International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management

Emerald Article: East European retailing: a consumer perspective Rene Dentiste Mueller, Amanda J. Broderick

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To cite this document: Rene Dentiste Mueller, Amanda J. Broderick, (1995),"East European retailing: a consumer perspective", International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, Vol. 23 Iss: 1 pp. 32 - 40 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09590559510078052 Downloaded on: 01-05-2012 References: This document contains references to 25 other documents Citations: This document has been cited by 2 other documents To copy this document: permissions@emeraldinsight.com This document has been downloaded 1491 times.

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East European retailing: a consumer perspective

Rene Dentiste Mueller and Amanda J. Broder ick

Quantitative analysis of East European retailing

Most studies on East European retailing have tended to be observational or anecdotal[1-3]. When effecting comparative analyses of East European retail systems, researchers have usually concentrated on contrasting retail systems in terms of square footage, turnover or capital and labour utilization and dened inefciencies based on variances from the Western pattern of retailing[4-7]. Given the communality of Western European[8], North American and Japanese retail distribution development[9], it is logical to assume that the economically advanced transitional economies will experience a similar pattern of development as they move towards the free market especially as the level of western food industry interest in the area is high. Descriptive analyses of East European retail systems have tended to generalize ndings across the region and have been made from the Western point of view. Few, if any, researchers have incorporated East European consumers views to see if they perceive the same inadequacies. This research hopes to bridge this gap in current literature by analysing results from consumer surveys administered in Eastern Europe in 1993. The ndings are intended to complement and lend support to past descriptive retail analyses and enable a clearer understanding of retailing in transitional economies. The empirical evidence summarized here offers a less biased understanding of food retail systems in Eastern Europe, consumer behaviour and consumer satisfaction with the various forms of food retailing.

The authors Rene Dentiste Mueller is a Lecturer in Marketing at De Montfort University, Leicester, UK. Amanda J. Broderick is a Graduate Research Assistant in Marketing at De Montfort University, Leicester, UK. Abstract Describes an extensive consumer survey carried out in 1993 in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Empirical ndings provide an understanding of the food retail systems in Eastern Europe, consumer behaviour and consumer satisfaction with the various forms of food retailing. The cross-cultural descriptive comparisons support and expand on current literature in East European retail systems, and bridge an information gap by incorporating East European consumer views. The analysis is particularly useful for domestic and international retailers when considering their development strategies. Primary ndings show that frequency of shopping (the majority shop at least three times a week) and distance to shop (within walking distance) is due to lack of an adequate domestic infrastructure. Surprisingly, the majority of Bulgarians and Czechs use private shops most often, whereas state-owned stores seem to be prevalent in Hungary. Perceptions of stores in terms of layout, cleanliness, atmosphere, good service, quality foods, good variety of foods, favour private shops and mirror Western perceptions about the substandard nature of Communist food retailing. Hungary is exceptional in that the best prices are perceived in state-owned shops.

Summary of East European retailing

Traditionally, East European governments have held a Marxist/Leninist view of distribution channels. Marx considered middlemen as being parasitic in nature and distribution as a social waste because it did not add value to products[10]. It was further perceived that wholesalers and retailers created anarchy by constantly ghting for prots[11]. Therefore, to create order and reduce anarchy, the State replaced private trade and centralized the apparatus for distribution. Private trade was replaced by a centralized distribution system operated jointly by the State and co-operatives. Co-operatives sup32

International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management Volume 23 Number 1 1995 pp. 3240 MCB University Press ISSN 0959-0552

plied and operated outlets primarily in the rural areas while the State did likewise in the urban areas. In order to reduce labour uctuations, achieve economies of scale and efcient distribution, and to improve protability, agricultural enterprises were allowed to integrate forward into retailing; many came to operate large chains of retail food outlets. The State was responsible for interpreting consumer food needs and set these needs into a series of commands to the farms and foodprocessing enterprises. Prices were set centrally, largely to reect the social requirements of low cost food[12]; quality indices were scarcely considered[8]. Owing to the State procurement system, only the cheaper foods were produced; e.g. coarse fruits and vegetables and foods at a low level of processing[13]. Retailers, and ultimately consumers, had little choice in the quality and type of food products offered. Competition in the retail food sector was purposely limited. Retailers were given geographical monopolies and were generally specialized according to categories; e.g. fruit and vegetable shops, butchers, grocery stores, etc. There was a noticeable lack of large supermarkets. Given the low level of automobile ownership (Table I), shops had to be close to population centres. The State, therefore, located retail outlets with a view to ensuring equal access to available goods and services[1]. For example, in Wroclaw Poland the goal was to locate shops a maximum of 300 metres from places of residence[14]. Outlets are typically small, with retail selling space per head of population being just 20-30 per cent of that in Western Europe[4]; many are only the size of a small living room[5]. Owing to small shop size (Table II),
Table I Automobile ownership (1986)

Table II East European retailing

Selling space Per 000 sq. m 1,000 pop. Bulgaria Czechoslovakia Hungary Poland Rumania 2012 4769 2413 13610 224 306 226 362 189

Outlets Total Per number 1,000 pop. 34.4 55.9 160.7 52.1 3.8 3.6 5.0 2.3

Source: Comecon Statistical Yearbook gures quoted in[4]

the product range has been limited and many shoppers have had to frequent several shops to procure adequate food supplies[7]. One-stop shopping has been almost non-existent. Owing to the lower economic status accorded the distributive trades (viewed as such because distribution was perceived as not adding value) the retail sector received signicantly lower levels of labour and capital inputs than in the West. Service elements were also systematically neglected; retailing was plagued by understafng, poor pay and low occupational status[7]. Retailing in Eastern Europe is generally perceived as being less developed than in the industrialized West. Indeed, while there has been continued growth in the forms of new types of Western retailing (e.g. supermarkets, hypermarkets, cash and carrys, discounters, etc.), retail innovation in Eastern Europe has remained, until recently, relatively static since the late 1950s/early 1960s. Despite considerable chainstore activity, shops remain small and category-based, reminiscent of Western retailing in the 1960s. The perpetual sellers market also precluded retailers from developing merchandising and marketing activities[9]. Hungary is perceived as having the most developed retail system in Eastern Europe[3,15]. This is due, in part, to its early initiation of reforms. More recently, however, it is the foreign retailers that are effecting change. At present, Hungary has the greatest foreign retail presence with Austrian, Belgian and other multinational retailers operating food chains in the country. Many of the recent retail innovations have, therefore, been imported from the West. The newly privatized domestic retailers, however, have been quick to respond with better service and greater range. The result is that retailing in Hungary is converging with the Western pattern of development[16]. 33

Country Bulgaria Czechoslovakia Hungary Poland Rumania USA W Germany France

Number of automobiles (000s) 120 173 145 105 11 570 446 388

Source:[4]

Even though shops are being privatized (e.g. Czech and Hungary) or in cases where privatization has slowed, leased from State enterprises (e.g. Bulgaria), many shops with undesirable locations will remain in State hands in the medium term as few entrepreneurs will risk purchase. Of the ones which have been privatized, many still resemble their State/co-operative counterparts with regard to size and service. In fact, Jones[2] argues that there is little evidence of radical change and practice being introduced. Private retailers, however, do offer a greater range of products by crowding store shelves and making more efcient use of oor space. Freed from vertical ties with State-controlled food manufacturers and wholesalers, private food retailers are also able to offer higher quality, often imported, foodstuffs. In general, the Western perception has been that East European food distribution systems offer consumers less satisfaction in terms of products and quality of products on offer and in terms of retail service and shopping convenience.

Methodology for consumer research

Past studies (e.g. [17-19]) established a political, social and economic dichotomy formed by the Central-east European countries (now known as the Visegrad4) and the South-east European countries (those of the Balkans and Rumania). To make inferences about East European retailing, it was felt that a country from each region had to be sampled. Furthermore, owing to the rapid and varying levels of Western capital and retail technology transfer to the region, retail development is at a different state in each country. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Hungary were chosen to represent the different macro-environmental conditions and the varying levels of retail advancement found in the region. In the summer of 1993, 759 questionnaires were administered to food shoppers in Eastern Europe. Sampling took place in the capital cities to minimize the inuence of own food production (small plot) on consumer responses. Surveys from rural regions would probably be signicantly different as the availability of stores (fewer but larger), distance to shop, and own food production would distort the picture. Sample size was based on factor analysis requirements for the second part of the questionnaire[20]. For the purposes of this 34

research, 90 per cent or more of the respondents had to be the primary purchaser of food. Furthermore, quota sampling, including an equal number of respondents from ve age categories, was used. Further quotas were deemed expendable as the samples were not large enough to warrant further categorization. Nevertheless, because food shopping behaviour is known to be inuenced by gender, age, working status, income and marital status[20], in analysing the data analysis of variances (ANOVA) and chi-square tests were used to examine possible inuences of these socio-demographic factors on consumers perceptions of specic scales relating to food shopping. The main survey analysis was accomplished by determining the frequency of response and Pearsons chi square was used to determine signicant differences between countries. For responses other than factual responses, a 7-point Likert scale was used and the mean response also calculated. To assess the possibility that perceptions might be affected by whether consumers use a private, State or co-operative store, the mean responses were compared based on this variable. Statistically signicant differences are highlighted. Initially, cross-tabulations were to be run on all the socio-demographic factors. Gender, professional status and income, however, were subsequently dropped from the tabulations. Gender was discarded because the overwhelming majority of respondents were female. Income was eliminated because many refused to answer this question, or underreported income for fear of being reported to the tax authorities. A special problem arose with regard to professional status. Translators in both the Czech Republic and Bulgaria stated that professional classications would be virtually unknown. Because Communism stressed worker equality over the past 40 years, the translators felt many respondents would be unfamiliar with worker categories (professional/non-professional) and that education would be a more realistic classication of professional status.

Empirical ndings
Perhaps the most surprising particular to emerge from this survey analysis was the statistical signicance of nationality on consumer response. The chi square was less than

0.0500 for most responses. This suggests that either East European consumers or their retailing systems are not as homogeneous as previously assumed. It is not possible, nor would it be profound, to explain all the statistically signicant differences. Explanations are, therefore, given only for the more meaningful variations in consumer behaviour or perceptions.

Perceptions about private, state and cooperative retailers

One major unanticipated nding about Eastern European retailing was the number of respondents who do their main food shopping at private shops (Table III). Privatization gures available from the respective Statistical Ofces (1993) suggest that Hungary has the most private food retailers, followed closely by the Czech Republic, and lagging substantially is Bulgaria, which is only now seriously debating privatization[21]. According to this survey, however, 79 per cent of the Bulgarians use private food shops for their main shopping, 75 per cent of the Czechs and only 33 per cent of the Hungarians. This is almost a complete reversal of what was anticipated and can only be explained by the lack of information regarding retailing in the Czech Republic (most retailers had failed to register properly) and the leasing of shops from State enterprises in Bulgaria, which has received little, if any documentation. Western appraisals of the State/Co-operative retail distribution system being relatively
Table III Consumer perceptions by shop type

less developed in comparison with private retail system are substantiated by the questionnaire responses. Overwhelmingly, East Europeans (over 70 per cent) think that the private retailers offer the best quality, var iety, and ser vice. That gure is substantially higher for Bulgaria (over 90 per cent). Only on price did the State/co-operative stores in Hungary fare better. The Hungarians, overwhelmingly, perceive the State and co-operatives as offering the best prices. This is in contrast with the Czechs and Bulgarians, the majority of whom perceive the private food shops as offering the best prices. This does not bode well for the remaining State stores and even less well for the co-operatives as price is seen as their only competitive advantage. Another interesting point is that, in Hungary, it would appear that past reforms and longer experience with competition has enabled the State/co-op retailers to compete more successfully with the private sector in terms of quality and var iety of foods on offer. The opposite is in force in Bulgaria; the private sector, despite being in its infancy, scores signicantly higher on all aspects of retailing. In the late 1970s, Bulgaria and Hungary initiated economic reforms which encouraged small-scale private production. Since that time, farmers markets have played an important role in food retailing by offering both higher quality produce and greater variety. Budapest, Soa and Prague all have farmers markets which are frequented by consumers and form an important part of urban food

Private % Type of shop most used 79 75 33 93 77 67 95 78 55 98 79 77 45 59 14 35

State % 14 20 43 4 17 17 2 14 24 2 14 13 36 27 61

Co-op % 7 5 24 3 6 16 3 7 21 0 7 10 20 13 25

Country Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Shops with best quality foods

Shops with best variety foods

Shops with best service

Shops with best prices

distribution. In Budapest, the market has an especially good reputation for providing quality produce and, not surprisingly, 42 per cent of the respondents said they shop regularly at the market. In Soa, the farmers market is also important[22]; 28 per cent replied that they shop there though it was those under 45 years old who were most likely to use the markets. Although relatively new to the Czech Republic, farmers markets are gaining in importance[13]. Of the respondents from Prague 20 per cent said they go to markets regularly.

Retail shopping behaviour

Western perceptions about the frequency of food shopping are supported by the results of the questionnaire (Table IV). Almost a third of all East European respondents said that they shop every day for food while nearly 70 per cent are shopping at least 3 days a week. A primary reason for the frequency of shopping is that the present domestic infrastructure cannot support weekly shopping. Living space in Eastern Europe is extremely limited[5], as is refrigeration/freezer storage[23]. Domestic storage capabilities, therefore, are in many instances too low to support fewer shopping trips. A relatively low level of car ownership has also hindered weekly shopping. In the last few years, there has been a drastic increase in car ownership, but this was from a low base. Car ownership remains low by Western standards (see Table I). The recent increase in car ownership has also created congestion in the major cities; parking is now a major problem.
Table IV Shopping behaviour by country (frequency)

Consequently, many cannot rely on car transportation and, therefore, foods must be handcarried to the home. In fact, the vast majority live within walking distance and 75 per cent do their main food shopping less than one kilometre from their home (Table V). Those that do travel further are generally married, with a dual income and in the 26-45 year age range. The explanations for these ndings are probably because those of the age who have school-aged or younger children may be more willing to travel for their food needs. Those who are married and have dual incomes, are also more likely to be able to afford cars and, therefore, have the means to go greater distances when shopping. Although many foodstores are opened on Saturdays, the vast majority of East Europeans, 76 per cent, do their shopping on the weekdays, with just under half shopping at the end of the week (Table VI). A signicant exception is in Hungary where 41 per cent do most of the food shopping on Saturdays. Less than 1 per cent shop on Sundays and these shoppers are generally young (less than 25 years old). The lack of weekend shopping is due to limited store opening hours. Traditionally, stores have closed early on Saturdays, although that trend is changing as private retailers are willing to remain open longer to accommodate customers. Although not widespread, some food outlets are also open on Sundays; hence, a few people in each country said they do their main food shopping on Sunday. Most of the East European respondents shop in the afternoon (47 per cent) or morn-

Every day Shopping 36 frequency (%) 29 33

3 days a week 38 41 34

Twice a week 20 19 19

Once a week 4 8 11

Less than once a week 2 4 3

Total respondents Country 248 242 239 Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Table V Shopping behaviour by country (distance)

Within walking distance Distance to travel to shop (%) 68 44 55

Up to 1 km 17 29 25

1-2 8 8 14

2-3 3 3 3 36

3-4 1 3 2

4-5 1 4 1

5+ 2 10 1

Total respondents 249 240 233

Country Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Table VI Shopping behaviour by country (day of week)

MondayWednesday Day of week usually for shopping (%) 40 33 11

Thursday Friday 42 56 47

Saturday 17 7 41

Sunday 1 4 1

Total respondents 241 224 223

Country Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Table VII Shopping behaviour by country (time of day)

Retail environment
Much attention has been given to the relative inadequacy of retail shop size, its layout and atmosphere[5-7,14]. The responses East European shoppers gave suggest that Western observations compare with domestic perceptions about retail shopping environment (Figure 1). When asked whether their main food shop is sufcient for their needs, 62 per cent of the respondents indicated it is not. The older Hungarians are slightly more likely to nd the shop size insufcient. However, in Bulgaria it is the younger shoppers who feel their main food shop is insufcient for their needs. Married respondents, in all countries, were more likely to strongly disag ree that the shop size is sufcient. The layout of East European food stores has been criticized by the Western press[14,24] and compared with the West it would seem inefcient. The aisles seem too small, trafc ow is seldom smooth and the counter is like a barricade. When asked about the convenience of the store layout, responses varied by country but, overall, it is not deemed especially inconvenient. Perhaps this is explained by the small size of the average outlets, shopper familiarity with the outlet or by the unsophisticated expectations of East European food shoppers. The Czechs were the only ones who did not have a consensus on store layout; almost an equal number of people agreed, disagreed or failed to have an opinion on whether the layout of the store was convenient. Hungarians seemed most satised with 65 per cent not

Total Morning Afternoon Evening respondents Country Time of day to shop (%) 33 21 35 29 64 49 37 16 16 246 236 223 Bulgaria Czech Hungary

ing (30 per cent) with fewer shopping in the evening (23 per cent) (Table VII). Bulgarians were signicantly different from the Czechs and Hungarians in that over a third (37 per cent) do most of their shopping in the evening, and most of these respondents are married and have dual incomes. As might be expected, those likely to be retired, the over 55-year-olds, tend to do their main food shopping in the morning. Over half of the East Europeans spend 3 hours or less per week shopping for food although in all three countries at least 10 per cent of the respondents said they spend more than 5 hours a week shopping for food (Table VIII). In the Czech Republic that gure is almost 20 per cent. Those spending the most time shopping were married, and in the 26-45 age groups. In Hungary, the university educated were slightly less likely to spend more than 3 hours a week shopping. Of the East Europeans 40 per cent perceive food shopping as taking too long with 14 per cent strongly ag reeing (Table IX). The Czechs were least likely to perceive food shopping as taking too long (55 per cent) followed by the Hungarians (49 per cent). The Bulgarians were most likely to perceive food shopping as taking too long (53 per cent).

Table VIII Shopping behaviour by country (time spent)

Up to 1 hour Time spent shopping (%) 20 15 7

1-2hrs 22 19 30

2-3hrs 21 19 24

3-4hrs 16 10 21 37

4-5hrs 9 18 6

More than Total 5 hours respondents 12 19 12 248 241 240

Country Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Figure 1 Retail environment

Percentage 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Adequate shop size Good layout Helpful staff Friendly staff Pleasant atmosphere Pleasant shopping experience Clean shop Average response

Key:
Czech Bulgaria Hungary

Note: 1 = strongly agree / 7 = strongly disagree

Table IX Retail environment

Country Adequate shop size Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary Bulgaria Czech Hungary

Agree Neither agree Disagree (%) nor disagree (%) (%) 40 30 26 42 52 52 30 21 16 67 30 66 34 24 21 31 33 49 56 33 38 2 10 7 3 21 12 2 15 5 3 21 9 3 21 12 6 21 14 1 12 13 58 60 57 56 27 36 68 64 79 30 49 25 63 45 67 63 46 37 43 55 49 38

Good layout

Helpful staff

Friendly staff

Pleasant atmosphere

Pleasant shopping experience

Shopping Bulgaria does not Czech take too long Hungary

disagreeing, although the married and older shoppers were less likely to do so. However, over half of the Bulgarians (55 per cent) were likely to think the layout of the store was inconvenient. An interesting point is that the response to store layout is affected by whether respondents use a private, State or Co-operative food shop (Table X). Czechs and Hungarians who do their main food shopping at a private shop, are more likely to perceive the layout as being good. In Bulgaria, however, the differences in perceptions were not found to be statistically signicant. When asked about the cleanliness of food shops, most East Europeans agree food shops are clean. There are, however, statistically signicant differences in perceptions based on type of shop used. In the Czech Republic and in Bulgaria the food shoppers using private shops are more likely to agree that the shops are clean. By comparison, in Hungary, those using the co-operative shops are more likely to perceive the shops as clean. The Czechs were unable to agree about the store atmosphere with more people reserving opinion and an almost equal number agreeing or disagreeing. The majority of the Hungarians (67 per cent) and Bulgarians (58 per cent) disagreed that the shopping atmosphere is nice. In Bulgaria, however, those shopping in

Table X Retail environment by type of shop used

Country Good layout Czech

Shop type (%) Private State Co-op Private State Co-op Private State Co-op Private State Co-op Private State Co-op Private State Co-op Private State Co-op

Agree (%) 53 45 30 46 52 67 55 41 8 73 56 39 73 74 89 35 18 18 35 23 28

Neither agree Disagree Chi-square nor disagree (%) (%) signicance level (%) 23 25 8 16 12 7 19 18 15 3 16 6 4 13 2 4 15 0 3 6 0 24 30 62 38 36 26 26 41 77 24 28 55 23 13 9 61 67 82 62 71 72 0.08

Hungary

0.05

Clean shop Czech

0.01

Bulgaria

0.004

Hungary

0.06

Pleasant Bulgaria shopping experience Good Bulgaria atmosphere

0.02

0.09

private shops were more likely to perceive the atmosphere as pleasant. When it comes to stafng, the countries held similar views. Hungarians (79 per cent), Czechs (72 per cent), and Bulgarians (68 per cent) did not think the staff were helpful. Surprisingly, here it did not seem to matter what age category the shopper was in although the less educated and the single and widowed were more likely to strongly disagree. This supports Western perceptions about retailing staff and given that there are fewer self-service shops in Eastern Europe, these ndings lend added credence to poor retail service. On the other hand, the majority of the East European respondents felt the staff were friendly (Bulgaria 68 per cent, Hungary 65 per cent, and Czech 49 per cent) although older and younger respondents were less likely to think so. Given the recent retail innovation in Hungary, it was not surprising that more people thought shopping was a pleasant experience (48 per cent); although widowed Hungarians 39

disagreed. The Czechs were undecided, while the majority of the Bulgarians (61 per cent), in particular the university educated 26-35 year olds, thought food shopping was not pleasant.

Summary of East European retail and retailing behaviour

Most East Europeans shop on at least three days a week and usually in the afternoon. Although weekend shopping is available, with the exception of Hungarians, most do their main food shopping in the week. Almost all East Europeans do their main food shopping at outlets within walking distance of their homes. Western perceptions about Socialist food retailing being of a relatively lower quality are supported by responses given by East European consumers. The State/co-operative stores are viewed as being inferior to the private sector stores in terms of quality and variety of foods on offer, as well as on service.

With the exception of Hungary price is viewed better in the private sector. Despite the fact that many of the respondents do most of their food shopping in private outlets, remnants of Communist retailing remain. The average stores atmosphere is not pleasant, its layout is not especially convenient and the staff not helpful. In general, most East Europeans do not nd shopping for food a pleasant experience. Many of the inefciencies can be attributed to the former Communist governments; for example the low status they placed on retailing and the centralized process for distribution which prevented competition and innovation in the retail sector. While change in attitudes towards retailing is occurring, it will not do so rapidly. To some extent, however, the inefciencies are the result of poor domestic infrastructure, i.e., low automobile ownership, household food storage capabilities and low disposable incomes. The inux of Western distributors and retailers has generated some change in several East European countries and the private sector in all countries has responded to increased competition by offering a greater variety of higher quality foods. The stores, however, remain small, and until the domestic infrastructure improves, retail innovation will be limited. The speed at which retailing will converge with the West is, therefore, dependent to a large extent on the economic and political stability of each country. It is likely that some countries, i.e. Central European, will converge faster than those of the Balkans and Rumania.

6 Krazny, T., Retailing in Czechoslovakia, International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, Vol. 20 No. 6, 1992. 7 Jones, H., Eastern Europe selling itself short, Marketing Week, 10 May 1991, p. 30. 8 White, R., Multinational retailing a slow advance, Retail Distribution Management , Vol. 12 No. 2, March-April 1984, pp. 8-13. 9 Kaynak, E., Global retailing, Transnational Retailing, de Gruyter, Berlin, 1988, pp. 3-7. 10 Wills, G. and Hayhurst, R., Marketing in Socialist societies, European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 5 No. 2, 1971, pp. 13-28. 11 Gogol, V. and Bartels, R. (Eds),Wholesaling in the USSR in Comparative Marketing, Richard Irwin Inc, Homewood, IL, 1963, pp. 227-50. 12 Young, N., Agriculture and food policy in countries in transition to a market economy, British Food Journal, Vol. 95 No. 7, 1993, pp. 7-11. 13 Empirica, Status, Trends and Prospects of Agriculture in Czechoslovakia , Brussels-Luxembourg: Commission of the European Community ECSC-EEC-EAEC, 1991. 14 King, R., Retail food distribution in a Socialist state: the Polish experience, in Kaynak, E. (Ed.) Transnational Retailing, de Gruyter, Berlin, 1988, pp. 239-48. 15 Fulop, C., The changing structure of Hungarian retailing: prospects for foreign retailers, Journal of Marketing Management, Vol. 7, 1991, pp. 383-96. 16 Mueller, R., Wenthe, J. and Baron, P., The evolution of distribution systems: the case study of Hungary, International Marketing Review, Vol. 10 No. 4, 1993, pp. 36-52. 17 Jones, J., Human issues affect the dynamics of change in East European agrifood sector, British Food Journal, Vol. 95 No. 7, 1993, pp. 4-6. 18 Baeva, I., Eastern Europe past and present, Bulgarian Quarterly Review, March 1991, pp. 33-43. 19 Mellor, R., Eastern Europe: A Geography of COMECON, Macmillan, London, 1975. 20 Zeithaml, V., The new demographics and market fragmentation, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 49, Summer 1985, pp. 64-75. 21 BBN, Bulgaria ranked among high risk countries, Bulgarian Business News, Vol. 3 No. 24, 14-20 June 1993, p. 11. 22 OECD, Bulgaria an Economic Assessment, OECD Centre for Co-operation with the European Economies in Transition, Paris, 1992. 23 Marks, H., Food and Farming in Eastern Europe, Woodhead Publishing, London, 1992. 24 Shavov, G.,Bulgaria on the brink again, Detroit News, 22 July 1991.

References
1 Huddleston, P., Russian retail distribution: structure and product procurement, International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, Vol. 21 No. 4, 1993, pp. 20-8. 2 Jones, S., The future for fruit and vegetable distribution in Russia, British Food Journal, Vol. 95 No. 7, 1993, pp. 21-3. 3 Morton, C., Food distribution in Eastern Europe, British Food Journal, Vol. 95 No. 7, 1993, pp. 16-20. 4 Teitz, B., The opening up of Eastern Europe: the implications for West European businesses, in The Economics of Change in East and Central Europe, Academic Press, London, 1994, pp. 55-89. 5 Seitz, H., Retailing in Eastern Europe: an overview, International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management , Vol. 20, 1992.

Further reading
Mueller, R., East European food distribution efciency, De Montfort University, Leicester, unpublished PhD Thesis, 1994.

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