Chapter 25 Vocabulary: The Age of Nationalism 1850-1914 Pages 823-850 1.

The many faces of nationalism and how Louis Napoleon led the way
Early nationalism was generally liberal and idealistic and often democratic and radical as well. It may be narrowly liberal or democratic and radical, as it was for Mazzini and Michelet, but it can also flourish in dictatorial states, which may be conservative, fascist, or communist. Napoleon's nephew, Louis Napoleon, who revived and extended this merger. He showed how governments could reconcile popular and conservative forces in an authoritarian nationalism. In doing so, he provided a model for political leaders elsewhere. 2. Reasons for Louis Napoleons electoral success Although Louis Napoleon Bonaparte had played no part in French politics before 1848, universal male suffrage gave him three times as many votes as the four other presidential candidates combined in the French presidential election of December 1848. This outcome occurred for several reasons. First, Louis Napoleon had the great name of his uncle, whom romantics had transformed from a dictator into a demigod as they created a Napoleonic legend after 1820. Second, as Karl Marx stressed at the time, middle-class and peasant property owners feared the socialist challenge of urban workers, and they wanted a tough ruler to provide protection. Third, in late 1848 Louis Napoleon had a positive "program" for France, which was to guide him through most of his long reign. 3. How Louis Napoleon became Emperor Louis Napoleon began to conspire with key army officers. December 2, 1851, he legally dismissed the assembly and seized power in the coup d' etat. There was some armed resistance in Paris but was quickly crushed by the army. Restoring universal male suffrage, Louis Napoleon called on the French people, as his uncle had done, to legalize his actions. They did: with a 97% vote to make him hereditary emperor 4. Successes of Napoleon IIIs Second Empire His greatest success was with the economy, particularly in the 1850s. His government encouraged the new investment banks and massive railroad construction that were at the heart of the Industrial Revolution on the continent. The profits of business people soared with prosperity, and unemployment declined greatly. In the 1860s, he granted workers the right to form unions and the right to strike-- important economic rights denied by earlier governments. 5. Image Page 826 Paris in the second empire. This 1863 painting of the Tuileries Gardens by Edouard Manet (18321883) captures the brilliant colors of spring and the flashy glitter of unprecedented prosperity in the Second Empire. Manet, an early impressionist painter, shocked his contemporaries; one critic complained that this canvas "scorches the eyes." Manet's innovative interplay of light and shadow evokes the violent contrasts of modern life.

6. "a geographical expression"

Central Italy and Rome were ruled by the papacy, which had always considered an independent political existence necessary to fulfill its spiritual mission. Naples and Sicily were ruled, as they had been for almost a hundred years, by a branch of the Bourbons. Metternich was not wrong in dismissing Italy as "a geographical expression." 7. Italy Map, Page 827 The leadership of Sardinia-Piedmont and nationalist fervor were decisive factors in the unification of Italy.

8. Three approaches towards unification a. Giussepe Mazzini The first was the radical program of the idealistic patriot Giuseppe preached a centralized democratic republic based on universal male Mazzini, who suffrage and the will

of the people. b. Vincente Gioberti The second was that of Vincenzo Gioberti, a Catholic priest who existing states under the presidency of a progressive pope. called for a federation of

c. Victor Emmanuel The third was the program of those who looked for leadership to the autocratic kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont, much as many Germans looked to Prussia

9. Pius IX & Syllabus of Errors

As for the papacy, the initial cautious support by Pius IX for unification had given way to fear and hostility after he was temporarily driven from Rome during the upheavals of 1848. For a long generation, the papacy would stand resolutely opposed not only to national unification but also to most modern trends. In 1864 in the Syllabus of Errors, Pius IX strongly denounced rationalism, socialism, separation of church and state, and religious liberty, denying that "the Roman pontiff can and ought to reconcile and align himself with progress, liberalism, and modern civilization." Count Camilo Benso de Cavour & his views on nation-building Sardinia had the good fortune of being led by a brilliant statesman, Count Camillo Benso di Cavour, the dominant figure in the Sardinian government from 1850 until his death in 1861. Cavour's national goals were limited and realistic. Until 1859 he sought unity only for the states of northern and perhaps central Italy in a greatly expanded kingdom of Sardinia. In the 1850s, Cavour worked to consolidate Sardinia as a liberal constitutional state capable of leading northern Italy.

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11. Why Napoleon III back-stabbed Cavour Finally, in July 1858 Cavour succeeded and goaded Austria into attacking Sardinia in 1859. Napoleon III came to Sardinia's defense. Napoleon III decided that it was not in his interest to have too strong a state on his southern border and criticized by French Catholics for supporting the pope's declared enemy, Napoleon III abandoned Cavour. Cavour resigned in a rage. 12. How Northern Italy was unified Using and controlling the popular enthusiasm, the middle-class national leaders in central Italy called for a fusion with Sardinia. This was not at all what France and the other Great Powers wanted, but the nationalists held firm. The people of central Italy then voted overwhelmingly to join a greatly enlarged kingdom of Sardinia.

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Guiseppe Garibaldi & his views on nation-building For super patriots such as Giuseppe Garibaldi, the job of unification was only half done. The son of a poor sailor, Garibaldi personified the romantic, revolutionary nationalism and republicianism of Mazzini and 1848. Leading corps against Austria in 1859, Garibaldi emerged in 1860 as an independent force in Italian politics.

14. "Red Shirts" Cavour opposed the invasion, but he dared not stop it because of Garibaldis enormous popular appeal. Slipping out of Genoa and landing on the shores of Sicily in May 1860, Garibaldis guerrilla band of a thousand Red Shirts captured the imagination of the Sicilian peasantry. Outwitting the twenty-thousand-man royal army, the guerrilla leader won battles, gained volunteers, and took Palermo. Then he and his men crossed to the mainland, marched triumphantly toward Naples, and prepared to attack Rome and the pope. 15. Garibaldi & Victor Immanuel image 16. How Italy evolved after unification As for the papacy, the initial cautious support by Pius IX (r. 18461 878) for unification had given way to fear and hostility after he was temporarily driven from Rome during the upheavals of 1848. For a long generation, the papacy would stand resolutely opposed not only to national unification but also to most modern trends. In 1864 in the Syllabus of Errors, Pius IX strongly denounced rationalism, socialism, separation of church and state, and religious liberty, denying that the Roman pontiff can and ought to reconcile and align himself with progress, liberalism, and modern civilization.

17. How Austria was edged out of the German Zollverein The Zollvereins tariff duties were substantially reduced so that Austrias highly protected industry could not bear to join. In retaliation, Austria tried to destroy the Zollverein by inducing the south German states to leave it, but without success. Indeed, by the end of 1853 all the German states except Austria had joined the customs union. A new Germany excluding Austria was becoming an economic reality. Middle-class and business groups in the Zollverein were enriching themselves and finding solid economic reasons to bolster their idealistic support of national unification. The growing economic integration of the states within the Zollverein gave Prussia a valuable advantage in its struggle against Austrias supremacy in German political affairs.

18.

William I vs. the German Parliament Prussia had emerged from 1848 with a parliament of sorts, which was in the hands of the liberal middle class by 1859. The wealthy middle class, like the landed aristocracy, was greatly overrepresented by the Prussian electoral system, and it wanted society to be less, not more, militaristic. Above all, middle-class representatives wanted to establish once and for all that the parliament, not the king, had the ultimate political power. They also wanted to ensure that the army was responsible to Prussias elected representatives and was not a state within a state. These demands were popular. The parliament rejected the military budget in 1862, and the liberals triumphed completely in new elections. King William then called on Count Otto von Bismarck to head a new ministry and defy the parliament. This was a momentous choice.

19. Otto Von Bismarck biography The most important figure in German history between Luther and Hitler, Otto von Bismarck (1815 1898) has been the object of enormous interest and debate. A great hero to some, a great villain to others, Bismarck was above all a master of politics. Born into the Prussian landowning aristocracy, the young Bismarck was a wild and tempestuous student given to duels and drinking. Proud of his Junker heritage and always devoted to his Prussian sovereign, Bismarck had a strong personality and an unbounded desire for power

20.

two irons in the fire & "blood and iron" Yet in his drive to secure power for himself and for Prussia, Bismarck was extraordinarily flexible and pragmatic. One must always have two irons in the fire, he once said. He kept his options open, pursuing one policy and then another as he moved with skill and cunning toward his goal. The great questions of the day will not be decided by speeches and resolutions-that was the blunder of 1848 and 1849but by blood and iron. Denounced for this view that might makes right, Bismarck had the Prussian bureaucracy go right on collecting taxes, even though the parliament refused to approve the budget.

21.

Schleswig-Holstein question Opposition at home spurred the search for success abroad. The ever-knotty question of Schleswig Holstein provided a welcome opportunity. In 1864, when the Danish king tried again, as in 1848, to bring the provinces into a more centralized Danish state against the will of the German Confederation, Prussia joined Austria in a short and successful war against Denmark.

22. Austro-Prussian War and its aftermath The Austro-Prussian War of 1866 lasted only seven weeks. Utilizing railroads to mass troops and the new breech-loading needle gun to achieve maximum firepower, the reorganized Prussian army overran northern Germany and defeated Austria decisively at the Battle of Sadowa in Bohemia. Anticipating Prussias future needs, Bismarck offered Austria realistic, even generous, peace terms. Austria paid no reparations and lost no territory to Prussia, although Venice was ceded to Italy. But the German Confederation was dissolved, and Austria agreed to withdraw from German affairs. The states north of the Main River were grouped in the new North German Confederation, led by an expanded Prussia. The mainly Catholic states of the south remained independent while forming alliances with Prussia. Bismarcks fundamental goal of Prussian expansion was being realized (Map 25.2). 23. How Bismarcks language rallied the nationalists Bismarck had long been convinced that the old order he so ardently defended should make peace, on its own terms, with the liberal middle class and the nationalist movement. He realized that nationalism was not necessarily hostile to conservative, authoritarian government. Moreover,

Bismarck believed that because of the events of 1848, the German middle class could be led to prefer the reality of national unity under conservative leadership to a long, uncertain battle for truly liberal institutions. During the constitutional struggle over army reform and parliamentary authority, he had delayed but not abandoned this goal. Thus during the attack on Austria in 1866, he increasingly identified Prussias fate with the national development of Germany. 24. The new constitution of the North German Confederation In the aftermath of victory, Bismarck fashioned a federal constitution for the new North German Confederation. Each state retained its own local government, but the king of Prussia became president of the confederation and the chancellorBismarckwas responsible only to the president. The federal government William I and Bismarckcontrolled the army and foreign affairs. There was also a legislature consisting of two houses that shared equally in the making of laws. Delegates to the upper house were appointed by the different states, but members of the lower house were elected by universal, single-class, male suffrage. With this radical innovation, Bismarck opened the door to popular participation and the possibility of going over the head of the middle class directly to the people, much as Napoleon III had done in France. 25. Final summary of how Bismarck tamed the Parliament Bismarck asked the parliament to pass a special indemnity bill to approve after the fact all the governments spending between 1862 and 1866. Most of the liberals jumped at the chance to cooperate. For four long years, they had opposed and criticized Bismarcks illegal measures. Yet Bismarck, the king, and the army with its aristocratic leadership had succeeded beyond the wildest dreams of the liberal middle class. In 1866 German unity was in sight, and the people were to be allowed to participate actively in the new state. Many liberals repented their sins, and none repented more ardently than Hermann Baumgarten, a thoroughly decent history professor and member of the liberal opposition. In his essay A SelfCriticism of German Liberalism, he confessed in 1866: We thought that by agitation we could transform Germany. . . . Yet we have experienced a miracle almost without parallel. The victory of our principles would have brought us misery, whereas the defeat of our principles has brought boundless salvation.2 The constitutional struggle was over. Map Page 831 (Page 831)