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Muir Reviewed work(s): Source: Labour History, No. 79 (Nov., 2000), pp. 92-112 Published by: Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27516731 . Accessed: 12/04/2012 07:35
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of Feminism and Representations Union Identityin AustralianUnion Bannersof the 1980s and early 1990s
Muir Kathie
The revived production of one well known working-class cultural icon- trade union banners - inAustralia in the 1980s came about for several historical reasons. This article examines this resurgence, in theprocess identifying a number of keyfeatures. First, the banners produced differ substantially from traditional historical union banners in theirmedia, their form and the image of unions and thememberships they depict. Second, a significant number of the new banners were produced by artists whose designs were informed by feminist critiques of the representation ofwomen and other marginalised workers within unions and by feminist desires for the reformulation of themeanings of unionism. In thisway this collection of new banners illuminates the changing and contested cultural practices ofAustralian unionism in the 1980s and 1990s.
Cultural artefacts and cultural projects produced by artists in collaboration with trade unions and theirmembers have received relatively little critical attention from writers of labour history. Historical exceptions include the work of well known individual cultural producers such as writers Katharine Susannah Pritchard, Jean Devanney, Frank Hardy, and visual artists such as Noel Counihan and the work of other groups such as theWaterside Workers Film Unit and New Theatre.1 Ignored at the time by the mainstream art world, this cultural work of the 1980s and early 1990s trade union movement has been of little subsequent interest to labour historians.2 This thematic section of Labour History is therefore both overdue and
very welcome.
The critical
disappointing much that expressions for
lacunae around
two reasons. within, 'in the The
is
is obscured belong
or absent arena of
which
are
frequently
However, and and, banners
as Burn
into processes insights by which subjectivities within the labour movement.5 contested These
particularly
in relation to the challenges to traditional white masculinist unionism mounted by the demands of activist women and non-English speaking background workers the 1980s and 1990s.6 during
This article examines one particular group of cultural artefacts, Australian trade
union banners produced during the 1980s and early 1990s. It specifically focusses on banners produced and how these by feminist artists and asks whether
of unionism representations It asks what these images.7 challenge representations 92 or subvert suggest traditional about the heroic complex masculinist and changing
Muir
193
of the imagery and symbolism of trade their 'feminist critique of the masculinity to 'reformulate itsmeaning7 through developing unionism' to the task of attempting new iconography reflecting (the desire for) changing cultures of unionism.8 These It seems likely that images will mean different things to different audiences. and of the nature of the knowledge of the context of each banner's production, influence how specific banners particular union and branch whose banner it is,might are read. Nonetheless, it is argued that these banners offer insights into the diverse in the 1980s and trade unionism and contested nature and culture of Australian 1990s. In addressing
pragmatic and
these questions
context,
the application,
by these
in both a
artists.9
symbolic
of affirmation'
general? Or does
banners, and other
it suggest
arts projects,
an argument
promotional
of
or recruitment
to market
and banner
unions
to a public inundated with hostile media images of unions?10 responses include the suggestion that within their banners, unions
provided a symbolic space to particular marginalised groups
artists
the membership.
cultures or and it might
act to answer
criticism of union
positions unionism of power capable
from such groups that excluded practices as a for a progressive work symbolic goal
of not only accommodating diversity but also using it as a strength.11 The final some of suggestion, which arises in relation to textile banners in particular, is that these feminist artists employed (traditionally feminine and domestic) techniques of to unsettle the hegemonic masculine needlework symbolism of unionism and to
create a different point of identification for women workers.12
in Arts Projects: Union Involvement Funded Australian Contexts the Political and Institutional
in the 1980s have been The challenges facing the Australian trade union movement in any detail here.13 However, they well documented and need not be considered included such factors as: the decline of the manufacturing industry, the heartland of these unions; of blue collar unionism and the consequent decline inmembership the vastly increased numbers of women participating in paid work, particularly in
were sector hard service and casual jobs, which part-time had few most devoted unions resources; traditionally to organise the and and break for which down of
traditional work-based
continued educated the trade throughout middle-class union
class
the 1980s white-collar
identification
as workers many
which
who of did these
had begun
included not automatically
the workforce
increasing
movement.
However,
white-collar
(or professional associations) and many of these affiliated to the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and state peak councils during this period which changed the balance of interests within these peak councils and presented alternate union identities. Other challenges included the increasingly complex media and environment which raised problems for unions both in trying to communications unions
LabourHistory
Number 79
November 2000
reach an increasingly diverse membership, many of whom spoke English as a second language, and in combating sophisticated media and public relations campaigns run by corporations and right-wing think-tanks.14 Australian unions met these challenges with a number of strategies which changed over the course of the decade. The Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union (AMWU) provides a useful example. From themiddle years of the 1970s, itdeveloped
a large national in-house Their research, role was education to educate and publicity and team facilitate of professional membership 'labour technocrats'.15 members
action on economic and industrial policy and also to develop a strong union public profile in contributing to debates around public policy and social change. At this time some of their education officers, such asMax Ogden, also facilitated workplace
based cultural activities such as concerts, poetry readings and factory arts festivals.16
independence from theAustralian Up until the early 1980s, the AMWU maintained Labor Party (ALP). However, by 1982, theAMWU had become one of the key players in the development and pursuit of the Accord between the ACTU and the ALP.17 The Accord established very close links between the Hawke government and the
trade union movement, despite the reservations of some unions that real wages
would
union increased
lead to passivity
of this close and specific
and disenchantment
with government
amongst
was
relationship
centres
programs.
Trade unions had first received government funding for a range of initiatives to benefit themembership during the term of theWhitlam government. In 1982, during term in office, the Australia Council introduced the Fraser Coalition government's its Art and Working Life policy and incentive program which was specifically to arts and established to assist the access and participation of working Australians cultural activities through the trade union movement.19 That the Australia Council as the appropriate agency to facilitate should recognise the trade union movement
the delivery of arts and culture to working Australians had been made more
convincing by theACTU's earlier adoption of itsArts and Creative Recreation Policy in 1980. The policy stated that
declares that there is a continuing Congress become more involved in the arts and cultural The history the cultural of the needs trade to union movement and life of the nation be need shows for the trade unions to
This
impact circumstances.20
developed
Within
Australians.
the Australia
The ACTU policy also emphasised the importance of the availability of artworks that reflected the experiences of working life and 'that depicts the trade unions' contribution toAustralian life'. It also had sections covering employment in the arts
and media industries, media ownership, of new the Australian Broadcasting Corporation
of workplace
trade union
based
cultural
facilities
contemporary
and
production
banners
signifying
union identities fitted within this policy agenda. The production of banners also fitted within the first of the four objectives of the Australia Council's Art andWorking Life Policy which was To encourage art practice
Muir
195
and policy which is informed by the concerns and issues affecting workers' own lives and which acknowledges working class cultural tradition and themulticultural nature of that tradition'.22 This policy objective indicated that issues of diversity within union culture and membership were important components within projects funded under the program. The South Australian United Trades and Labor Council's (UTLC) 'Arts Policy' made the emphasis on diversity even more clearly. Point eight reads: 'Stress the diversity of groups that comprise the workforce and the union
movement women and workers, initiate workers and encourage arts activities that focus in from non-Anglophone backgrounds, workers particular in regional on
areas and unemployed workers'. The final point emphasises the need for images of affirmation: 'Seek to develop new ways of promoting positive images of workers and unionism throughout the whole range of arts activities' [emphasis mine].23 One of the strategies to assist the participation of trade unions in such projects was the in several state peak councils and partial funding of the salary of arts officers placed theACTU itself. This strategy implicitly acknowledged the need for a bridge between the poorly organised and highly individualistic arts community,24 and overworked and pragmatic union officials who had neither the time nor the language towrite arts funding grant applications which would meet the highly specific requirements of
agencies.
This necessarily
production of
brief overview
trade
context
points
for the
contemporary
pertinent
to the subsequent discussion of banner production. Firstly, the 1980s to early 1990s was a time of significant changes to the composition of the workforce and the industrial landscape which posed new challenges to the recruitment and organising
of members. Secondly, the trade union movement itself was changing as blue collar
unions lost hundreds of thousands of members and white collar unions grew in the heterogeneity of Australian unions, size and influence. This period highlighted the underlying political, industrial and cultural differences between them despite their pragmatic participation in the Accord, which many recognised was unlikely to serve all members equally well. Thirdly, and importantly, these changes to the
union movement did not occur in a vacuum but were part of a much broader set of
changes
of other
to the Australian
social movements
and international
such as
the women's
indigenous
activists
rights movements,
increased
migrant workers
on trade unions
placed
pressure
within
eyes
in the
priorities,
positions were
unions and
grants although
a levy on their
councils
affiliation
core
than elected or
sections of the
officers.26
membership;
members and
provided
to work on
a voice
special
for such
projects
LabourHistory
Number 79
November 2000
to government on behalf of union and to develop policy and make submissions and developing and promoting union policies advocating the rights of members; such groups and strategies (such as targeted positions on decision-making bodies).27 It is also useful to recognise that by 1988, the Liberal-National coalition
government's 'Waste Watch' committee had mounted an extended and vehement
press campaign criticising government grants to unions.28 They claimed such grants constituted political funding and were awaste of taxpayers' money. Itbecame clear
that most government government and funding unions several to unions and peak would disappear councils allowed under some a future of their coalition programs
towind down
in such
in anticipation
programs,
for a reduction
services
reduced key reason was that the decline in union membership union budgets, despite the anticipated benefits of amalgamation which had promised the 1990s. Another
increased and more diverse specialist services. These factors led many unions and
peak councils
reduced budgets.29
of customs, unionist
signifiers of trade unionism inAustralia have been heavily shaped by three traditions: the nineteenth century British labour tradition, the 1890s Australian bush unionism
and the social-realist iconography of the 1930s.33
comprehensive
the unions as and
liberty,
or virtues
inAustralian
Australian
historic
as allegorical and men equally figures. They found few examples of women on a union banner. The Eastern Goldfields Branch of Amalgamated represented Tailors and Tailoresses Society and the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union were significant exceptions.35 The 1890s Australian bush unionism as expressed in
the poems, stories and journalism of Henry it was Lawson, Bernard O'Dowd and William
Lane might
bushman
have differed
and rural worker
strong
the blue-collar
In Victoria Of these
more
were years,
historical
only banners
1856
and
1950. of the in
ornate organised
in separate
such
that
conjunction with
the Hyde
in Sydney
Muir
97
exhibition 'the badges of your labour were the banners of your pride' in 1984. The banner room at the old Trades Hall in Sydney still houses about 40 of these restored
historic banners.
The publication of British historian John Gorman's book triggered some interest in the fate and location of historic Australian union banners amongst unionists in the areas of labour history in museums and themselves and others working at the University universities. Andrew Reeves of Melbourne (whilst working of Archives, and later at the National Museum of Australia and at the Museum Victoria) combed the country trying to locate old union banners and tells of rescuing silk banners from old halls.38 mouldy and tattered remains of formerly magnificent His search unearthed some magnificent banners in good condition and Reeves has played a significant contribution in preserving this valuable historical record of labour history, with their images of vanished (masculine) trades, skills and worksites. Four main factors influenced the revival of interest in trade union banner production. They included the development of the exhibition of Australian historical banners at Hyde Park Barracks; the publication of Stephen and Reeves' book Badges of Labour, Banners of Pride in 1984; the subsequent lecture tour by John Gorman in 1985; and the availability of funds through theArt and Working
Australia commenced Council and some state new commissioning departments. banners reflecting arts A number
of unions
the contemporary
and concerns of their membership. In 1982, Geoff Hogg commenced work on the Victorian Trades Hall Council banner and established an arts workshop based in the old Trades Hall building, which stayed in production and employed various
artists for over a decade.39 Other early examples of the revival of interest in trade
banners included Rick Amor's 1980 banner for the Victorian branch of Australian Postal and Telecommunications Union and Redback Graffix' 1981 banner for the South Coast Miner's Federation. In 1984, the Sydney branch of Actors Equity
commissioned a new banner. It was a double-sided textile banner appliqued and
union
sewn by Nola Taylor to a design by graphic artist, Michael Fitzjames. This was the first of a series of new banners to be produced using traditional feminine needlework
techniques.
states participated in exhibitions which reclaimed women's from the dustbin of 'amateurism' towhich the fine art world
and explored their subversive potential.41 to assert classes, They utilised the
soothing, to form
together with
demands
their connotations
cultural
of traditional
with and
feminist of this
connections backgrounds,
revival
in trade
union
banner
production
in community contexts and together with the increased activity of artists working the new availability of government funding for such projects supported a veritable
LabourHistory
Number 79
November 2000
explosion of new trade union banner production. The United Trades and Labor Council in South Australia gained a series of grants to fund artists' fees for the production of new trade union banners tomark the UTLC's centenary in 1984.43At the UTLC's 1987 banner exhibition 'Modern Trade Union Banners' 21 new banners ones were represented through were exhibited and four more partially-completed into the visual iconography of This burst of productive energy photographs.
unionism created a very competitive climate where unions vied for more spectacular a
and distinctive
particular states
worked
of the
between
union.
unions within
Unions with
same
in, cultural activities (such as the AMWU, history of support for, or participation the Seamen's Union, and various building unions) were some of the first to become involved. However, others which had different historical perspectives on cultural
products and on the role and value of contemporary imagery of unionism also
participated. The diversity of forms and identities of unionism was reflected in the diverse styles, images and text included in themany banners which were produced across all states of Australia during the 1980s and early 1990s. The greatest stylistic diversity of banners occurred in South Australia (26 banners during the 1980s and an additional six, at least, during the 1990s with more than 16 artists involved in their design and production). In other states such as New South Wales (particularly inNewcastle), Victoria and Western Australia where one or two
artists many produced of the new the majority banners. This of the banners, sometimes there resulted was in an coherence iconographie there were artists who in style across similarity a
being established
and membership few examples or two banners.
between
coverage.
unions
In these in a different
despite
three style
significant
states, however, by produced
differences
in their politics
also made at least only one
of banners
The most interesting variations in banner design and production techniques over this period related to the different ways union and membership identity were expressed. Some of the other factors which influenced the style of banner developed included whether or not the union had sought and obtained grant funding for the project or had raised their own funds; the size of their budget; the degree towhich in the design and making of the banner; they wanted to involve the membership the artist selected; the political affiliation of the union and its particular industrial
priorities and concerns; the constitution of the committee or group overseeing the
banner's
wanted
design;
to use
for which
their own
they
the banner.
budget
might have preferred their union insignia to be reproduced as the main design component for the banner. Such a commission would therefore have been unlikely
to receive contribution as it did not grant funding from an artist and could represent well be an for original opportunity a executed signwriter. by creative
glorious absences
symbolic
tradition. Therefore, whilst many included reference to the banner tradition, they sought to reinterpret and transform it through the content, form and style of their
Muir
99
banner designs. As Burn noted, instead of the stereotyped heroic male worker 'artists tend to represent equality of the sexes, even where this may be premature in the industry represented'.44 Not only did artists represent gender equality, they often
also chose, in consultation with the union design committee or executive, to represent
cultural diversity and privilege indigenous workers. In general, this choice ignored the reality that most unions still had a poor record of addressing the needs of these sectors of theirmembership and little, if any, representation from these groups within bodies and positions of power.45 their decision-making
This intentions choice and raises readership. some On interesting the one issues hand, the about choice strategies, representational an affirmative, or to adopt
positive,
faults of the silences
to the
culture
to 'address
of positive
inside dependent
Such strategies also fitted the affirmative representations advocated in both the ACTU and UTLC arts policies. Certainly, as many approach
and outside upon unions the unions argued, recognising the revitalisation and harnessing of the union the skills movement and resources was of
of workers.46
all sectors of the membership and better representing this diverse collection of interests and identities.47 Within the representational politics of the union banners
the prominent inclusion of women performing as skilled trades work also acted as a
recognise
as comrades.48
unions
to these also a promotional decisions which for many aspect design reason a banner. saw the key for commissioning union Some officials as an a the banner to promote of both their own union opportunity positive image to the and unionism movement and the union itself. Unions used generally public as their banners to media in marches at and protest conferences, rallies, backdrops was
celebratory
conferences,
events
at trade
(such as dinners
fairs, and at skills
and fundraising
expos. The design
events)
of a new
at union
banner
and ALP
presented
the opportunity
concerns, its
a contemporary
its achievements.
strengths,
but also potential members, the undecided general public and union opponents would see this image. Itwas a critical opportunity for the union to reposition itself symbolically and to develop a positive image for the television cameras. A few unions and artists failed to grasp this opportunity and there were several banners produced during this period that failed to succeed asmedia objects as their design was too detailed to be read from a distance or by television cameras. A few other banners were crudely designed or painted which led to criticisms from funding
bodies and and poor other art.49 arts In some commentators instances: that these banners were political propaganda
about projects little [arose] from artists with expectations conflicting of trade unions and their traditions, and from trade unionists ... in art and with ideas about little experience holding fairly traditional artistic issues.50 vastly experience
However,
These kinds of conflicts led to dissatisfaction on the part of some participating artists. for other artists the experience was deeply satisfying, extending their
100
LabourHistory
Number 79
November 2000
for specific audiences and of the complex nature of meanings understanding exposing the artists to experiences, people and environments which were new to
them.51
Many of the textile banners of the 1980s and early 1990s were, and still are, loved by union officials, delegates, members and by the public. This can be seen by
the regular attention such banners attract from strangers who want to know about
and how it got such a beautiful object, and if can they touch a promotional opportunity highly valued by some union
can of present and range issues banners opportunities even the basic therefore can to directly nature and present union explain role of unions for
conversations
as well prominent
opportunities
of women,
non-Anglophone
and
indigenous
workers
within the imagery of these banners presents the unions as inclusive and respectful of cultural diversity. As noted above, this reflects the reality of the membership of
many unions but rarely its decision-making structures, industrial or political
cynically exploiting
for many unions
and artists the question was rather a matter of trying to foster change through changing both the symbols as well as the realities of power.52 This strategy goes hand in hand with the slow and painful process of changing the institutional culture and
its techniques allocation, concerned and had of power the practices 'progressive' such of as the rules, industrial policies resource the structures, decision-making In other instances the unions negotiation.53 on issues of gender, affairs race, indigenous
and international
affirmative measures
These unions their banner
within
were
their
proud
more to represent these groups organisations appropriately. of their achievements and wanted them represented within
as evidence
of their commitment to equality and social justice issues. For those artists who had come from a background of 1960s and 1970s political
activism these in the anti-war, achievements and women's, policy environment commitments and and land rights the fact movements, had itwas some that unions
institutional
movement 1970s arts and
the labour
1980s
practice.54
The Australian first place. art and craft scene of the contemporary was not a conducive a to pursue environment in which political a in contexts artists offered (a rare wage community Working
industrial benefit
other people's lives and
of learning about
to a It also political offered
of access
understanding the opportunity to many artworkers Some groups, academics commissions. For was artists of artists union these others
to be who or
as a skilled also
was which very something important an the attempts to either establish within across other art work existing a wide paid industrial range work and unions.57
artists
alternated organisers a
union and
related with
or arts
occasional
with
a rare
experience
in feminism and be
and accepted
it of
Muir
101
Wiseman
artists such as Pam Harris and Gwenda Socialist-feminist their experience of gaining an intimate understanding of thework and themembership of the left-wing Builders Labourers Federation (BLF) processes its traditions of support for the underdog, support forworker and in commemorating in developing an 'authentic' Australian culture, for industrial militancy participation the labour movement. valued
and the green bans.58 It seems likely that the rewards of this working relationship had to do with both the romantic appeal of the radicalism and notoriety of the BLF, and the personal bonds formed with those particular officials and members who were genuinely and deeply supportive of their artists. In addition, there were complicated questions to do with being a feminist artist depicting the male culture of the building industry and that these artists' subjectivities in relation to these was never addressed within these (and other Art and Working Life) questions it is also clear that projects. Whilst this is a point worthy of greater consideration, some women artists gained particular benefits and satisfaction from their
engagement For and artists with with 'macho' stereotypically a of commitment history such as Harris, Ann rights, unions. to left activism, Newmarch and student-worker Megan Evans, alliances working
Aboriginal
unpaid
similar
their banners
and be less
tended
innovative
to draw more
in style and
directly upon
form. However,
the historical
for some
banner
feminist
tradition
artists the
collaboration did pose some interesting and complicated tensions around issues of gender and feminist politics that they addressed within the form of their work. These artists found that the use of the textile medium to represent the identity of a masculine union provided them with the opportunity of subverting traditionally
the 'macho' stereotypes of blue-collar manual work. Daphne Stitt, who made two
highly ornate textile banners for blue-collar male dominated South Australian unions (the Building Workers Industrial Union (BWIU) and the AMWU), has commented
on the pleasure she gained from confounding the stereotypes of 'macho' blue-collar
workers
by providing them with a vibrant representation of their identity produced using traditionally feminine needlework practices.59 These techniques were also highly practical for banners that needed to be rolled or folded for ease of transportation and that might get wet from rain and even mud
at worksite demonstrations. Textile banners could even be washed or drycleaned
when the need arose and if necessary of the banner. The quilting of multiple
banner that was often more resilient
repairs could be incorporated within the form layers of fabric resulted in a strong and flexible
than the traditional banner painted in oils or
even modern
incorporated to
acrylic
within a
paint.
textile
The diversity
banner provided
of craft techniques
scope for the
that could
representation
be
of
traditional industrial skills. Stitt utilised a range of dyeing and stitching techniques
represent traditional construction skills such as terrazzo work, bricklaying, paving,
fencing and plastering within the form of the BWIU banner. Such textural renditions of meaning were less possible within the traditional form of the painted banners. A
number of textile banners were also made using 'piecing' techniques which resonate
with
of strength
in unity.60
LabourHistory
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November 2000
Colour andCelebrationinTextileBanners
The traditional historical banners featured very formal designs and generally utilised
a sombre palette. They communicated the seriousness of the business of unionism
and commanded
banner makers
as public
institutions. Contemporary
traditions through more
representational
informal designs and through use of amuch fuller palette as well as using different media. Many utilise the play of colour and texture to celebrate the union's
membership, an organisation identity and concerned goals with and social to make justice the union as well as appear industrial more accessible as issues.
Footwear Julie Montgarref s banner for the national office of the Amalgamated and Textile Workers Union (AFTWU) offers a good example of the application of colour and sense of celebration. The banner utilises screen printing, appliqu? and machine embroidery, and features images of (primarily female) members at work undertaking awide range of tasks associated with the industry. Montgarref s design for the AFTWU reveals the diversity and feminised nature of the (often invisible)
workforce and associates the union with contemporary popular discourses of
multiculturalism. The vibrancy of the colours and textures and the flowing design the banner contribute to the mood of celebration.61 The affirmative and within idealised representations of unionism suggested by the banner derive from the co the intimacy of the portraits of the operation and diversity of the membership,
workers, several of whom engage the viewer's gaze, rather than any collective
are given additional complexity political action. The portraits of the members use of hand-colouring of layers of semi and the superimposition through the transparent fabric and net suggesting complex identities. The appeal of Montgarref s banner lies not only in the detail of the design but also in the vibrancy of the colours and the appeal of its tactility. The grid pattern on the reverse has the same portraits of workers leaning out, over and through the grid, breaking down the divisions within the form of both the traditional device of the grid and themetaphoric notion of the grid as social divisions. Again the feminist strategies of respect for difference and co-operation for change are utilised in a representational approach to signifying
unionism Montgarret of the same that evokes also made portraits, and rhetoric the strategies of social unionism. (movement) a smaller, some version of this banner, less ornate including to carry on demonstrations. The union's Victorian branch
and to Fairwear
PiperAlphaCondolenceBanner
Julie Montgarref the banner from s Banner Condolence Piper Alpha and tradition its contemporary represents a re-interpretations. departure significant It is one of the
most
eloquent examples of textile techniques being adapted to carry amessage of solidarity. Itwas initiated through the Victorian Trades Hall Council (VTHC) in 1988-89 whilst Montgarret was artist in residence at the VTHC Arts Workshop. It is
a promotional unionism of expression more generally. individual Instead, union itwas nor of identity contemporary to express created international
neither Australian
solidarity and empathy with the impact on a particular community of a major industrial accident. The banner was sent as a gift to the City of Aberdeen from the
Muir workers
103
of the Piper Alpha oil rig disaster which of Australia in commemoration occurred on 7 July 1988, with the loss of 170 lives. The main panels of the banner are made from a fine grade, transparent, polyester screen-printing mesh on which the artist painted images of the ocean and mid-summer night sky onto both layers which when wildness
disaster,
overlaid added a moir?, watery effect.63 The darkness of tones indicate the of the sea and that the disaster occurred at night. Over 170 small dyed-red each carrying the name of one of those who died during and after the squares,
are placed over the sky/ocean image. The red squares are anchored between
the transparent front and back layers of mesh by way of a grid of machine-stitched lines which pass through the middle of each square horizontally and vertically. The stitched grid isboth a small cross and amarker of their sea graves. A map of Scotland, in bright blue, fills most of the front panel. It locates the rig embroidered and acknowledges that most of the workers were Scottish. The rig, geographically itself, is stitched in very small scale in relation to the frame to suggest the fragility of the structure so distant from land and the distance of over 300 feet from the lowest deck to the sea (many of the workers had to jump this distance when the rig exploded). In each corner of the banner Montgarret has placed seabirds including gulls, puffins and guillemots not only for their insistent presence around oil rigs (in both Australia and the North Sea) and their common appearance around the Scottish coast but also in their own right as victims. Sea birds died by the thousand in the resulting oil slick that spread as far as Norway. On the reverse panel, Montgarret included a faint rainbow in reference to the bravery of all the workers - including
the crews of the rescue boats who were at great risk in even approaching the rig.
The origin of the banner resulted through a combination of the then VTHC arts officer Daphne Stitf s connection with Scotland and her interest in the British tradition
of condolence banners, together with Montgarret's own involvement in the
establishment of the Victorian branch of theAIDS memorial quilt project. They were both aware of the significance of textiles in relation to grief and healing. Montgarret notes the suitability of textile as a medium of condolence for its 'familiarity, its
connotations of protection, comfort and security as resonant materials [and] also
the processes of making which supported and encouraged the process of grieving and celebration of lives'.64 Stitt arranged the transport of the banner to Aberdeen at through the Seamen's Union of Australia. It hangs in the Hall of Remembrance the Aberdeen City Art Gallery and occasionally visitors place wreaths of flowers
beside it.65
LabourHistory Number 79
November 2000
Plate 1: 'Women inTrade Unions' banner designed by Kay Lawrence and ElaineGardner Photo courtesy of theUnited Trades and Labor Council of South Australia The banner depicted in Plate Iwas designed by Kay Lawrence and made by Elaine Gardner with the participation of members of the South Australian Women inTrade Unions Network.66 The network was an informal group of women unionists which
existed the to give support and culture to women strange who or were alienating. new to trade Many union activism union and officials found and customs women
members of formal committees such as theWomen's Standing Committee supported the activities of the network and were also involved in the design and production of
the banner.
The banner's design draws upon the traditional symbolism of women's suffrage struggles through its choice of colours: purple, green, yellow and white67. Whilst the design has similarities to the traditional union banner design with a central image and decorative border it also subverts the heroic and formal aspects of the traditional design. Whereas in the traditional banner itwould be usual to see proud male figures marching in a line in support of their demands or a sole heroic male figure representative of allmale workers, the image chosen as the central panel for this banner connects to a very different method of organising. The photographic in an Adelaide image, reproduced as a cyanotype (or blueprint), depicts women march with a banner calling for improved childcare facilities. The nature May Day of the issue selected is in stark contrast with those industrial and ideological issues in the foreground on union banners. Childcare is an issue which traditionally placed particularly highlights the dual role of women as paid and unpaid workers and there has been a long battle by women unionists to get it recognised as an industrial
issue. The women are walking in a casual line, two women on the centre left are
Muir
1105
in conversation, another, on the right, pushes her baby in a pram. The organising suggests the informal processes of women's arrangement of women rather than the formal and hierarchical union structures of through networking committees and elected officials. Instead of an ornate and formal gold border, as image appears to be 'stuck on' many traditional banners employ, the photographic to the banner background by means of photographic corners. This device links the deep
image to another domestic artefact, the family album, and to women's role as the
keeper of family and community histories. The central image is surrounded by two rows of intertwined purple ribbons on which words are embroidered. The words also differ from the traditional banner content in that they are in seven different languages and express the things that include women do together as part of their organising for change. The words
expressions of emotion such as 'laughing', 'caring7 and 'dancing7.68 The banner also
features handmade
on one woman's lapel
details
and
embroidery
jacket. These
around a rosette
also increase
details
the link towomen's domestic needlework and to intimacy instead of formality. The banner reverse is a simple deep purple satin with the title 'women in trade unions' The whole banner is hand quilted, appliqu?d in cursive lettering inwhite and yellow.
a task undertaken collectively by members of the network under Gardner's co
ordination, and which links the banner to the invisible histories of women in both the industrial and domestic spheres. The construction process also put into practice
the network's hope for a more participative unionism. The luscious sheen of the
the joyful and purple satin, the intimacy of the women calling for childcare, and soft colours and style invite the viewer to join with these women for pleasure as and touch and works to much as protection. The image invites participation and make more accessible the often threatening and overwhelming demystify
masculine symbolism and traditions of unionism. It also positions unions as part of
a broad social coalition, just another set of people working for change. In this way it anticipates the strategy of social (or social movement) unionism which has become and a contested a key strategy in the United States and Canadian labour movements
one within debates on the future of Australian unionism.69
inTrade Unions Network banner utilises feminist cultural strategies of subversion, and desire in its design and construction, together with employment of traditional feminine craft techniques. The incorporation of domestic crafts within The Women
an industrial context also calls to attention some of the anomalies in the situation of
women
with regard to their double load of paid and unpaid domestic work. Feminism as an underlying principle for women's organising ismade explicit in the women's symbol on the top left hand corner of the banner's heading and again
through Many council symbols Australian women's and on the badges union banners lapels of some marchers. made for union as an explicit symbol and peak linkage rarely instead (especially the women's incorporate unionists women's observe banners
to feminism. appears
Canadian
and
on Canadian
with
activism
represented
through bread and roses. Bread and roses was the symbol adopted by the Lawrence textile workers in their strike against inhumane hours and the use of child labour in 1912, when they said they were on strike 'not just for bread but for roses too'.70 This inNorth America. symbolism iswidely known and used with considerable affection
Number 79
November 2000
lacks the historical parallel of such amajor women's industrial labour and its subsequent martyrs, nor has it struggle recognised by organised developed any commensurate symbols of shared interest.71 Some Australian unions have adopted the use of the rose in relation towomen's organising but this has its antecedents in the rose of the British Labour party rather than the North American roses. Some examples of the rose as a feminist union symbol include theWestern
Australian and South Australian TLC women's badges, the Victorian NTEU women's committee banner designed and made by Anne Learmonth, and the South Australian AMWU women's committee T-shirt and caps. The UTLC in South Australia has recently adopted a version of the bread and roses logo in promotional material for activities of interest towomen unionists. Assistant Secretary Michelle Hogan says that theWomen's Standing Committee has been impressed by the symbol's capacity to express the complexity of women's experiences within the union movement: that of difference; belonging and their contributions to the labour movement.72
Plate 2:Transport Workers Union of Australia (SA/NT)'banner designed by JoannaBarrkman Photo courtesy ofKarlhuber photography The Transport Workers Union (TWU) banner designed and made by artist Joanna artist Christina Yambeing Barrkman with the assistance of indigenous (from Arts), is one of very few Australian banners to attempt to explicitly Merrepen associate the union with the struggle for land rights.73 The TWU banner not only land which the TWU members traverse seeks to acknowledge that it isAboriginal constantly in their work, but also Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders members.74 The banner incorporates the techniques of silk painting and appliqu? and is exceptionally beautiful with vibrant reds and ochre tones referring to both western and indigenous conceptualisations of the landscape.
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107
a traditional design format of an oval medallion with surrounding and border. However, both the palette and medium are distinctly different. images The central image is of a road train with three tanks which immediately suggests It utilises
outback Australia as in most other states only two can be hauled. On either side of
indicating the historic methods of transport in that hostile environment and they also refer to the work of Afghan and Aboriginal men in transporting goods into remote areas. The road train is depicted in front of awell known Northern
Devils Marbles.
Territory
Across
the work of the TWU takes place and the 'represent(s) the land upon which relationship that we have to this land. The serpent has universal significance in
Aboriginal cultures and takes various forms and meanings'.75 The border of the
banner reflects two different styles of Aboriginal art found in the territory, the dot painting of the central desert region and the cross hatching from the top end. When
carried in events as such the as silk the Darwin shimmers is spectacular May Day parade, in the sunshine eyewitnesses and the colours say the banner glow. These
qualities
banner
degree
of interest both
The TWU banner
in the
marks
its existence.
the nature of thework as being particularised by its location, the exceptional distances
members travel and dependence of people in remote areas on their work in providing
It commits the union symbolically to the transport system. of Aboriginal ownership of the land and their special cultural acknowledgement land rights over any specific relationship to that land. In this way it privileges
industrial issues.
an effective
This banner raises the general question of whether it is appropriate for unions to employ signifiers of Aboriginality when their own practices generally, in relation to investigating and servicing the specific needs of Aboriginal members, leave much
to be desired.76 As in the case of migrant workers and other under-represented
groups,
difference a more
the matter
for central
can be viewed
purposes within the
both as an exploitation
and/or union's as a
of visible
their on
signifiers
issues our sleeve'
of
into
promotional position
approach utilises such imagery to indicate a progressive empathy for, and solidarity with, marginalised workers in the hope that these workers will be more likely to join the union. It could also, more kindly, be seen as a deliberate strategy by union leadership to promote the interests of marginalised groups within the union, and as a political issue requiring members' support, by raising their profile to the very symbolic heart of union identity. Whether or not such unions are willing to adopt strategies of structural support to better ensure the representation of their issues
(such resources certainly in/to as targeted to service instances central their positions their where on specific unions positions key decision-making issues industrial been have happy refused bodies) remains to and the necessary There of women steps which to are questionable.
have but
fail
improve to consider
or have the
images.77
108 LabourHistory
Number 79
November 2000
Conclusion
Feminist artists and feminist art practices had a significant influence on the revival of the tradition of trade union banner making in Australia during the 1980s and 1990s. Feminist interest in reviving traditional women's domestic needlework early skills and adapting them to the themes of contemporary social and political change
became a strand within Australian strong a commitment in this article have retained its represented to reservations production. to the principles it in an affirmative about matter that the banner The artists discussed its role have and not of unionism, way. They
and have possibilities, to make reference attempted represent appropriate in found challenges depiction women's to do the to form
to of unions capacity effectively nor would of the banners, it be to these banner issues may Feminist in feminist the be
reference
traditional
by structures
feminist of
unionism in the
of women
in non-traditional
trades,
inclusion
iconography
and peak These within promotion decision-making
of policies
practices
structures.78
Secondly,
within
the cultural
as
and symbolic
within the
realms of unionism
traditional to not only practices 'see how to
which
and women
challenges
of unions. are
their
It
'other'
concerns
sites where identify an Such challenged'.79 approach, for women a different to with kind of unionism. opportunity identify in some this promising as of unions instances, Unfortunately, representation for the of concerns of women, space sympathetic addressing non-English speaking and has been workers to move failure background indigenous betrayed by unions' (but also) practices an create of representation can be
beyond window
dressing
in other
to a systematic
instances
overhaul
of their policies,
that occurred group grievances and the
priorities
and
within around
the union,
reference other
enabled concerns
to raise were
represented
culture.
unions
of the 1980s period of self-organising, their survival celebrating been one and way their in which challenge to a trickle,
union to their
Banners their
traditional the
practices production
Whilst
the collection
significant. the ways unionism.80 processes hoped that
of banners
produced
record the They changing in which feminism has Some banners from
of union
already and However, amalgamation dwindling membership. this generation are not discarded of banners or left to rot like
by it is to be those of
the
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109
E N D N 0 T E S
1890s and that instead that they will be valued as an important record of a period of substantial and contested change in both arts practice and unionism.
Endnotes
1. See for example J.Hughes Film Work (video) Melbourne, 1982; K. Harper, The Useful Theatre: the in Sydney and Melbourne New Theatre Movement 1935-1983', Meanjin, vol. 1,1984, pp. 56-71; A. Reeves, A Tapestry of Australia: the Sydney Wharfies Mural, Waterside Workers Federation, Sydney Port, Sydney, 1992. Visual arts historian Sandy Kirby and (the late) artist, art theorist and unionist Ian Burn are two notable exceptions who have written about the history of labour cultural projects, the cultural and the context provided by that history. S. Kirby and I. Burn, history of the labour movement 'Historical Sketch' in I. Burn (ed.), Working Art: a Survey of Art in theAustralian Labour Movement in the 1980's, Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney, 1985; S. Kirby, Artists and Unions: A Critical Tradition, Australia Council, Redfern, 1992. in B. Pocock in Unions,' and Meaning K. Muir, 'Difference or Deficiency: Gender, Representation (ed.), Strife: Sex and Politics in Labour Unions, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1997, p. 173. in I. Burn, Dialogue: Writings inArt History, Allen and I. Burn, 'Artists in the Labour Movement,' Unwin, North Sydney, 1991, p. 142. in T. Irving S. Garton, 'What have we Done? Labour History, Social History, Cultural History', (ed.), Challenges to Labour History, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 1994, p. 56. M. Lake, The Constitution of Political Subjectivity and theWriting of Labour History' in Irving, and Actions in Left-Wing Movements,' 'Gendered Meanings ibid., pp 75-97. Also J.Damousi, pp. 150-168 in same volume. For a discussion of the situation of non-English speaking background workers see, for example, S. Bertone and G. Griffin, Immigrant Workers and Trade Unions, AGPS, Canberra, 1992. Lake, The Constitution', pp. 140-151; G. Hawkins, p. 77; Burn, 'Artists in the Labour Movement', Mardi Gras: Constructing Community Arts Practice, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1993, From Nimbin to p. 96. Lake, The Constitution', p. 85. Also I. Burn 'Foreword', in Kirby, Artists and Unions, pp. 3-4. Mardi Gras, pp. 133-155. Hawkins, From Nimbin to Hawkins Life program was sold to trade unions (see argues that this is how the Art and Working p. 97). Examples of the capacity of unions to develop structures which utilise diversity as strength in in a number of recent relation to organising and coalition building strategies have been discussed et al. (eds), Organizing to United States labour publications. See, for example, K. Bronfenbrenner Win: New Research on Union Strategies, ILR Press, Ithaca, 1998; G. Mantsios, A New LaborMovement for theNew Century, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1998; M. Ngai, 'Who is an American Worker? Asian Immigrants, Race, and the National Boundaries of Class', in S. Fraser and J. Freeman (eds), Audacious Democracy: Labor, Intellectuals, and the Social Reconstruction of America, Mariner, Boston 1997, pp.172-185; and J.Mort (ed.), Not Your Father's Union Movement: Inside the AFL-CIO, Verso, London and New York, 1998. as potentially For a discussion of women's domestic needlework subversive see R. Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Press, London, 1983. For a Making of the Feminine, Women's see S. Kirby, Sight Lines: discussion of Australian feminist artists' re-discovery of needlework, Women's Art and Feminist Perspectives inAustralia, Craftsman House, East Roseville, 1992, pp. 9-25. For example, P. Berry, Can Unions Survive?, BWIU, Canberra 1989; ACTU, Australia Reconstructed, ACTU, Melbourne, 1987; Evatt Foundation, LabourMovement Strategies for 21st Century, Evatt Foundation, Sydney, 1991; M. Crosby and M. Easson (eds), What Should Unions Do? Pluto Press, Sydney, 1992. A. Carey, The Ideological Management and K. Buckley (eds), Industry^ in T.Wheelwright Media inAustralia, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1987, pp. 156-179. Communications and the S. Scalmer and T. Irving, The Rise of theModern Labour Technocrat: Intellectual Labour and the Transformation of the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union, 1973-85', Labour History, no. 77,1999, pp. 64-82. Artists perhaps could be seen to be a version of a specialist officer or 'technocrat'. See biographical information about Max Ogden as a member of the ACTU's Arts and Creative in D. Mills, Art and Working Life, ACTU/Community Recreation Committee Arts Board, Sydney, 1983, p. 19. The other members of the committee at this time were the ACTU's Arts officer, J. McLean, P. Bloch, L. Carmichael, P. Clancy, M. Crosby, D. Cushion and A. Morgan. For further discussion of this change in attitude and the AMWU's key role in developing the Accord see, for example, F. Stillwell, The Accord ... and Beyond: the Political Economy of the Labor Government, Pluto Press, Sydney 1986; P. Ewer et ah, Politics and theAccord, Pluto Press, Sydney, 1991. Unions who had significant reservations about the Accord included the Australian Teachers Federation and the New South Wales Nurses Association which voted against it at the ACTU's
2.
3. 4. 5. 6.
7.
8. 9. 10. 11.
12.
13.
14. 15.
16.
17.
18.
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19.
Jennie George, Allen and Unwin, Special unions conference in February 1983. See B. Norington, Sydney, 1998, pp. 130-2. Mills, Art and Working Life. At this time about 40 per cent of the Australian workforce were trade union members which made the case that unions were themost logical vehicle to increase the access of workers to the arts amore convincing argument than itwould be today. For a discussion of the political and institutional context inside the Australia Council at the time this policy was Mardi Gras, pp. 91-115. The Art and Working Life introduced, see Hawkins, From Nimbin to program was one of three incentive programs established by Council at that time. The other two were theMulticultural Arts Program and the Youth Arts Program. ACTU, The Arts and Creative Recreation Policy, ACTU, Melbourne, adopted 1981 and revised in 1985, p.l. Ibid. Australia Council's Art and Working Life policy quoted inMills, Art and Working Life, p. 16. UTLC Arts Policy, adopted in 1984 and revised in 1987, Adelaide. Hawkins notes that there were significant tensions Ijetween notions of difference and disadvantage' within projects themselves and the various papers published promoting the program to different audiences. See Hawkins, From Nimbin to Mardi Gras, p. 115. R. Markey, 'Marginal Workers in the Big Picture: Unionization of Visual Artists', Journal of Industrial Relations, vol. 38, no. 1,1996, pp. 22-41. For a discussion of the challenges of organising strategies for diverse memberships see, for example, B. Ellem, 'Organising Strategies for the 1990s Targeting Particular Groups: Women, Migrants Youth', in Crosby and Easson, What Should Unions Do?, pp. 347-361, and J. Shaw, M. 'ADecline in Union Membership: Walton and C. Walton, in the Some Ideas for Trade Unions 1990s', Evatt Foundation, LabourMovement Strategies, pp. 93-104. Bertone and Griffin, Immigrant Workers, p. 99. Examples of some of the strategies developed through grant funded projects and the work of such committees include the 1988 establishment and support of the National Unions Coalition with (NUCAM) and the funding for Aboriginal officers based at several peak Aboriginal Movement and councils; and the 1996 decision by the ACTU to establish targeted positions forWomen and Torres Strait Islander members on the ACTU Council. Examples of projects include Aboriginal the UTLC and Working Women's Centre 1989 arts project with childcare workers, Not Minders Not Mothers Not Martyrs. This project produced a touring exhibition to promote understanding of the skills of childcare workers, the nature of their work and their need for higher wages and better conditions. Examples of reports produced which drew attention to policy issues and made recommendations for change include L. Gatica, Ethnic Minorities and Employment Issues: a Trade Union Perspective, Trades and Labor Council of Western Australia, Perth, 1988; ACTU, Migrants and Unions, Trade Union Information Kit 9, ACTU, Melbourne, 1985; M. Nightingale, Facing the Challenge: Women in Victorian Unions, VTHC, Melbourne, 1991. For some insight into the nature of theWaste Watch attacks and the trade union response, see Art 1989. Work, (video) UTLC, Adelaide, For example, the South Australian United Trades and Labour Council (UTLC) had a regular staff of over 20 during the latter years of the 1980s with several additional short term project staff. In 2000 its staff includes two full time elected officials and three administrative workers with occasional support from short term project staff. These changes reflect the drop in trade union the loss of grant funding and the reduction in affiliation by some unions that no membership, longer regard support to state peak councils as a priority. Such a reduction in staff has significantly changed the broader social, cultural and political roles played by the UTLC and its capacity to initiate or support projects. A. Stephens and A. Reeves, Badges of Labour, Badges of Pride: Aspects ofWorking-Class Celebration, Allen and Unwin, Sydney, p. 2. Lake, The Constitution', p. 85; Burn, 'Artists in the Labour Movement', p. 4. See, for example, C. Cockburn, Brothers: Male Dominance and Technological Change, Pluto Press, In theWay ofWomen: Men's Resistance to Sex Equality inOrganizations, London, 1983; C. Cockburn, Macmillan, London, 1991; D.S. Cobble, Women and Unions: Forging a Partnership, ILR Press, Ithaca, 1993; Nightingale, Facing the Challenge; C. Shute, 'Unequal Partners: Women. Power and Trade Union Movement', in N. Grieve and A. Burns, Australian Women; Contemporary Feminist Thought, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1994; and various chapters in Pocock (ed.), Strife: Sex and Politics in Labour Unions. Kirby and Burn, 'Historical Sketch'. J.Gorman, Banner Bright, Allen Lane, London, 1973. A. Stephens and A. Reeves, Badges of Labour, pp. 3-4; A. Reeves, Another Day, Another Dollar: 1988, p. 83. Working Lives inAustralian History, McCulloch Publishing, Melbourne, J.Damousi, Women Come Rally: Socialism, Communism and Gender inAustralia 1890-1955, Oxford 'Gendered Meanings', 1994; Damousi University Press, Melbourne, pp. 150-168. An example of the worker as liberator can be seen in the New South Wales Liquor Trades Employees Union Banner reproduced on the cover of Stephens and Reeves', Badges of Labour. Stephens and Reeves, Badges of Labour, 'Introduction', no page number. Ibid.
24. 25.
26. 27.
28. 29.
37. 38.
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41.
42. 43.
44. 45.
46. 47.
48.
53.
58.
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59. 60.
61.
62.
67. 68.
74.
75. 76.
in 1985. Itwas seven storey mural From theHod to the Favco on the side of the Rialto building whilst itwas under construction. The mural represented the work of the BLF members. This mural was one of the examples subsequently criticised by theWaste Watch committee. D. Stitt, personal communication to author, 1987. For example, the Seamen's Union Peace Banner (South Australia) and the Australian Nursing Federation's (South Australia) banner. The West Australian TLC Women's Banner, although not 'pieced', is made in such a way that several distinct sections, that can also hang separately, come together as a whole for marches. The New South Wales Teachers' Federation banner is a patchwork of smaller knitted and sewn images. This is in stark contrast to the design of traditional historical banners which was very formal and the seriousness of generally utilised amore sombre palette. The traditional banners communicated the business of unionism and commanded respect for their authority as institutions. Many contemporary banner makers have shaken up this image of unionism Other banners to utilise colour and texture in this way include: M. McMahon and N. Taylor's banner for the AMWU; D. Stitt's banners for the BWIU and AMWU (both in South Australia); K. Muir's banners for the Food Preserver's Union and the Australian Nursing Federation (both in South Australia); D. Humphrys' banners for the Northern Territory Public Sector Union and Communication Workers Union, and E. Gallegos' banner for the Electrical Trades Union (Tasmania). I am very grateful to Julie Montgarret for providing me, at short notice, a copy of her original artist statement and the detailed information on which this section draws. to author, 2000. J. Montgarret, personal communication V. Rigney, Banners of theWorld: the Contemporary Art of Banner Making, exhibition catalogue, 1992, no page number. Glasgow Museums, Glasgow, Lawrence was an Adelaide-based feminist artist whose primary practice was as a tapestry weaver. She had coordinated a number of high profile and local community tapestry projects and commissions (including the Parliament House Embroidery project 1983-88) as well as other textile lecturer at the South Australian School of Art. Gardner was a projects. She was also an occasional textile projects in 1984. She had worked on quilter who had first commenced work on community both tapestry and quilting projects. Both of these artists have subsequently continued their in community projects together with maintaining involvement their individual practice. Banners, both painted and needlework, were a feature of the women's suffrage struggles in Britain (see T?ckner, The Spectacle of Women). particularly are not the words most commonly associated with the formal rhetoric and structures of These unionism. They offer another example of Lake's point about the turn to promoting the idea of in hard times 'substituting the values of 'friendly' unions as a source of support for women friendship for power and care for control' (Lake, The Constitution', p. 85). See Endnote 11. W. Cahn, Lawrence 1912: the Bread and Roses Strike, Pilgrim Press, New York, 1977. See C. Conde, M. Hynes and C. McLeod, 'Bread and Roses Across the Pacific', Hecate, forthcoming 2000. November, M. Hogan, personal communication to author, 2000. The Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (Northern Territory) banner produced in the mid 1980s was another which attempted to acknowledge Aboriginal union both in its membership in its border of T?wi design. imagery and The TWU in the Northern Territory also covers workers in a number of 'eco-tourism' ventures and shares coverage of national parks with the LHMWU as well as covering workers in the conventional transport industries. artist's statement in possession J. Barrkman, Transport Workers Union Banner', unpublished of the author, Darwin, 1996. In the years immediately preceding the banner's production, one of the Northern Territory's TWU's full time officials was Aboriginal. The TWU has played a supportive role in peak council in support of both Aboriginal workers and wider ATSI solidarity campaigns campaigns such as land rights in both South Australia and the Territory. The union has also to pursue the attempted issue of special leave for cultural purpose without success. It has not implemented, however, some of the other suggested strategies to address the issues facing indigenous workers, such as dedicated positions on the union governing body, a separate union committee on indigenous issues or a sub-branch of indigenous members. This information comes from conversations between the author and TWU (South Australia) secretary B. Heffernan and Industrial Officer S. Key during the time that funding for the banner was being sought from the Australia Council. K. Muir, 'Difference or Deficiency' in Pocock (ed.), Strife: Sex and Politics in Labour Unions, pp. 188-9. For discussion of these strategies see, for example, International Labour 'Women's Organisation, in Trade Unions', Labour Education, no. 90,1993; also White, Sisters and Participation Solidarity. Muir, 'Difference or Deficiency', p. 180. It is also a valuable historical body of work that was, in part, produced due to a particular institutional convergence, the ACTU's adoption of its 'Arts and Creative Recreation Policy' in 1980 and the Australia Council's adoption of its 'Art and Working Life Program' in 1982.