Iatros

EIKON Beitrge zur antiken Bildersprache Band 9
Klaus Sthler Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)
Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres Beitrge des Internationalen archologischen Kolloquiums Mnster 2001
EIKON
Beitrge zur antiken Bildersprache
Herausgegeben von Klaus Sthler Band 9
Ugarit-Verlag, Mnster 2009
Klaus Sthler Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)
Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres Beitrge des Internationalen archologischen Kolloquiums Mnster 2001
Ugarit-Verlag, Mnster 2009
Titelvignette: Schlfenscheibe aus Kammergrab I der Bolaja Bliznica; vgl. 412ff. 452 Taf. 2 b.
Klaus Sthler Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.) Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres. Beitrge des Internationalen archologischen Kolloquiums Mnster 2001 Eikon 9
2009 Ugarit-Verlag, Mnster Alle Rechte vorbehalten All rights preserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Herstellung: Hubert & Co, Gttingen Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-86835-024-1
Printed on acid-free paper
APOLLO IATROS: A GREEK GOD OF PONTIC ORIGIN

Yulia Ustinova
Introduction
The cult of Apollo Iatros (or, in the Ionian dialect, Ietros) is attested to only in Ionian colonies of the Western and the Northern Black Sea coasts: in Apollonia Pontica, Histria, Tyras, Olbia, and on the Bosporus all of them founded by the Milesians in the mid-seventhearly sixth century.1 In the sixth century, Apollo Iatros was the tutelary deity at least in several cities, and played a prominent role in the pantheons of all of them. That a cult unknown in the metropolis appears in a newly founded colony as one of its main cults, is unusual: major cults in colonies are normally regarded as imitating religious institutions in their metropoleis.2 Thus, the case of Apollo Iatros has some bearing on the notion of the colonial pantheons in general. This paper starts with a brief survey of the evidence on Apollo Iatros. Current approaches to this cult assume that it originated from Ionia. Contrary to them, I suggest to connect the endemic epiclesis with the beliefs of indigenous peoples of Thrace and Scythia. In the opinion of Greeks, Thracians and Scythians were preoccupied with occult ideas of immortality and were accomplished healers. I argue that these views, combined with the traditional Ionian cult of Apollo, whose aspect as a healer was indeed conspicuous, gave rise to the emergence of the cult of Apollo Iatros in the Ionian colonies of the Western and Northern Black Sea littoral.
Synopsis of testimonies
For the sake of coherence, the evidence is arranged according to the geographical, rather than chronological principle.
All the dates are BC, unless indicated otherwise. Bilabel 1920; Ehrhardt 1983; Avram 1996b.
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Apollonia Apollo Iatros was the divine patron of Apollonia. He had a sanctuary in the city, but no traces of this structure have so far been identified. It is assumed that the sanctuary was situated on the modern island of St. Cyricus, about 150m away from the coast.3 This sanctuary housed the famous fifth-century sculpture of Apollo Iatros by Calamis, which was 30 cubits high, cost 500 talents, was plundered by Lucullus and moved to Rome in 72.4 This sanctuary is mentioned in an early second-century Apollonian decree honoring a citizen of Histria, who headed the forces sent by Histria to Apollonia to support it against an attack by Mesambria. The inscription states that the stele is to be erected in the temple of Apollo Iatros.5 In the early first century AD Apollo Iatros received an ex-voto pr gaj ka swthraj of a royal couple, Rhoimetalces II and Pythodoris II6. After some dramatic events which caused a desolation of the city, a tripylon and a baris were constructed and dedicated to Apollo Iatros.7 A non-datable fragment form the vicinity of Apollonia is a part of a dedication to Apollo Iatros.8
Strabo indicates (7. 6. 1) that the sanctuary of Apollo is situated on an islet (n nhsJ); cf. Mihailov, comm. to IG Bulg. I 388bis; J. and L. Robert, Bull. 74. 1961: No. 419; Pippidi 1984: 173; Hoddinott 1975: 34; Isaac 1986: 243. So far, no undisputable archaeological remains of this temple have been identified. However, architectural details and considerable amounts of pottery imported from Ionia and Attica render probability to this assumption.
3 4
Plin. Hist. Nat. 34. 18; Strabo 7. 6. 1; Pick 1898: 167. IG Bulg. I 388bis, cf. Pippidi 1984: 170-173. IG Bulg. I 399.
7 IG Bulg. I 400. The document is dated from the first century BC to the early third century AD. Mihailov (comm.) suggests the second century AD. 8
IG Bulg. I 403.
Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

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Second-century coins with the legend Apllwnoj Iatro feature the gods head on their obverse; the reverse shows the god nude, holding a bow and arrows in his left hand and supported by a long laurel branch, which he holds in his left. Some scholars suggest that these coins reproduce Calamis colossus.10 Histria11 A fifth- or early fourth-century statue base with a dedication to Apollo Iatros by Theoxenos son of Hippolochos, under the priest Hippolochos son of Theodocos,12 attests to the existence of the gods temple in the city. The bronze statue, most probably portraying the god himself, did not survive, but the traces of three cuttings on the base indicate that it depicted a man in motion, supporting himself on his left leg, and holding in a long object in his left hand. Lambrino suggests that first-century AD Istrian coins, showing Apollo with a plectrum or a phiale in his right hand, and holding a lyre in his left hand, which is supported by a column, reproduce the lost cult statue, which stood on the preserved base.13
9 Pick 1898: 167-173. Initially ascribed to Magnesia (Lambros 1878: 509), they were identified as Apollonian by the late 19th century (Pick 1898: 168; Head 1911: 278; cf. Tolstoy 1904: 13; Levi 1965: 89; Ehrhardt 1983: 432). As an explanation for the lack of the ethnicon, L. Robert suggests that these coins were minted by an amphictyony of west Pontic cities centered in the sanctuary of Apollo Iatros in Apollonia (Robert 1966: 46). This idea is supported by Vinogradov (1997: 67). Mihailov (1979: 270) however does not believe that a koinon of Pontic cities existed before the Roman period. In any case, the assumption of Rusyayeva (1992: 40, 42) that an amphictyony of West Pontic cities issued arrow-shaped coins as early as in the sixth-late fifth centuries, is groundless. 10
Pick 1898: 169; Lippold 1919: 1534; Levi 1965: 92; Lacroix 1949: 248-249.
11 Lambrino 1937: 352-359; Bull. 68. 1955: No.163; ISM I 1, 34, 54, 104, 144, 169, 314A. For the family of priests of Apollo Iatros, see. Prvan 1972: 90-91.
ISM 169, Lambrino 1927/28: 393, figs. 10-11; cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 434. For the controversy concerning the date, see Pippidi 1977: 17-19 (reprinted in Pippidi 1984); Nawotka 1997: 102103. Lambrino 1927/28: 396, accepted by Calder III (1971: 329). However, Levi (1965: 92) argues that the sculpture on Istrian coins belonged to Apollo Musagetes rather than Iatros, and that the statue which left its traces on the base with the dedication was similar to the effigy of Apollo Iatros on the coins of Apollonia. Bordenache (1961: 189-90) also disputes Lambrinos reconstruction, and supposes that this statue depicted the god as a nude youth, in accordance with the traditions of the fifth- and fourth-century art.
13
12
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A generation after Theoxenos, during the eponymous priesthood of Hippolochos son of Hegesandros, belonging to the same family, his sons Xenocles and Theoxenos dedicated to Apollo Iatros an imposing monument, presumably a temple, of which an architrave with an inscription mentioning the god survived.14 Thus, two temples of Apollo Iatros probably co-existed in Histria.15 A sanctuary of the god is mentioned also in a third-century AD fragment: naqe[nai na mn n ti eri to Apllw]noj to Iatro.16 Apollo Iatros is also referred to in a series of inscriptions dating from the fourth to the first centuries.17 In Histria the priest of Apollo Iatros was the eponym of the city.18 In the fifth century this magistracy was dominated by a very influential family, which has erected several extremely expensive monuments.19 It was in the sanctuary of Apollo Iatros that Histrian documents were preserved and exhibited.20
14
ISM 144, Lambrino 1937: 353; Ehrhardt 1983: 434. Bordenache and Pippidi 1959: 163 ISM 34, J. and L. Robert, Bull. 68. 1955: No. 163. ISM 314A (fourth century), 104 (fourth-third century), 1 (third century), 54 (first century).
15
16
17
18 ISM I 1; Tolstoy 1904: 3; Lambrino 1927/28: 393; J. et L. Robert, Bull. 68. 1955: No. 163; Ehrhardt 1983: 198; Nawotka (1997: 102-105) provides a list of eponymous priests. An inscription from Tomi, dated p rew (ISM II. 5), demonstrates that in Tomi a priest was the eponymous magistrate. That this priest served Apollo Iatros remains so far a plausible guess (cf. Bilabel 1920: 129; Goeva 1998: 233). Isaac (1986: 267) cites this conjecture as if it were a fact. See Nawotka 1997: 119, with refs.
Lambrino 1937: 356; Avram 1996b: 303. Alexandrescu (1990: 73) considers this family as one the leading forces in Histrian oligarchy.
20 The gods epiclesis is indicated in ISM 34; in most cases the epiclesis is either not mentioned or not preserved (ISM 6, 18, 21, 28). Cf. Pippidi 1984: 263.
19
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Tyras Tyras has yielded only one dedication to Apollo Iatros: an inscription Apllw]ni Iat[ri on a third-century marble vessel.21 Olbia The most ancient lapidary inscription mentioning Apollo Iatros is on a round altar or tripod base, dated to the second half of the fifth century. The dedication is made by an Olbian citizen Xanthos to Apollo Iatros the Lord of Histria (Istro medonti).22 In the second half of the fourth century a statue, sculptured by Stratonides of Athens, was dedicated to Apollo Iatros: Lewkr[thj]ou Apllwni Iatr[i] Stratwndhj Aqhnaoj phse.23 The life-size Olbian statue was slightly higher than the Histrian statue dedicated to Apollo Iatros, and judging by the traces on its base, depicted the god in a similar posture, namely, standing and holding a long attribute in his left hand.24 The exact posture of this sculpture is debatable. A second-century AD Olbian coin features a standing Apollo, who holds a round object in his right hand and a bow, reaching to the ground near his left foot, in his left.25 In Levis opinion, the traces on the base could belong either to such a statue, or to a figure resembling Apollo Iatros on Apollonian coins.26 In a fourth-century inscription, a dedication of a statue by a citizen of Ceos, only a iota and a part of the following letter are preserved after the name of Apollo, which presumably indicates the gods epiclesis Ietros: [Ap]llwni
21
Nicorescu 1927/28: 564, fig. 6, cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 139; Karyshkovskiy and Kleiman 1985:
61.
22
Vinogradov 1981: 22; 1997: 35; Rusyayeva 1986: 38; SEG 42. 712; 50. 701. IO 65A , cf. Bull. 80. 1967: No. 397. Levi 1965: 90-91. Pick 1898: 172-173, pl.10: 31; cf. Levi 1965: 92; Rusyayeva 1986: 47-48. Levi 1965: 92. Rusyayeva (1986: 49) however is reluctant to accept this opinion.
23
24
25
26
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Ih[tri]. The most ancient evidence on Iatros appears on graffiti from Berezan and Olbia. From the island of Berezan (ancient Borysthenes) originate a number of pieces dated to the mid-sixth century: Apll]wnoj m Ih[tr, [I]atr em, [Ap]llwni Ihtri on pottery fragments28 and Borusqnej mi, [Borus]qneoj [medwn?] Ihtrj on a bone plaque, perhaps an amulet.29 Most intriguing is a long graffito on a bone plaque, discovered on Berezan, which combines symbolism of the number seven and its multiplications with epithets and symbols of Apollo: lkoj, lwn, toxofroj flioj, htr, htr delfj, Didumaoj Milsioj: Text A: Èpt: lkoj sqenj, bdomkonta: lwn deinj, pt(a)ksioi: toxofroj fli(o)j dwre dunm ht(r)oj, ptaki(s)cli(oi): delfj frnimoj ernh Olbh pli, makarzw ke, mmnhmai Lh[t]o[]? Text B: Apllwni Didum(awi) Milhswi Text C: (beneath makarzw) mhtrj lbofroj Text D: (beneath toxofroj fli(o)j): nikhfroj borw Text E: (between the first two lines of A): Ddum(a? aon?) Text F: (on the other side of the plaque): bd(o)m(konta) bo(j) Did(umawi) Text G: (in the bottom of this side) nikhfroj borw.30
IOSPE I 164. Latyshev dates this inscription to the fourth century, and Levi (1965: 88) and Vinogradov (1997: 358) to the fifth century. Vinogradov had suggested the following restoration of this inscription: [---]j Kioj Ol[biopolitwn prxenoj? Ap]llwni Ih[tri (nqhken)] (Vinogradov 1997: 359, originally published in 1978), and later amended it: [---]j Kioj Ol[bhj medonti A]pllwni Ih[tri] (Vinogradov 1997: 226, originally published in 1981). Being a conjecture, the phrase Ol[bhj medonti cannot serve as a basis for further argument, in the way Rusyayeva uses it (1982: 36). Yaylenko 1982: 289; Vinogradov 1997: 358-359; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 31; Tolstoy 1953: No 76=Yaylenko 1980b: 89, No. 16 (SEG 32. 880); Rusyayeva 1986: 40-41, figs. 3: 1, 4:1.
29 28
27
Rusyayeva 1986: 39, fig. 5 (SEG 36. 693).
Rusyayeva 1986: 26-27, figs. 1-2 (SEG 36. 694). I do not share the editors certainty in identification of unclear lines on the plaque as sketches of two dolphins and a bow in a bow-case (gorytos).
30

31
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Burkert makes a convincing case, interpreting this text as a reference to the Didymaean oracle, based on the concept of the Great Year and its periods: 7 (first seven years of its existence): the colony was a wolf without strength; 70: for the next seventy years, it became a frightful lion; 700: after this initial period (and beginning from the time the oracle was given) the god, who carries a bow and yields the power of healer, stands for 700 years by the side of Olbia, which is in fact sanctioning the cult of Apollo Iatros; 7000: in the far future, there would be a period dominated by the wise dolphin. A sanctuary of Apollo Iatros existed in Olbia at least since the second quarter of the sixth century.32 The site yielded a small ritual platform, traces of wooden constructions, and fragments of pottery dated to this period.33 Several graffiti containing the word Ietros were found there: [A]pllwni Ihtri; [I]htr; Ihtr[i].34 Fragments of architectural terracotta from this site bear graffiti mentioning Apollo Iatros, dated to the second half of the sixth century: [A]pllwni Ihtri Borusqne[oj (medonti?)], Ihtr[i], and [I]htr.35 These architectural details belonged to a small mud brick temple of the god, erected in the mid-sixth century and replaced by a stone temple in the late sixth-early fifth century.36 To the new temple, which existed till the late fifth century,37
1994: 56-57. Ehrhardt (1987: 116-117, non vidi, cit. after SEG 36. 694-comm.) believes that this graffito was a product of a religious sect, probably of Orphikoi, or of a club of worshippers of Apollo. Rusyayeva (1986) and Vinogradov (1989: 78-90) interpret this text as a symbolic account of historical events.
32
31
Rusyayeva 1988: 171. Rusyayeva 1986: 42; Rusyayeva 1994: 81. Rusyayeva 1986: 42; figs. 3: 2-4; 4: 2, 3, 5; Yaylenko 1982: 289, 294-297 (SEG 32. 737,
33
34
769).
35
Rusyayeva 1986: 42-43, figs. 3:5, 8; 4: 4, 6, 10; 6: 2; cf. Rusyayeva 1988: 167, 170. Kryzhitsky 1998; Rusyayeva 1994: 82.
36
When it was dismantled: Rusyayeva 1986: 47; cf. 1988: 172; Rusyayeva 1994: 85; Kryzhitsky 1998: 175; Kriickiy 1999.
37
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belonged most probably a late sixth century tile fragment with a graffito Ihtron, each letter inserted into a segment of a circle,38 as well as a round altar, and such unique features as stone fences reproducing perhaps the shape of a temple, and bothroi with votives in the form of tiles (calypteres) modified by slicing and perhaps imitating the roof.39 Several tiles were inscribed with such graffiti as HT, IH, IER, IE, probably standing for Ihtrj and erj or ern.40 A graffito on a mid-fifth-century scyphos from the western temenos lists the months of the Olbian calendar, and is dedicated to Apollo Delphinios Iatros Thargelios Lykeios, Apll(wni) Dhlfin(wi) Iatri Qarghl(wi) Luke(wi).41 A contemporary red-figure cylix discovered in the area of Kiev, which was most probably brought there from Olbia, bears the inscription Delfino xun Ihtr, which emphasizes the possession of the vessel by Apollo in his two avatars, as Delphinios and as Iatros.42 Thus, in Olbia the worship of Apollo as Iatros coexisted with traditional Ionian aspects of the god, such as Delphinios, Lykeios, Didymaios, etc.43 However, Apollos cult there showed some unique aspects: he was ascribed unusual epicleseis, such as Thargelios and Boreas.44
38 Rusyayeva 1986: 45, figs. 3: 6; 4: 7, Rusyayeva 1988: 167; Vinogradov and Kryickij 1995: 110. The drawing consists of three concentric circles, every letter of the word IHTROON is inscribed into one of the seven segments, and nine short lines surround the outer circle. Thus, the drawing appears to connote numerical symbolism of 3-7-9, sacred to Apollo. 39
Rusyayeva 1986: 46-47; 1988: 168-169; Rusyayeva 1994: 96, 99. Rusyayeva 1988: 168, fig. 1.
40
41 Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 25. The two authors notice, that although the festival of Thargelia is attested to in many Ionian cities, Thargelios as an epiclesis of Apollo seems to be unique (p. 32). Cf. SEG 47. 1185. 42
Tolstoy 1905: 53. For these cults of Apollo in Miletus, see Ehrhardt 1983: 130-132.
43
Rusyayeva (1994: 87) briefly mentions two dedications to Apollo Boreas, dated to the second half of the sixth century, and a votive inscription of a thiasos of Boreikoi on a blackglazed cylix; further details on these important documents will hopefully be published.
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The existence of these cults, and especially the cult of Apollo Iatros, which is not attested to in Miletus, invalidate the conclusion of Vinogradov and Rusyayeva45 that Olbian materials demonstrate absolute imitation of Milesian religious institutions. The Bosporus (Panticapaeum, Phanagoria, Hermonassa, Myrmecaeum) In Panticapaeum, three dedications of statues commemorate ends of terms of priests of Apollo Iatros. Two of them are dated to the fourth century.46 The most ancient testimony of the cult in Panticapaeum is a late sixth-early fifth century graffito with a dedication to Apollo Iatros: [Apllwnoj] Ihtr [--].47 The remains of the fifth-century temple of Apollo Iatros, grandiose in comparison to other Bosporan public buildings, have been discovered in the temenos of Panticapaeum.48 Bosporan priests of Apollo Iatros originated from the most prominent families. One of them was even a prince: a marble statue base attests to a dedication of a statue to Apollo Iatros by a priest named Leucon. This Leucon is the future king Leucon II (circa 240-220) and the son of Pairisades II (284/3-circa 245).49
45
1980: 45. CIRB 6, 10. Tolstikov 1992: 95.
46
47
48 Pichikyan 1984: 156-172; Tostikov 1992: 78. Vinogradov (1997: 22) suggests that much-discussed fifth-century Panticapaean coins featuring a lions scalp on their obverse and inscriptions APOL and AP on the reverse (e.g. Head 1911: 280; Zograf 1951: 164, pl. 39: 23 ff.; Shelov 1951; Frolova 1992: fig. 1: 10, 15, 24) be connected with the cult of Apollo Iatros, and that Bosporan cities formed an amphiktyony around the sanctuary of Apollo Iatros, similar to the assumed confederacy of Western Pontic cities around the Apollonian sanctuary (1997: 68). Frolova (1992: 207) supposes that these coins were minted by the temple of Apollo Iatros, perhaps as a commemoration of its erection. Shelov (1951: 48) is more cautious: since the lion is a symbol of Apollo, and appears as such on Milesian coins, Bosporan emissions of the sixth-early fourth centuries, featuring the lions scalp, are in his opinion to be attributed to the Milesian tradition and to the cult of Apollo. In fact, lions head appears on various coin types of Miletus and its colonies (Ehrhardt 1983: 132). 49
CIRB 25. For Leucon II see Gajdukevi 1971: 90.
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Statues were dedicated to Apollo Iatros by his ex-priests in Phanagoria, under Spartocos III,50 and in Hermonassa in the second half of the second century, presumably under Pairisades IV.51 None of these statues is preserved, but they perhaps represented the ex-priests themselves.52 Thus, Apollo Iatros also had temples in Hermonassa and Phanagoria.53 The most ancient monument of the cult from Hermonassa is a statue base erected under Leucon I: Demophon son of Erginos dedicated a statue to Apollo Iatros for his wife Akis.54 If this Akis is indeed identical to Akis daughter of Pairisades, who dedicated a statue to Aphrodite,55 Demophons dedication bears witness to the devotion of the Bosporan royal family to Apollo Iatros. In the fourth century Apollo Delphinios was also worshipped in Hermonassa, and agones in Apollos honor were held in the city.56 In Myrmecaeum, the cult of Apollo Iatros is attested to by a graffito: [--Apl]wne Ihtr[i].57 Dubia et incerta It is suggested that the name Ietrocles born by a citizen of Sinope attests to the cult of Apollo Iatros in the city.58 This name is restored in an inscription from
50
CIRB 974, 304/3-284/3. CIRB 1044, circa 150-125. Tolstoy 1904: 4. Schaub 1987: 73. CIRB 1037. CIRB 1041, fourth century, cf. CIRB 1037, Shkorpil's comm. CIRB 1038, 1039. J. A. Vinogradov and Tokhtasev 1998: 25-29; SEG 48. 1006.
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
IO 1; Vinogradov 1979: 298 (=1997: 79); Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 55; Ehrhardt 1983: 136; Ehrhardt 1989: 115-116.
58

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Gorgippia. Likewise, in Histria Ietrodoros is associated with Apollo or Achilles Ietros.60 Onomastics however provide a shaky ground to postulate a cult, since these names may also derivate from the hero Iatros.61 In a decree from Mesambria, Mihailov restores Apllwnoj to [Iatro].62 Calder III sites this inscription in his list of evidence for the cult of Apollo Iatros.63 This conjecture however was justly rejected by L. Robert,64 who argues that the unique occurrence of an exclusively Ionian epiclesis in a Dorian city must be supported by solid evidence. Since Apollo Pythios was worshipped in the metropolis of Mesambria, Megara, and other Megarian colonies, Robert suggests to [Puqou . In a new edition of the inscription Mihailov accepts this criticism, and leaves the lacuna blank.65 Several scholars connect arrow-shaped coins (found in Apollonia, Odessos, Tomi, Histria, Niconion, Kerkinitis, and on the Bosporus, the earliest issues dated to the late seventh-early sixth century66) with the cult of Iatros (toxo59
CIRB 1148. Johnston 1995/96.
60
61 Usener 1896: 151; Nilsson 1968: 538. For the sanctuary of Hero Iatros in Attica, attested to both by literary and by epigraphic evidence, see LSCG Nos. 41, 42; Usener 1896: 149-153; Rohde 1925: 133, 150-151; cf. Kernyi 1945. For cults of hero-physicians elsewhere, Rohde 1925: 557. In a second-century sacred law from Cyrene, sacrifices to Iatros are mentioned separately from Apollo Apotropaios and other gods (LSCG Suppl. No. 116). Direct connection between the name Iatrocles occurring in some second-century inscriptions from the Bosporus, (Gorgippia: CIRB 1148, and Panticapaeum: CIRB 77), and the cult of Apollo Iatros, suggested by Ehrhardt (1989: 115), can hardly be established. 62
IG Bulg. I 315. Calder III 1971: 329. Robert 1959: 216. IG Bulg. I 315. Karyshkovskiy 1988: 32.
63
64
65
66
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phoros); it is further suggested that in Olbia they were superseded by dolphin-shaped coins, symbols of Delphinios.67 This hypothesis is accepted and applied to Histrian finds.68 Although the dolphin seems to have been a symbol or attribute of Apollo Delphinios in Olbia,69 minting of arrow-shaped coins may be compared with the Scythian use of arrows for the purposes of census recorded by Herodotus.70 The form of arrow-shaped coins, similar to that of Scythian arrowheads, their finds in the Thracian Hinterland, and the simultaneous use of normal minted coins in Ionia render the hypothesis of Greek origin of arrow-shaped coins unconvincing. It is much more probable that these primitive means of exchange (resembling tool-shaped ingots current in Gaul, Central Europe, and elsewhere) was invented by Pontic barbarians, presumably by the Thracians.71 Thus, if indeed arrow-shaped coins were associated with Apollo Toxophoros, their minting seems to have been adopted from the indigenous peoples.
Literary Evidence? In a few instances, Apollo is described as iatros in literary texts. Aristophanes calls Apollo physician twice: in the Birds and in the Plutus. Iatros in these texts is an attribute rather than an epiclesis.72 A character in the Birds says: eq g Apllwn atrj g n sqw: mistofore d (Apollo, since he is a physician, may cure them: he is paid for it).73 Apollo is compared to state-employed phyAnokhin 1986: 83; 1989: 5, 8; Vinogradov 1997: 17-18; Rusyayeva 1992: 31. For the intricate history of research of arrow-shaped coins, see Anokhin 1986: 68-75.
68 67
Alexandrescu 1990: 60. Rusyayeva 1986: 57. Her. 4. 81. Vinogradov acknowledges the possibility of utilization of a Scythian idea (1997:
69
70
18).
71
Balabanov 1982; Karyshkovkiy 1988: 33.
Nilsson 1968: 540; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 30; Schaub 1987: 74. Calder III (1971: 329) regards iatros in these verses as cultic epiclesis of Apollo. Verse 584. This interpretation of the phrase is rendered in the translation by van Daele (Coulon and van Daele 1923) and Dunbar (1995: 390).
73
72

74 75
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sicians; his salary consists of sacrifices he is offered, therefore the word iatros simply indicates the gods function as a healer. In the Plutus,76 a slave is disappointed by Apollo: t d Loxv, j qespiJde trpodoj k crushltou, mmyin dikaan mmfomai tathn, ti atrj n ka mntij, j fasin, sofj
melagcolnt ppemy mou tn despthn. (and I blame Loxias, who chants his oracles from a golden tripod,
with this just reproach, that although he is a physician and is considered a skilled diviner, he sent my master home splenetic). Here again, Apollo is described in terms fitting a common physician, who send his patient home without much help.77 The contraposition of the tragic mode of lines 8-9, where the god is named Loxias and portrayed in solemn words, and the hilarity of lines 10-12, where he is referred to as a physician and a diviner, good in his craft, is obvious.78 Both atrj and mntij designate the spheres of the god's activities and are far from being his cultic titles. In pseudo-Lycophrons Alexandra, iatros occurs twice.79 One passage refers to Iatros' oracles: moln crhsmoj Iatro... (having come [by the order of] the oracles of Iatros). In the other one, iatros is one of Apollos epithets: pou se
74
Cf. Acharn. 1030-1032. Schol. in Aves 584; cf. Sommerstein 1987: 236. Vv. 8-12. Schol. ad loc. This passage may make pun on Aesch. Eumen. 61-63: ... melsqw Loxv megasqene atrmantij d st ka teraskpoj ka tosin lloij dwmtwn kaqrsioj.
75
76
77
78 Cf. Schol. in Plut. 11-12. Van Daeles translation (Coulon and van Daele 1923) renders this understanding. 79
Ll. 1376-1377 and 1206-1207.
Yu. Ustinova 258 peisqej Wggou spartj lej crhsmoj Iatro Leyou Terminqwj... (...where the sown people of Ogygos, persuaded by the oracles of Iatros Lepsios Termintheus). Termintheus (Terbintheus) is indeed attested to in Myus near Miletus as a cultic name of Apollo.80 The word apparently derives from trminqoj or terbinqoj, pistachio, or rather from a place name where the gods sanctuary was located, in or near a pistachio grove.81 Lepsios also derives from a toponym, the name of the Milesian isle Lepsia, where a sanctuary of Apollo was situated.82 It is noteworthy, that the scholiast explains that Lepsios and Termintheus are epithets of Apollo,83 evidently implying that iatros serves for a different purpose.
The date of the Alexandra is debatable (either early third or early second century).84 The language of Pseudo-Lycophron is notorious for its abstruseness: Suda calls the Alexandra an obscure poem.85 Deliberate combination of irony and strenuous style and vocabulary makes the Alexandra a very problematic source of data on the realities of Greek cults. The obscure passage citing an oracle is set in an incomprehensible geographical setting, stretching from Liguria to Caria. In the other passage, two endemic epicleseis signifying places of worship of the god, are juxtaposed with a designation of his function as a healer, a very insecure basis for postulating the existence of an otherwise unknown cult.
Ehrhardt 1983: 133. He appears as Terbintheus ( Syll 633. X. 80) or as Termintheus (Bull. 79.1966 No. 375.). The god is named Termitheus in an inscription on an archaic kouros (Ehrhardt 1983: 426). Von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.; Mooney 1921: 128; Kruse 1934. However, Zeus was also worshipped in Miletus as Termintheus (Kruse 1934).
82 81
80
Bull. 79. 1966: No 317; von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.; Ehrhardt 1983: 133. Scheer 1881-1908, 2: 348. Even Ehrhardt admits that (1989: 117).
83
For the discussion, see von Holzinger 1895: 61; Mooney 1921: XI; West S. 1984; Fraser 1996. S.v. Lukfrwn, cf. von Holzinger 1895: 25-31; Fraser 1996: 896. S. West, who is more optimistic than other scholars in the appreciation of our chances to understand Lycophron, cautiously suggests that notwithstanding his proverbial obscurity, it is possible in the end, to be reasonably confident about his meaning (1983: 115).
85
84
259
The only text where Iatros appears as an epiclesis of Apollo is in the opening phrase of the Hippocratic Oath:Omnw (or mnumi) Apllwna htrn ka Asklhpin ka Ùgean ka Pankeian ka qeoj pntaj te ka psaj... (I swear by Apollo the Physician and Asclepios and Hygeia and Panacaea and all the gods and goddesses...). Even it is admitted that the Oath belonged to the Hippocratic circle and had already existed by the fifth century,86 which is disputed,87 the text is likely to have undergone modifications: it was clearly far from being stereotyped.88 Among other interpolations, the epiclesis Iatros may have been inserted, perhaps in Roman times, under the influence of the Roman Apollo Medicus. Edelstein convincingly argues that the Oaths rejection of suicide and abortion, as well as other stipulations, could only be determined by adherence to Pythagorean teaching. In his opinion, the document was outlined at the end of the fourth century.89 If the Hippocratic Oath echoes Pythagorean doctrines, this may point to some connection with religious ideas associated in the tradition with Pythagoras and Hyperborean Apollo.90 The phrase in purity and holiness
86 As some experts think, among them Littr (1839-1861: 4. 610), Jones (1924: 41), Levine (1971: 57), and Jouanna (1999: 47-48). This assumption is based on considerations of style and especially on a passage in the Thesmophoriazusae (272-274), where Mnesilochus asks Euripides why he does not swear by the family of Hippocrates: mnumi tonun aqr okhsin Dij. t mllon tn Ìppokrtouj xunoikan; The scholiast explains that Hippocrates in question is the Athenian Hippocrates and his sons, notorious for their stupidity and mentioned in the Clouds (1001). This identification is rejected by some, Jones among them, as forced. Littr (1839-1861: 2. XLVIII) and Edelstein (1967: 55) however do not consider the passage in the Thesmophoriazusae as an allusion to Hippocrates the Coan physician.
Nutton 2004: 68-69. The first certain reference to it is made in the first century AD (Littr 1839-1861: 4. 610; Jones 1924: 39). The text is indeed assigned to every century from the sixth century BC down to the imperial period of Rome (Levine 1971: 56-57); for the discussion see Jones 1924: 40-41; Edelstein 1967.
88
87
Jones 1924: 41; Nutton 2004: 333. Edelstein 1967; cf. Zhmud 1997: 244.
89
In Croton and in Metapontum, where Apollo was among the most prominent gods of the pantheon, Pythagoras was considered Apollo Hyperboreus, or at least the god's progeny: Ael.
90
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(gnj d ka swj) I will guard my life and my art belongs indeed to the realm of religious, rather than utilitarian professional thinking, and probably refers to the Pythagorean way of life.91 In this case, the concentration of healing deities in the opening phrase of the Hippocratic Oath, which hardly reflects any conventional form of cult, would refer to the peculiar beliefs of the Pythagoreans. In summary, in the Ionian colonies of the western and northern Black Sea littoral, where Apollo was also worshiped under his traditional Ionian epicleseis,92 Apollo Iatros played a most prominent role, probably from the very beginning of the colonization in the area.93 In Olbia he was worshipped since the foundation of the first apoikia on the island of Berezan. The role of Apollo Iatros was not confined to the medical sphere, but rather included general protection of the city.94 In fact, iatros in Greek is not only a medical practitioner, but also a healer of various human woes:95 sickness or misfortune were caused by miasma, and were to be cured by means of purifications or charms, which were bestowed upon mortals by Apollo.96
Var. Hist. 2. 26; Diog. Laert. 8. 11; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 4, 30, 140; Porph. Vita Pyth. 28; Corssen 1912: 30-31; Lvy 1927: 7, 10, 44-45; Boyanc 1937: 233-241; Bolton 1962: 174; Burkert 1972: 141-143, 146-149; Riedweg 2005: 71-73.
91 Edelstein 1967: 15, 20. On the Pythagorean way of life see Burkert 1972: 215-217; Riedweg 2005: 98-104. 92
Ehrhardt 1983: 142-143. Rusyayeva 1986: 49. Vinogradov and Rusyayeva, 1980: 30; cf. Rusyayeva 1986: 39, 48; Ehrhardt 1989: 121. pnwn (Pind. Nem. 4. 2), kakn (Aesch. Fr. 255 Nauck), tj plewj (Thuc. 6. 14), etc. Nilsson 1967: 541-544.
93
94
95
96
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The origin of the cult: suggested hypotheses and their criticism

Most scholars mention the devotion of Pontic Ionians to Apollo Iatros without any commentary.97 However, the exclusive limitation of all the evidence on the cult to the Black Sea area only is very unusual: one would expect to find in the metropolis the cult which was so popular in the colonies. Yet Apollo Iatros does not appear either in Miletus or elsewhere in Ionia.98 Those who notice the anomaly suggest several explanations: whereas most researchers seek the origins of the cult in the pantheon of Miletus, J. and L. Robert, who consider the cult of Apollo Iatros un rsultat de la colonisation milsienne,99 put the emphasis on the process of colonization. In their attempts to clarify the problem of Apollo Iatros mysterious provenance, several scholars went as far as to invent cults, oracles and epidemics, not attested to by any evidence. Ehrhardt had initially suggested that Iatros was an additional epiclesis of Apollo Didymaios, and accepted Vinogradovs idea that the propagation of Iatros-cult in the Black sea area had been instigated by an oracle from Didyma.100 Later, Ehrhardt labeled Apollo Iatros ein verschollener Gott Ioniens, who has left no traces in the Aegean or elsewhere in the Greek world outside Pontus Euxinus.101 To a certain extent, he follows Nilsson, who regards the cult of Apollo Iatros in the colonies as ein Relikt eines im Mutterland selbst verkmmerten Kults.102
Levi 1965; Goeva 1998: 229; Pippidi 1984: 130; Graf 1985: 250; Isaac 1986: 247; Nawotka 1997: 102; Nutton 2004: 107. Gajdukevi (1971: 177) and Hoddinott (1975: 34) consider Apollo Iatros as a Milesian patron god.
98
97
For Apollo in Miletus and her colonies see Ehrhardt 1983: 130-147. Bull. 85. 1972. No. 54.
99
Ehrhardt 1983: 144-145. Some sort of connections between Apollo Iatros and Didyma are suggested by Bilabel (1920: 106)
101
100
Ehrhardt 1989. Nilsson 1968: 540. He still considers here Apollonian coins as originating from Magnesia.
102
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There is no doubt that Apollo was worshipped inter alia as a healing deity.103 In Miletus and elsewhere in Ionia, he was invocated in this function as Oulios.104 The fact that a healing deity, Apollo Oulios, was revered in Miletus, does not entail the worship of another divine healer, Apollo Iatros. Further, Oulios is an archaic word, and even Strabo needed to explain it to his readers (t gr olein gianein... atikj gr Apllwn) by means of common words, one of them deriving from the same stem as atrj. It is difficult to imagine that if both Apollo Iatros and Apollo Oulios had existed in Miletus, Iatros would precede Oulios. Thus, when Ehrhardt suggests that two healer gods had been concomitant, and later the cult of Iatros mysteriously disappeared, he implies that a more recent cult waned, and an older one continued. In any case, no direct traces of Apollo Iatros survived in the Ionian cities of the Aegean, and even what is interpreted as indirect evidence does not bear witness to his cult. Vinogradov, Rusyayeva and Kryzhitsky propose an explanation which links the emergence of the Iatros-cult with the metropolis and accounts for the lack of any evidence on Apollo Iatros from Miletus and Ionia. In their earlier papers, Vinogradov and Rusyayeva argue that the cult of Apollo Iatros in Olbia was initiated by the Didymaean oracle.105 Yet there are no traces of such an uttering by the oracle, and the attempt to ascribe the assumed venture to its tendency to propagate the cult of Apollo Delphinios is rather awkward: why should the officials of the oracle at Didyma invent a new cult of Apollo Iatros, if their intention was to spread the cult of Delphinios? Moreover, in their later works Vinogradov and Rusyayeva interpret the above-mentioned bone plaque from Berezan as attesting to competition, or even a social conflict between the pioneers and the new wave of settlers,106 the city oligarchs zealous for the
103
Ganszyniec 1923; Nilsson 1968: 540.
Strabo 14. 1. 6; Suida s.v. Olioj; Macrob. Sat. 1. 17. 21; Oppermann 1942; Benedum 1971. The interpretation of the cults of Thermintheus and Lepsios as healing cults (Ehrhardt 1983: 133) is based solely on the text of Lycophron, discussed above. Vinogradov 1979: 298 [1997: 80]; 1997: 17; Vinogradov and Kryickij 1995: 110; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva, 1980: 30; cf. Rusyayeva 1986: 39; 1988: 174; 1992: 31. This approach is approved by Ehrhardt 1983: 145, and rejected by Schaub (1987: 74).
106 105
104
Rusyayeva 1986: 52-53; 1992: 33; Vinogradov 1989: 79.
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Iatros cult, and the newcomers struggling for their share in the polis under the banner of Delphinios.107 Following them, Solovyov speaks of a religious dispute between worshippers of Apollo the Healer and those of Apollo Delphinios.108 These authors are indeed very liberal in introducing hypothetic oracles, an earlier uttering in favor of Iatros, and a later one supplanting him by Delphinios. Moreover, the arrival of new colonists in the late sixth century is also hypothetical, the idea based on an a priori assumption that the vicissitudes of the Ionian revolt and its crush caused Milesians to embark for the colonies.109 In any case, the text inscribed on the plaque even does not hint at an antagonism between aspects of Apollo which are mentioned.110 The graffito Delfino xun Ihtr clearly conveys the compatibility of two epicleseis. The new temple to Iatros was erected in Olbia, when Delphinios still lacked a temple.111 The continuity of Iatros cult in Olbia is attested to by the erection of Stratonides sculpture.112 Finally, the picture drawn by Vinogradov, Rusyayeva and Solovyov is anachronistic: religious confrontation is absolutely foreign to the Greek civilization, even new cults were introduced in addition to, and not in-
Rusyayeva 1986: 63; 1992: 42. Rusyayevas conception is criticized as fantastic by Ehrhardt (1987: 16, non vidi, cited after Burkert 1994: note 31).
108
107
Solovyov 1999: 96. Rusyayeva 1986: 63.
109
In the phrase pt(a)ksioi: toxofroj fli(o)j dwre dunm ht(r)oj the epithet htrj is juxtaposed with flioj, a cult title of Apollo Philios or Philesios, a minor figure in Didyma (Fontenrose 1933; Ehrhardt 1983: 131). Apollo Toxotes occurs in an epigram inscribed on a dedication of Olbian strategoi to Apollo Prostates (IPE I 175), cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 140.
111
110
Rusyayeva 1986: 56.
Replacement of arrow-shaped coins by dolphin-shaped types cannot be used as an argument in favor of revolutionary changes. Dolphin-shaped coins appeared in the third quarter of the sixth century (Rusyayeva 1986: 55), whereas arrow-shaped coins remained in use till the mid-fifth century (Anokhin 1989: 8), and both types were discovered together in a pit in Olbia (Rusyayeva 1986: 56; cf. Rusyayeva 1994: 101). Gradual nature of changes is attested to by a hybrid type, found in Olbia and Kerkinitis, which features both the dolphin and the arrow on its different sides (Rusyayeva 1986: 57; Anokhin 1989: 21). Noteworthy is the inscription ARIC on some Olbian coins, which Anokhin (1989: 21) interprets as a combination of two words, rdij, arrow and cqj, fish.
112
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stead of, the existing ones. It is difficult to imagine that the paternal cult of Apollo Delphinios had to struggle its way against an opposition in a Milesian colony, or that the newcomers would risk insulting Apollo Iatros already worshipped in the city. The rise of Delphinios in Olbia to the rank of the patron of the city was most likely a gradual process.113 Calder III alleges occurrences of Apollo Iatros outside the Pontus, combines them with the fact that the name Iatrocles is attested to in Athens after 411, and puts forward a hypothesis of propagation of the gods cult. In his opinion, Athenians instituted the worship of Apollo Iatros after the plague, and Leocrates introduced the cult in Olbia after an unattested epidemic in the city; later the statue was copied in Histria, and its fame contributed to the proliferation of Apollo Iatros in the Euxine area.114 This explanation is unacceptable, since in the mid-sixth century Apollo Iatros has already made his appearance on the island of Berezan and in Olbia.115 Moreover, the position of Calder III is further compromised by his interpretation of Athenian and even Mesambrian evidence as attesting to a cult of Apollo Iatros. In 1923, Ganszyniec briefly mentioned the possibility that the Greek cult of Apollo Iatros was influenced by indigenous beliefs: Liegt es da nicht nahe, an die Apollinisierung einer einheimischen pontischen Gottheit zu denken?116 Ehrhardt puts forward several arguments against this idea. In the first place, he claims that the cult of Apollo Iatros was purely Greek.117 The present state of our sources does not provide much information on the particularities of the cult, but some parallels discussed below indicate a considerable probability of
Notwithstanding her conception of social and religious struggle between supporters of Iatros and Delphinios, Rusyayeva acknowledges that the changes took some time (1986: 56-57; 1992: 33).
114
113
Calder III 1971: 329.
Cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull. 85.1972: No. 54; Vinogradov 1997: 358-359; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 31.
116
115
Ganszyniec 1923: 41. Schaub (1987: 74-75) accepts Ganszyniecs suggestion. 1983: 441.
117
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interaction with the local beliefs. Ehrhardt also observes that the cult of Apollo Iatros did not penetrate Megarian colonies.118 However, the limitation of the cult to the Ionian cities fits the pattern of the divergence between Ionian and Dorian colonies in cults, calendars, and structure of civic community, which is manifest throughout the corpus of evidence from the Greek cities of the Black Sea coast.119 Further, Ehrhardt criticizes Ganszyniec for not taking into account the connection of the Didymaean god with medicine a connection assumed by Ehrhardt himself on a very shaky ground of Pseudo-Lycophrons allusion. Finally, Ehrhardt maintains: Es wre namlich ein Unikum, wennhinter der frh bezeugten Epiklese eines olympischen Gottes im Kolonialgebiet eine einheimische Gottheit stehen wrde.120 On the contrary, in the Black Sea area, Olympic deities did borrow certain features and even epicleseis from indigenous cultures. Aphrodite Ourania Apatourou medeousa of the Bosporus revealed perceptible local connections since the late sixth century. Above all, the cultic title of the goddess, Apatouros, derives from the local name of the center of her worship, Apaturum.121 The tutelary goddess of Dorian Chersonesos, Artemis or Parthenos, appears to have been related to the savage Taurian goddess.122 Apollo himself was worshipped in Abdera as Apollo Derainos, his epiclesis deriving from the Thracian tribe-name.123 In fact, Thracians played a considerable role in Greek myths. In Greek colonies, Thracian ethnic presence and cultural influence is perceptible from the very moment of their foundation.124 Some members of local aristocracy were
118
Ehrhardt 1989: 116. E.g. Danoff 1962: 1062-1152; Avram 1996b: 300-305; Nawotka 1997. Ehrhardt 1989: 116. Ustinova 1998; 1999: 29-53, esp. 42-44. Ustinova 1999: 98, with refs. On this cult see below.
119
120
121
122
123
124 Danov 1976: 348-359; Isaac 1986: 246, 256, 271; Avram 1996a: 250; Tsetskhladze 1998: 46; Lazarov 1998: 94. For the tendency of Pontic Greeks to assimilate local cults see Pippidi 1984: 129, 259; Danov 1990: 153.
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incorporated into the colonial society in the very beginning of its history.125 Rural territories of several Greek cities, such as Callatis, Bizone, Dionysopolis, and Odessos, were occupied by migdej Ellhnej, presumably mixed Greco Thracian population.126 Only three colonies located on the Thracian coast bear Greek names, Dionysopolis (earlier called Crounoi), Anchialos, and Apollonia; the names of Histria, Tomi, Callatis, Odessos, Mesambria, and Bizone are Thracian.127 In this cultural climate, an adoption of indigenous elements into a major cult, such as that of Apollo, was only to be expected.
Greek knowledge of Thracian and Scythian beliefs on immortality

If Greek colonists had wished to institute a traditional Ionian cult of Apollo as a healer, they would have called him Oulios, as in their metropolis: to be sure, in the Euxine Apollo preserved his established epicleseis, such as Delphinios, Didymaios, etc. The fact that they chose a common word, iatros, which had not been previously used as a cultic title of Apollo, indicates that preserving the core of the gods divine personality, the founders of Histria and Olbia wished to add a new facet, which would distinguish between Apollo in the new country, on the one hand, and Apollo in Miletus, on the other hand. On the background of lively contacts between the newcomers and the local population, this new aspect is to be sought in indigenous beliefs. Zalmoxis128 The blameless physician, Asclepios,129 attained the absolute height in medical art by restoring the dead to life, which provoked Zeus to punish him with his thunderbolt. Although a hero, Asclepios was worshiped throughout the
See Avram 1996a: 246-247 for this phenomenon in Histria. It is also attested to in other Milesian colonies, notably on the Bosporus (Avram 1996a: 247; Ustinova 1999: 4).
126
125
Avram 1996b: 295. Mixllhnej lived in the chora of Olbia (IOSPE I 32=Syll. 495) Danov 1976: 355; cf. Nawotka 1997: 9-16. For Zalmoxis see Ustinova 2002. The blameless physician: Il. 4. 405; 11. 518. For Asclepios see E. J. and L. Edelstein
127
128
129
1945.
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Greek world as a god, and remained associated with his divine father Apollo.130 Thus, for the Greeks the quintessential cure was immortality. Of all the peoples that the Greeks met in the process of colonization, the Thracians, and the Getae most of all, were preoccupied with beliefs in immortality and the way to attain it. A lions share of Herodotus story on Thracian customs concerns immortality, whereas other beliefs are almost neglected, briefly mentioned at best. Herodotus account concentrates on the figure of Salmoxis (other authors name him Zalmoxis or Zamloxis).131 Herodotuss information, Strabos account of pious Thracians and their beliefs, as well as occasional references to Zalmoxis by other authors, constitute the basis for a most vivid discussion of the subject by modern authors.132 Plato discusses Zalmoxis and Thracian methods of healing in the Charmides,133 where Socrates talks about approaches in medicine current in his days: I learnt it (the charm) on campaign over there, from one of the Thracian physicians of Zalmoxis who are said to make one immortal134 (par tinoj tn Qrvkn tn Zalmxidoj
130
Burkert 1985: 214
131 Salmoxis in Herodotus; Zalmoxis in Plato, Diodorus, Apuleius, etc.; Zamolxis in Strabo, Lucian, Diogenes Laertius, etc. For the word and its etymology, obscure so far, see Kretschmer 1936: 43-47; Pfister 1953: 1113; Detschew 1957, s.v.; von Fritz 1967: 2303; Eliade 1970a: 4447; Nasta 1980: 339; Poghirc 1987: 195.
Tomaschek 1893: 62-67; Rohde 1925: 263-265; Prvan 1926: 155-161, 737; Pfister 1953; Carpenter 1956: 112-135; Dodds 1973: 144; Wiesner 1963: 84-84; Von Fritz 1967; Russu 1967; Eliade 1970a: 21-75; Bianchi 1971; Burkert 1972: 156-159; Crian 1978: 228-232; Coman 1980; Nasta 1980. Radical views of Prvan (1924: 277; 1926: 156), who regarded the religion of Daco-Getae as henotheistic, concentrated on the worship of Gebeleizis-Zalmoxis, are supported by very few scholars, Coman among them (1950: 183). See Crian 1978: 227-228. 156D-157B. For a discussion of the whole passage, see van der Ben 1985: 11-19. For its place in the Platonic theory of soul, see Hazebroucq 1997: 108-123.
134 This translation is much more accurate than pretend or claim to be immortal (e.g. in the Loeb translation of Herodotus by A. D. Goodley), see Linforth 1918; Pfister 1953: 1113; Eliade 1970a: 31; cf. van der Ben 1985: 12: to hold oneself immortal. The verb (paqanatzein, rather 133
132
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atrn, o lgontai ka paqanatzein). This Thracian said that the Greeks were right in advising as I told you just now: but Zalmoxis, he said, our king, who is a god ( mteroj basilej, qej n) says that as you ought not to attempt to cure eyes without head, or head without body, so you should not treat body without soul And the treatment of the soul, so he said is by means of certain charms, and these charms (pJda)135 are words of the right sort (translation by W. R. M. Lamb). Plato obviously uses Zalmoxis for the sake his own argument, and does not need to provide an accurate report on Thracian wisdom. However, since Socrates interlocutors do not express surprise at the novelty of his information on Thracians, we may consider Platos passage as reflecting in general terms the common opinion of Athenian upper classes.136 Consequently, Thracians, or perhaps priests healing in accordance with Zalmoxis commandments, were known as experts in treatment of diseases and preservation of life by means of magic cure (charms) and secret knowledge concerning the interaction between the body and the soul.137 Zalmoxis himself was revered as a god, who appears to have been represented on earth by the king (or king-priest).138 For the purposes of the present discussion, the most important implication of this passage
than more common qanatzein) emphasizes the cultic action performed in order to make one immortal (Linforth 1918: 22-23; Bianchi 1971: 232). Julian, following Plato (cf. Or. 8. 244A) mentions o tj Zamlxidoj pJdj qrulontej (Conviv. 309C). The approach of Hartog, adopted by Hazebroucq (1997: 126), over-complicates the situation. Whereas Platos Socrates could hint at Pythagoras, alluding to Herodotus passage (4. 9394), known to Athenian public, the idea that Socrates refers to what is in his own opinion discours fictif in order to stress the irreducible difference between Zalmoxism (sic!) and Pythagoreanism, which he however does not mention, may fit Hartogs hypercritical views on Herodotus, but seems to distort the logic of the dialogue. The literature on Greek notions on in the soul and its immortality is enormous. For divergent views, see Rohde 1925; Nilsson 1960; Bremmer 1983; Bremmer 2002.
138 137 136 135
Cf. Eliade 1970: 56-57.
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is that Zalmoxis was regarded as a divine healer, and he had his own physicians -atr0. Herodotus states thrice that the Getae, the bravest and the most law-abiding of all Thracians, qanatzousi, that is, make themselves immortal.139 He records at length the views of the Getae on immortality. They believe that they do not die, but to go to a daimon Zalmoxis (nai te tn pollmenon par Slmoxin damona), known otherwise as Gebeleizis (Gebel zij).140 Every four years they send a messenger to Zalmoxis,141 by hurling him upon points. If the man is killed, they think that he is favored by the god. The Greeks who live near Hellespont and the Pontus say that Zalmoxis had been a slave of Pythagoras.142 When he returned home to Thrace, he built a hall (ndren), feasted there with most prominent of his countrymen,143 and taught that neither he nor they or their descendants would die, but go to a place where they live forever having all good things.144 In the meanwhile, Zalmoxis built himself an underground chamber (katgaion okhma), and descended into it for three years, mourned by the Thracians. In the fourth year he returned to them, persuading them of the truth of the story of his death and resurrection.145 The story of Zal139
Her. 4. 93, 94-96; 5. 4.
For the etymology of the name and the cult, see Detschew 1957, s.v. Gebelzij; Eliade 1970a: 51-55; Crian 1978: 232-233.; cf. Seure 1913: 247-261.
141
140
For Greeks sending messages to gods, see Pfister 1953: 1114-1115.
Porphyrius (Vita Pythag. 14) also mentions that; Suida (s.v. Puqagraj) says that Pythagoras had a slave named Zamolxis, to whom Getae sacrifice as to Kronos. This passage prompted perhaps to Plato his description of teletai consisting of feasting and incantations, that were performed by charlatans using the writings of Musaeus (Rep. 363C-E). For Thracian sacred feasts, especially in the funeral context, see Pfister 1953: 1120-1123. Hellanicus (FGH 4. F73) calls the rites introduced by Zalmoxis initiations (telet). Photius, Suida and Etymologicum Magnum (s.v. Zmolxij) follow him.
145 Cf. the legend of Pythagoras own descent to an underground chamber for seven years, Diog. Laert. 8. 41; Eliade 1970a: 25-27; Burkert 1972: 157. For the myths on descend to underground dwellings, see Ustinova 2002. Graf (1987: 89-91) compares this story with the story of Orpheus telesterion where he assembled Thracian warriors (Conon, FGH 26 F 1. 45). 144 143
142
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moxis return in the fourth year and the messengers missions are closely connected: the messenger summons the god every fourth year to a ritual, which supposedly renders the worshipers immortal.146 Other Thracian customs reported by Herodotus reflect strong beliefs in afterlife. Thus, the Trausi lament their new-born children, and rejoice when they bury their dead, for the human destiny is suffering and sorrow, while the dead leave all the grief and arrives at blessedness (kakn xapallacqej st n psV edaimonV).147 Other authors add that the Getae, Teretizoi, and Krobyzoi, also immortalize (qanatzousi): they believe that their dead will return, like Zalmoxis.148 These beliefs were so well-known, that Lucian jokes about them: in the Council of Gods the gods complain that the Getae do whatever they please, choose gods, as for instance Zamolxis, and make themselves immortal.149 Strabo gives his own version of the legend of Zalmoxis,150 whom he calls Zamolxis. After having been Pythagoras slave, Zamolxis arrived to Getae, and impressed them with his mantic talents. He became the kings co-regent, and the priest of the most revered god of the Getae. Later, Zamolxis was declared a god. He lived alone in a cavernous mountain, seen only by the king and his own attendants. The cave, as well as its vicinity, became sacred, and from then
It is assumed that underground galleries discovered in the depth of Belena Hill (Ruse district), on top of which the Borovo Treasure had been found, and the underground complex near the village Karan Vrbovka may have served as dwellings for Thracian priests (Zdravkova and Ivanov 1990). However, the chambers (2.50-2.80m in diameter and 1.00-1.70m in height) are too small to allow prolonged human habitation.
146
Burkert 1972: 157. Her. 5. 4.
147
148 Diod. 1. 94. 2; Hellanic. FGH 4. F73, Photius, Suida, Etym. Magnum (s.v. Zmolxij). Triballoi believed in the immortality of the soul (Iamblich. De vita Pyth. 173; Coman 1980: 248).
Luc. Deorum cons. 9. It seems improbable that all these authors would only project Greek ideas on foreigners, as Burkert (1972: 158) suggests concerning Herodotus report.
150 Strabo 7. 3. 5. For the probable Celtic influence on the expansion of the high priests authority, see Crian 1978: 231.
149
271
on the Getae always have such a councilor to the king, whom they deem divine. Strabo also mentions that when Byrebistas struggled against Julius Caesar, the job of the divine priest and kings councilor was performed by Decaeneus, ghj nr.151 Strabo associates his tale of Zalmoxis with a description of unusual customs of Mysians, who are in his opinion Thracian. Mysians, called pious, qeosebej, and fire-walkers, kapnobtai (7. 3. 3) are idealized as a virtuous people of vegetarians, whose piety forces them to abstain from eating meat, marriage, and military endeavors.152 Dacian asceticism was so famous that Josephus Flavius appears to compare abstemious Dacians, in his rendering plestoi, with Essens.153 Thus, Pythagorean vegetarian customs introduced by Zamolxis, were still preserved in Strabos time. This association of Thracian ascetic mysticism with Pythagoras is also supposed by the assumed apprenticeship of Zalmoxis with Pythagoras. By the fifth century, Zalmoxis' vegetarian injunctions, his catabasis, and above all the doctrine of immortality had induced the Pontic Greeks to link him with Pythagoras. The latters mantic abilities, magical healing, and other extraordinary traits,154 facilitated the comparison between the Greek sage and the Thracian
151
For Boerebista and Decaeneus, see Eliade 1970a: 57-61; Vulpe 1976: 62-68. Strabo 7. 3. 2-3.
152
153 Ant. Jud. 18. 22. The word ktstai in Strabo is problematic palaeographically; Josephus mention of Dacian plestoi is no less controversial (see the survey of contradicting opinions in Lozovan 1968: 219-228). For these groups, see Eliade 1970a: 61-67; Bianchi 1971: 233; Crian 1978: 235-236; Banu 1980; Popov 1982. For Getic religious devotion, see Pfister 1953: 1119; Coman 258-262. Burkert (1972:162) compares kapnobatai with aithrobates Abaris (Porphyr. Vita Pyth. 29), and considers them genuine shamans. An exact parallel to kapnobatai is the ancient Indian designation of Brahmans as dhma-gati, current already in the Mahbhrata (Poghirc 1987: 196). Popov (1982) suggests that kapnobatai belonged to a caste separated from the rest of population by requirements of ritual purity. 154 Diog. Laert. 8. 11-12; Ael. Var. Hist. 2. 26; 4. 17; Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 29, 33; Apollonius Hist. mirab. 1. 6; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 28, 92, 140; Corssen 1912: 30-38; Lvy 1926: 12-14; 1927: 40-45; Detienne 1963: 69-70; Burkert 1972: 141-143, 146; Kingsley 1995: 319.
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daimon. Pythagoras gift of treating sick souls by means of charms, magic and mousik155 recalls the talents of Zalmoxis doctors. The association of Zalmoxis with Pythagoras may also have been inspired by the similarity between the activities of the Pythagorean companionship, comprising meetings and meals in the common hall (sunedrion) and elaborate initiations, and the feasts of Getan nobles in their andren. Later, it was Pythagoras who was considered indebted to Thracian wisdom. According to Iamblichus, Pythagoras himself wrote that he became acquainted with the doctrine of the gods and the number theology in Thrace, when he was admitted to the rites of Orpheus.156 This apparently fictitious report may reflect the known proximity between Thracian ideas of immortality and Pythagorean doctrines which had earlier inspired Herodotus story.157 We see that the Thracians in general, and among them the Getae in particular, worshiped Zalmoxis, apparently a god, whose high priest-king was apparently considered his substitute on earth. Zalmoxis endowed his priests with the power of healing, and they were known as physicians-atr0.158 In later time, the eternal happiness after the death, promised by Zalmoxis, made the Greeks compare him with their lord of Elysium, Kronos.159 Vegetarian commandments of Zalmoxis, his healing magic, and above all the doctrine of immortality induced the Pontic Greeks to link him with Pythagoras by the fifth century. It is difficult to distinguish clearly between the Thracian cult proper and its Greek interpretation. In any case, Greek accounts of the Thracian ideas on immortal-
Porph. Vita Pyth. 33; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 64, 163. For the use of music for magical purposes by Pythagoreans, see Boyanc 1937: 100-131; Dodds 1973: 154; Detienne 1963: 47-48. For Pythagoras as healer see Lvy 1927: 42; de Vogel 1966: 232-244; Kingsley 1995: 327, 342; Thorn 1995: 213-214.
156
155
De vita Pythag. 145-147; Linforth 1941: 251-252; Graf 1987: 90. Cf. Linforth 1918: 30. Cf. Prvan 1972: 78 on Zalmoxis as a healer.
157
158
Photius, Suida, and Hesychius report (following Mnaseas) that Getae worship Kronos and call him Zalmoxis (s.v. Zlmoxij).
159
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ity demonstrate that the cult of Zalmoxis involved a belief in the blissful postexistence,160 and healing by supernatural means. Other Thracian mythical healers When the Muse, the mother of the Thracian king Rhesus slain at Troy, learns about his death, she predicts that although she will never see her son again, he will live, hidden in a cavern, a spirit in human form (anthropodaimon).161 This description is strongly reminiscent of Zalmoxis, and even of the vocabulary used by Herodotus in his account of the Thracian worship of this deity.162 Rhesos, king and priest, was worshipped as a god by the initiates in his mysteries.163 Like Zalmoxis, Rhesos was also considered a healer: he is said to have removed pestilence from the mountain where he lived.164 Thracian spirituality, their fame as healers and the use of arrows in the cult of Zalmoxis would be sufficient to prompt the Greeks a comparison with their
160 It remains unclear whether it was expected to be in flesh and blood, like that of Zalmoxis himself, or in the form of eternal happiness of the soul. Already Pomponius Mela (De chronographia 2. 18) reports both alternatives as current among the Thracians. Cf. Bianchi 1971: 232. Either form of return of the dead does not imply metempsychosis, suggested by Rhode (1925: 263); see Eliade 1970a: 32. 161 For the cults of Rhesos, Thracian and Greek, see Ustinova 2002: 282; Perdizet 1910: 18-20; Seure 1928. The description of Rhesos shining golden arms and majestic horses in the Iliad (10. 435-445; 545-550) hints at the divinity of the Thracian king (Wathelet 1989: 227, 230-231). For a discussion of Rhesos mythology, see Borgeaud 1991.
Nock 1926. For the controversy on the date of Euripides play, see Geffcken 1936 (suggesting the fourth century), Ritchie 1964 (suggesting 437 as terminus ante quem).
163
162
His name may mean simply king, deriving from the same root as rex: Tomaschek 1893: 53; Perdizet 1910: 17; Seure 1928: 106-110; Poghirc 1987: 196; Wathelet 1989: 222; Borgeaud 1991: 13, cf. Toporov 1990: 51-52. Philostratus of Lemnos, Heroikos p. 680: loimo rkein toj rouj; cf. Perdizet 1910: 20, 29; Venedikov 1976: 15; Seure 1928: 118, 121-122. For Philostratus, see Seure 1928: 114.
164
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own divine healer, Apollo the archer.165 Music was presumably performed during rituals connected with Zalmoxis, since he gave his name to a particular type of singing and dancing.166 Greek myths of great ancient musicians, almost all of them Thracian,167 such as Apollos son or pupil168 Orpheus, another famous rebel against death, prophet and healer,169 may have further contributed to the association of the country with the god of healing. To cite Linforth, with Orpheus an d was an pJd To the Greeks all music was magical and could do wonderful things to soul and body, and the Orpheus whom their fancy created was a singer who had strange power to enthrall and charm.170 Orpheus was first and foremost a sorcerer, and the most prominent aspect of his power was medical magic.171 Moreover, Thracians were ascribed magical medical skills and knowledge of drugs. Euripides mentions medicines on Thracian tables recorded by Orpheus, the gift of Apollo to the mortals.172 Plato talks about the hubbub of books by Orpheus and Musaeus, which were recommended to individuals (and cities) seeking purification from sin or cure of sickness.173 During the Roman period,
For Apollo as archer, see Nilsson 1967: 541; Metzler 1982: 75; Bremmer 1983: 44. For the magico-medical role of the arrow in various cultures see Eliade 1970b: 463-465; Dodds 1973: 161.
166
165
Hesych., s.v. Zlmoxij ; Dodds 1973: 166.
Strabo 10. 3. 17; Linforth 1941: 28; cf. Wiesner 1963: 63-64; Danov 1976: 174. Discussion of the role of music in medicine and religion is beyond the scope of this paper.
168
167
Linforth 1941: 22-23.
169 For Orpheus as a shamanic figure see Burkert 1972: 163-164; M. L. West 1983: 143-150; Freiert 1991: 43-45; Fiore 1993; cf. Hultkrantz 1957; Lanoue 1993. Graf (1987, cf. Bremmer 1991: 17-20) acknowledges certain shamanic elements in Orpheus mythology, emphasizing however his role as musician/sorcerer and a leader in initiation rituals of young warriors. 170
1941: 165. Graf and Johnston 2007: 169. Alc. 965-972, with schol., cf. Cycl. 646, Linforth 1941: 119-138. Rep. 364B-365A; Linforth 1941: 1941: 75-91; Guthrie 1966: 158-162.
171
172
173
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treatises on such subjects as medicine, herbs, and antidotes circulated under the name of Orpheus.174 Pausanias argues that the main reason for Orpheus great influence was his knowledge of purifications and remedies against diseases.175 Musaeus, considered Thracian and Orpheus pupil, son, or simply Attic counterpart,176 was credited with the ability to heal with his music. Aristophanes mentions that Musaeus revealed to men the healing of diseases and the use of oracles.177 Rhesos, said to be a cousin of Orpheus and an initiate in his mysteries,178 was also praised for his abilities as a healer. Scythian healers The importance of healing in Scythian culture is highlighted in scenes depicted on an electrum vessel from a fourth-century Kul-Oba tumulus, located in the vicinity of Panticapaeum.179 Out of the three scenes representing pairs of Scythians, two picture treatment of sick, dressing a wound in one case and manipulating inside the patients mouth in another.180 The cultic significance of this vessel, which served as a part of grave goods placed into a princely tomb, is doubtless. Since the vessel was manufactured by a Greek artisan, working for the Scythian market,181 it also indicates how the knowledge of Scythian healing practices and their cultural importance could reach the Greeks.
174
Coman 1939: 159-161, with refs. Paus. 9. 30. 4. Strabo 10. 3. 17; Linforth 1941: 125; Guthrie 1966: 191; M. L. West 1983: 39-44. Ranae 1032 and schol. ad loc.; M. L. West 1983: 41. Eurip. Rhes. 895; 944; Perdizet 1910: 16, 30.
175
176
177
178
Reproduced in numerous publications, e.g. Artamonow 1970: figs. 226, 229, 232, 233; Rayevskiy 1985: fig. 1.
180 For a different interpretation of the latter scenes, see Rayevskiy 1985: 17-20; for a convincing criticism of Rayevskiys hypothesis, see Dumzil 1978: 198-199. 181
179
Cf. Ustinova 1999: 22, with refs.
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Shamanic experiences, identified by Meuli and Moravcsik in the legends of Abaris and Aristeas, connected with Scythians and Hyperboreans,182 involve first and foremost healing. Abaris, a Hyperborean priest of Apollo, known already to Pindar and Herodotus, is said to have traveled with (or on) the arrow given to him by the Hyperborean Apollo; he performed purifications and cleansed countries of pestilence.183 Anacharsis the Scythian carried our purifications, too.184 Another Scythian sage, Toxaris, cleansed Athens of plague.185 Herodotus records only one function specific to Enareis, androgynic Scythian soothsayers, regarded by many as shamans:186 they were summoned to the king whenever he fall sick, and were requested to divine, who among the kings subjects had forsworn and was culpable for the illness. Although Scythian Enareis appear in the context of the cult of the cult of AphroditeArgimpasa, rather than ApolloGoitosyros, their healing practices, known to Greeks, contributed to the latters appreciation of Scythian (mantic) medicine. Moreover, shamanic rites presuppose the faith in the independence of the soul, which almost inevitably brings in the faith in its immortality.187
Meuli 1935; Moravcsik 1936; cf. Dodds 1973: 141-144; Nilsson 1960: 45; Burkert 1972: 149-150; Kindstrand 1981: 18; Metzler 1982; West 1983: 149, 259; Bongrad- Levi and Grantovskiy 1984: 94-98. For a different view on this issue, see Bremmer 1983: 47-48; Dowden 1980; Zhmud 1997: 108-116. For a discussion of Scythian shamanism see Margreth 1993; Ustinova 1999: 75-79, with refs. Harpocrat. s.v. Abarij; Her. 4. 36. For sources on Abaris, see Corssen 1912; Lvy 1926: 14 -18, 23-27, 79-81; 1927: 49; Boyanc 1934; Moravcsik 1936; Bolton 1962: 158-159; Baudy 1996. Plut. Sept. sap. conv. 3. 148DE; Kindstrand 1981: 22. Kindstrand argues at length that Anacharsis is a shamanic figure (1981: 21-23).
185 184 183
182
Luc. Scyth. 1, discussed below. Her. 4. 68; Ustinova 1999: 75-79. Rites connected with Zalmoxis seem not to be of shamanic nature (Eliade 1970a: 43).
186
187
277
Greek confusion of Scythian and Thracian healers The Greeks perceived medical skills, as well as ideas of immortality or/and independent traveling of the soul,188 as shared by Pontic barbarians. Most Greeks, except a few extremely inquisitive individuals, did not distinguish between Thracians, Scythians, and other local peoples. Strabo was not only aware of Homers inability to tell the difference between Thracians and Galactophagoi: in Strabos own time, the latter tribes, Scythian and Sarmatian in Strabos opinion, were also confused with the Thracians.189 Lucian regards Zalmoxis as either a Thracian, or a Scythian.190 Photius and Sudas characterization of Zalmoxis as Scythian191 may result from such a confusion in their sources. Socrates in the Charmides juxtaposes the Thracian Zalmoxis and the Scythian Abaris: the charms of Zalmoxis or of Abaris the Hyperborean.192 Much later, Lucian in mixes together healing powers of Scythians and Thracians:193 This Toxaris [a Scythian] never went back to Scythia, but died in Athens, where not long after his death he came to be considered a hero, and the Athenians sacrifice to him as The Foreign Physician (ka rwj doxen ka ntmnousin at XnJ Iatr o Aqhnaoi) this was the name they gave him when they made him a hero. The reason for this designation and his reputation as one of the sons of Asclepios are perhaps worth telling. Then you may see that to confer immortality on someone and to send him to Zalmoxis
188
Testified for the Thracians by their sending a dead messenger to Zalmoxis, Her. 4. 95.
Il. 13. 5-6; Strabo 7. 3. 2, cf. the confusion between Orpheus and Abaris in Sparta (Paus. 3. 13. 2).
190
189
Ver. Hist. 2. 17; Jup.Trag. 44; Deorum conc. 9; Scyth. 1, 4. S.v. Zlmoxij. 158B. Scyth. 1.
191
192
193
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(paqanatzein ka pmpein par tn Zlmoxin) is a custom not of the Scythians only it is also possible for Athenians to deify (qeopoien) Scythians in Greece. (Translation by K. Kilburn). This introduction is followed by a story of an Athenian woman who dreamt during the great plague of 430/29 that Toxaris gave her an advice on the way to purify Athens, and his cure indeed helped. This passage194 emphasizes Greek appreciation of both Scythians and Thracians as great healers, this time putting an emphasis on purifications. Deification of a Scythian, which took place in the fifth-century Athens, would be even more appropriate in contemporary Pontic colonies. Thus, the Greeks assigned similar ideas of immortality and iatromantic powers to Pontic barbarians, disregarding the differences among them. These views seem to reflect a reality, distorted as it was by the Greek interpretation.
Apollo in Thrace195
Early evidence on the cult of Apollo In Thrace, Apollo was a familiar deity.196 Although in his list of Thracian gods197 Herodotus does not mention Apollo, he says that Thracian Dolonci consulted the oracle in Delphi, and on its instruction chose Miltiades as their leader.198 In the Odyssey, the Thracian Kikones have a priest of Apollo, Maron,
194
Which seems to attest to a real Athenian cult. Even a cult statue described by Lucian has perhaps been discovered: it shows a Scythian holding a book, one of his hands having a hole just enough to hold a bow (Goodwin 1900). Pfister (1953: 1117) regards Lucians story as reliable Athenian Kultlegende, in which Lucian turned a Getes into a Scythian. In Rohdes opinion (1925: 557), the special name of the hero may be Lucians invention, but not what he tells of his cult. For healer heroes in Attica, see Usener 1896: 147-153; Kernyi 1945: 34-39.
195
See Kazarow 1936: 500-504. Mihailov 1991: 616. Her 5. 7.
196
197
Her. 6. 34-36, Danov 1976: 163; cf. 351. In Danovs (1976: 163) opinion, Herodotus may imply the worship of this god by those Thracians who transmitted the Hyperborean gifts (4.33).
198

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who dwells in a sacred wood. After the sensational Rogozen treasure had been discovered, there can be no doubt about Thracian devotion to a god identified with the Greek Apollo: a silver-gilt jug from the treasure bears the inscription KOTUOS APOLLWNOS PAIS,200 while Greek inscriptions on other vessels indicate that they belong to Cotys, who is known as a fifth-century Thracian king.201 The earliest manifestation of the merger between a Thracian deity and the Greek Apollo is the cult of Apollo Drainoj in Abdera, which is attested to as early as in the fifth century by Pindar.202 The epiclesis of the god connects him with a toponym in the area of Abdera,203 which derives from the name of a Thracian tribe, Zerainoi (Derainoi).204
199 Od. 9. 39-50, 196-211. Danov suggests that Apollo revered by Maron was not a rein griechischer Apollon. (1976: 161). In fact, Maron is engaged in wine-making, and his image is associated with Dionysos in several ways (Marazov 1976: 59). Cf. Goeva 1992: 164. Kikones, according to Herodotus (7. 110), lived on the Hebrus. Most commentaries imply that Kikones were of Thracian stock (Oberhummer 1922; Heubeck and Hoekstra 1989: 15). Although they lived in Thrace as early as in the second millennium, Velkov (1991; 1992) alleges that Kikones were not of Thracian stock, but only related to Thracians (Velkov 1971: 283), assuming a distinction between Kikones, Thracians and Paeonians in the Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2. 844-848). To be sure, this passage rather implies the proximity of the three peoples, and is in any case insufficient to substantiate Velkovs views. Heubeck and Hoekstra (1989: 25) suggest that the name Maron derives from Maroneia, given the toponyms Ismarus (the town of Kikones, Od. 9. 198) and Ismaris (a lake in their area, Her. 7. 169); cf. the commentary of Merry and Riddell (1886: 358). 200
Fol, Nikolov and Hoddinott 1986: No. 112.
Fol, Nikolov and Hoddinott 1986: Nos 27-31, 40-47. Cotys boasted of maintaining close relationships with gods: he is said to believe that Athena consented to marry him, and waited for her in a bridal chamber (Athen 531E, cf. Ustinova 1999: 65).
202
201
Paean 2, 1-5, fr. 52b, cf. Bilabel 1920: 200.
Tpoj otw kalomenoj n Abdroij (Schol. Lycophr. 440). It is supposed that a cult statue of Apollo, depicted on some late fifth and early fourth-century coins of Abdera (Head 1911: 255; May 1966: Nos. 349-350, 449-50), belonged to Apollo Derainos; cf. Raven 1967: 295. In Lycophrons Alexandra (440) the word Derainos is used is a cult name of Apollo: two prophets, Amphilochus and Mopsus, are called the hounds of Derainos. The scene is however set in Cilicia. Cf. von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.
203
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One cannot be sure whether there is any connection between Apollo Derainos and Apollo Derronaios, worshipped by Paeonians: coins of the Paeonian king Lykkeios (ca. 359-ca. 340) feature Apollos head and the inscription DERRWNAIOS.205 The latter word cannot be separated from the name of Darron, a Macedonian healing daemon.206 Thus, as early as in the mid-fourth century in North Balkans Apollo was associated with the local healing deity.207
204 Kazarow 1929: 237; Danov 1976: 162-163, 349; 1990: 153; Goeva 1986: 88;1992: 164. Mihailov (1991: 616) maintains that the epithet implies a fairly important local tradition. For the etymology of the word, see Detschew 1957, s.v. Zhrnioi. 205
Head 1911: 236; Dhl 1977: 50.
206 Hesych., s.v. Drrwn: Makedonikj damwn, pr tn nosontwn econtai. This name is perhaps related etymologically with the Greek qrsoj, qarsw (Usener 1896: 171; Hoffmann 1906: 95; Kern 1926: 122). Kellris (1988: 149-150, 541) connects Drrwn with darn, the designation of a festival and of a sort of bread offered to gods for long life of sick, newborn babies, newlywed couples, etc. in Thessaly, Epirus, and Macedonia. It is suggested that from Darron derives the Thracian tribe name Derrones, Derraioi, or Dersaioi (Steph. Byz., s.v., Her. 7. 110, Thuc. 2. 102, cf. Kazarow 1936: 496). In Kellris opinion (1988: 149, 539), this association is arbitrary. Svoronos (1919: 2-3) is reluctant to identify Derrones with Dersaioi. Svoronos (1919: 3), Head (1911: 236), and Dhl (1977: 51) suggest that the epiclesis Derronaios links Apollo with the tribe of Derrones. 207 Asclepios was most popular in Macedonia already in the fourth century: he had an important sanctuary at Morrylos (Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1989: 64-67; Ginouvs 1994: 108) and in Dion (Ginouvs 1994: 116). In Morrylos, he was the tutelary deity of the city (Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1989: 36). In Beroia, his cult was second in importance, following that of Heracles Kynagidas, the mythical ancestor of the kings of Macedonia (Ginouvs 1994: 108). In Amphipolis, Kalindoia, and Mieza priests of Asclepios were eponymous (Hatzopoulos 1996, 1: 153). Hatzopoulos assumes that such was also the case in Morrylos, Beroia, Pella, and Antigoneia (1996, 1: 154).
281
A fourth-century inscription, discovered in a Thracian settlement, which king Seuthes III turned into a town of Seuthopolis, mentions an altar of Apollo. 208 A late fourth-early third century inscription from the sanctuary of Asclepios Zumdrhnoj at the village of Batkun (the area of Philippopolis), mentions a sanctuary of Apollo, presumably in the city of Philippopolis.209
Apollo and his identification with Thracian deities during the first centuries AD Since the second century BC, the country is flooded by dedications to Apollo, bearing Thracian epicleseis,210 and accompanied by relief representations of the Thracian horseman.211 On some reliefs, the horseman is represented with a lyre near him, or holding it.212 Not only in the Hinterland, but also on the much more Hellenized coast Apollo had Thracian epicleseis. He was worshipped as Karshnoj in the vicinity of Anchialus,213 and as Eishnoj in the vicinity of Mesambria.214 Near Mesambria, a
IG Bulg. III. 1731, cf. Goeva 1992: 164. The relations between Delphi and Odrysan kings is attested to by Syll. 195.
209
208
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1114, with comm.
210 The etymology remains in most cases impenetrable: Detschew 1957; Goeva 1977. In some instances, they seem to derivate from place- or tribe- names: Detschew 1957; s.v. Dortazhnj, Kendreisoj, Skodrhnoj. Goeva (1977: 214-216) assumes that Apollo Aularkhnoj or Aulousadhj was a defender and especially protector of property. See also Georgiev 1978. Tadhnoj (IG Bulg. IV. 2110) is especially curious, since Apollo Tadenos is also attested to in Thessaly and in Dalmatia, see Kazarow 1936: 502; Goeva 1977: 217; Detschew 1957, s.v. Tadhnoj. 211 An interesting example of the syncretism of Apollo and the Heros is provided by a sanctuary near Lozen, in the area of Philippopolis, where Apollo Geikaitihnoj (IG Bulg. III. 2. 18071810, 1813) was worshipped as a Thracian Hero (Kazarow 1929; Venedikov 1976: 21-22). See also Prvan 1924: 278; Goeva 1977: 208; 1986: 89; 1992: 167-168. 212
Kazarow 1929: 237, pl. 2. 4; 1938: Nos. 175, 482, 665, pls. 43: 251; 57: 337. IG Bulg. I 378.
213
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dedication to qej Aularkhnoj was discovered,215 whereas numerous dedications to Apollo Aularkhnoj originate from the inner regions of Thrace.216 In Odessos, Apollo Karabasmoj217 was revered along Hrwj Karabasmoj218 as early as in the second-first centuries.219 Apollo bears the epiclesis Iatros in two inscriptions from Thrace: in one of them the word is fully preserved, while in the other one it is partially restored. The former is a second- or third-century AD oracular inscription.220 The stele was discovered in Hisar(ja), in the area of Philippopolis. The ancient town was famous for its curative baths.221 The line with the words Foboj ehtr kakn is preserved quite well.222 In another oracular inscription from Thrace, perhaps originating from Eion, the citizens of the town were advised stsai d nu ka pr pulawn toxofron Fobon loimo poseuantra (to erect an effigy of Phoibos the archer, chaser of
214 IG Bulg. I 357. In another inscription the deity is titled just qej Eishnoj (IG Bulg. I 358); the epiclesis may derive from the Thracian for property, domain (Detschew 1957, s.v.). 215
IG Bulg. I 353. IG Bulg. II. 801, 802, 841; III. 2. 1859, 1860, IV. 2143. IG Bulg. I 79. IG Bulg. I 78 bis, ter., 79 bis.
216
217
218
In the modern village Galata, not far from Varna (Odessos), a sanctuary of Hero Karabasmos was located. It yielded a series of dedications (IG Bulg. I 284-290). For this cult and its penetration into the city of Odessos as early as in the Hellenistic period see Goeva 1977: 218; 1978: 297.
220 IG Bulg. III. 1. 1475; Tsontchev 1960: 115. For a discussion of the origin of the author of this inscription, see IG Bulg. III. 1. 1475 comm.; Goeva (1977: 212) suggests that the dedicant originated from Apollonia, where Apollo Iatros was the tutelar god. 221
219
IG Bulg. III. 1, p. 230.
Ihtr kakn is listed along with other demiourgs (seer, carpenter, bard) in Il. 17. 383-385; cf. Halliday 1967: 58-63.
222

223
283
pestilence, near the gate of the town). A first- or second-century AD inscription, also from Eion, mentions an official image of Heros Propylaios, that has prophylactic qualities.224 Thus, Phoibos, identified with Heros and depicted as a cavalier, seems to have been worshipped in Eion as a protector from plague and other misfortunes.225 A striking example of the identification of Apollo Iatros with the Thracian cavalier originates from the village of Kiril-Metodievo (or Sveti-Kirilovo) in the area of Philippopolis: an inscription Ap]llwni ITR on a marble plaque featuring a galloping horseman226 most probably means to Apollo Iatros. Several plaques with very similar reliefs were also found in the same locality, two of them bearing dedications to Apollo.227 Apollo is perhaps the ancestral god of a dedication qe patrJ,228 and had in the vicinity of Sveti Kirilovo a small rural sanctuary, where he was worshipped together with ArtemisBendis, whose statuette was discovered there.229
223 The word poseuantra is not only preserved on the stone maintains, but also makes good sense, deriving from posew (Weinreich 1913: 64). Seure (1912b: 385-389) nevertheless reads pos[hm]antra, although he admits that the precise meaning of the phrase loimo poshmantr is dubious.
Seure 1912b: 388. It is noteworthy that already in the sixth century Hipponax (Fr. 41 Diehl) called Rhesos, who was able to avert pestilence, Anein plmuj, the ruler of Eion (or Enea, see Seure 1928: 112-114; 122). For the identification of the Hero depicted on some ex-votos with Rhesos, see Seure 1928: 128-129. Many relief representations of the Hero were discovered in caves (Kazarow 1938: 5), which is suggestive of Rhesos underground dwelling.
225
224
For a different opinion see Weinreich (1913).
226 IG Bulg. III. 2. 1645; Seure 1912a: 26 1923:10. The readable part of the inscription: OLLWNIITR. 227
IG Bulg. III. 2. 1643, 1644.
228 IG Bulg. III. 2. 1649. For Apollo patroj and genikj as a national god and divine ancestor in Thracian inscriptions, see Seure 1912b: 258-260. 229
Seure 1912a. All the monuments are dated to the Roman period.
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In a sanctuary near the modern village Trud (not far from Philippopolis) dozens of dedications to Apollo, often titled Zgoulamhnoj,230 were made by people bearing Greek, Latin and Thracian names.231 Most dedications are accompanied with reliefs representations of the Thracian Hero. Yet a physician (atrj) named Maximos dedicated to Apollo his ex-voto decorated with an unusual relief. It depicts Apollo nude, standing and holding a cythara in his left hand, supported by a column, on which a snake coils, hinting perhaps at the gods healing powers. However, behind Apollo a horse is standing, reminding of the Thracian affiliation of the rest of the reliefs portraying the god as a horseman.232 A votive plaque from the sanctuary of Asclepios Zumdrhnoj,233 situated near the modern village of Batkun (the area of Philippopolis),234 features the god mounted and holding a lyre, yet the dedication is addressed to Asclepios.235 Only Asclepios could compete with Apollos popularity in the Thracian Hinterland.236 Both gods share the representation as Thracian horseman, epithets,
230
Georgiev (1978: 36) interprets this epiclesis as vergngt, erfreut.
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1457-1470. The title derivates from the Thracian place-name: Mihailov, comm. to IG Bulg. III. 1. p. 225. IG Bulg. III. 1. 1467. Another dedication from the same sanctuary, naming Apollo Zgoulamhnoj, shows the god nude, accompanied by a griffin (IG Bulg. III. 1. 1458). On some reliefs from a sanctuary near the village of Paratchin, the god is portrayed nude, holding a cythara and pouring a libation, whereas on other ex-votos he is depicted with a cythara, but on horseback (Seure 1924: 40-43; 58-60, figs. 5-7, 18).
233 232
231
The epiclesis derives from the ancient name of the village, Zumudra (Tsontchev 1941: 74).
234 The bulk of material dated to the first-second centuries AD (Zontschew 1940; Tsontchev 1941: 75). The majority of dedications portray Asclepios standing, holding a sceptre with a snake coiling on it; but a considerable number of plaques depict him as a mounted hero, with the same sceptre in his hand (e.g. Tsontchev 1941: No. 1, pl. XXXI: 124). 235
Tsontchev 1941: No. 40, pl. XLVII: 177; Kazarow 1938: No. 175. Cf. Seure 1912a: 26-28.
236
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such as krioj, pkooj, patroj, and swtr. The proximity of Apollo and Asclepios in Thrace is no less remarkable than their popularity.237 Although the Thracian culture presumably underwent considerable changes between the start of the Greek colonization of the region and the eve of the Christian era, it preserved some basic traditional beliefs. Zalmoxis myth and rites as described by Strabo match those reported by Herodotus. The continuity of the most conspicuous belief of the Thracians, their faith in immortality, is also testified by numerous tombstones dating to the Roman period. These monuments refer to the deceased as a new hero, attesting to deification of the deceased by means of his identification with the Hero.238 On this background, evolution of the cults of Apollo and Asclepios in Thrace of the first centuries AD may be viewed as further development of tendencies which had existed earlier. The proximity of Thracian Apollo and Asclepios emphasizes the healing aspect of Apollo, which most probably existed long before the first written dedications to the god were inscribed.239 However, both appear not only as healers, but rather as beneficent tribe- or place-protectors.240 At least in one instance, Apollo Iatros was most probably identified with the Thracian hero. Moreover, numerous local Thracian gods (or avatars of one god) were identified with Apollo.241 The high esteem paid to Apollo in the
As a result of his study of the Batkun sanctuary, Tsontchev (1941: 76-77) maintains that Asclepios, Apollo and the Thracian Horseman were equally identified with each other. Kazarow (1938: 14) and Pettazzoni (1954: 88) arrive at a very similar conclusion. The inscription a firstcentury relief of the Thracian Hero from Galini, in Western Rhodopi, says: IASON HROUS (Pavlopoulou 1994: fig. on p. 134).
238
237
E.g. Kazarow 1938: Nos. 292, 521, 986; Pettazzoni 1954: 92; Bianchi 1971: 232, with refs.
Weinreich (1912: 40) observes, that in Thrace, Dacia, and Moesia the epithet epekoos was especially applicable to healing deities; cf. Kazarow 1936: 477.
240
239
Wiesner 1963: 174-175.
In Bessapara, a god of Bessoi was called qej Souregqhj pkooj (Tomaschek 1893: 49; Weinreich 1912: 19); in an inscription from Durostorum Heros Suregetes idemque Praehibens is mentioned (Prvan 1924: 278). This god is compared with Scythian Apollo Goitsuroj (Her. 4. 59; cf. Tomaschek 1893: 49; Prvan 1924: 278; Kazarow 1936: 476).
241
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Thracian Hinterland is likely to reflect the importance of the Thracian counterpart of Apollo in indigenous religion. The prominence of this god, regarded by the Greeks as the Thracian Apollo, may have prompted the first Greek colonists to adopt some of his aspects into their own cult of Apollo.242
Conclusions
Apollo Iatros was worshiped exclusively in the Ionian Pontic colonies. He was the patron and the tutelary deity of the cities, possessed temple embellished with exceptional works of art, and was held in special regard by aristocratic families, who were proud to serve as his priests. The gods epiclesis indicates that the founders of the cult sought to distinguish between Apollo Iatros and the established aspects of Apollo in their metropoleis. This new cultic title appears to reflect the newcomers wish to include a reference to the local deity or deities into the divine personality of their traditional god. Thracian and Scythian preoccupation with immortality and their fame as healers and diviners suggested an additional aspect in the image of Apollo. The merger was facilitated by the belief in mantic and healing powers of Apollo in the metropoleis of Pontic Ionians. The cult of Apollo Iatros may have been initiated in a certain place, and penetrated other cities gradually. The fact that in Olbia, where Apollo Iatros had been revered at least since the sixth century, an Olbian citizen made a dedication to Apollo Iatros the Lord of Histria, supposes the possibility that the cult emerged in Histria, surrounded by the Getae whose religion concentrated on Zalmoxis. In fact Histria, alongside Borysthenes (Berezan), was one of the first Milesian colonies in the Euxine. From Histria Apollo Iatros appears to have proceeded southwards and eastwards. He could be adopted by other Ionians because of several reasons, Ionian solidarity being one of them. If this suggestion is correct, the case of Apollo Iatros demonstrates that Greek colonists could introduce innovations into their ancestral pantheon. Moreover,
Apollo Propitius worshipped in Abritus seems to be basically a Thracian deity, a Latin counterpart of Apollo epekoos (Goeva 1988: 189-190).
242 Goeva (1974: 221; 1986: 88; 1996: 122), on the contrary, connects the popularity of Apollo in Thracian lands with the influence of the Greek cult of Apollo. Taeva (1990) assumes a LydoPhrygian background of Apollos cult in Thrace.
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this cult, original as it is, is not the only instance of such innovations. Apollo Derainos of Abdera and his Thracian connections, as well as Aphrodite Ourania, the Mistress of Apatourum, and prominent indigenous elements in her cult, have already been mentioned. Thus, from the very beginning of their colonization of the Black Sea, Greeks seem to have incorporated some aspects of indigenous cults into their beliefs and religious practices. Exceptional cases of major Greek cults in colonies revealing a certain degree of influence by local religion seem to acquire the critical mass. They become a phenomenon which requires a modification of the traditional approach to early colonial pantheons as purely Greek replicas of the pantheons of metropoleis.
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Abbreviations of current periodicals are those used in Anne philologique ActesActes du I congrs international de Thracologie (Bucarest, 4-10 sept. 1976). Ed. R. Vulpe. Vols. 1-3. Bucharest 1980. CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CIRB Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani. Eds. V. V. Struve et al. Mos-
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EIKON Beitrge zur antiken Bildersprache Band 9

Klaus Sthler Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)

Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

Herausgegeben von Klaus Sthler Band 9

Ugarit-Verlag, Mnster 2009

Klaus Sthler Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)

Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

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APOLLO IATROS: A GREEK GOD OF PONTIC ORIGIN

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Rusyayeva 1986: 39, fig. 5 (SEG 36. 693).

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

1980: 45. CIRB 6, 10. Tolstikov 1992: 95.

CIRB 25. For Leucon II see Gajdukevi 1971: 90.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

CIRB 1148. Johnston 1995/96.

Balabanov 1982; Karyshkovkiy 1988: 33.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Ll. 1376-1377 and 1206-1207.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

The origin of the cult: suggested hypotheses and their criticism

Ganszyniec 1923; Nilsson 1968: 540.

Rusyayeva 1986: 52-53; 1992: 33; Vinogradov 1989: 79.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Solovyov 1999: 96. Rusyayeva 1986: 63.

Rusyayeva 1986: 56.

Calder III 1971: 329.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Greek knowledge of Thracian and Scythian beliefs on immortality

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Burkert 1985: 214

Cf. Eliade 1970: 56-57.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Her. 4. 93, 94-96; 5. 4.

For Greeks sending messages to gods, see Pfister 1953: 1114-1115.

Burkert 1972: 157. Her. 5. 4.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Hesych., s.v. Zlmoxij ; Dodds 1973: 166.

Linforth 1941: 22-23.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Cf. Ustinova 1999: 22, with refs.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

See Kazarow 1936: 500-504. Mihailov 1991: 616. Her 5. 7.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Fol, Nikolov and Hoddinott 1986: No. 112.

Paean 2, 1-5, fr. 52b, cf. Bilabel 1920: 200.

Head 1911: 236; Dhl 1977: 50.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

IG Bulg. III. 1. 1114, with comm.

IG Bulg. III. 1, p. 230.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

For a different opinion see Weinreich (1913).

IG Bulg. III. 2. 1643, 1644.

Georgiev (1978: 36) interprets this epiclesis as vergngt, erfreut.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Wiesner 1963: 174-175.

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin

Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin