaction of three sources of capital: economic, cultural, and social. Coleman (1988) focused on the role of social capital in the creation of human capital. Although both scholars concentrated on the benets accruing to individuals or families by virtue of their ties with others, there are signicant variations in their theories. While Colemans model has structural-functionalist roots (going back to 32
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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

Durkheim), Bourdieus conceptualization is grounded in theories of social reproduction and symbolic power. As a result, social capital has been elaborated in two principal ways: in terms of norms and in terms of access to institutional resources. This differentiation is apparent in theoretical interpretations and resulting empirical work. The explanation of social capital as access to institutional resources has its roots in the work of Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu (1986) was the rst sociologist to systematically analyze the concept of social capital. He dened social capital as the aggregate of actual or potential resources linked to possession of a durable network of essentially institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition. This group membership provides members with the backing of the collectively owned capital. Relations may exist as material or symbolic exchanges. Social capital is made up of social obligations or connections and it is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital. Bourdieu (1986) proposes that the volume of social capital possessed by a person depends on size of the network of connections that he or she can mobilize and on the volume of capitaleconomic, cultural, and symbolicpossessed by each person to whom he or she is connected. Thus, Bourdieus social capital is decomposable into two elements: rst, the social relationship that allows the individual to claim resources possessed by the collectivity, and, second, the quantity and quality of those resources (Portes, 1998). Ultimately, Bourdieu sees social capital as the investment of the dominant class to maintain and reproduce group solidarity and preserve the groups dominant position (Lin, 1999a). Bourdieus concept of social capital is not complete without a brief explanation of other central concepts in his work, namely cultural capital, habitus, and eld. Cultural capital can exist in three states: embodied (dispositions of mind and body), objectied (cultural goods), and institutionalized (educational qualications). Certain forms of cultural capital are valued more than others, and each person brings a different set of dispositions (habitus) to the eld of interaction. Social space is a eld of forces and struggles between agents with different means and ends (Bourdieu, 1998). The eld is characterized by the rules of the game, which are neither explicit nor codied. Because the eld is dynamic, valued forms of social and cultural capital are also dynamic and arbitrary. The second principal way that social capital has been elaboratedas consisting of norms and social controlis exemplied in the theoretical work of James Coleman. Colemans (1988) interpretation of social capital is the most frequently cited in the educational literature related to social capital. Coleman proposes that social capital is intangible and has three forms: (a) level of trust, as evidenced by obligations and expectations, (b) information channels, and (c) norms and sanctions that promote the common good over self-interest. Social capital is inherent in the structure of relations between and among actors. It is dened by its function, and it concerns structures and actors across a variety of different entities.
[S]ocial capital constitutes a particular kind of resource available to an actor. Social capital is dened by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social structures, and they facilitate certain actions of actorswhether persons or corporate actorswithin the structure. (Coleman, 1988, p. S98)

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Like Bourdieu, Coleman also highlights the importance of social networks. Particularly, he emphasizes intergenerational closureparents know the parents of their childrens friendsas a social structure that facilitates the emergence of effective norms. Colemans later work (e.g., 1992) continues to focus on the role of parental involvement in developing social capital, and, consequently, his work is usually cited in support of a particular kind of communityone characterized by strict, traditional values, rigorous discipline, and hierarchical order and control. Two major differences are evident between the contemporaneous denitions of social capital by Bourdieu and Coleman. First, as noted by Portes (1998), the distinction of resources from the ability to obtain them in the social structure is explicit in Bourdieu (1986) but obscured in Coleman: Dening social capital as equivalent with the resources thus obtained is tantamount to saying that the successful succeed (1988, p. 5). The second difference stems from the authors differing orientations. Bourdieu sees social capital as a tool of reproduction for the dominant class, whereas Coleman sees social capital as (positive) social control, where trust, information channels, and norms are characteristics of the community. Thus, Colemans work supports the idea that it is the familys responsibility to adopt certain norms to advance childrens life chances, whereas Bourdieus work emphasizes structural constraints and unequal access to institutional resources based on class, gender, and race (Lareau, 2001). Portes (2000) notes that [t]he concept of social capital is arguably one of the most successful exports from sociology to other social sciences and to public discourse during the last two decades (p. 1). The span of this exportation includes anthropology, business, economics, education, development/planning, and political science. In particular, the celebration of community in Colemans interpretation has caught the eyes of scholars in other disciplines. Robert Putnam (1993), a political scientist, proposes that social capital can be viewed as an attribute of community, a property of cities or nations. This usage of the term has become extremely popular in public discourse and has been used to support the idea of loss of community or social decline in America. Export to Education Social capital did not travel far in its journey to education. Theoretical development of social capital by both Bourdieu and Coleman has its origins in the explanation of educational achievement and attainment; however, these explanations were very different. Bourdieus theories of cultural reproduction and of cultural and social capital were developed as alternative explanations of unequal academic achievement to skill decit and human capital theories. Coleman (1988) used High School and Beyond (HSB) data to show that greater amounts of social capital presence of two parents in the home, lower number of siblings, higher parental educational expectations, and intergenerational closurelead to lower incidence of dropping out of school. Once again, the two conceptualizations of social capital resulted in markedly different types of exportation to the educational literature. The use of a Bourdieuian approach has been adopted in many areas of educational research, including language in the classroom, career decision-making, academic discourse, and family-school relations (see Grenfell & James, 1998). Sociolinguists, notably Basil Bernstein and Jenny Cook-Gumperz (e.g., 1986), have extended Bourdieus notions of cultural reproduction to study the social 34
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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

construction of literacy and how pedagogic discourse is an instrument of class reproductionspecifically, how . . . power and control translate into principles of communication . . . [that] differentially regulate forms of consciousness with respect to their reproduction (Bernstein, 2000, p. 4). Surprisingly, Bernsteins theory is not referenced in most current educational literature on cultural and social capital of linguistic and cultural minorities. Sociologists of education have extended Bourdieus theory of social and cultural capital to explain differential experiences in schools based on class, gender, and race/ethnicity. Lareau and Horvat (1999) developed a framework of moments of inclusion and exclusion, emphasizing the role of the school in accepting or declining the activation of social and cultural capital by families. Lareau (2001) is one of the only authors to explicitly incorporate Bourdieus idea of eld into educational research on social and cultural capital. She suggests that the institutional standards or rules of the game to which Bourdieu referred in his notion of eld have been generally overlooked by researchers. Stanton-Salazar (1997) developed a social capital conceptual framework for studying the socialization of racial minorities and identied intrinsic mechanisms of mainstream institutions that account for the problems in accumulating social capital for low-status and minority children and youth. This framework was further articulated and elaborated in his recent study of the school and kin support networks of Mexican American youth (StantonSalazar, 2001). His model highlights the embeddedness of the adolescent in a social network, affected by counterstratication and stratication forces. Colemans work has inuenced educational research since the publication of Equality of Educational Opportunity in 1966 (The Coleman Report). As will be seen later in the review, mainline educational research has mainly employed a Colemanesque approach to the conceptualization of social capital. In contrast to the research that employs Bourdieuian frameworks, this research is uncritically accepting of Colemans social capital concept. Most of the current research linking social capital and educational outcomes is based on large U.S. data sets, namely the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88). Educational researchers have generally not strayed far from the social capital indicators proposed by Coleman in his original work, that is, mainly family structure and parentchild interaction variables. The theoretical reach of Coleman and Bourdieu is clearly quite extensive. The differences in the two original elaborations of social capital remain in the extensions of the work of these two theorists. The review portion of this article focuses only on work that employs social capital theory in the study of educational outcomes, namely achievement, attainment, and psychosocial factors. Thus, while we recognize that the concepts of social and cultural capital have been widely employed in educational research, we concentrate our interest in the research on educational outcomes. Citing Social Capital Academic use of the concept of social capital in education has increased dramatically since Bourdieus version of social capital theory was published in 1986. Numbers of sources listing social capital as a keyword for three time periods are shown in Table 1. A signicant proportion of the sources cited are metaphorical or prescriptive in nature, with the bulk of the empirical studies and critiques appearing in the past ve years. 35
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TABLE 1
Sources listing social capital as keyword Database ERICa Educational Abstractsa Social Science Abstractsb Sociological Abstractsb
a b

1986 1990 18 7 3

19911995 45 5 5 20

19962001 166 58 39 79

Used keyword social capital as search term. Used keywords social capital and education as search terms.

One third (13 of 39) of the primary studies reviewed were published in educational journals. Within this group, most (10 of 13) appeared in Sociology of Education, which is published by the American Sociological Association; two appeared in targeted journals (Journal of Negro Education and Journal of Research in Rural Education); and one appeared in Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis. While interest in and use of the concept of social capital have grown in educational literature, studies focused on social capital have yet to arrive in mainstream educational journals. Research Synthesis and Review This critical synthesis and review undertakes a look at the educational research literature that links educational outcomes and social capital. There is a sizable body of work in policy studies and political economy focusing on social capital, much of it international, but such work is outside the scope of this article. We will look at the literature from two perspectives. The rst is guided by time frames to determine themes or trends in study design, methods, social capital indicators, and outcomes. Three roughly equal time periods were created for this purpose: 19901995, 19961998, and 19992001.3 Three research questions drive the second review perspective to determine whether there is theoretical and empirical support for generalized claims that social capital is positively linked to (a) educational achievement (grades, test scores), (b) educational attainment (graduation, college enrollment), and (c) psychosocial factors that affect educational development (engagement, motivation, self-concept). Although the work of Bourdieu and Coleman inspired two different streams of research on social capital and educational outcomes, this literature is reviewed simultaneously here for purposes of ow and readability. Research Trends 19901995 Research during the years shortly after the theoretical development of social capital was characterized by a focus on minority populations. The research designs included two secondary analyses of survey studies, a study of Southern students from HSB (Smith, Beaulieu, & Israel, 1992), a longitudinal study on children of teenage mothers (Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995), a survey study of Vietnamese students (Bankston & Zhou, 1995), a survey study with Mexican-origin youth (Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994), and a mixed-method study (surveys and semi-structured interviews) with Mexican-origin youth (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). The study 36
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samples had from 200 to 3,796 participants. All studies used Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) or logistic regression analyses to predict either educational outcomes (Bankston & Zhou; Furstenberg & Hughes; Smith et al., 1992; Valenzuela & Dornbusch) or social capital (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch). The conceptualization and measurement of social capital during this time period was varied. The two studies of secondary data cited Colemans theory of social capital and measured family and community social capital with the types of indicators suggested by Coleman, such as family structure, parent-child discussion, intergenerational closure, moving, and religious participation (Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Smith et al., 1992). The other three studies departed from Colemans theory. Bankston and Zhou (1995) looked at Vietnamese literacy skills and Vietnamese cultural identity as sources of community social capital for Vietnamese students. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) also viewed language prociency (in this case, Spanish) as a source of cultural and social capital, and using Lins social resource theory (1990), measured social capital with social network indicators (e.g., status of network members, number of non-kin). Valenzuela and Dornbusch (1994) incorporated Bourdieus idea of cultural capital to study the academic achievement of Mexican and Anglo adolescents. Outcome measures during this time frame were also varied. Three of the studies focused solely on traditional achievement or attainment measures (Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Smith et al., 1992; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994). One study examined time on homework, a measure of effort, (Bankston & Zhou, 1995) as an outcome related to social capital. The most signicant variance was the specication of social capital indicators as outcomes in Stanton-Salazar and Dornbuschs (1995) work. This raises questions about the directionality of the relationship between social capital and educational outcomes. An interesting feature of research during this time frame is its focus on minority populations. The studies did not strictly follow Colemans interpretation of social capital, and Bourdieus work, especially in cultural capital and cultural reproduction, was invoked in a couple of cases. At this time, follow-up data on NELS:88, a large-scale panel study of eighth grade students in the United States, were not yet available. This is important for two reasons: Coleman apparently collaborated on the development of this study (Kandel, 1996) and data from the NELS are now used extensively to study social capital, as will be seen in the next sections. 19961998 Published research on social capital and educational outcomes in the second half of the 1990s focused primarily on social capital (within- and between-family) in the tradition of Coleman. Eight of the nine studies reviewed were survey designs. Seven of those studies involved national, primarily large-scale panel studies, including HSB (Lopez, 1996), Panel Study of Income Dynamics or PSID (Hofferth, Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1998), and NELS (Carbonaro, 1998; Hao & Bonstead-Bruns, 1998; Pong, 1998; Sun, 1998; Teachman, Paasch, & Carver, 1996); one study involved a largescale national survey of adults about their experiences at 15 years of age (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996). The only non-survey design study consisted of a time-diary study of 3- to 11-years-olds and their parents (Bianchi & Robinson, 1997). The samples for the studies using NELS were quite large (N = 10,399 to N = 21,924), and between 900 and 2,000 participants for the other studies. 37
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All of the studies used regression-based analyses, although two studies used more sophisticated procedures. Hao and Bonstead-Bruns (1998) used Two Stage Least Squares (TSLS) regression to account for the endogenous nature of parents and childrens educational expectations. Hao and Bonstead-Bruns (1998) also used Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) to include school or community level effects in the analysis, along with Sun (1998). The indicators used to measure social capital during this time frame reect the reliance on Colemans theory: family structure, parent-child discussion, parentschool involvement, and parents expectations (Bianchi & Robinson, 1997; Carbonaro, 1998; Hao & Bonstead-Bruns, 1998; Hofferth et al., 1998; Lopez, 1996; Pong, 1998; Sun, 1998; Teachman et al., 1996). Only one study included teacher/ counselor expectations and inuence as school-based social capital (Lopez). One study assessed cultural capital, but again the focus was on the parent as actor and transmitter of capital (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996). The outcomes of interest in this body of research were related to educational achievement measures such as grade point average (GPA) (Carbonaro, 1998; Hao & Bonstead-Bruns, 1998; Lopez, 1996) and achievement test scores (Carbonaro; Hao & Bonstead-Bruns; Lopez; Pong, 1998; Sun, 1998); educational attainment measures such as dropping out (Carbonaro; Teachman et al., 1996), high school completion (Hofferth et al., 1998; Lopez), years of schooling (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996), and college enrollment (Hofferth et al.); and effort measures of reading behavior (Bianchi & Robinson, 1997). Research during this time frame clung rather tightly to Colemans conception of social capital, resulting in a focus on parents networks rather than on childrens or adolescents relationships. Some methodological advances were made using HLM to add school contextual properties to baseline models of individual effects. Several of the studies compared the results of advantaged and disadvantaged groups, including race (Hofferth et al., 1998; Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996; Lopez, 1996; Sun, 1998), immigrant and native populations (Hao & Bonstead-Bruns, 1998), and single parent and intact families (Pong, 1998). Overall, most studies were based on data from large-scale studies not originally designed to measure social capital. 19992001 In the last three years, the visibility of social capital in educational research literature has sharply increased. Twenty-one studies published between 1999 and September 2001 are reviewed here. Colemans theoretical framework continued to guide most of this work, although a few of the studies used Bourdieus framework of social and cultural capital (McNeal, 1999; Smith-Maddox, 1999; White & Glick, 2000), Lins social network theory (Smith-Maddox), and Putnams collective social capital (Fritch, 1999a; Morrow, 2001). Research involving the largescale panel studies remained popular, particularly NELS (Israel, Beaulieu, & Hartless, 2001; Muller, 2001; Muller & Ellison, 2001; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Qian & Blair, 1999; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999; Smith-Maddox, 1999; Sun, 1999; Yan, 1999). Only one study used HSB (White & Glick, 2000), most likely because the data are nearly 20 years old. Two other panel studies were used: National Longitudinal Study of Youth 1992/94 (Parcel & Dufur, 2001) and the National Youth Study 1977 (Wright, Cullen, & Miller, 2001). Other quantitative 38
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designs included a longitudinal survey of youngsters between grade 5/6 and age 22 (Dyk & Wilson, 1999) and a large-scale survey of Dutch adults about their experiences at 15 years of age (N. D. De Graaf, P. M. De Graaf, & Kraaykamp, 2000). The sample sizes for these survey studies ranged between N = 463 and N = 17,163. Once again, analyses were regression-based (OLS or logistic regression) with single studies using HLM (Sun, 1999), path analysis (Dyk & Wilson, 1999), and random effects ANCOVA (Morgan & Srensen, 1999). A new development during this time frame was the use of case study and other qualitative designs. Four studies used a case study design and largely qualitative methods, including interviews, focus groups, observations, and document analysis (Fritch, 1999a; Fritch, 1999b; Kahne & Bailey, 1999; Lareau & Horvat, 1999). The interviews and focus groups were completed with parents, school personnel, and community members, while children or students were interviewed in only one casea program evaluation (Kahne & Bailey). An exploratory study by Morrow (2001) in the United Kingdom presents a unique approach.4 Using Putnams notion of collective social capital, she asked 12- to 15-year-olds in relatively deprived neighborhoods to participate in three activities: Write about who is important to you and why; take pictures of places that are important to you and write why; and participate in a group discussion with other young people about their town and their neighborhoods, using pertinent newspaper clippings as prompts. Thematic analysis of the qualitative data was guided in three of the studies by Colemans notions of trust, informational channels, and norms (Fritch, 1999a; Fritch, 1999b; Kahne & Bailey, 1999). Sample sizes for the qualitative studies ranged roughly between 75 and 95. Most of the studies looked at indicators of social capital that are no doubt familiar to the reader by now, such as family structure, parent-teen discussion, parents aspirations and expectations of teen, parental education, and intergenerational closure (Dyk & Wilson, 1999; Israel et al., 2001; McNeal, 1999; Muller & Ellison, 2001; Parcel & Dufur, 2001; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Qian & Blair, 1999; SmithMaddox, 1999; Sun, 1999; White & Glick, 2000; Wright et al., 2001; Yan, 1999). A few studies explained the effects of adolescents interactions with people outside the family, including talking with other adults about jobs and education (Dyk & Wilson, 1999), peer group academic values and inuence (Muller & Ellison; Pribesh & Downey), number of close friends attending same school (Morgan & Srensen, 1999), perception of caring teachers (Muller, 2001), and extracurricular involvement (Fritch, 1999a; Fritch, 1999b; Israel et al.; Pribesh & Downey; Sun). Parcel and Dufur identied certain school characteristics as indicators of social capital, including type of school, student/teacher ratio, and school climate. Several social factors are included under the social capital umbrella, which contributes to the dilution of conceptual and explanatory power. The outcomes of interest during this time frame should also appear familiar. Educational achievement outcome measures included GPA (Israel et al., 2001; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999; Wright et al., 2001), math gain scores (Morgan & Srensen, 1999), and standardized test scores for science (McNeal, 1999), math (Muller, 2001), math and reading combined (Israel et al.; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell), and four core subjects (Sun, 1999). Outcome measures of educational attainment included dropping out or staying in school (Israel et al.; McNeal; White & Glick, 2000), high school com39
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pletion (Muller & Ellison, 2001; Yan, 1999), completed years of schooling or how far in school (Dyk & Wilson, 1999; De Graaf et al., 2000), number of math credits (Muller & Ellison, 2001), and college enrollment (Yan). Finally, two studies looked at occupational attainment and labor force participation outcomes in relation to social capital (Dyk & Wilson; White & Glick). In addition to the advances in methodology during this periodnamely, the increased inclusion of qualitative methodsseveral of these studies moved beyond the traditional attainment and achievement measures that characterize the research in the two earlier time periods. Educational aspirations became a popular outcome measure during this period (Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Muller & Ellison, 2001; Qian & Blair, 1999; Smith-Maddox, 1999). Several studies included outcome indicators of school engagement or motivation, such as truancy (McNeal, 1999), class cutting (Muller & Ellison), homework effort (Muller & Ellison), and school commitment as measured by time studying and importance of school (Wright et al., 2001). Two studies measured behavioral problems and delinquent behavior (Parcel & Dufur, 2001; Wright et al.), and one gauged moral beliefs (Wright et al.). Finally, Muller and Ellisons study also considered locus of control as an outcome related to social capital. As in the earlier bodies of research, some of the studies in this time period looked at special populations or compared the social capital and outcomes of particular groups. Examples of special populations include rural, low income White children in Appalachia (Dyk & Wilson, 1999), inner city adolescents in Chicago (Kahne & Bailey, 1999), and African American adolescents (Smith-Maddox, 1999; Yan, 1999). Two studies compared the social and cultural capital of Black and White students (Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999). The differences between social capital in public, private, large, and small schools were examined (Fritch, 1999a) as well as differences in social capital between immigrant and native adolescents (White & Glick, 2000). Two studies focused on cultures outside the United States, namely in England (Morrow, 2001) and the Netherlands (De Graaf et al., 2000). Research on social capital and educational outcomes has moved in some promising directions during the past three years. Although most of the work in this area relied on Colemans rather vague and metaphorical concept of social capital, some researchers began examining social networks and social reproduction theories for more theoretically rened models. Given the cross-disciplinary confusion around the exact nature of social capital, the increased use of qualitative methods is encouraging. Finally, the heightened focus on psychosocial outcomes such as school engagement and locus of control has the potential to contribute to a richer understanding of students school experiences. Empirical and Theoretical Review A more conventional way of reviewing the entire body of research is to examine whether there is generalized theoretical and empirical support for hypothesized relationships on social capital and educational outcomes. Colemans theory suggests that social capital is instrumental in the development of human capital, that is, high school graduation and college enrollment rather than dropping out of school. This theory also suggests that family norms and intergenerational closure (forms of social capital) promote educational achievement, school-related moti40
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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

vation, and engagement. The normative frameworkthat is, the group of norms that motivate pro-academic behaviorsis indeed more prominent in research on educational attainment than frameworks focusing on relationships and networks that generate access to institutional resources. Thus, three research questions about the relationship between social capital and educational or psychosocial outcomes guide this section of the review. Is social capital positively linked to educational attainment? Thirteen of the studies reviewed examine the relationships between social capital and educational attainment. Many of the relationships are significant in the expected direction. Dropout rates are positively related to nontraditional family structure and number of siblings (Israel et al., 2001; Smith et al., 1992) and negatively related to parental expectations and aspirations, parent-teen connection, parent monitoring, number of moves, church attendance, involvement in other activities, parent communication with school, and intergenerational closure (Carbonaro, 1998; Israel et al.; Smith et al.; Teachman et al., 1996; White & Glick, 2000). Similarly, social capital is positively associated with high school graduation and college enrollment. Traditional family structure, parents expectations and encouragement, and parent-teen interactions are positively related to these two outcomes (Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Yan, 1999). Other positive relations include intergenerational closure, strong help network of the parent, number of friends known by parent, parent involvement in the school, seeing close friends weekly, and friends educational expectations (Furstenberg & Hughes; Yan). Moving is negatively related to these two outcomes (Hofferth et al., 1998). Other studies examine the relationship between social capital and years of schooling. Like the results for the other attainment variables, years of schooling are associated with family structure, family discussion, parents inuence and expectations, parents cultural capital, parent-school involvement, and parent monitoring (De Graaf et al., 2000; Dyk & Wilson, 1999; Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996; Lopez, 1996). The inuence of interactions with others outside the family is also signicant, including discussions about jobs and education with other adults, teachers expectations and inuence, and teacher interest in student (Dyk & Wilson; Lopez). Overall, social capital indicators and indicators of educational attainment are positively linked, but theoretical and empirical support could be stronger. Colemans theory relating social capital to human capital is relatively vague, which necessarily limits the conclusions of the research. Future research should employ methods to understand the complex relationships between resources based in social networks and educational attainment. Is social capital positively linked to educational achievement? The relationship between social capital and educational achievement is examined in fourteen of the studies reviewed in this article. All nine studies that specifically link achievement test scores with social capital use the NELS database. Four achievement tests were completed by NELS respondents: math, science, reading, and history. Overall, relationships are signicant in the expected direction. Achievement on these tests is negatively associated with family size, moving, and nontraditional family structure (Sun, 1998, 1999). Achievement is generally positively related to parent-teen discussion (McNeal, 1999; Pong, 1998; Sun, 1998, 1999), 41
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parents expectations (Carbonaro, 1998; Sun, 1998), parent monitoring (Sun), parent-school involvement (Carbonaro; Pong; Morgan & Srensen, 1999; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Sun, 1999), and intergenerational closure (Carbonaro; Morgan & Srensen; Pribesh & Downey; Sun, 1998, 1999). One study, however, nds an inverse relationship between achievement and two of these social capital indicators, parent-school involvement and parent monitoring (McNeal). Achievement test scores have also been linked to social capital indicators where the adolescent, not the parent, is the actor. Participation in organizations in the school and community (Sun, 1998, 1999), number of close friends attending the same school (Morgan & Srensen, 1999), and ties with peers (Pribesh & Downey, 1999) are all positively associated with achievement scores. Eight of the studies reviewed in this article explore the relationship of social capital to grades and/or GPA. Grades are negatively related to nontraditional family structure, family size, and moving in one study (Israel et al., 2001). Grades are generally positively related to parent-teen discussion (Israel et al.; Lopez, 1996; Wright et al., 2001), parents expectations (Israel et al.; Lopez), parent monitoring (Israel et al.; Lopez), parent-school involvement (Israel et al.; Lopez; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994), and intergenerational closure (Israel et al.). In two studies, cultural capital variables are signicantly related to grades: Vietnamese reading and writing ability (Bankston & Zhou, 1995) and cultural classes and educational resources in the home (Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999). In research with Mexican-origin youth, Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) studied institutionalbased social capital as an outcome of grades. Grades were positively related to three different informational network variables: number of school-based weak ties, number of non-kin weak ties, and proportion of non-Mexican origin members. Granovetter (1973) hypothesized that ties to other social circles (weak ties) provide access to social capital for instrumental action, whereas social capital within ones own circle is homophilous (i.e., involving people who tend to be alike). While most of the research indicates that social capital is indeed positively associated with educational achievement, the studies by McNeal (1999) and StantonSalazar and Dornbusch (1995) raise questions about the direction and nature of the relationship between these variables. McNeal suggests that parent involvement and monitoring may have a greater inuence on behavioral than on cognitive outcomes. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch propose that grades and educational aspirations are related to the formation of institutional ties by the adolescent. Specically, they state that their approach is a move away from the role model/cheerleading view toward an understanding of the inequitable transmission of institutional resources and opportunities. This approach certainly deserves more research attention, and has the potential to increase understanding of the complex role and place of social capital in educational achievement. Is social capital positively linked to education-related psychosocial factors? Nine of the studies reviewed in this article focus on the relationship between social capital and psychosocial factors related to education. Five studies nd positive relationships between educational aspirations and social capital, including parental expectations (Muller & Ellison, 2001), parent-teen discussion about school (Muller & Ellison; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Smith-Maddox, 1999), parent-school involvement (Pribesh & Downey; Smith-Maddox), study resources in the home 42
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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

(Qian & Blair, 1999), and intergenerational closure (Muller & Ellison). Relationships and activities outside the family, such as involvement in organizations (Pribesh & Downey) and peer group values (Muller & Ellison), are also positively linked to educational aspirations. One study nds a negative relationship among educational aspirations, family size, and nontraditional family structure (Qian & Blair). In another case, a network indicator of social capitalthe proportion of network members who are non-Mexicanis seen as an outcome of educational or status aspirations (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). Three studies look at school-related effort in relation to social capital. Homework effort is positively related to parent expectations, parent-teen discussion about school or class, intergenerational closure, and peer values for adolescents (Muller & Ellison, 2001). Vietnamese reading and writing ability, a form of social capital in Bankston and Zhous (1995) study of Vietnamese youth, is also related to time on homework. Childrens time spent studying, reading, or being read to is positively associated with parental education level (Bianchi & Robinson, 1997). Time studying is also associated with parent-teen discussion, family attachment, and family disapproval of delinquency (Wright et al., 2001). In addition, two studies examine the relationship between engagement/motivation factors and social capital. Class cutting is negatively related to parent-teen discussion, intergenerational closure, and peer group values (Muller & Ellison). Parent-teen discussion, parent-school involvement, and monitoring are negatively related to truancy (McNeal, 1999). Taken as a whole, the research shows that social capital and psychosocial factors are positively linked. The direction and nature of the relationship between them, though, is not entirely clear. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) nd that educational aspirations are related to the formation of ties with institutional agents in schools. The other psychosocial factors are studied as outcomes rather than explanatory variables. Further research is needed to understand the interplay of factors and the access to and mobilization of social capital. Summary Although most of the relationships are significant in the expected directions, the current body of research does not provide sufficient theoretical or empirical support for hypotheses about the positive relationship between social capital and education-related factors. This is due primarily to weaknesses in and misapplications of Colemans concept, which have been named throughout the article. Nearly all of these studies focus on the conceptualization of social capital as norms rather than access to institutional resources. Methodological gaps in the conceptualization and measurement of social capital, including the reliance on cross-sectional data, hamper the utility of the concept as an explanatory variable in education. These gaps are discussed in detail in the next section. Methodological Issues and Gaps Conceptual, measurement, and analysis issues related to the body of research on social capital and educational outcomes are highlighted throughout this article. In this section, a systematic appraisal of these issues and gaps illustrates their cumulative effect, and as such, reveals that the concept of social capital is not yet empirically grounded. 43
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Conceptualization The original conceptualization of social capital by Coleman is problematic (Morrow, 1999; Portes, 1998, 2000). Although thus far described as a theory, the delineation of social capital by Coleman (1988) is too vague to develop testable hypotheses. Social capital is a fuzzy concept as developed by both Coleman and Bourdieu (1986), however Bourdieu views his social capital as an open concept designed to guide empirical work (Grenfell & James, 1998) rather than a causal model. Colemans concept assumes family mediation of social capital, ignoring the agency of the adolescent in accessing social capital. The concept emphasizes the virtues of parental involvement, and implies a top-down view of the parentchild relationship (Morrow). Coleman denes social capital as the resources inherent in the structure of relationships. This leads to two conceptual problems. First, the sources (relationships) of social capital are confused with the benets (resources, opportunities) derived from it, leading to circular reasoning: for example, reasoning that the student who stays in school has social capital, whereas the dropout has none (Portes & Landolt, 1996). Second, the disentanglement of the possession of social capital from its activation becomes difcult. It is unclear whether the ability to access social capital (in the home or community) or the ability to activate this social capital in the institutional context (the school) is associated with desirable outcomes. The designation of social capital as a catch-all for the positive effects of sociability has clouded the intersection of race, class, and gender in schools and society. The positive effects of participation in a particular community are emphasized without considering possible negative implications, such as the exclusion of outsiders and downward leveling pressures (Portes & Landolt, 1996). Groups and communities may make demands that compromise rather than facilitate opportunity and mobility (Morrow, 1999). The basic question of how race and social class affect parental involvement is ignored (Lareau, 1989), and womens work in creating and maintaining networks remains invisible (Morrow). As shown through the research by Lareau and Horvat (1999) and Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995), the directionality of the relationship between social capital and educational outcomes is blurry. Thus, the current social capital framework serves to describe rather than explain the effects of inequality on educational outcomes. Social capital has the potential to become part of a decit theory syndrome, yet another thing or resource that unsuccessful individuals, families, communities and neighbourhoods lack (Morrow, 1999, p. 760). These theories are faulted primarily because they obscure issues of power and domination; that is, they do not address links between lack of ties to institutional agents, macro forces, and institutional-discriminatory patterns.5 Bourdieus notions of social and cultural capital represent a way to avoid this, but these notions have been only sporadically incorporated into the research in the United States, and only by certain authors (e.g., Lareau, 1989; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Stanton-Salazar, 1997, 2001). Measurement The measurement issues for the body of research on social capital and educational outcomes stem from the issues and gaps in the conceptualization of social capital. Morrow (1999) notes that most of these measures (e.g., number of parents, 44
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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

number of siblings or household size, church attendance) are crude and arbitrary. The selection of these types of measures reects those used by Coleman (1988) in his original study, which used data from the HSB study of 1980 and 1982. The HSB was not designed to measure social capital, nor was the NELS, although most measures of social capital come from these data sets. Furthermore, some of these variables function as proxies for wealth or family background, and it is obvious that manipulating such a variable will not produce the presumed effect (Pedhazur, 1997, p. 287). Only a few researchers specically designed and implemented their own studies to understand social capital, including all of the studies using qualitative methods (Fritch, 1999a, 1999b; Lareau & Horvat, 1999; Morrow, 2001; StantonSalazar & Dornbusch, 1995; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Conventional statistical measures of supportive ties (e.g., number of parents, parent-child discussion) are poor and unreliable indicators of social capital, and they give little information about relationship dynamics or the quality of the resources accessed (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). In most of these studies, prior measures of academic resources, academic performance, and social capital are not taken into consideration. Longitudinal studies are necessary to an understanding of the direction of the relationship between educational outcomes and social resources. Although the processes measured as social capital have been studied for years under other labels (Portes, 1998), most of the research does not acknowledge the potential jangle fallacy (Pedhazur & Schmelkin, 1991) inherent in the concept of social capital. Validity is a primary concern in the measurement of latent variables. Validity evidence, particularly construct validity, is strikingly absent in a good portion of the research reviewed herein. When this evidence is included, it is usually in the forms of conrmatory factor analysis and correlations. Only one study used a path model to look at the relationship between social capital indicators and attainment (Dyk & Wilson, 1999). Although authors are careful not to make causal implications, few acknowledge the metaphorical and elusive nature of social capital as conceptualized by Coleman. Why and how is family social capital different from family background? Parent involvement and school engagement indicators comprise many indicators of social capital used in the studies reviewed. It has not been veried that something different from these is indeed being measured. Educational researchers have shown little interest in departing from Colemans framework and exploring how social ties and social networks are studied in economic sociology (e.g., Borgatti, Jones, & Everett, 1998; Burt, 2000; Lin, 1999a, 1999b). Analysis The quantitative literature in this body of research has relied on regressionbased analyses to show the relationships between social capital indicators and education-related outcomes. More sophisticated methods, namely HLM, are used in only two studies (Pong, 1998; Sun, 1999). In three of the ve qualitative studies, researchers predetermined themes of trust, information channels, and norms (Fritch, 1999a, 1999b; Kahne & Bailey, 1999). This method can lead to the phenomenon of nding what you are looking for. On the other hand, Lareau and Horvat (1999) focused their attention on three themes related to Bourdieus notions of social reproduction: compliance with school standards, intertwining of race and class, and variations in parent perceptions by race. Morrows (2001) themes emerged from the writing, photos, and discussions of the young adolescents in her 45
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study. These themesfriendship, use of neighborhood space, and public space give a salient perspective of the meaning of social capital for children in their lives. Summary Large-scale panel studies have provided educational researchers with remarkable opportunities to study educational processes and outcomes. Increased public interest in social capital has caught the attention of educational researchers who have, in turn, used the large-scale panel data to understand the role of social capital in education. Unfortunately, the conceptualization of social capital in these studies is narrow and restricted by the variables available in the data sets. The conceptual umbrella of social capital has been stretched to include a variety of social factors that do not coherently hang together. Problems in the conceptualization and measurement of social capital have resulted in a body of research that, except for a few studies, does not acknowledge differential access to social networks and social resources. Fascination with the idea that we are in social decline leads to the argument that the source of our discontent is found in lack of social control and cohesion as opposed to increasing inequality. The importance of developing and applying alternative conceptualizations of social capital is apparent. The work of researchers such as Lareau (1989), Lareau and Horvat (1999), and Stanton-Salazar (1997, 2001) holds promise for revealing how social capital is accessed and utilized by youth and families in educational institutions.

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APPENDIX
Design HSB (1980, 1982) N = 3,796 10th grade to 2 years later Southern states
a

Matrix of studies included in review Indicators/measures of social capital Family No. of siblings Mothers employment 2 parents in home Mothers expectations for college Talk with parents Community No. of moves since grade 5 Involved in youth activities Involved in church activities School bond/tax increase issue Parent interest Logistic regression No. of siblings 2 parents Parental involvement OLS regression Analysis Outcome Dropout prior to grade 12

Author

Smith, Beaulieu, & Israel 1992

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Valenzuela & Dornbusch 1994 Families, Peers, and Schools Research Project (19871988) N = 3,158 HSb students Anglo and Mexican San Francisco Bay

Grades

Bankston & Zhou 1995

Vietnamese reading and writing abilities Identication with Vietnamese ethnicity Importance of college attendance

OLS regression

Grades Time on homework

47

Survey designed by researchers N = 387 HS students Vietnamese New Orleans

(continued)

APPENDIX
Design Longitudinal survey study of children of teenage mothers (mid-1960s to 1987) N = 252 Mother and child pairs Baltimore, MD Family Family cohesion Support from own mom See siblings/grandparents weekly Father in home Parents help with homework Frequency of activities with parents Parents expectations for school Moms educational aspirations Moms encouragement Mom attends school meetings No. of friends mom knows Community Religious involvement Strong help network See close friend weekly Ever changed schools Friends educational expectations Quality of school Neighborhood Logistic regression Social support networks (informational) No. of high status adults No. of non-kin No. of school-based Average SES of information network Average SES of friendship network No. actually relied on for information SES (education/occupation of father, mother if no father) Language prociency and use OLS regression Independent variables were grades, educational expectations, occupational expectations, and post-HS plans Indicators/measures of social capital Analysis Outcome HS graduation College enrollment

48
Surveys and semi-structured interviews N = 205 HS students Mexican origin San Francisco San Jose

Matrix of studies included in review (Continued)

Author

Furstenberg & Hughes 1995

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Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch 1995

Social support networks

Kalmijn & Kraaykamp 1996

Survey Trend analysis N = 6,248 Adults born 19001960 Logistic regression

OLS regression

Years of schooling

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Lopez 1996

HSB (1980, 1982) N = 1,658 10th grade to 2 years later Latino and White only

GPA Years of schooling

Teachman, Paasch, & Carver 1996

NELS:88 (1988, 1990) N = 16,014

Cultural capital Parents attended classical music performances Parents attended plays Parents attended museums Parents encouraged reading of books Home Father, mother keep track of progress What father, mother thinks should do after HS Amount father, mother has inuenced plans after HS Parents know where I am, what I do How often parents attend PTA Parents volunteer for school projects Time talking with parents Educational aspirations of parents How often parents visit class School What counselor, teacher thinks should do after HS Amount counselor, teacher inuenced plans after HS Rate of teacher interest in students No. of teachers interested in students outside class Catholic Step-parent Divorced mom Logistic regression

Dropout prior to grade 10 (continued)

49

APPENDIX
Design 8th grade to 2 years later Intergenerational closure Parents expectations Communication with school Participation in school activities No. of parents in home Family size Parental education Maternal employment Tobit regression Never-married mom Father parent Other parent Parent-school connection Parent-child connection No. of times change school Parents know parents of friends Time spent studying Time spent reading/ being read to 12th grade achievement test scores in math, science, reading, and history 12th grade GPA Dropout prior to grade 12 TSLS HLM GPA (English, math, science, and history) Indicators/measures of social capital Analysis Outcome

Matrix of studies included in review (Continued)

50
NELS:88 (1988, 1990, 1992) N = 16,489 8th to 4 years later Time use diary N = 1,200 3- to 11-year-olds California OLS regression Panel Study of Income Dynamics; longitudinal, telephone survey (1980) N = 901 Ages 1116, 22 NELS:88 (1988) N = 17,912 8th grade Immigrant and native comparison Parental involvement in school Extracurricular activities Parental involvement in other activities Parents reported access to time or money help Geographic mobility OLS regression Logistic regression

Author

Bianchi & Robinson 1997

Carbonaro 1998

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Hao & Bonstead-Bruns 1998

Hofferth, Boisjoly, & Duncan 1998

HS completion College attendance

Pong 1998

Parent-school participation Discuss school School participation Intergenerational closure

HLM

10th grade achievement test scores in math and reading

Sun 1998

NELS:88 (1988, 1990) N = 10,399 8th grade to 10th grade Single parent vs. intact family NELS:88 (1988) N = 21,924 8th grade African American, Hispanic, East Asian, and nonHispanic White OLS regression

8th-grade achievement test scores in math, reading, science, and history

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Dyk & Wilson 1999

Longitudinal survey (19741984) N = 463 Grade 5/6 to grade 11/12 to 21/22 years old Rural, low-income Appalachian mother-child pairs (White only)

Family No. of siblings Non-intact family Parent-child discussion Monitor homework Parent expectations Community No. of parents known No. of times changed school Participate in PTA Contact with school Participation in organizations SES Household size Moms education Moms aspirations Talk about life with family Talk about job/education with family Talk about job/education with other adults Path analysis

Occupational attainment (status) Educational attainment (years)

(continued)

51

APPENDIX
Design Multisite case study Interviews, focus groups, survey, document analysis N = 3 schools 1 Catholic HS 1 public HS 1 Seventh Day Adventist K12 Same as above Opportunities for parent involvement in sports % of parents involved in sports Qualitative study Same as above Opportunities for parent involvement % of parents involved Theme analysis Norms Trust Information channels n/a Indicators/measures of social capital Analysis Outcome

Matrix of studies included in review (Continued)

52
Same as above Program evaluation Case study of I Have a Dream program; interviews and observations N = 52, 40 Grade 6 2 schools in innercity Chicago Case study Interviews with parents, educators, community members N = 75 24 children in grade 3 (not interviewed) Compliance with school standards Intertwining of race and social class Variations in perceptions of Black and White parents Theme analysis Norms Trust Information channels n/a Theme analysis n/a

Author

Fritch 1999a

Fritch 1999b

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Kahne & Bailey 1999

Lareau & Horvat 1999

 40 parents 9 educators 26 adults in community NELS:88 (1988, 1990) N = 11,401 8th grade to 2 years later NELS:88 (1990, 1992) N = 9,241 10th to 12th grade Social closure No. of friends at school No. of parents known (intergenerational closure) Parents work together Parents have a say in school policy Study resources No. of siblings Parental involvement Intact family Student/school ties Student/community ties Student/peer ties Student/parent ties Parent/parent ties Parent/school ties Random effects ANCOVA Parent-child discussion Involvement in parent-teacher organization Monitoring Educational support OLS regression, logistic regression 10th grade achievement test score in science Truancy Dropout prior to grade 10 Math achievement test gain score (grades 1012)

McNeal 1999

Morgan & Srensen 1999

Pribesh & Downey 1999

NELS:88 (1988, 1992) N = 10,274 8th to 12th grade

OLS regression

10th grade achievement test score in math and reading Educational aspirations Ordered logit regression Educational aspirations

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Qian & Blair 1999

NELS:88 (1992) N = 10,057 12th grade

(continued)

53

APPENDIX
Design NELS:88 (1988, 1990) N = 16,189 8th to 10th grade Black and White only NELS:88 (1988) N = 7,163 8th grade Family No. of times move school No. of siblings Family structure Parent-child discussion Community Participation in religious activities Participation in sports Parents belonging to organizations Extent of parental acquaintance Parents work together Parent-teen interactions Parent-parent interactions Parent-school interactions Family norms HLM NELS:88 (1988) N = 3,009 8th grade African American Talk to other adults Talk to parents Parent education level SES Parental involvement OLS regression Cultural capital Cultural trips Cultural classes Household educational resources OLS regression Indicators/measures of social capital Analysis Outcome 10th grade GPA 10th grade achievement test scores in math and reading Educational aspirations

54
NELS:88 (1988, 1990, 1992, 1994) N = 6,459 8th grade to 6 years later African American OLS regression Independent variables are HS completion, enrollment in postsecondary education Social capital

Matrix of studies included in review (Continued)

Author

Roscigno & AinsworthDarnell 1999

Smith-Maddox 1999

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Sun 1999

8th grade achievement test scores in science, math, reading, and history

Yan 1999

White & Glick 2000 HSB (1980, 1982) N = 13,152 10th grade to 2 years later Immigrant vs. native NELS:88 (1988) N = 8,961 Family No. of parents No. of siblings No. of siblings dropped out Aspirations Discussions about school Monitor homework Community No. of school changes Religiosity No. of organizations belonged to Closure Friendship Use of neighborhood space Public parks/urban spaces OLS regression

Parents know where I am No. of parents who monitor school work

Logistic regression Multinomial logistic regression

Participation in HS Participation in labor market

Israel, Beaulieu, & Hartless 2001

8th grade achievement test scores in math and reading GPA Staying in HS

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Morrow 2001 Qualitative Written accounts, visual methods (photos), group discussion N = 102 Ages 1215 North of London (UK)

Thematic analysis of written and visual data

n/a

(continued)

55

APPENDIX
Design NELS:88 (1990, 1992, 1994) N not reported 10th grade to 4 years later NLSY:79 1992 ChildMother les 1994 ChildMother les 19931994 and 19941995 school data N = 1,833 Between 1st and 8th grade N = not reported Ages 1218 NYS:76 (1977) N = not reported Talk with family Family attachment Disapproval of delinquency Family Home environment Parent knowledge of child No. of friends known by parent Church attendance Family size Marital status Parents work hours School Type of school Teacher, counselor/student ratios School environment Parental involvement OLS regression Religiosity Parent expectations Discuss school Discuss class Closure Peer group values OLS regression Logistic regression NELS:88 (1990) N = 7,364 10th grade Math teachers and students only Teachers care about students Student effort OLS regression Indicators/measures of social capital Analysis Outcome 10th grade achievement test scores in math

Matrix of studies included in review (Continued)

Author

56
OLS regression

Muller 2001

Muller & Ellison 2001

Locus of control Aspirations Homework effort No. of math credits HS diploma Class cutting Behavioral problems (BPI)

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Parcel & Dufur 2001

Wright, Cullen, & Miller 2001

Moral behavior GPA School commitment Delinquent behavior

Note. Panel studies include High School and Beyond (HSB), National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88), National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY:79), and National Youth Survey (NYS:76). aYears in parentheses are waves of data. bHS = high school.

Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

Notes
Only conference papers published as ERIC documents and available through the Educational Document Reproduction Service were included in the review. 2 Social capital is seen as a subtheme in social resource/network theory, as developed by Nan Lin and others. Lin (1999a) argues that social capital has been divorced from its roots in individual interactions and networking. 3 A review of printed abstracts during the literature search phase revealed that social capital citations were largely metaphorical or prescriptive prior to 1990. 4 The use of these qualitative methods is unique to this body of literature, but perhaps not to the ethnographic study of education and schooling in general. 5 This comment paraphrases the astute remarks of an anonymous reviewer about the decontextualized explanations in most decit theories.
1

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Applications of Social Capital in Educational Literature

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Dika and Singh

Authors
SANDRA L. DIKA is a Visiting Assistant Professor in Educational Research and Evaluation at Virginia Tech, Mail Code 0302, Blacksburg, VA 24061; e-mail sdika@vt.edu. Her current research focuses on adolescents access to and mobilization of social capital in school settings through the study of social networks and school-related factors. KUSUM SINGH is a Professor of Educational Research and Evaluation at Virginia Tech, Mail Code 0302, Blacksburg, VA 24061; e-mail ksingh@vt.edu. Her research interests are mathematics and science achievement and the effects of personal, family, and school factors on student engagement, achievement, and educational aspirations.

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